Minority Studies

Hip-hop in South Africa has been on a
roller coaster ride since its emergence as
a protest tool among non-white youths
against apartheid in the early 1980s.
Although the collapse of apartheid in
the early 1990s opened up an era of
commercialisation which ultimately
suppressed its “protest” feature, it has again
resurfaced reflecting the social hills of the
post-apartheid era, such as class struggles
and imbalances, corruption, HIV, violence,
racism and poverty.

The dislocated, deterritorialized discourse produced by repatriates from formerly European colonies has remained overlooked in academic scholarship. One such group is the Eurasian “Indo” community that has its roots in the former Dutch East Indies, today’s Indonesia. This article focuses on Tjalie Robinson, the intellectual leader of this community from the 1950s to the mid-1970s. The son of a Dutch father and a British-Javanese mother, Robinson became the leading voice of the diasporic Indo community in the Netherlands and later also in the United States. His engagement resulted in the foundation of the Indo magazine Tong Tong and the annual Pasar Malam Besar, what was to become the world’s biggest Eurasian festival. Robinson played an essential role in the cultural awareness and self-pride of the eventually global Indo community through his elaboration of a hybrid and transnational identity concept. By placing his focus “tussen twee werelden” (in-between two worlds) and identifying “mixties-schap” (mestizaje) as the essential characteristic of Indo identity, Robinson anticipated debates on hybridity, transnationalism, and creolism that only much later would draw attention from scholars in the field of postcolonial studies. This article highlights Robinson’s pioneering role in framing a deterritorialized hybrid alternative to nationalist essentialism in the postcolonial era.

I reassess the novel in the light of Marx’s ideas about the psychology of oppressed peoples (to which the title allude). The ‘dreamers’ are the Friulian peasantry, and their dream is emancipation and material wellbeing. Despite being written in standard Italian, Il sogno is arguably the work in which Pasolini engaged most closely with the social and historical realities in which the Friulian language existed. The novel testifies to the continuity Pasolini saw between linguistic concerns and political action – a discovery he made in Friuli and, I argue, shaped his engagement with other peripheries in Italy and beyond.

Since the colonial era, specific legal frameworks were introduced in the Northeast region to protect the rights of the people. These continued even after independence. But the people have been de- prived of their basic rights especially when it comes to Armed Force Special Power Act (AFSPA) 1958. Over the years, there have been debates on several critical issues that the people in the North- east region encounter. The recent Citizen Amendment Bill, 2016 which raises serious questions on issues pertaining to migrant population in the region, has ignored the basic problems that people have been facing over decades. This makes us believe that despite Indian democracy, access to so- cial justice in the region remains a critical issue.

Since 2013, the wars in Iraq and Syria have revived the persecution of Christians of the Middle East as an issue in Europe, in the context of Islamist targeting of religious minorities. The French case is especially revealing of the NGO, ideological and political movements that have emerged to advocate for the “Christians of the Middle East”, or “Oriental Christians” (in French, “Chrétiens d’Orient”, “Christians of the Orient”). The use of this term is far from reflecting the diversity of Christian standpoints with respect to these wars. Rather, both in France and in Syria, it contributes to processes in which identities become redefined.

This article is the Arabic translation (with minor modifications approved by the author) of an English original ("The KRG's Relationship with the Yazidi Minority and the Future of the Yazidis in Shingal") that was published by NRT, a Kurdish media outlet in Iraqi Kurdistan, on January 31, 2017. This Arabic translation was published by NRT on March 19, 2017. Both versions are available on Academia.edu and also appear on the NRT website.

This newspaper column from 2003 examines how Indians in Trinidad and Tobago are misled, guided by so many fears, the encouragement of feelings of victimhood, and smallness of vision. There is an important contribution for Indians to make to the building of this New World civilisation, which is still in its infancy and only half-made. What is needed is a vision, mission and leadership not griping about “discrimination”, but looking fearlessly to the future.

The start of the Great War and the tumult it generated continued until the foundation of the Republic of Turkey in 1923. Among the tragedies that happened in Turkish regions, that of Pontus, was characterised by massive killings, deportations, ethnic cleansings and other atrocities, which resulted in the disappearance of Christians without distinction to race, sect or nationality.

On top of that tragedy and for a different point of view in the study of those years, the testimony of Cirillo Giovanni Zohrabiàn is a valuable contribution. Born in Erzurum in 1881, Zohrabiàn was an Armenian Catholic of the Order of Friars Minor Capuchin. The records of his life between Erzurum and Trabzon in the years 1919-1923 were collected by him and published in Italian by Capuchins of Palermo in 1965 as his memories in Minor Asia.

In march 1923, the friar because of his assistance to Greeks of Pontus in terms of financial and humanitarian aid, was accused by Turkish authorities of being one of the leaders of Pontic Greek Committee, "the revolutionary Mesrob Sarkys". For that reason, he was expelled from Trabzon and sent by ship to Constantinople, where he was arrested, tortured and sentenced to death by hanging. Accused by the Turks, he sought for the help of the Dominican Order of the Church of SS Peter and Paul in Galata in order to prove his identity as friar. However, he was condemned to exile for helping the Greeks.

The aim of this paper is to expose the memories of Zorhabiàn. This would be the beginning of a research project on the Pontus tragedy based on Catholic archival and bibliography resources.

Jelen tanulmány legfőbb célja rávilágítani a választójog mint alapjog, egyik aspektusa, a választójog egyenlősége szerepére a jogállamiság koncepciójában, felvázolva a tudomány jeles képviselőinek erre vonatkozó álláspontját. A magyar alkotmánybíróság választójog egyenlőségéhez kapcsolódó legfontosabb határozatai és a Velencei Bizottság kapcsolódó ajánlásai is felvillantásra kerülnek. A kérdés kapcsán kiemelésre kerül a magyarországi nemzetiségek országgyűlési képviseletének kérdése is, amelynek megoldására a rendszer-váltás óta igény jelentkezett, amely igény csupán 2010-et követően került kielégítésre. Megvizsgáljuk, hogy több mint két évtizedes mulasztásos alkotmánysértés állt-e fent a nemzetiségek országgyűlési képviseletére vonatkozóan. Fényt derítünk arra is, hogy sikerült-e kedvezményes országgyűlési képviseletet biztosítani a Magyarországon élő nemzetiségeknek, vagy éppen hátrányosabb helyzetbe kerültek a nemzetiségi választópolgárként nem regisztrált választóknál?

הקהילה החרדית בישראל עוברת שינויים משמעותיים בעשורים האחרונים במגוון תחומים. שינויים אלה משפיעים על מעמדן של נשים בקהילה, על סוגי המטרות שנשים מציבות לעצמן, ועל הדרכים המגוונות בהן הן פועלות למען השגת מטרותיהן. במאמר הנוכחי אנו בוחנות את השינויים הללו, תוך התמקדות בדרך בה הנשים מגבשות את תפיסותיהן ביחס לתעסוקה על משמעויותיה השונות, וביחס לאופן שהן מתארות את מה שמכונה בספרות 'הנשיות הביתית' (Domestic Femininity) בדרכים שלא יפגעו ב"אידיאל החרדי" באופן מהותי. להבדיל ממחקרים הנוטים לחקור את תהליך יציאתן של נשים אלה לשוק העבודה הישראלי החילוני, והאופן שהן מתמודדות עם היציאה לסביבה החילונית, במאמר אנו בוחרות להתמקד בזירה אחרת, נוספת – זו של המעבר בין העבודה לבין התחום הביתי – מעבר שבו ניתן לבחון ייצוגים חדשניים של סוכנות של נשים השייכות לקבוצות דתיות שמרניות. המאמר שואף לתרום להבנה רחבה של הדרך בה נשים דתיות מבטאות סוכנות (Agency) תוך כדי היצמדות למבנה הפטריארכלי הדתי. בהתבסס על סדרה של ראיונות קבוצתיים עם נשים חרדיות, המאמר בוחן את הדרכים בהן נשים אלה מתארות את חוויותיהן במבנים המגדריים המשתנים ובמרחבים של החברה החרדית. בהתמקדות בניתוח של סוכנות בהקשר של שינוי במנהגים הפטריארכליים, המאמר תורם להבנת תפקידן של נשים בקידום שינוי בקהילות דתיות שמרניות. הניתוח מדגיש את הדרכים בהן נשים חוצות ובונות גבולות בין הביתי והציבורי, בין הבית והעבודה, וכן את הדרכים בהן הן ממשיגות ומגדירות יחסי כוח מגדריים בתוך הקהילה שלהן, בתוך הבתים שלהן ובינן לבין עצמן.

https://6ec31fed-8373-4ae5-aafb-90b0522db660.usrfiles.com/ugd/6ec31f_d775ca0e49344e60b26f5ff0162f4525.pdf

Bu yazı Şule GÖKÇENAY’ın (2009) Lozan Antlaşması’dan AB Sürecine Türkiye’de Azınlık Hakları başlıklı yazısı okunduktan sonra “konsept maping” çalışması yapmak amacı ile yazılmıştır.

Ülkemizde Azınlık Hak ve Hukuku çalışmalarının Lozan Antlaşması ile başlaması ve bu gün bile geçerli temel üzerine oturmuş olması her yönü ile bizim için onur vesilesidir.
Azınlık kavramının 19.yy büyük Avrupa Devletleri’nin zihinlerindeki yeri siyasi hayatta Balkan Savaşları ve mübadelelerin sonucunda oluşuyor. Hatta Balkan Savaşları’nın nedenleri arasında sayılır.
Yapılan her düzenlemenin bir bütünlük arzetmesi için Avrupa Konseyi’nin Türkiye Raporları’nın yalnız iki başlık altında; Medeni ve Siyasi Haklar ile Ekonomik, Sosyal ve Kültürel Haklar başlıkları altında toplanması gerektiğine inanıyorum.
Kürt insanlarımızın İstiklal Savaşı’na katılmış olmaları ülkemizde egemen unsur olduklarına delildir. Medeni ve Siyasi Haklar başlığı altında resmileşen son çalışmalarla yönetime katkıları artmaktadır. Henüz imzalanmamış Ulusal Azınlıkların Korunmasına İlişkin Çerçeve Sözleşme ve Avrupa Bölgesel veya Azınlık Dilleri Şartı ülkemizin Lozan Antlaşması ile oluşturduğu zeminde yerini bulan ve fakat uygulama yönü ile Kıbrıs için Birliğin önünde duran zor sınavlar gibi anlaşılmaktadır.
Avrupa Birliği açısından örnek alınabilecek benzer uygulamanın, Türkiye’nin uzun zamandır beraber çalıştığı Amerika’nın Pakistan- Afganistan bölgesindeki tasarruflarında görüleceği düşünülebilir.

This chapter discusses the evolution of minority policies in Poland after 1945 in the
context of the processes of ethnic homogenization and nationalization of the Polish state. It analyses the impact of political changes and ethnic structure on the national and minority policy of Poland at various stages of historical development of the country. It also explores whether, and if so, to what extent, the process of national consolidation in Poland has been completed, i.e. to what extent the national identity has prevailed over the regional or linguistic identities. The findings reveal that, after 1989, the minority issue is no longer a relevant factor in Polish politics, remaining within the confines of the dispute over the nature of the Polish identity between the conservative-nationalist and the leftist-liberal segments of Polish politics. At the same time, however, minority rights are not, despite the wording of the Constitution and relevant legislation, relegated to the level of democratic discourse by the political elites, but in many cases are rather seen as a challenge to the stability of the Polish statehood.

Picture tell stories. They also bring people together. The pictures presented in this book depict the transformations that have occurred in the highland of Northern Thailand over the last fifty years. They come from private collections of anthropologists, missionaries and development experts, both Thai and foreign, and most of them are displayed here for the first time. These images invite us to reconsider highlanders' cultures as intimately linked to, rather than separated from, those of the lowlanders. They also make us reflect on the construction of anthropological knowledge in this region. For sample pictures and detailed summary please see: http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/newmandala/2013/08/20/picturing-thailands-highlanders/

Throughout the history of psychology, the contributions of minority theorists, such as African Americans and females, have often been overlooked.  This paper analyzes these omissions and discusses how they have affected the field of psychology.

This project aims to give a simple and multi-layered presentation of the Muslim minority of Western Thrace and the relation between the Orthodox and the Muslim communities of Western Thrace. It was first observed that in Komotini, although it is a peaceful environment, the communities hardly interact socially and there seems to be concealed feelings of mistrust between them, expressed by the fact that this is a sensitive topic of discussion among the communities. Subsequently, the history and current issues of the region and the relation between the communities were studied in depth in order to identify the reasons behind the sensitive nature of the topic. Moreover, in order to get some more concrete information, the point of view of the locals was examined.

The fall of Saddam Hussein's regime allowed
change in the negotiation stance regarding powersharing
for major Kurdish, Shiite and Sunni groups, the
conflict among the different political currents of these
groups (Kurds, Shiites and Sunnis) have become one of
the key aspects for the effectiveness or ineffectiveness
of the political participation of smaller minority groups,
which have been affected by the nature of this conflict
and its outcome. This study reveals these aspects
by highlighting the main obstacles as identified by the
interviewed representatives of Iraq›s minorities

"What is secularism? Can secularism be compatible with post-colonial democracies? In the last years, a wide literature emerged in post-colonial societies has been focused on the notion of secularism and its relation with democracy. In this respect, the case of India is particularly relevant. In this country, “Nehru-Gandhi consensus” on the secular rule was based on the recognition of the difficulty to overcome the deep religious antagonisms emerged in the aftermath of the declaration of Independence. However, critics of secularism have shown that the process of secularisation in India has presented ambivalences and disintegrative potential.
This paper is concerned with the criticisms raised by two influential Indian scholars, namely Partha Chatterjee and Neera Chandhoke. In particular, it is focused on their critiques of Rawls’ model of political tolerance. Can the model of “reasonable pluralism” be useful in divided societies like India? I will show that the arguments raised by Chandhoke and Chatterjee cannot grasp key issues involved in this model. Although these two scholars present two distinct strategies of criticism (cultural relativism versus universalism of the principle of moral equality), both are likely to disregard the asymmetry between democratic legitimacy and justification, in other words both assume that liberal models of tolerance and reasonability would be acceptable and fully justified only by liberals."

Kolektivni identiteti Slovaka u Srbiji: značaj slovačkih kulturnih i prosvetnih institucija i konfesionalnog identiteta za konstruisanje i refleksije nacionalnog identiteta Slovaka u Srbiji – Kolektívne identity Slovákov v Srbsku: Význam slovenských kultúrnych a osvetových inštitúcií a konfesijnej identity pre konštruovanie a reflexie národnej identity Slovákov v Srbsku – Collective identity of The Slovaks in Serbia: The Importance of Slovak Cultural and Educational Institutions and Confessional Identity for the Construction and Reflection of the National Identity of the Slovaks in Serbia.

Kristijan Obšust
Nebojša Kuzmanović