Youth Movement

Song-writing competitions are only apart of 'chuangzuo' cultural form, in which youths seek after identity construction, and also a settlement for their enthusiasm in their engagement in 'chuangzuo'. It is undeniable that they are keen on the pursuit of music cultivation with the approach in their engagement. On the other hand, they manifest a language of 'transnational culture', which is believed to grow in many parts of the world.

In this article, I wish to elaborate on Benjamin’s reading of
so-called “dark thinkers,” i.e. those radical thinkers of the
fin de siècle whose cultural criticism willingly or not
reinforced and reiterated what they actually criticized. I
will refer to Benjamin’s early writings on the German
youth movement as well as to his later writings on
Baudelaire, Jugendstil, and Lebensphilosophie and thereby
focus on motives that connect these diverging periods
of Benjamin’s oeuvre, notably contemporaneous gender
relations, gender identity, and images of the feminine,
which Benjamin used in order to delineate an immanent
messianism. In this way I want to demonstrate that
while Benjamin followed Nietzsche in understanding
history as loss and decline, he nonetheless insisted on
moments of becoming intrinsic to this very
understanding of history. In this dialectical turn the
Nietzschean cultural criticism, just as the criticized itself,
emerge as two connected sides of one coin.

In this paper, I examine the Caribbean reparations movement using an intersectional framework that is located within the Black radical tradition. In order to engage civil society in the discourse of reparations, I argue for the movement to have a strong youth-led component. In addition, I use Frantz Fanon s notion of new humanism, Sylvia Wynter s concept of the Third Event and Walter Rodney s groundings pedagogy as entry points for the Black radical imagination to develop and implement its own ideologies of liberation through a collective struggle towards Caribbean reparations. As such, the paper explores philosophies of Rastafari livity and traces how the social movement influenced the consciousness shift in individuals across working and middle classes in Jamaica in the 196 s to 197 s. The paper argues that Rastafari philosophies embody Fanon and Wynter s notions of the human in thinking through Caribbean reparations.

Along the last years of Franco’s dictatorship, social and political conflicts extended beyond main industrials areas of Spain and took strength also in the outlying regions, where low intensity conflicts had been characteristic until then. On August 1974 Tarragona burst into the Spanish strike scene as the second province in number of non-worked hours. The main reason was the conflict in Valmeline’s textile company. Leaded by young workingwomen, that conflict overtook the factory-frame and moved into the city, achieving a local dimension and becoming a public order problem. The strike in Valmeline became a local emblem for workers’ mobilization in the years to come. It was a female-construct role model, which was adopted by most of the androcentric labour movement in Tarragona.

Durante los últimos años de la dictadura franquista, la conflictividad social y política se extendió más allá de las principales zonas industriales del Estado y tomó fuerza en los centros periféricos, hasta aquel entonces caracterizados por movilizaciones de baja intensidad. En agosto de 1974 Tarragona irrumpió en la escena huelguística española como la segunda provincia en número de horas no trabajadas. El motivo era la huelga en la empresa de confección textil Valmeline, un conflicto protagonizado por jóvenes obreras que sobrepasó el marco de la fábrica y que lo trasladó a la ciudad, convirtiéndolo en un problema de orden público y tomando una nítida dimensión local. La huelga de Valmeline se convirtió en un referente local para la movilización obrera de los años siguientes; un referente construido en femenino que hizo suyo el grueso del androcéntrico movimiento obrero tarraconense.

Few outsiders have had the privilege to get to know Algeria and its youth so intimately—or to observe firsthand this pivotal chapter in the nation’s history. It’s a story that reveals much about the relationship between citizens and leaders, about the sanctity of human dignity, and about the power of dreams and the courage to pursue them.

Nearly two-thirds of Algeria's population is under the age of 35. Growing up during or soon after the violent conflict that wracked Algeria during the 1990's, and amid the powerful influences of global online culture, this generation views the world much differently than their parents or grandparents do.

The Algerian Dream: Youth and the Quest for Dignity invites readers to discover this generation, their hopes for the future and, most significantly, the frustrations that have brought them into the streets en masse since 2019, peacefully challenging a long-established order. After seven years living and working alongside these young people across Algeria, Andrew G. Farrand shares his insights on what makes the next generation tick in North Africa’s sleeping giant.

El presente texto presenta los resultados de investigación de Jóvenes Investigadores galardonados por Colciencias y vinculados al Semillero Temático de Investigación en Juventudes. En el texto se abordan temáticas relacionadas a culturas juveniles, participación política y mecanismos de comunicación, entre otras.

Movidas, movilizaciones y movimientos es un libro que se inscribirá como una obra obligada en el cada vez más sólido campo de los estudios sobre juventud en Chile; pero la potencia de su escritura y la trascendencia de su contenido lo convertirán rápidamente en un libro para pensar América Latina.
De entre el conjunto de la vigorosa producción de conocimiento y literatura en torno a los jóvenes en la región, me gustaría destacar que Aguilera aporta no solo un texto documentado con rigor y pasión, no solo un libro que aborda un proceso y un problema particularmente relevantes para los estudios sobre juventud, sino además genera otra manera de encarar la pregunta en torno a las culturas políticas juveniles. Su plataforma de investigación, sin renunciar a la mirada antropológica, es múltiple, multidimensional y sabe establecer un diálogo interdisciplinario en el que no hay yuxtaposición, sino colaboración de saberes. Frente a las aproximaciones tradicionales al tema, que se han resistido a entender las dimensiones performativas y lúdicas de toda acción y proceso político, Óscar Aguilera avanza sin titubeos en ese complejo mundo de los símbolos, lenguajes y jugueteos en dos dimensiones que me parecen centrales para calibrar lo político en los territorios juveniles: la producción de visibilidad y presencia y la subjetivación en la política.

(De la presentación de Rossana Reguillo).

(The enclosed PDF file of the book contains the full introduction, table of contents and index.  The book is also available for partial view on Google books, interested readers can also search on Worldcat for available copies in nearby libraries to check it out from many leading academic and public libraries around the world).
The narratives and analyses developed here covered the “what, how, when and who” and the “why and so what” of the development of the Hong Kong Scout Movement from 1910 to 2010, using a large volume of primary sources.  It tells the story of Hong Kong Scouting based on the theme of citizenship training for youth and its defining categories, especially that of race, class, gender, and age, both colonial and post-colonial.  The book is also richly illustrated with interesting and instructive images, many of which came from the newly set-up Hong Kong Scout Archives, yet to be opened to the public.  While published by the Scout Association it is not meant to be an institutional hagiography.  Instead, it is aimed at both general readers and readers with more specific interests, and should enrich their understanding of the histories of Scouting, youth, citizenship education, the colonies, the British Empire, decolonization, China and Hong Kong.

In October 2020, the Nigerian youth championed what is arguably the most organic and decentralized protest ever experienced in Nigeria through the ENDSARS protest movement. This research examines the protest motives, planning and structure of the protest. The research conducts a primary qualitative research: semi-structured interview with high-level organizers and influential participants of the protest, and secondary qualitative research: media reports, social media data and grey literatures. It finds that organic protests are redefining strategy as a preplanned activity in social movement. Hence, it concludes that the ENDSARS protest had a strategy that evolved each protest day, where patterns of actions responded to (un)expected opportunities and challenges, as they emerged. Thus, ENDSARS protest can be said to have had an emergent strategy.

Chuangzuo has emerged as a music trend through a music movement, and as a popular culture for youth in Malaysia, but the music of chuangzuo have not been described to the general public that is probably not aware of the identity in chuangzuo, the social aspects of chuangzuo as in a gongzuofang, and also how the music has sustained so far.

The primary objective of this study is to determine the identity and the sustainability of chuangzuo activities in Malaysia. The specific objectives are to produce a description on the settings of gongzuofang in Penang, an analysis of musical materials of chuangzuo, and a clarification of the identity and sustainability of chuangzuo based on the former two specific objectives.

Observation through fieldwork is rendered for this ethnographic research. The primary setting is gongzuofang in Penang, namely the Wanderers and CZMusic which have been actively involved in chuangzuo activities. Observation, interviews and video recordings of important rehearsals and actual performance were rendered. The secondary setting of the fieldwork is based on related song-writing competitions, concerts and music camp, which were held in Penang and Kuala Lumpur.

The general phenomenon of chuangzuo depicts a scene where youth perform their own music compositions with guitars or light instruments. Chuangzuo is a music activity for the youth in Malaysia, as the music, mainly performed in Chinese, often depicts the youth’s life-cycle events. The music is commonly composed in the sentimental style or of a ballad that usually adopts a major key and the common simple quadruple time. Instrumentation is usually simple, and Chinese texts with rhymes are used. Though mixed language and vocables are included sometimes, the texts are commonly written in the discursive style.

A gongzuofang is the basic unit of chuangzuo that accommodates youth’s music activities. It exists as an important space for music practice, music learning, idea sharing, planning, music presentation, socialisation, and also life-cycle events. The studied gongzuofang represents a typical organisation that provides its members with abundant opportunities in music compositions, as members learn to compose, perform, compete in music contests and produce music concerts or music recording.

Chuangzuo is an opportunity for youth to engage with music. They usually adopt elements of cultural fusion in their compositions, and they show amateurish characteristics in their music. This has formed the musical identity of chuangzuo. The social identity of chuangzuo is built through identity construction, individuality, communion formation and aspiration. Nevertheless, the need to survive changes for the long term has triggered the implementation of sustainability in the handling of chuangzuo. The sustainable ways, as observed, are organisation, commercialisation, hegemony and exclusion of certain music genres.

El artículo ofrece resultados acerca de las características novedosas de la movilización juvenil contemporánea, la cual se apoya, como era de prever, en la potencia de los medios y tecnologías de la comunicación, resaltando la importancia de construir metodologías y categorías acordes con estas realidades. Se trata de la comparación entre las prácticas de
un reciente movimiento estudiantil colombiano (MANE) y las
de un movimiento de ocupación de la ciudad de Sao Paulo (Ocupa Sampa).
En el primer ejemplo, no se trató de la mera ampliación de
las dinámicas de visibilización online de lo que ocurre
offline, sino, más bien, de un proceso de reconfiguración
de las modalidades de visibilización y de invisibilización tanto en
línea como fuera de ella; igualmente, de un intercambio de visibilidades que va tanto de los medios digitales a los medios convencionales, y al contrario; así mismo, de cómo los medios digitales actúan a manera de mediadores en la reconstitución de las relaciones de fuerza, de posicionamiento y ampliación de la legitimidad de las demandas y reivindicaciones de los movimientos juveniles y estudiantiles, como efecto de tales entrecruces.
Para el segundo ejemplo, la ocupación de espacios de a ciudad permitió a los jóvenes generar formas de presencia y expresión, asociadas a prácticas de una política emergente, realizada desde decisiones consensuadas. Consistió en una forma de activismo que apoyado en las redes sociales generó sistemas de comunicación alternativa, echando mano de “mecanismos de convocatoria interactivos”. En este caso los jóvenes comprobaron que aunque tales redes online resultaban importantes para la constitución de los movimientos políticos, la cuestión principal era que esas nuevas movilizaciones seguían anclándose en la ocupación de los espacios públicos, esto es, en la presencia de relaciones y de los cuerpos en las calles. Adicionalmente, el estudio muestra cómo ambas movilizaciones lograron ponerse en sintonía con movimientos globales de protesta, manteniendo la preocupación por una agenda local, nacional. Evidenciaron también el protagonismo de los jóvenes y sus formas particulares de organización, horizontal y en red, en donde se cuestiona la dicotomía entre la acción “virtual” y la real; mostraron como las prácticas en línea y fuera de línea se complementan, y, por último, la manera como se presenta la reconfiguración de lo público desde la construcción de espacios híbridos, ubicados entre internet y los espacios urbanos apropiados, vinculando la presencia física, la interacción personal y el encuentro desde dispositivos digitales.

The article analyzes the specifics of subcultural differentiation of youth in a global context; and, on the basis of the system-forming feature of the community and gender orientation of its representatives develops a two-dimensional typology of youth subcultures, pervasive all over the world. Using the methods of “participant observation” and qualitative analysis of documents, a scientific rationale has been suggested and the criteria of the youth subculture aggregates association into larger units, like youth movements, have been distinguished; the specifics of their glocalization and the latest period phases of their dynamics have been identified in the Russian social context. Through comparison of Western European and Russian subcultural groups functioning nature it was established that the specificity of their glocalization in Russia was associated with a number of basic differences in their socio-demographic structure, the specificity of their perception by other social
groups and the focus of the state youth policy. The study contributes to further development of the issues of cultural globalization impact on youth communities of different orientations; its findings can be used in managerial, public and teaching activities.

The essay reconstructs the history of the re-emergence of the proletarian Youth Movement "Sozialistische Jugend Deutschlands Die Falken" after the end of WWII in the city of Hannover (Germany). It sheds light on paedergogical praxis, political discussions and the relationship to the socialdemocratic Party that was newly organizing itself at the same time.

Επιμέλεια-σύνταξη: Στέφανος Δ. Στεφάνου και Ζήσιμος Χ. Συνοδινός. Οι πρώτες 47 σελίδες της έκδοσης (πρόλογος, περιεχόμενα, εισαγωγή, βασική βιβλιογραφία). Εταιρεία Μελέτης της Ιστορίας της Αριστερής Νεολαίας (ΕΜΙΑΝ), Αθήνα 2010, σσ. 327 (in Greek).

“Arts and cultural activities really do improve lives:  they  provide  participatory  creative  activities  that  help to restore people’s well-being and increase their self-esteem, confidence and empowerment.”
This work is a case study in the realm of solidary economy social enterprise in Israel that targets marginalized populations and the social and geographic periphery. The Tarbut Movement (“culture” in Hebrew) is a non-profit national movement of pioneering young artists who reside and work as urban kibbutzim in weakened towns throughout Israel. Its mission is to use art and culture as a vehicle for self-empowerment and social change to reshape the future of Israel, promote values of social solidarity, equality, democracy and tolerance. They create and deliver innovative artistic, educational and cultural programs for disadvantaged populations across the spectrum of Israeli society. Ongoing initiatives include: The Ohel cooperative theatre; Local culture festivals; the Mobile Museum; Artwork Shops; All-Women Cabaret; LGBT+ Programs; the School for Art and Culture;
Youth Organization – through creative art, teenagers and children deal with current affairs like poverty and social inequality; problems of Israel democracy; exploitation and chauvinism; ethnic gaps. There are 5,000 teenagers and children active in the organization in grades 4 -12, in 25 towns across Israel. Youth Shnat Sherut is a post high-school year of community service before army with continuous guidance by older Tarbut members enlisting each year about 100 new members.
The Tarbut Movement is a paradigm of cultural bricolage. It integrates cultural artifacts with strong historical resonances: the classic Tarbut Movement from Eastern Europe Jewry; the kibbutz and the urban kibbutz; the youth movement; the pre-army service year and the commune; the historical cooperative theatre HaOhel.
It has been characterized as hypo modern: "the new development, that criticizes, opposes, investigates and examines postmodernism modestly, with a silent outcry and steadily increasing social ethic strength..."

The Association of Hungarian University and College Students (AHUCS) founded in Szeged on 16 October 1956 was one of the most significant youth movement of the Hungarian 20th century. Several facts seem to justify this proposition. First of all there was the ruthless retaliation of power beginning around the spring of 1957 (only in Szeged nearly a hundred students became the victims of revenge: being expelled, in custody or convicted). Secondly, it was a clear sign of state paranoia that they could and/or did not dare to dissolve or suppress AHUCS, its dissolution rather happened according to a previously refined strategy. From April 1957, after infiltration and gaining overall majority within the association, the original cohesion was gradually destroyed and finally it was merged into the Young Communist League. My goal is to prove the importance of AHUCS as a student movement and an organisational attempt and to show that, in some respect, it had left its mark on the politics of youth and education, since after the restart of tertiary education in February 1957 nothing could entirely be the same as before the revolution.

A könyv szerzője Jancsák Csaba PhD (1972) szociológus, a Szegedi Tudományegyetem oktatója, az MTA–SZTE Elbeszélt Történelem és Történelemtanítás Kutatócsoport vezetője. A kötetben az 1956. október 16-án alakult Magyar Egyetemisták és Főiskolások Szövetsége (MEFESZ) történetének idővonalát követi végig, bemutatva a szervezet megszületésének eseménytörténetét, valamint a diákok által megfogalmazott követelések formálódásának és országos hatókörűvé válásának útját, illetve a MEFESZ értékvilágát.

Die Entwicklung eines Gruppenhelfers und Funktionärs der sozialdemokratischen "Kinderfreunde" von einem deutschnationalen Hintergrund von den "Fahrenden Gesellen" über den "Wandervogel" zur Arbeiterjugendbewegung und in den sozialdemokratischen Widerstand gegen den Nationalsozialismus.

When labour and student movements of a new kind emerged in the 1950s, Communists had to change their strategy for fighting the Franco dictatorship. Working with the masses began to become more complex, and student organizations took prominence besides those of workers. During the 1960s, the Spanish Communist Party (PCE, in its initials in Catalan) and the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia (PSUC) made efforts to increase their influence beyond Greater Barcelona. These efforts included sectors such as farmworkers and women, and the Communists also focused on young people as a strategic mobilization front. They did so through the Communist Youth Union of Spain (UJCE) and, in Catalonia, the Catalan Communist Youth (JCC). This paper follows the development of the youth movement that was driven and led by the Communists in Tarragona between the early 1960s and the JCC’s egress in 1976.

Alors que le scoutisme rassemble actuellement environ 38 millions d'adhérents issus de 217 pays du monde, il n'est pas toujours vu d'un bon oeil. En effet, les scouts et guides sont parfois vivement critiqués pour leur côté fermé, parfois dit « intégriste ». Rituels spécifiques, uniformes, esprit de groupe, références religieuses, voilà des caractéristiques qui en font pâlir plus d'un. Certains font parfois le parallèle entre nos scouts et les Jeunesses hitlériennes. Mais qu'en est-il vraiment ? Il est vrai que la création officielle du scoutisme, en 1907, s'inscrit dans une période marquée par un contact étroit avec la religion. Mais les références au catholicisme ne font pas l'exclusivité, car en 2013, les scouts israélites fêtaient leurs 90 ans et que, depuis plus de 15 ans, des mouvements de jeunesse pour musulmans ont été mis sur pied à Bruxelles et à Charleroi. D'ailleurs, pour encourager les troupes multiconfessionnelles, les scouts de Belgique ont récemment abandonné la référence à Dieu. Ainsi, les scouts ne doivent plus s'engager devant Dieu, mais la promesse, en plus d'être volontaire, consiste à « vivre au mieux, chaque jour, les valeurs de la loi scoute ». Malgré ses efforts, le scoutisme fait encore l'objet de vives critiques concernant ses « pratiques ». Au-delà des coutumes, un événement ravive les « on-dit » : le 8 mars 2010, les services de renseignement intérieur du Royaume-Uni (MI5) transmettent aux archives nationales des documents déclassifiés, couvrant une période allant de 1937 à 1944. Après analyse, le Bureau mondial du Scoutisme constate essentiellement des notes des services de police sur les visites des membres de Jeunesses hitlériennes au Royaume-Uni. Sans plus attendre, la presse réagit : doit-on en conclure une rencontre entre Hitler et Baden-Powell ? À ce sujet, Jean-Jacques Gauthé 1 , magistrat français s'étant beaucoup intéressé à l'histoire du scoutisme, nous fait part de « communiqués de presse résumés de manière trop hâtive ».

The Association of Hungarian University and College Students (AHUCS, MEFESZ) founded in Szeged on 16 October 1956 was one of the most significant youth movement of the Hungarian 20th century. Several facts seem to justify this proposition. First of all there was the ruthless retaliation of power beginning around the spring of 1957 (only in Szeged nearly a hundred students became the victims of revenge: being expelled, in custody or convicted). Secondly, it was a clear sign of state paranoia that they could and/or did not dare to dissolve or suppress AHUCS, its dissolution rather happened according to a previously refined strategy. From April 1957, after infiltration and gaining overall majority within the association, the original cohesion was gradually destroyed and finally it was merged into the Young Communist League. My goal is to prove the importance of AHUCS as a student movement and an organisational attempt and to show that, in some respect, it had left its mark on the politics of youth and education, since after the restart of tertiary education in February 1957 nothing could entirely be the same as before the revolution.

OLIVEIRA, R. C. A. . "Os jovens das periferias de São Paulo e as políticas de segurança pública, de educação e de cultura: o genocício, a precarização e o ativismo cultural". In: Patrícia Botero, Alícia Palermo. (Org.). La utopía no está adelante: generaciones, resistencias e instituciones emergentes. 1ed.São Paulo: CLACSO/CINDE/Universidad!de!Manizalez, 2013, v. , p. 286-290.

The contemporary phenomenon of the cafe racer culture raises today many ques‐ tions on the culturally defined identities and the nature of modern subcultures. This paper examines those issues by highlighting both, the most significant elements of the cafe racer subculture and by conceptualizing the cultural reality surrounding these groups of motorized people. As the place of the motorcycle in popular culture links this machine with masculinity a further inquiry is being made her in the construction of the male rider image. It was supposed to be an another quiet day on the morning of the Easter weekend in 1964 and nothing could prepare the inhabitants of Brighton on what was to come. Although they have heard rumors about groups of young people chasing each other on the streets of London, fighting and causing trouble and turmoil in Liverpool or clashing with the police in Manchester, they had never imagined that this would be‐ come a part of their own experience and in long term a part of the city's cultural landscape as well its collective memory in the coming decades. The 18th of May 1964 had become a symbolic date in Brighton's histo‐ ry. 1 This very morning the peaceful British costal city witnessed the cli‐ max of a long lasting brawl between two iconic youth subcultures of the 1960's: the mods and the rockers. Those two groups had a long history of fierce, sometimes very vio‐ lent, conflict and couldn't differ more in the way they dressed, in their music taste and clothing, social background and last but not least the

A kötetben az 1956. október 16-án alakult Magyar Egyetemisták és Főiskolások Szövetsége (MEFESZ) létrehozásának egykori kezdeményezőivel, vezetőivel, tagjaival készült interjúk  szerepelnek. A beszélgetések során — túl az 1956-os forradalom indítószikráját jelentő MEFESZ szervezet- és eseménytörténetének feldolgozásához nyújtott alapvető információkon — interjúalanyaink értékorientációikról valamint a családi, illetve az egyetemi közösség meghatározó szerepéről is vallanak. A kötetben megszólalók: Ambrus János, Aszalós János, Bujdosó Alpár, Csete Iván, Hajtó Ödön, Hámori Károly, Horváth Tamás, Kiss Tamás, Pusztai Éva, Tóth Imre.

Among the censored press and criminal prosecutions led against individuals after the 1968 student demonstrations in socialist Yugoslavia, a Hungarian neo-avantgarde journal published in Novi Sad found its own place. The "Új Symposion" journal's two issues were banned at the end of 1971, and a few months later, its two authors and editor were criminally prosecuted. The aim of this article is to explore the occurrence of political trials in Yugoslavia on the example of the "Új Symposion" case, by looking into the trial documents, as well as the testimonies of three witnesses of this historical event.

This paper investigates the impact mobilized publics have had on Yemen’s domestic political environment by examining two case studies initiating collective action, with autonomous agency, yet with distinct differences in access to resources. The first case is the Marib Cause, a semi-organized, non-registered community group that protests corruption and demands basic services, employment opportunities and resource redistribution for the benefit of a marginalized region. The second is al-Watan (Homeland), a registered political party established by youth activists who had been involved in the 2011 movement. Both groups emerged as a result of the transformation period, which resulted in an opening up of the political sphere allowing these actors the opportunity to engage in collective action with the goal of impacting policy. The role of these two mobilized publics is analysed by examining their resources and strategies within the political context and tactical interactions between them and the PRE. The two cases represent levels of popular mobilization specific to an exceptional time. Although they were not able to directly influence Yemen’s transformation process, their potential impact on the long-term political, social and cultural environment is significant.

This is a review essay of Eckard Holler´s biography of tusk, a name resounding for decades in the German youth movement. tusk was the nom d´action chosen by Eberhard Koebel. In the final years of the Weimar Republic and in the Third Reich Koebel inspired many young Germans with his aesthetics and his politics, a synthesis of romanticism, elitism, and nationalism. In 1932 he joined the KPD at that time promulgating a program for the "national and social liberation of the German people".  Arrested and threatened by the Gestapo in January 1934, Koebel made two suicide attempts. After his release, he managed to escape via Sweden to England. In 1948 he returned to East Germany, failing in his attempt to obtain a leading role in FDJ ("Free German Youth"). Like some other national revolutionaries,  Koebel, by no means a hero in shining armor, represents a significant, yet little-known line of resistance to Nazism.  His biography can be read as a paradigm of Germany´s failure in the 20th century..

Sartre es una de las figuras tutelares de "los años 68", ciclo global de contestación e insurgencia. Nunca escribió sobre las puebladas argentinas que estallaron a partir del año 1969, pero sí puede considerarse que fue leído "en clave cordobesa".

While the study of youth and subcultural movements has been central in British and U.S. cultural studies, it has not met similar academic interest in Italian Studies. And yet, contemporary Italian youth is ever-more interconnected—both nationally and transnationally—through participation in subcultures. This session focuses on Italian subcultural movements from unification to today and welcomes panels that engage with, for example, the visual arts, literature, music, and fashion. Proposals considering the relationship between subcultures and mainstream cultures are also welcome.

MEFESZ (Association of University and College Students, AHUCS), which is considered to have been the spark of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, was founded at the University of Szeged on 16 October 1956. The acronym (MEFESZ) appeared three times in the Hungarian history of the second half of the 20th century (in 1945, 1948, and 1956), and all three of them were youth and education organisations. The few years of the existence of each 'MEFESZ' has many lessons to teach. The three organisations, abbreviated identically but different in long forms of their names, each had different objectives and roles. In this paper, we show that the 1956 AHUCS (the third MEFESZ) was not a successor to either of the earlier organisations: the first MEFESZ of the period of the "tentative democracy" (1945-1948) and the second MEFESZ (in the first period of the communist dictatorship, 1948-1950). The precursor of the 1956 revolution (MEF-ESZ 3 , AHUCS) was a new grassroots initiative, grounded in democratic principles in its aims, programs, and missions. The 1956 AHUCS organisation was not an umbrella organisation of student associations like the first MEFESZ organisation. The founders of the 1956 AHUCS were deliberate in not seeking to become the sole, unified organisation of university youth (like MEFESZ 2).