Palestine Gaza

During the latter half of the 19th century, the town of Gaza in southern Palestine’s coast was integrated into the global system of maritime trade. The town exported large quantities of the northern Negev barley, a commodity of specified qualities for beer brewing in Europe, particularly Britain. As the barley trade developed, the town gradually abandoned its traditional role as a market on the margins of the desert and as a logistic point for the annual Hajj caravans, and came to rely, almost solely, on the precipitation-dependent trade in barley. The article portrays this transformation and demonstrates how parallel modernization processes in the Ottoman desert frontier in Palestine and in the urban industries and culture of Victorian Britain entangled to create supply, demand and a set of connectors between them. In essence, Ottoman ongoing efforts to “civilize” the Bedouin tribes of southern Palestine by forced settlement and pacification of violent struggles led these nomadic societies to increasingly rely on cultivation of barley as a mainstay. By ceasing to be nomadic and becoming semi-nomadic and even sometimes to sedentary, the tribes were able to accumulate great surpluses of this “cash crop” and traded with merchants from nearby Gaza. Concurrently in Britain, new systems of taxation opened up the brewing industry to private brewers and retailers, thus creating a surge in demand for the beverage. Technological innovations introduced at the same time at the breweries gave rise to new flavors, colors and textures of beer that largely transformed the experience of its consumption. In search for large quantities of the perfect raw material for modern brewing, Gaza emerged as a temporary international port city. Following a few decades of this “barley boom,” however, a series of droughts proved this monoculture financial backbone to be highly unreliable for the town. Probing these processes, it is argued that the barley trade prevented Gaza from fully evolving into a port city, thus situating it on a different path into the 20th century than its neighboring coastal cities along the Mediterranean shore.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has lasted over a century and has caused massive bloodshed and suffering and death. The following paper examines the subject of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, which has largely become one of the most controversial and differentiating issues within modern day international politics. The modern-day Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not based in thousand-year-old historical or biblical conflict between Jewish and Palestinian occupants. Nor is it an historically deep-seated religious struggle between Judaism and Islam. Rather, its framework is principally rooted in territorial claims, intricate modern politics, and issues about sovereignty of the nation-state entity. This paper begins with introducing the background and nature of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as an intractable conflict; then describes ways to realize the reconciliation and collective self-healing that are necessary for lasting peace.

Twitter is a social news service in which information is selected and distributed by individual members of the tweet audience. While communication literature has studied traditional news media and the propagation of information, to our knowledge there have been no studies of the new social media and their impacts on the propagation of news during extreme event situations. This exploration attempts to build an understanding of how preexisting hyperlink structures on the Web and different types of information channels affect Twitter audiences’ information selection. The study analyzes the concentration of user-selected information sources in Twitter about the 2009 Israel-Gaza conflict. There are three findings. First, a statistical test of a power-law structure revealed that, while a wide range of information was selected and redistributed by Twitter users, the aggregation of these selections over-represented a small number of prominent websites. Second, binomial regression analyses showed that Twitter user selections were not constituted randomly but were affected by the number of hyperlinks received and the types of information channels. Third, temporal analyses revealed that sources via social media channels were more prominently selected especially in the later stages of the news information lifespan.

عرض كتاب (العلاقات البحرينية الفلسطينية) لمؤلفه المؤرخ البحريني راشد الجاسم. "باللغة العربية" (كتب هذا العرض: د. علي فيصل الصديقي)

The book (Bahraini-Palestinian Relations) was presented to its author, Bahraini historian Rashid Al-Jassem. (wrote this presentation: Dr. Ali Faisal Al-Siddiqi)-  "In Arabic"

GİRİŞ Batı Şeria ve Gazze Şeridi 1967 yılında İsrail işgal devleri tarafından işgal edilmiştir. İşgal edilmiş bu topraklarda önceden beri süre gelen bir hukuk sistemi ve yönetim mevcut olmasına rağmen işgalin ardından tüm yönetim yapısı ve yasal hükümler İsrail tarafından iptal edilmiştir. Bu bağlamda, Filistin'de eğitim, İsrail tarafından yapılan askeri düzen ve yaptırımlardan zarar gören ana sektörlerden biridir. 1 1967'ye kadar Filistin'in eğitim sistemi Ürdün ve Mısır'ın düzenlemelerine tabi iken 1967 yılından itibaren İsrail'in yönetimi altına girmiştir. Filistin'in eğitim sistemini tekrar kendi elinde toplaması ise 1994 yılında mümkün olmuştur. Filistin topraklarında 50 yıldır uzayıp giden İsrail'in uyguladığı siyasi şiddete rağmen eğitim Filistinliler için önem ve öncelik açısından gündelik hayatlarının ilk sırasında yer almaktadır. 2013 yılında Dünya Bankası'nın yaptığı bir ankete göre genç Filistinlilerin (10-24 yaş) yüzde 60'ı eğitimi hayatlarının ilk sırasına koymuşlardır ve bölge ile karşılaştırıldığında Filistin'de okuma-yazma oranı diğer ülkelere göre oldukça yüksek olup yüzde 90 oranındadır. 2 Dünyadaki ve bölgedeki diğer eğitim sistemleri ile karşılaştırıldığında Filistin'de okula kayıt durumu, kızlar ve erkekler toplam %90'ın üzerinde oldukça yüksek bir orandadır. Filistin'de İsrail'in silahlı saldırıları altında yaşayan çocuklar için okul güvenli ve korunaklı bir yapı olması gerekirken okul şiddetin çeşitli türlerinin maruz kalındığı bir yer haline gelmiştir. Batı Şeria ve Doğu Kudüs özelinde düşünecek olursak öğrenciler okula giderken ve eve dönerken İsrail askerleri ve İsrailli yerleşimciler tarafından fiziksel şiddete maruz kalmakta ve bu yüzden de öğrencilerin eğitim imkânları sınırlanmaktadır. Okul içerisinde de çeşitli şiddete maruz kalan öğrenciler ya akranları olan İsrailli yerleşimci ailelerin çocuklardan ya da öğretmenlerinin uyguladığı dayak cezası ile fiziksel şiddete maruz kalmaktadır. Bu araştırma Filistin'de okullardaki eğitim üzerine yoğunlaşmıştır. Makale boyunca Filistinli öğrenciler ve aileler üzerinde nasıl ve ne derece bir psikolojik baskı ve fiziksel şiddet olduğu ortaya konacak okulların ve verilen eğitimin güvenilirliği tartışılacaktır.

Editörden…

El Kuddüs olan Rabbimize hamd
Fahr-ı alem efendimize salat ile..

Deneme sayımıza gösterdiğiniz yoğun teveccühten aldığımız güç ve cesaret ile birinci sayımızı arz ediyoruz.

Uzun ara ile çıkıyor olmanın en talihsiz tarafı, bir sayı çıktığı anda sizin için çok önemli bir olayın vuku bulması.

Nuri Pakdil üstadın dar-ı bekaya irtihali tam dergimizin çıktığı günlere denk geldi ve biz “en delikanlı Kudüs muhafızına “ yazılarımızda yeteri kadar yer veremedik. İnşaallah bu açığı kapatırız.

“Kudüs’ü kol saati gibi taşımak”

Ancak bir ustadan çıkacak ufuk tarifi, talimat
Uyandığınızda ilk ona bakarsanız,
Belki abdest alırken ayrılırsınız birkaç dakika
En önemli işlerde size yol veren ya da dur gitme diyen talimatlar saate bakarak, ondan ilham ile alınır.

İşiniz yoksa da arada bir bakarsınız saatinize ya babanızdan yadigâr, ya da bir sevdiğinizin hediyesidir.

Eskiyince bıkılan, değiştirilen eşyalara inat saat eskidikçe daha fazla benliğinize yer eder.

Maddiyatçı zihniyet bile eskisine daha çok paha biçer...

This was the first-ever article to describe and analyze the possibility of a One-State Solution for Palestine/Israel from a Mizrahi positionality both in the Hebrew original and the English translation. Its composition -- like all of Lavie's writing about the Mizrahi feminist struggle in the context of the Question of Palestine -- has been fraught with all manner of relentless campaigns by those elements in academia that
would rather have Lavie and her research disappear. Needless to say that shortly after this article saw print in the Hebrew original in 2008 its analysis of the possibility for a one state solution for the Israel/Palestine conflict was appropriated and published without proper quotation or citation.

Open-air prison, Terror, Resistance, Occupation, Siege, Trauma, Bare humanity: irrespective of when, where, and to whom the word is uttered, Gaza immediately evokes an abundance of metaphors. Similarly, a plethora of metaphors also invoke Gaza: Crisis, Exception, Refugees, Destitution, Tunnels, Persistence. With essays written by journalists, writers, doctors, academics and others, this volume uses metaphor to record and historicize Gaza, to contextualize its everyday realities, interrogate its representations and provide an understanding on Gaza's real and symbolic significance. The essays within, written both from within Gaza and outside, touch on life and survival, the making of the Gaza Strip and its increasing isolation, the discursive and visual tools that have often shackled Gaza behind misunderstandings, and what Gaza contributes to our understanding of exception; inequality; dispossession; bio-politics; necro-power and other terms which we rely on to make sense of our world. The volume reveals how Gaza is an outcome of specific historical and spatial practices, and not simply a metaphor of a far-away humanitarian disaster or place of incomprehensible violence. Gaza As Metaphor demonstrates that Gaza is a real place, an inseparable part of the past, present, and future condition of Palestinians, in particular, and of dispossession, more generally.

With nationalism then moving across Europe, some Zionist Jews believed that religious and racial ties among Jews were necessary to establish a Jewish “nationality” and bequeathed the so-called “Jewish nation state” with national rights including the right to separate existence in a foreign occupied territory and the right to form a Jewish state. “Jewish nationalism” would be the driving force for colonization. The objective of Zionism was described as: “The object of Zionism is to establish for the Jewish people a home in Palestine secured by public law.”    Theodor Herzl, (1860-1904) a visionary behind modern Zionism had written in his diary after the First Zionist Congress in Basel: “If I were to sum up the Basle Congress in one word — which I shall not do openly — it would be this: at Basle I founded the Jewish State. If I were to say this to-day, I would be met by universal laughter. In five years, perhaps, and certainly in fifty, everyone will see it.”  Herzl's philosophy found tremendous support from the poverty-stricken Jews of Eastern Europe and Russia.

This study analyzes the political reasons that allowed the Islamic State to expand successfully in Syria and Iraq, by enabling to ‘franchise’ worldwide, and the role of the regional governments in this issue. The essay provides a different explanation from the classic approach of the “clash of civilizations” theorized by Samuel P. Huntington, ascribing responsibility for the growth and expansion of the Islamic State to the complex framework of geopolitical alliances within the Muslim civilization and the Arab world. The paper highlights the attempt by Turkey to establish itself as a regional power and guidance of the Islamic world, by resurrecting the Caliphate, and, based on this, explains the contrast with the Islamic State, which goal is the foundation of a globalized Caliphate. The plans of the Turkish President Erdoğan for a Great Turkey, allied with Egypt, have foundered with the coup that ousted the Muslim Brotherhood from power. The study relates the connection of Ankara with the Kurds, regarding the management of the crisis in Syria and Iraq, and the Turkish liaison with regional powers (Iran, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Israel) and other powers (Russia, Cina and USA).

The JVC Palestine Portfolio is an incredibly powerful, heartfelt, heart-wrenching, life-affirming and hopeful polyphony of reminiscences, art works, graphic designs, scholarly texts, critical writings, briefings, visual activism, petitions, and mobilisations. Thanks to Sage, it is free to access, and is available to download (and circulate widely, if you’re so inclined) on the Sage site and here.

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The JVC Palestine Portfolio with contributions by: Larissa Sansour, Rashid Khalidi, Mazen Kerbaj, The Mosaic Rooms, Strike MoMA, Ariella Azoulay, Danah Abdulla, Rounwah Adly Riyadh Bseiso, Hanan Toukan, Zeina Maasri, Adrian Lahoud and Jasbir K. Puar, Yoav Galai, Distributed Cognition Cooperative (Anna Engelhardt and Sasha Shestakova), Evyn Lê Espiritu Gandhi, Firas Shehadeh, Sami Khatib, Léopold Lambert/The Funambulist, Tina Sherwell, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Rochelle Davis and Dan Walsh, Lina Hakim, Ariel Caine, Nida Sinnokrot/Sakiya, Yara Sharif, Visualizing Palestine, Nada Dalloul, Simone Browne, Rehab Nazzal, Lila Sharif, Oraib Toukan and Mohmoud M Alshaer, Mark Muhannad Ayyash, Omar Kholeif, Oreet Ashery, The Palestinian Museum, Kareem Estefan and Nour Bishouty, Ghaith Hilal Nassar, Adam Broomberg, Kamal Aljafari, Nicholas Mirzoeff, Palestinian Feminist Collective, W.J.T. Mitchell, Dar El-Nimer for Arts and Culture, Jill H. Casid, Macarena Gómez-Barris, Stephen Sheehi, Susan Greene, Sunaina Maira, and Shourideh C. Molavi and Eyal Weizman.

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The JVC Palestine Portfolio

Journal of Visual Culture’s Editorial Collective has a longstanding commitment to tracking and analyzing critically the continued unfolding of racialist, colonialist, and jingoistic discourses. The journal often provides a critical space wherein these discourses can be researched and debated so as to redress the social, political, and ethical injustices that continue to plague the world we share. Everything we do in this journal exists under the sign of Stuart Hall’s vital challenge: ‘We must mobilise everything [we] can find in terms of intellectual [and other] resources in order to understand what keeps making the lives we live and the societies we live in profoundly and deeply antihumane in their capacity to live with difference’.

As a Collective, then, we stand in solidarity with Palestinians against Israeli settler colonialism and the Apartheid that results from it.

Compelled to respond to the urgency of the moment instigated by the Israeli regime’s actions in Gaza in May and June 2021, which we also acknowledge as a part of the ongoing Nakbah and an extension of official policies of displacement and erasure since 1948, we sent out an email with the subject line: ‘Journal of Visual Culture for Palestine: a call to [name of recipient]’, asking for a favour, for cooperation, for a contribution. The email in full is as follows:

Download to read on...

Little research has been devoted to date to the work and social background of the arzuhalcis, the professional letter and petition writers in the Ottoman Empire, even though they were part of the Ottoman urban landscape of the 19 th century and handled most of the public's writing and correspondence with the authorities. The services they offered were well known to the general public and a wide variety of people, men and women, urbanites, villagers, Bedouins, and officials alike, approached them and paid for having their petitions written professionally. This article examines the arzuhalacis' social profile and status in society based on the Ottoman census of 1905 for the city of Gaza on the southern Palestine coast. Petitions sent from this city to Istanbul by the city's urban population as well as by peasants and Bedouin from the region were for the most part written in Arabic, often in a very high register, which no doubt was formulated by professional petition writers. Several questions come to mind when exploring the place of the arzuhalcis in Gaza, in particular given what we know about this city's stormy politics at the time. How many petition and letter writers were active in this city? Were any of them identified with one of the factions in this city to an extent that others from rivaling coalitions refrained from using their services? Were any of the petition writers in Gaza former state employees, or perhaps non-natives of Gaza? What was their relationships with state and local officials? Finally, where were they active in Gaza's public space? This article attempts to respond to some of these questions to better understand the role of the arzuhalcis in the public space of a late Ottoman provincial city in Greater Syria.

What is the relationship between Mizraḥi feminism and Israeli ultra-nationalism? What is the relevance of gender justice activism to Operation Protective Edge (the 2014 Gaza War) and Israel’s foreign policy? Mizraḥi protests dissipate and disappear when the Israel-Palestine conflict dominates the headlines. This essay connects intra-Jewish racial and gendered dynamics to the 2014 Gaza War. It tracks sequences that began with social protest and ended with elections that bolstered Israel’s political right wing. In between came bloodletting between the Israeli Defense Forces, the Palestinian Authority, and Israel’s neighboring Arab states. The 2014 Gaza War was a watershed not only for the Israel-Palestine conflict; under the smokescreen of war, Israel accelerated neoliberal economic reforms. The first victims of this restructuring were Mizraḥi single mothers. Palestinians, however, would pay the highest price for Israel’s Mizraḥi-Ashkenazi rift.

Corrigendum:
Please note the following reference was inadvertently omitted from Smadar Lavie’s “Gaza 2014 and Mizrahi Feminism” PoLar 22(1) 85-109. The reference that should have been 2014b is:
Knesset of the State of Israel. 2014b. Plenum no. 157. Second Session Meetings 157-159 [in Hebrew]. no. 35: 14-16, July 14, 16:01. https://main.knesset.gov.il/Activity/plenum/Pages/SessionItem.aspx?itemID=555497
The omission impacted the sequence of references in the bibliography. The previous “Knesset of the State of Israel 2014b” is now “Knesset of Israel 2014c”:
Knesset of the State of Israel. 2014c. “Ratification of Amendment to Ḥok HaHesderim” [in Hebrew] The Book of Laws 2461: 638, July 27. http://fs.knesset.gov.il//19/law/19_lsr_303825.PDF
Page numbers are from the final PoLar printed version of the article.

My complaint to the Jewish Chronicle now with IPSO. It gives a simplified version of my long argument in MuralGaga, namely, that MuralGate was not a "last straw" to which exasperated Jews said "enough is enough" but a calculated plan to fabricate outrage.

What is the relationship between Mizrahi feminism and Israeli ultranationalism? What is the relevance of gender justice activism to the 2014 Gaza War and Israel’s foreign policy?

Wrapped in the Flag of Israel Second Edition examines neoliberal bureaucracy in the Global South using feminist critical race theories. It interrogates the relationship between the State of Israel and its Mizrahi single mothers who are at the forefront of Mizrahi feminism. It also presents a model of bureaucracy as divine cosmology that preempts the agency of disenfranchised Mizrahim who are Israel’s demographic majority. Mizrahi protests fall flat when the Israel-Palestine conflict dominates the headlines. While most studies of neoliberal bureaucracy employ a Foucauldian or Marxian lens, this book illustrates how Israeli bureaucracy draws on a theological essence that fuses religion, gender, and race into the foundations of citizenship. It sets out to understand why Mizrahi mothers remain loyal to a state that injures them though its bureaucratic system.

The extensive Afterword to the Second Edition connects intra-Jewish racial and gendered dynamics to the 2014 Gaza War. It tracks sequences that began with social protest and ended with elections that bolstered Israel’s political right. In between came bloodletting between the IDF, the Palestinian Authority, and Israel’s neighboring Arab states. The 2014 Gaza War was a watershed, but not only in the Israel-Palestine conflict. Under the smokescreen of war, Israel accelerated neoliberal economic reform. The first victims of this restructuring were Mizrahi single mothers. Palestinians, however, would pay the highest price for Israel’s Mizrahi-Ashkenazi rift.

The Gaza Strip may be the world’s most relentless conflict zone. After decades of destruction and resistance, it is hard to imagine a different reality. But before the Gaza Strip, there was Gaza—a gateway city within an eponymous region with a much-neglected history. Stripped is an exploration of the Gaza borderland that aims to salvage Gaza’s past from the conceptual and historiographic shackles imposed by the current reality of the Gaza Strip, as well as to render imaginable a horizon for Gaza beyond this reality. The work is the first to methodologically depart from the common understanding of the Gaza Strip as purely a consequence of the 1948 war. Instead, Stripped situates Gaza within a century-long history of the Eastern Mediterranean’s integration into the global market economy, the Ottoman-British quest for imperial sovereignty over the Sinai-Palestine-Hijaz desert corridor, and the Palestinian struggle to overcome the urban and environmental destruction of World War I in the face of British and Zionist colonialism.
Relying on little-studied sources in Arabic, Ottoman Turkish, Hebrew, English, and French, the dissertation explores how the Gaza region adapted to Ottoman agrarian reforms and gravitated into British economic orbit in the Mediterranean. As a result of these processes, Gaza of the late nineteenth century reoriented its economy from land to sea and turned to fully rely on exporting its locally cultivated barley to the British beer-brewing industry overseas. While generating promising growth for some two decades, global demand for grains diversified widely in the early twentieth century, leading to an abrupt collapse of Gaza’s new financial base. Concurrently, the very trade Gaza relied upon sliced this historic borderland into separate zones of imperial domination, turning it into a frontier between the Ottomans and the British. Gaza thus became one of the Middle East’s most devastated battlefronts during the First World War. When Palestine was made a formal political unit under the British Mandate, Gaza was both financially and physically in ruins, forced into a slower, more convoluted historical trajectory than other parts of the country. Ruins and their meanings, therefore, are central to the dissertation’s inquiry, as they turned in the interwar period into a contested ground in the struggle for Gaza’s recovery. Dwelling among the physical debris of their former city, Gazans had to marshal waqf regulations and Ottoman land legislation to restore their urban and agricultural environments against British antiquities preservation and land development schemes. Navigating often contradictory reconstruction initiatives, the people of Gaza toiled to carve themselves a space within the emerging Palestinian national collective as well. However, after a century-long “stripping” of its previous economic, social, and political centrality, Gaza could only remain peripheral to the political upheavals of the Mandate period and finally even remote from the battlefields of the 1948 war. It thus almost naturally emerged as a safe temporary shelter for wartime Palestinian refugees, around which the Israeli and Egyptian armies demarcated the Gaza Strip.

Gaza emerged from the Crusading and Ayyubid periods as a small town of minor importance, particularly run down by incessant military activity in the area in the middle decades of the thirteenth century. Under the Mamluk Sultans from 1260 CE onward, the city regained much of its former importance, and perhaps, in some ways, reached new heights. It is described in Arabic and other sources as a prosperous center, not least due to it becoming the capital of a newly organized province around 1300. Other reasons behind these auspicious economic and demographic trends were the massive patronage of the Mamluk elite, a burgeoning agricultural hinterland and ongoing interregional trade. Probably the most important cause for the overall positive developments in the city and its surrounding countryside was the general sense of security provided by the Mamluk regime, including arrangements to keep local nomads (not only Bedouins, but also Kurds and Turkmans who immigrated to the area) under control and to integrate them into the local economy and administrative scheme. Gaza and its region also underwent a process of Islamization, encouraged by the Mamluk authorities. The city and its environs certainly took on a more Islamic appearance, due to construction of large and small buildings. There were increased Muslim religious activities of various kinds in mosques, madrasas, zawiyas and maqams. This may well indicate an increased Muslim population in the region, both in absolute and relative terms. Gaza can be seen an as example of such trends of Islamization in Palestine (and beyond) in the period between the end of Frankish rule and the coming of the Ottomans in 1516.

Refugees confront fear, distress, devastating despair, and sometimes misleading optimism because of their vulnerability. However, all refugees are entitled to return to the homelands from which they have fled because of persecution or fear of it. Conventions and provisions of international law stipulate repatriation and/or compensation as sustainable solutions for refugees. This paper introduces the definition of refugees and their Right of Return, and the reasons that prompted the creation of this legally binding, unconditional, and inalienable right and the rule of law in affirming it. The paper will provide a summary survey of how this right has been applied in practice.
The second section of the paper considers the Right of Return as applied to refugees resulting from the ethnic cleansing of Palestine, which began more than seventy years ago. The current legal basis of the right of Palestinian refugees as ‘individuals’ to return to their homeland, has been affirmed in many United Nations Resolutions, whether issued by the General Assembly or by the Security Council. The Palestinian Right of Return has never ceased to exist, but this right has been neglected and denied by Israeli practices and policies, destroying the prospect of a viable peace in Palestine. For almost seventy-one years, it has proved impossible to offer a sustainable solution to the Palestinian refugee problem. The main obstacle has been the denial and refusal by the Israeli government of the obligations it has as a Member Stateof the UN, under many UN Resolutions, to facilitate and allow the Right of Return of Palestinian refugees to their homeland. Some of Israel’s laws have compromised the possibility of refugee return. These include the Israeli Law of Return and its Law of Nationality. 
Despite the UN Resolutions, the UN has been ineffective in defending Palestinian refugees’ rights. Palestinian refugees continue to suffer miserable circumstances despite successful UN interventions in other refugee situations. Notwithstanding this selective access to justice, Palestinian refugees have not abandoned their right to return, as illustrated recently by the Great March of Return at the armistice line between Israel and the Gaza Strip. The paper concludes with a consideration of the failure of international law to protect the inalienable right of Palestinian refugees more than seventy years after the beginning of the ethnic cleansing which led to the Palestinian refugee problem.

Keywords: Palestine, Israel, Ethnic Cleansing, Refugees, Right of Return, United Nations.

This essay provides a range of ideas and links for introducing students and teachers to the challenge of including the Israel/Palestine conflict, its roots and realities, in the EFL (English as a Foreign Language) classroom: within Israeli schools, in Palestine and among the many nodes and refugee camps of the Palestinian diaspora, as well as elsewhere in the world of international teaching of EFL. The focus here is largely on Gaza, since in the mind of many students it stands as a recent catastrophic icon of the endless and brutal struggle and carnage, a veritable trope of Israeli state terrorism and war crimes against an innocent neo-colonized population.

Written from a left Jewish-Israeli viewpoint that is the author’s own, this is not a set of articulated lesson plans, but many such mini-plans could be developed from the aspects and sources highlighted. The article seeks to fashion a bricolage (Steinberg, 2006) for a ‘critical CLIL’ (Content and Language Integrated Learning) in the Israeli EFL classroom at Jewish and Arab schools, among Palestinian learners wherever they may be, especially in Gaza and the Occupied West Bank, and in EFL “issues-oriented’ learning elsewhere. The essay is also in the spirit of Paulo Freire, whose ‘critical pedagogy was unashamedly tasked with liberating both the oppressed and their oppressors from the self-perpetuating dynamics of subjugation” (Evans & Giroux, 2015: 9).

Importantly, a longer version of this same article (same title) appears here in Academia/edu under Articles, expanded in the summer of 2015.

An earlier version of this article, in part revised upon pointed request from the top echelon of IATEFL, who held up publication of the article and entire GISIG Newsletter for several weeks, appeared in the summer issue of the IATEFL GISIG Newsletter, #32, 25-32, and has been  expanded here; what some within IATEFL regarded as potentially ‘objectionable’ paragraphs have here been included.

This study aims to investigate the role of freelancing in job creation in Gaza strip. The study examined the freelancer through dividing it into its sub-parts which are: technology, skills, contacts, awareness of job availability and skills mismatch.
To meet the aim of the study, the statistical approach was followed. A questionnaire was distributed online as the data collection tool. The study population was 260 persons who received extensive trainings to work as freelancers by MercyCorps Association in Gaza; 199 questionnaires were collected out of 260 distributed.
The study findings showed that the independent variables: technology, skills, contacts, awareness of job availability and skills mismatch are important factors that every freelancer should have before and during working as freelancer. These variables contribute to the success of freelancers in getting jobs and performing these jobs. It also indicated that freelancing is still new in Gaza Strip as most of the respondents has been freelancing from 3-5 years. The study results also showed the high important role that technology plays in promoting and making the work of freelancers easier.
The study recommended creating free access to learning resources for those involved in freelancing and for freelancers-to-be people to help in increasing the awareness of freelancing skills and tools. It also recommended connecting the freelancing with the high education institutes to help students better engage in freelancing work upon their graduation. The study assures about the role of the policy makers in promoting and facilitating the work of freelancers through campaigns, providing free work places and providing verified payment methods for freelancers.

Was Ishmael a highly intelligent Arab scholar of all the Arab wisdom?  According to the Torah, YES.  Gone are the disparaging remarks of the Bible Version narratives when the texts are investigated. The painful facts are that the Shomron Text of Torah has a different narrative than the Masoretic Text that Bible Versions promote.  Investigating the text reveals a cloth sheet for pious reverence (a cloth Torah!) where patriarch Abraham has taught his family the path of faith.  The Black Stone from Adam was in the hands of patriarch Abraham and this segment describes that famous Al Hajr AlAswad! Clues for unraveling the wicked deeds of the Roman Ecclesiastical Versions reveals the present truth. The escalating conflict in Gaza in this authors opinion is due to the misreadings of Torah promoted by false Bible Versions that a heavy hand is to be placed upon Ishmael's descendants.  Further extensive documentation about this subject is in the article by this author called Caliphate Begins where the reader can comprehend the massive ecclesiastical fraud foisted upon this generation.  By understanding the Abrahamic Covenant Vessel, this generation can recognize the foretold King Mahdi and the Khurasaan flags of truth.

This article examines petitions sent to Istanbul at the end of the nineteenth century by Bedouin groups from the kazas (subdistricts) of Jaffa and Gaza, on Palestine’s central
and southern coast. The Bedouins’ use of the petition process shows that many of them, especially those who had gone through a process of sedentarization, played according
to the rules prevailing among the urban and rural populations in their vicinity. Their petitions also demonstrate vividly the extent to which they were involved in city politics
and social life. Bedouins confidently put forward claims to landownership based on their own legal interpretation of their rights and, at times, even adopted the dominant
discourse on good governance.

This paper was originally presented at a conference on "The History of , 1099-1250: Conflict and Co-Existence," held at the University of St. Andrews in April 2016.  For more on this volume, see:
https://edinburghuniversitypress.com/book-syria-in-crusader-times-hb.html

İsrail’in 1948 yılında Filistin topraklarını işgal etmesi sonrası Filistin edebiyatında “işgal” ve “direniş” konulu yüzlerce roman yazılmıştır. İşgalin Filistin halkına maddi ve manevi maliyetlerini konu alan bu romanların önemli bir kısmı İsrail cezaevlerinde tutuklu bulunan Filistinli direnişçilerin maruz kaldığı insanlık dışı vahşi uygulamaları dile getirmektedir. Modern Arap romanının geçen yüzyılda popüler konularından olan “cezaevi edebiyatı” kapsamında değerlendirilen bu romanların genel olarak “işkence”yi ana tema olarak merkeze aldığı görülmektedir. İsrail Yüksek Mahkemesi 1999 yılında almış olduğu bir kararla o tarihe kadar soruşturmalar sırasında İsrail güvenlik birimlerine zanlıya fiziksel şiddet uygulamasına izin veren bir yasayı iptal etmiştir. Bu tarihten itibaren iptalin ilgili merciler tarafından kapalı kapılar ardında ne ölçüde ve nasıl uygulandığı bir Filistinli romancının yazınsal malzemesi olmuştur. Filistinli usta roman yazarı Velid el-Hûdeli’nin 2003 yılında yayımladığı “Setâiru’l-atemeh” adlı romanı, İsrail istihbaratı ve askeri yargı mensuplarının Filistinlileri sorgulaması esnasında Yüksek Mahkemenin 1999 tarihli kararını bir şekilde dolanarak yine işkenceye devam ettiklerini ifade etmektedir. Son yıllarda Arap romanında ilgi gören çoklu bakış açısı anlatımı ile olayların aktarıldığı bu romanda fiziksel şiddetin yerine uygulanan psikolojik şiddet farklı açılardan tasvir edilmiştir. İsrailli istihbarat birimlerinin sanığı “itiraf”a zorlamak için günlerce uykusuz bırakarak akli muhakemesini etki altına almaya çalışmak gibi akla hayale gelmeyecek hileli yollar denemesi bunun örneklerinde sadece birisidir. Eser modern roman anlatım teknikleri ve içerik bakımından araştırılmıştır.    Roman bir taraftan İsrail’in gizlilik içerisinde yine işkenceye devam ettiğini deşifre etmeye çalışırken diğer taraftan da Filistinli direnişçileri davalarında motive etme niyetindedir. Sıklıkla sahabe dönemi kahramanlıklarına atıfta bulunulan eserin çatışma unsurunu “İslam” ekseninde tutmaya çalıştığı, aşılamak ve canlı tutmak istediği “dava” bilincini ayet ve hadislerle desteklediği görülmüştür.

We assert that almostness simultaneously indexes a condition or thing and its partial lack of that very condition or thing.  On that basis, we propose that a non-binary state of Almost Peace/Almost War has become the fluctuating norm in contemporary Israel.  This article presents a brief ethnographic analysis of that norm and its effects.

Ruins typically mark the endpoint of historical stories, regarded as objects worthy of attention only for the bygone times they represent. But what might a history reveal if it took ruins as its departure point? How would a history of ruins look? This article aims to write ruins into history by pondering the case of Gaza in the aftermath of World War I. The ruins of the city, it is argued here, were the site of a transformation in the modalities of urban change: what had been a ubiquitous and organic process of evolution in the cityscapes of the Middle East up to the late nineteenth century was replaced by top-down spatial convention, imposed by the modern state. This transformation deprived ruins from their long-standing role as essential elements of the urban landscape and flattened them into mere emblems of cultural decay. Consistent with the ontological stance of the progress/decline binary, by the early twentieth century, spatial ruination had become regarded as a unidirectional rather than multidirectional process. This modern framing of ruins proved especially significant for postwar Gaza, whose reconstruction efforts were consequently plagued by internal contradiction.

As in every kinetic military campaign against Hamas and its allies in the Gaza Strip, the cognitive aspect was embedded from the very beginning of Operation Guardian of the Walls, and its importance increased as the campaign progressed. The integration of the cognitive campaign with the kinetic is essential for the realization of military achievements in order to then reap political gains. For Israel, the first cognitive achievement required is a deep engraving in the minds of Hamas commanders and their associates, as well as in the minds of the Gaza Strip population, of the growing and intolerable cost of the recent military venture and any rounds to come.

Fikir namusunu koruyabilmiş, ehl-i vicdan bir ses demiştim Norman Finkelstein hakkında yazarken. 30 yılını Filistin davasına adamış, adalet için fırtınayı tek başına göğüsleyebilmiş bu zatı dilim döndüğünce anlatmaya çalışmış ve yazımızın devamını sözü kendisine vererek getirmek istediğimi belirtmiştim. Sağ olsun beni kırmadı ve kendisi hakkındaki yazımı tam olarak tamamlayacağını düşündüğüm soruları cevapladı. Ben kendisini anlatmıştım, biraz da o anlatsın:-Sizi Filistin meselesi için bu kadar motive eden ve hassas hâle getiren şey nedir? Çok daha konforlu bir akademik hayat seçebilirdiniz ve kimse sizden Filistin'in lehinde cephe almanızı beklemezdi. Bu riski neden aldınız? Politik davamı onların beni sakıncalı bulup bulmamasına göre belirlemiyorum. Gençliğimde birçok politik mücadelenin içinde bulundum (Vietnam, Orta Amerika meseleleri, Sivil Hakları, Çiftçi Hakları gibi). 1982 Haziran'ında İsrail, Lübnan'ı işgal ettiğinde de Filistin mücadelesine dahil oldum. Bu anlaşmazlık çözülene kadar da Filistinlilerin haklarını savunmaya devam edeceğim. Hiçbir şey beni sözümden döndüremez. Eğer Filistin mücadelesi ben hayattayken sona erebilir ve ben hâlâ sağlıklı olursam başka bir dava için de mücadelemi sürdüreceğim-Zoru yolu seçip Filistin meselesi hakkında doğruları söylemeyi tercih ettiniz, bu fırtınaya karşı durmak gibi bir şey. Bu sizin akademik hayatınızı nasıl etkiledi? Siz veya yayınlarınız büyük bir dışlanma ile yüz yüze kaldı mı? Hiçbir zaman büyük bir akademik başarıya sahip değildim. Harika bir öğrenci değildim ve akademik hayat kıstaslarına uymuyordum. Ben devrimci olmak istedim, profesör değil. Ancak devrim hiçbir zaman gerçekleşmedi, bu yüzden öğretmen olmaya karar verdim. Başarılı bir " öğretmendim " ve birkaç kitap yayımladım. Ancak ne zaman ki Filistin-İsrail meselesi hakkında, konuya tamamen vakıf olarak, dersler verip dediklerim yankı yapmaya ve geniş kitlelere ulaşmaya başlayınca İsrail lobisi (güçlü Yahudi organizasyonları ve bireyler) beni akademik hayattan söküp atmak durumunda kaldılar. Nihayetinde başarılı da oldular.-Tabi ki size birçok Müslüman genç, duruşunuzdan ötürü hayranlık duyuyor. Bunu iyi gösterebiliyorlar mı, geri dönüşler nasıl? Müslüman gençlerden birçok e-mail alıyorum seyahatlerimde birçoğuyla karşılaşıyorum. Neredeyse her zaman saygılı, akıllı ve idrak sahibiler. Müslüman dünyasında ve bilhassa yurtdışında yaşayan Müslümanlar arasında henüz tıpası açılmamış su kaynağı misali büyük bir cevher var. Fakat ne yazık ki bu cevher henüz Arap dünyasını demokratikleştirebilmeye ve geliştirmeye kadir olamadı. Benim Müslüman gençliği baz alarak söyleyebileceğim o ki eğer dünyanın bu bölgesi bir şekilde barışa ve adalete kavuşursa eminim ki Müslüman alemi dünyanın zirvesinde olacaktır.-Geçtiğimiz yazdan sonra Filistin meselesi hakkında umutlu musunuz? İşgalin akıbeti nasıl olacak, bu mesele nasıl bitebilir? Gelecek, Filistinlilerin parlak gördüğü kadar parlak; umutsuz gördüğü kadar umutsuz olacaktır. Belki bir inançsızım ama şu söze inanırım: " Tanrı, kendine yardım edenlere yardım eder. " (Editör notu: Biz de Hacc Sûresi 40. Ayet diyerek bu taraflara çekelim sözü). Eğer Filistinliler doğru bir liderlik ile yönlendirilirse, büyük şiddetsiz bir kitlesel hareket organize edebilirse (Tanımayanlara not düşelim, kendisi her durumda " Aman şiddetten uzak durun " klişesine saplanan biri değildir, yeri gelip silahlı direnişe sahip çıkmışlığı dahi vardır. Kısa bir röportajda bu cümlesi çok lümpen durabilir lakin öyle değil, haksızlık etmeyelim diye not düşmek istedim.) ve yurtdışında bir Filistin dayanışması sağlanabilirse İsrail illegal şekilde işgal ettiği topraklardan çekilmeye zorlanabilir. Fakat Filistinlilerin diplomasi ile veya silahlı direnişle kalıcı kazanımlara ulaşacağına inanmıyorum.-Hamas ve Hizbullah hakkındaki düşünceniz nedir? Herkesin İsrail zulmünü " Ama Hamas şunu yaptı, bunu yaptı… " bahaneleriyle örtmeye çalıştığı bir ortamda çıkıp bu söylemin ne kadar saçma olduğunu çok net şekilde söylemeniz cidden dikkat çekiciydi.

Palestinian citizens of Israel and Palestinians in the West Bank both protested in solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza during the 2014 war. They did so with what Charles Tilly would regard as distinct repertoires of contention, though they both referenced the same heritage of resistance. I argue that we should interrogate the boundaries that states establish to see how different forms of sovereignty and state violence shape resistance and expression. This approach highlights the role of the state in constituting the public sphere. The distinct subalterneities of these two Palestinian communities are a product not only of their political positions under Israeli rule, but also of the larger dynamics of fragmentation that separate them from one another. An analysis of their forms of protest demonstrates that in both cases, Palestinian protesters performed political community by establishing a collective voice and by taking over space.

Canadians United Against Hate -- An open letter to MPs and Senators who signed the May 20, 2021 letter to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau about the recent violence in Israel and occupied Palestine.  /  Canadiens Unis Contre la Haine -- Une lettre ouverte aux députés et sénateurs qui ont signé la lettre du 20 mai 2021 au Premier ministre Justin Trudeau au sujet des récentes violences en Israël et en Palestine occupée.