Cape Verdean Creole

Most postcolonial societies make use of the language(s) of the former colonial power(s) and, additionally, of one or several local or Creole languages. This article analyses the complex linguistic relationships within postcolonial societies. As a hypothesis, we assume that the language ideologies in former colonies take a shape similar to those in Europe and we discuss the possibility that these ideologies were brought to the colonies along with the linguistic dominance of European colonialism. In particular, so-called 'standard language ideology' has had a considerable influence upon the way these societies deal with multilingualism. Following an introduction of key concepts, we discuss the individual linguistic situations in four case studies (Suriname, Cape Verde, Mauritius, ABC islands) and outline a comparison of the consequences that standard language ideology entails in the different societies.

This paper is concerned with the linguistic ties between Papiamentu and the Upper Guinea branch of Portuguese-based Creole as spoken on the Santiago island of Cape Verde (SCV)
and in Guinea-Bissau and Casamance (GBC)3. The aim is to underpin the claim that these creoles have common origins by diachronically analyzing and comparing aspects of their core morphology.

This paper deals with the linguistic and historical relationships between Papiamentu and Upper Guinea Creole as spoken on the Santiago island of Cape Verde and in Guinea-Bissau and Casamance. In the linguistic section, the hypothesis that Papiamentu is a relexified offshoot of an early Upper Guinea Creole variety is lent support by focusing on the structural correspondences of the function words in five grammatical categories (pronouns, question words, prepositions,
conjunctions and reciprocity and reflexivity). In addition, salient data from several early (18th and 19th century) Papiamentu texts is presented. The historical section provides a framework that accounts for the linguistic transfer from Upper Guinea to Curaçao in the second half of the 17th century.

La lengua oficial de Cabo Verde es el portugués. No obstante, se hablan otras lenguas en contextos coloquiales, como el criollo de base portuguesa.  Durante el siglo XX, ha habido un movimiento por dar prestigio al criollo haciéndole lengua vehicular de cultura, especialmente en el ámbito literario. Este trabajo repasa esos autores que han usado esa lengua menor, en detrimento del portugués para vehicular sus obras.

Portugal, juntamente com todos os países da Europa ocidental, está numa encruzilhada histórica. Como a migração a várias localidades européias tem se intensificado e diferenças nas formas de linguagem, religião, raça e etnia tornaram-se mais visíveis, a questão que se apresenta é: como as comunida-des têm reconfigurado suas identidades? No caso de Lisboa, graças à longa prática da transculturação durante o colonialismo português e, mais tarde, no período pós-colonial, há um pressuposto generalizado de que Portugal estaria em posição de responder bem a uma crise. No entanto, para alguns jovens, especificamente os rappers kriolu, essa versão de multiculturalismo remete ao Lusotropicalismo, um poderoso mas problemático discurso de congeniali-dade e excepcionalismo portugueses. Neste artigo, analiso kriolu, um idioma híbrido de Cabo Verde, cuja base consiste do português europeu e línguas da África ocidental, como uma complexa formação de identidade. Mais do que língua, o kriolu se manifesta, particularmente, em arranjos de espaço dentro de uma série de desenvolvimentos de bairros e imaginações coletivas. Com base na etnografia colhida em pesquisas de campo e de arquivo, argumento que o kriolu interrompe a mitologia nacional do Lusotropicalismo, assim como o paradigma do " creole " na literatura acadêmica em torno de encontros coloniais e identidades emergentes. Esta " interrupção " em nome da diferença é ainda mais peculiar dado o fato de que os caboverdeanos têm historica-mente se beneficiado dos discursos e regulamentos assimilacionistas, como o Lusotropicalismo.

The paper examines syllable restructuring in the Santiago variety of Cape Verdean Creole. It is shown that currently attested forms reflect to some extent the syllable structure in earlier stages of the language. Several strategies for syllable restructuring are identified and illustrated. These repair strategies are shown to operate in Mandinka and Wolof, the two main substrate languages of Cape Verdean Creole, as well as in Guinea-Bissau Creole, a closely related Portuguese-lexified creole. A tentative relative chronology of the stages conducive to the present syllable structure of Cape Verdean Creole is outlined. Also discussed are some of the theoretical implications of the findings.

Este artigo pretende mostrar até que ponto a génese e a vida do idioma caboverdiano estão ligadas ao fenómeno da globalização. Numa primeira parte, mostra-se, com base em argumentos lexicais, morfológicos e semânticos que o crioulo de Cabo Verde pode legitimamente ser considerado como uma língua afro-europeia, ou seja, fruto do encontro das culturas de dois continentes. Na segunda parte, examina-se a dinâmica actual da língua caboverdiana na República de Cabo Verde, assim como nas diversas comunidades da diáspora, espalhadas por três continentes (África, América e Europa). Em conclusão, salienta-se que o futuro e a sobrevivência do crioulo do Arquipélago dependerão sempre das relações que Cabo Verde souber manter com o mundo fora.

Since the slave population in New Netherland (1614–1664) was small compared to that of other Dutch Atlantic colonies such as Curaçao, Dutch Brazil, and Suriname, it has traditionally received little attention by scholars, including creolists. It is, therefore, not well known that traces of Iberian languages can be found among the black population of seventeenth-century Manhattan. While the paucity of sources does not allow us to make any decisive claims with regard to the importance of Spanish and Portuguese for the colony’s black community, this article attempts to reconstruct the language use of this population group on the basis of an analysis of historical sources from New Netherland in a broader Atlantic context.

The paper examines syllable restructuring in the Santiago variety of Cape Verdean Creole. It is shown that currently attested forms reflect to some extent the syllable structure in earlier stages of the language. Several strategies for syllable restructuring are identified and illustrated. These repair strategies are shown to operate in Mandinka and Wolof, the two main substrate languages of Cape Verdean Creole, as well as in Guinea-Bissau Creole, a closely related Portuguese-lexified creole. A tentative relative chronology of the stages conducive to the present syllable structure of Cape Verdean Creole is outlined. Also discussed are some of the theoretical implications of the findings.

On classe habituellement – et à juste titre – le capverdien dans le groupe des créoles à base lexicale portugaise. De fait, l'élément lusitanien est massivement présent à tous les niveaux de la langue maternelle de la majorité des habitants de l'Archipel des Îles du Cap-Vert. Cependant, l'idiome capverdien tire aussi ses origines de l'Afrique, si proche de l'Archipel et si présente dans l'histoire des Îles : dans cette présentation, nous verrons comment diverses langues africaines ont laissé leur empreinte dans le lexique mais aussi dans la phonologie, la morphologie et la structure sémantique du créole capverdien, et plus particulièrement de la variété santiagaise de cette langue. À partir des exemples relevés, nous essaierons de mieux comprendre quel rôle exact ont joué les langues africaines dans la genèse de l'idiome capverdien et ce que l'on peut en déduire sur les origines de la société capverdienne et de sa langue.

In Santiaguense Capeverdean Creole, there are seventeen recurrent words, belonging to several grammatical categories, which occur synchronically in two forms, a full one and a (so called) truncated one, the latter lacking the final, unstressed syllable of the former. This article is a first attempt at studying these truncated forms in Santiaguense. In section one, the truncated forms are compared and contrasted with other cases of word shortening or of optional alternation of lexical units sharing the same etymon. Section two deals with the use of the truncated forms with respect to both the grammatical category to which they belong and to the sociolinguistical profile of their users. The conclusion stresses the importance of the study of these forms for a more complete understanding of the evolutionary trends and potentialities of Santiaguense Portuguese Creole.

In the face of the destructive possibilities of resurgent nationalisms, unyielding ethnicities and fundamentalist religious affinities, there is hardly a more urgent task than understanding how humans can learn to live alongside one another. This fascinating book shows how people from various societies learn to live with social and cultural diversity, and considers how the concepts of identity formation, diaspora and creolization shed light on the processes and geographies of encounter.

Robin Cohen and Olivia Sheringham reveal how early historical encounters created colonial hierarchies, but also how conflict has been creatively resisted through shared social practices in particular contact zones including islands, port cities and the ‘super-diverse’ cities formed by enhanced international migration and globalization. Drawing on research experience from across the world, including new fieldwork in Louisiana, Martinique, Mauritius and Cape Verde, their account provides a balance between rich description and insightful analysis showing, in particular, how identities emerge and merge ‘from below’.

Moving seamlessly between social and political theory, history, cultural anthropology, sociology and human geography, the authors point to important new ways of understanding and living with difference, surely one of the key challenges of the twenty-first century.

This article focuses on Santiaguense Capeverdean words derived from Portuguese non-infinitive verbal forms and among these, more specifically on those elements which were not recently borrowed from modern Portuguese and do not compete with Capeverdean more basilectal items. In section 1, the category of Capeverdean words under scrutiny is defined contrastively with other similar types of words. In section 2, all known members of this category are examined in turn and according to the characteristics of their respective Portuguese sources. In section 3, a comparative approach is developed, in which the etymological counterparts of the Capeverdean words presented in the previous sections are systematically investigated for other Upper Guinea Creoles (i.e. Guinea-Bissau Creole, Casamance Creole and Papiamentu). The conclusion section stresses the main points of interest of this study, namely (i) the methodology used herein, which combines historical and comparative linguistics, (ii) the centrality of imperative forms as an input for new lexical verb roots in Upper Guinea Creoles and more generally in situations of language acquisition, and (iii) the scientific prospects that a comparison covering a wider sample of Ibero-Romance-based Creoles could offer concerning words derived from Portuguese non-infinitive verbal forms in these languages.
Keywords: Capeverdean; Upper Guinea Creoles; Historical Linguistics; Portuguese.

Nerio Winch é un di kes ómi más riku ki ten na mundu, sim-el é xefri di Grupu W, más grándi konjuntu di npréza ki ti oxi nungen ka kustuma riuni ki fari mánda n-el el-só. Na ta móri, Nerio, ki ka txiga di pari, ta dexa tudu si rikésa na mó di Largo, si uniku arderu, un jóvi di vinti-sax ánu d’idádi k-e purfidjába mininu kántu k-e atxába-el órfu na Juguslávia. Má na óra di mórti di Nerio, a-li Largo sta prézu na un kadiâ di Turkiâ, trokádu un krimi k-e ka kumeti. Tirmódi Largo é rapás ki nasi pa luta: ku djuda di ses amigu e ta konsigi sáfra p-e bá kumánda kel mundu di dés bilion di dóla ki Nerio dexâ-l p-e erda...

This article focuses on Santiaguense Capeverdean words derived from Portuguese non-infinitive verbal forms and among these, more specifically on those elements which were not recently borrowed from modern Portuguese and do not compete with Capeverdean more basilectal items. In section 1, the category of Capeverdean words under scrutiny is defined contrastively with other similar types of words. In section 2, all known members of this category are examined in turn and according to the characteristics of their respective Portuguese sources. In section 3, a comparative approach is developed, in which the etymological counterparts of the Capeverdean words presented in the previous sections are systematically investigated for other Upper Guinea Creoles (i.e. Guinea-Bissau Creole, Casamance Creole and Papiamentu). The conclusion section stresses the main points of interest of this study, namely (i) the methodology used herein, which combines historical and comparative linguistics, (ii) th...

O caboverdiano , língua vernácula do arquipélago de Cabo Verde (em África Ocidental), pode com toda a legitimidade ser considerado como um crioulo de base lexical portuguesa, já que de facto mais de 95 % dos seus vocábulos procedem da língua de Camões (Quint 2000b: 35-42, 2005), como ilustrado no exemplo 1:
(1) port. homem, mulher > cv. ómi, mudjer /'ɔmi, mu'dʒer/.
No entanto, a simples menção da origem portuguesa de dado item lexical do caboverdiano não basta para compreender o modo de formação do componente luso do vocabulário desta língua. Com efeito, se é inegável que o crioulo de Cabo Verde teve como ponto de partida o encontro sucedido nos alvores da era moderna algures na costa ocidental da África, entre o português e diversas línguas africanas (Quint 2000b: 23-66; Rougé 1996), não é menos indubitável que o aspecto contemporâneo da língua caboverdiana, tal como hoje se fala no arquipélago, é o resultado de mais de quinhentos anos de convivência e contactos ininterruptos com a língua portuguesa, idioma oficial das ilhas e principal veículo da cultura escrita local desde o descobrimento das mesmas pelos navegadores portugueses até à época presente.
A existência em caboverdiano moderno de numerosas formas divergentes (ou seja de casos em que várias palavras crioulas distintas têm o mesmo étimo português) é um dos testemunhos mais óbvios deste contacto prolongado entre crioulo e português. Assim, a palavra portuguesa curva /'kurvɐ/ deu origem a duas palavras crioulas que coexistem no caboverdiano de hoje:
(2) - kurba /'kurbɐ/ (forma mais antiga) dobra do joelho.
- kurva /'kurvɐ/ (forma mais recente) curva (num caminho).
O presente artigo tem como primeiro objectivo a análise e classificação dos diversos casos de formas divergentes (FD)  atestados em crioulo caboverdiano, nomeadamente na variante santiaguense desta língua, variante esta falada como língua materna por mais da metade dos cidadãos caboverdianos residindo no arquipélago de Cabo Verde . Em segundo lugar, pretendo salientar o que as FD nos permitem inferir acerca da natureza dos contactos entre português e caboverdiano e das consequências destes contactos sobre a formação do léxico do crioulo caboverdiano.
Numa primeira parte, apresentarei a noção de forma divergente e a sua aplicação ao caso dos contactos entre caboverdiano e português. Numa segunda parte, tratarei dos casos mais típicos de FD atestados em caboverdiano contemporâneo. Enfim, numa terceira parte, interessar-me-ei por algumas possíveis extensões da noção de FD em caboverdiano, antes de concluir sobre o tema.

Neste trabalho propomos ler alguns dos escritores cabo-verdeanos não na qualidade de autores de textos considerados literários, mas como responsáveis por outros produtos culturais -não literários- cujo tema-objecto é o campo literário em/de Cabo Verde. Isto porque, debruçando-nos sobre certos ensaios de relativa dimensão, artigos mais ou menos extensos, breves reflexões críticas ou depoimentos em entrevistas feitos por alguns dos produtores cabo-verdeanos, captamos olhares que, apesar de individuais, são significativos e reveladores de uma tomada de posição a respeito dessa realidade não apenas literária na qual se inserem e em que, não se limitando a observar, intervêm.

Aproximando-nos da produção cultural do pequeno arquipélago de Cabo Verde, antiga colónia de Portugal, não deve resultar estranha a presença nela das duas línguas que coexistem nesse espaço: a oficial e a materna -também conhecida como nacional-, isto é, a portuguesa e a cabo-verdeana. A fala, maioritariamente em crioulo, garante importante presença da língua cabo-verdeana nos produtos musicais -raramente em português- e mesmo nos teatrais e cinematográficos. No entanto, a escrita, como produto da escolarização e da alfabetização feitas em português, foi e continua a ser domínio quase exclusivo da língua portuguesa, apesar da frequente reivindicação da língua cabo-verdeana como válida para a expressão escrita. A fim de ver de que modo isto se traduz no âmbito da literatura, recorreremos à reflexão dos próprios produtores para observar diferentes momentos, vozes e posições a respeito da escolha linguística no desenvolvimento literário do arquipélago.

[EN] This paper presents a study on the Cape Verdean noun phrase, undertaking a comparison with European Portuguese (EP), Brazilian Portuguese (BP) and Guinea-Bissau Creole (Kriyol). The determiner system of Cape Verdean Creole – CVC – raises some questions which are of interest for language researchers since this system comprehends structures which are not attested in other similar languages, like Portuguese. Several scholars consider the "kel"particle, for example, as a definite article. However, the definiteness is not necessarily expressed in this particle and, in Cape Verdean, bare nouns can also come with this particle. Furthermore, according to the majority of CCV researchers, "kel"is neither required nor expected in the noun phrase. In this paper, several studies that deal with Cape Verdean noun phrases will be discussed and some arguments which confirm or not this works will be presented. The results of the analyses of the CVC determiner system will also be demonstrated.

[PT] Este artigo apresenta um estudo sobre o sintagma nominal do caboverdiano, empreendendo uma comparação com o português europeu (PE), português brasileiro (PB) e ainda com o crioulo da Guiné-Bissau (Kryiol). O sistema de determinantes do crioulo de Cabo Verde – CCV – coloca questões que despertam interesse para os estudiosos da língua, pois apresenta fatos que não se atestam em outras línguas próximas, como o português. A partícula kel, por exemplo, é tida, por alguns estudiosos, como um artigo definido, mas a definitude não é necessariamente marcada por ele, podendo os nomes sem determinantes também expressá-la em caboverdiano. Além disso, de acordo com grande parte dos especialistas do CCV, o uso de kel não é nem necessário, nem previsível. Neste artigo, discutiremos alguns trabalhos que versam sobre o sintagma nominal em caboverdiano, apresentando argumentos que corroboram ou não estes trabalhos, bem como os resultados de nossas análises sobre o sistema de determinantes do CCV.

Capeverdean (CV) is the mother tongue of more than a million people living in, or
originating from, the archipelago of Cape Verde, situated about 500 km west of Dakar
(Senegal). As a Portuguese-based Creole, this language obviously has many Portuguesederived
items in its vocabulary, although there are often significant phonetic changes (see Quint 2000a: 53-139) such as:
CV obi  ‘to hear’ < Port. ouvir
CV nabidja ‘heifer’ < Port. novilha.
Nevertheless, not all CV words derive from Portuguese; indeed, some quite common CV
words can be traced back to diverse African languages, e.g.
CV djobi ‘to look at’ < Mandinka juubee.
CV djáki ‘bull calf’ < Wolof yëkk.
In this article, I examine the importance of this African stratum and explore what African
words and expressions in CV can tell us about the origins of this language and, more
generally, about the formation of Afro-European creoles.

"Today, in the Republic of Cape Verde, two languages are in daily use:
• Capeverdean, a Portuguese-based Creole language, is the mother tongue, spoken by nearly all of the 500,000 inhabitants of the country. Capeverdean Creole is also in current use among the Capeverdean diaspora, particularly in the U.S. (more than 200,000 speakers). In Portugal, Capeverdean is the second language in use after Portuguese, with over 100,000 speakers (Quint 2005: 26-27).
• Portuguese is the official language of Cape Verde, and the only one used in written communication, government services and schools.
The coexistence of two languages (Capeverdean and Portuguese) in Cape Verde and in Capeverdean communities can be seen as a cultural treasure.
However, the present-day situation of diglossia (Duarte Almada 1998; Quint 2000b: 243) in particular in Cape Verde and Portugal, where Capeverdeans speak Creole and have to learn Portuguese at school, can sometimes lead to linguistic confusion. In 1998, the Capeverdean Parliament officially recognized the role of the
Capeverdean language (Conselho de Ministros 1998: 18-23). This could, in time, lead to the introduction of Creole in Capeverdean schools and favor the appearance of a bilingual society. However, in order to teach Capeverdean, it is necessary to standardize the language and to provide adequate didactic material, especially grammars and reference dictionaries.
Some Capeverdean dictionaries are already available and provide translations for several thousands of Capeverdean items into Portuguese (Fernandes 1991; Quint 1998; Lang 2002), English (Pires & Hutchison 1983), and French (Quint 1999).
However, except for the Portuguese-Creole lexicon of Lopes da Silva (1957) and a rather short French-Capeverdean dictionary written by Quint (1997), there is still no sizeable reference lexicographic work offering translation from a foreign language into Capeverdean. Between 2000 and 2002, our Capeverdean, Portuguese and French team built the first standard Portuguese-
Capeverdean dictionary. This task was quite a challenge from at least two points of view:
- (1) technically, because of the scarcity of economic and human
resources and the lack of previous work in this specific field, and - (2), linguistically, particularly because of numerous problems arising from the non-standardized status of the Capeverdean language.
In this article, we will begin by describing the characteristics of the dictionary we have produced. Then we will explain in detail the difficulties we encountered, and the solutions and methodology we developed in order to solvethem. We will illustrate each point with examples taken from our dictionary,
which was finally completed and published during the second half of 2002."

Les découvreurs portugais ont emporté dans leurs vaisseaux leur langue romane et l'ont fait voyager des côtes ibériques aux plus lointains océans. Mais l'idiome lusitanien, au contact des peuples et des habitudes rencontrés, s'est modifié, métissé et renouvelé. Les créoles modernes à base portugaise sont une conséquence (parmi d'autres) vivante et chatoyante des multiples échanges que le peuple portugais sut tisser avec les autres régions du monde. Le cas cap-verdien sera ici privilégié pour illustrer le phénomène de la créolisation dans l'univers lusophone, son intérêt linguistique et historique et la question de la prise en compte du fait créole dans le cadre scolaire et institutionnel des sociétés concernées.

Le capverdien santiagais connait une voix passive synthétique, utilisée principalement pour promouvoir un objet au rang de sujet ou dans des constructions impersonnelles. Le présent article fait le point sur le passif santiagais à partir de l’examen d’un corpus annoté de textes oraux. Dans une première partie, nous présentons la langue capverdienne et la méthodologie utilisée pour collecter et traiter les données. Puis, dans une deuxième partie, nous fournissons des éléments sur la morphologie du passif verbal en capverdien santiagais. La troisième partie, en se fondant sur des données quantitatives et qualitatives issues du corpus, traite de la fréquence des formes passives du capverdien, de leur interaction avec les marques de temps, d’aspect et de polarité, des actants impliqués dans les constructions passives, ainsi que de la valence et du profil lexical des verbes attestés au passif. L’article conclut sur l’apport des données issues d’un corpus à l’étude du passif en capverdien et sur les possibilités d’améliorer et d’amplifier les résultats
obtenus dans le futur.

&quot;Capeverdean (CV) is the mother tongue of more than a million people living in, or originating from, the archipelago of Cape Verde, situated about 500 km west of Dakar (Senegal). As a Portuguese-based Creole, this language obviously has many Portuguesederived items in its vocabulary, although there are often significant phonetic changes (see Quint 2000a: 53-139) such as: CV obi ‘to hear’ &lt; Port. ouvir CV nabidja ‘heifer’ &lt; Port. novilha. Nevertheless, not all CV words derive from Portuguese; indeed, some quite common CV words can be traced back to diverse African languages, e.g. CV djobi ‘to look at’ &lt; Mandinka juubee. CV djáki ‘bull calf’ &lt; Wolof yëkk. In this article, I examine the importance of this African stratum and explore what African words and expressions in CV can tell us about the origins of this language and, more generally, about the formation of Afro-European creoles.&quot;

The Cabo-Verdean Creole (CVC) subject domain has clitic and tonic pronouns that often amalgamate in double subject pronoun constructions; the possibility of a zero-subject and the formal category underlying subject clitics are disputed (Baptista 1995, 2002; Pratas 2004). This article discusses five variable constraints that condition subject expression across three descriptive and inferential analyses of a corpus of speech collected from 33 speakers from Santiago and Maio. Double subject pronoun constructions and zero-subjects were promoted by a persistence effect, though for the former this applied across nonadjacent clauses since double subject pronoun constructions are switch reference and contrastive devices resembling the doubling of agreement suffixes by independent pronouns in languages traditionally classified as pro-drop. Zero-subjects were favored in third-person contexts as previously observed by Baptista and Bayer (2013), and when a semantically referentially deficient (Duarte & Soares da Silva 2016) DP antecedent was in an Intonational Unit that was prosodically and syntactically linked to the Intonational Unit containing the target anaphor (Torres Cacoullos & Travis 2019). Results support reclassification of CVC subject clitics as ambiguous person agreement markers (Siewierska 2004) and suggest that CVC is developing a split-paradigm for person marking and subject expression (Wratil 2009; Baptista & Bayer 2013).

This article intends to show that a search for traces of Iberian influence on popular culture can also be productive in parts of the Americas that have a British, Dutch, French or Danish colonial past. It does so by analyzing the cultural identity formation among the black population of the Antillean island of Curaçao with a specific focus on Catholicism and Papiamentu. Few languages have generated more discussion among creolists than Papiamentu, a language of Iberian parenthood spoken on an island with a Dutch colonial history starting in 1634. Strangely enough, religion and popular culture have received little attention, so far, in the discussion on the genesis of Papiamentu. Using research results from the field of linguistics on the influence of the Portuguese-based creole from the Cape Verde islands on Papiamentu, this article argues that Afro-Iberian elements not only influenced the development of Curaçao’s language but also of its cultural identity and that Afro-Catholic mutual-aid and burial societies may have facilitated the transmission of that generation’s key identity markers, including its language, to later generations.

"A maioria dos estudos (inclusive os mais recentes) dedicados às diversas variantes da língua caboverdiana, e mais particularmente aos dialectos do Sotavento, costuma insistir no carácter reduzido (em comparação com o português) da morfologia do verbo nesta língua. Assim, o linguista Manuel Veiga (Veiga, 1995: 189) afirma que «os verbos regulares, salvo algumas excepções (...) não têm flexão », enquanto a investigadora Marlyse Baptista (Baptista, 1997: 58) sublinha «a ausência, no verbo caboverdiano, de qualquer marca de número ou de pessoa no paradigma de determinado tempo. »
***
A meu ver, estas opiniões têm de ser matizadas, pelo menos no que diz respeito ao dialecto que se fala na ilha de Santiago, o chamado "badio". É verdade que o verbo santiaguense não muda, em princípio, de forma em função do sujeito gramatical (quer se trate dum pronome quer dum substantivo):
- (1) m-kánta, nu kánta, Djom kánta, nhu kánta /'~kãtɐ, nu 'kãtɐ, dʒõ 'kãtɐ, ñu 'kãtɐ/ cantei, cantámos, o João cantou, o senhor (forma alocutiva de respeito) cantou.
Porém, no crioulo de Santiago, o verbo já não permanece inalterado quando se encontra combinado com o seu objecto, como o demonstram as formas seguintes do verbo regular skesi /'skesi/ esquecer:
- (2) e skesi, e skesê-m, e skesê-nu, e skesi Djom, e skesi-nhó /e 'skesi, e ske'sẽ, e ske'senu, e 'skesi 'dʒõ, e 'skesi 'ño/ esqueceu, esqueceu-me, esqueceu-nos, esqueceu o João, esqueceu-o (o senhor).
Constatamos neste exemplo que o verbo badio modifica a tonicidade e o timbre da sua última vogal em função do objecto que o segue.
***
Assim, para bem compreendermos a morfologia do verbo no crioulo caboverdiano de Santiago, é preciso tomarmos em conta o objecto deste verbo, o que, talvez devido à influência das gramáticas normativas das línguas da Europa Ocidental, geralmente não tem chamado a atenção. No entanto, também as marcas de objecto podem ser parte integrante da morfologia do verbo em vários idiomas, facto que averiguaremos mediante alguns exemplos significativos apresentados na primeira parte deste estudo.
Numa segunda parte, examinaremos mais atentamente as características da interacção verbo-objecto no crioulo santiaguense e tentaremos compreender e explicar o seu funcionamento actual, recorrendo a uma perspectiva diacrónica e aproveitando os nossos conhecimentos sobre a língua caboverdiana moderna.
Por fim, numa terceira parte, trataremos de mostrar que a morfologia do complexo verbo-objecto no badio contemporâneo apresenta algumas tendências que podem ser relacionadas com o aparecimento de flexões verbais sintéticas noutras famílias de línguas, nomeadamente a família indo-europeia."

The status of pre-nasalized consonants of basilectal Cape Verdean Creole (the Santiago variety) is a matter of some debate in the literature, between proponents of bisegmental analyses and of a monosegmental one. This paper critically reviews bisegmental analyses and adduces synchronic and diachronic data in favour of an interpretation of pre-nasalized consonants as single phonological units. This analysis is further supported by comparative evidence from other creoles.

Este estudo teve como objetivo analisar comparativamente demonstrativos no crioulo cabo-verdiano e no papiamento na função de anáfora na modalidade escrita. Do ponto de vista teórico-metodológico, este estudo se baseou no modelo teórico tipológico-funcional de Givón (2001) e no modelo descritivo de Halliday e Hasan (1976), tendo sido realizado com base em um corpus composto de dados extraídos de textos do gênero textual de notícia. Testaram-se duas hipóteses, que puderam ser comprovadas. A primeira hipótese foi a de que a função anafórica é codificada prototipicamente por uma forma específica em cada língua, o que foi confirmado, pois se constatou que, no crioulo cabo-verdiano, a forma prototípica usada para essa função foi es e, no papiamento, foi e...aki /esaki. A segunda hipótese foi a de que outras formas podem aparecer exercendo essa função excepcionalmente, o que também foi confirmado, já que se constatou o emprego de kel/kes e de kel li exercendo a função de anáfora no crioulo cabo-verdiano e de e...ei/esei e e...ayá no papiamento. No caso do crioulo cabo-verdiano, as formas alternativas para expressar anáfora podem ocorrer por duas razões: (a) quando se trata de expressão demonstrativa com demonstrativo na posição de núcleo (empregando-se kel li) e (b) quando há a função superveniente de ativação de conhecimento compartilhado pressuposto pelo locutor (empregando-se kel/kes). Entretanto, há também a possibilidade de ocorrer kel/kes em contextos que não são os dois descritos anteriormente, o que significa que haveria variação linguística nesse domínio. No caso do papiamento, as formas alternativas para expressar anáfora podem ocorrer para codificar diferentes graus de distância em relação ao lugar da enunciação no caso de expressões demonstrativas temporais: usa-se e...ayá para marcar passado distante, e...ei para marcar passado indefinido ou próximo e e...aki para marcar futuro próximo. Entretanto, constatou-se também a existência de variação linguística, pois houve ocorrência de e...aki em expressão demonstrativa temporal para marcar passado próximo, assim como o faz prototipicamente e...ei, e também de e...ei/esei em expressões demonstrativas não temporais, assim como o faz prototipicamente e...aki/esaki. / This study aimed to analyze comparatively demonstratives in Cape Verdean Creole and Papiamento on the function of anaphora in the written modality. From the theoretical-methodological point of view, this study was based on the typological-functional theoretical model of Givón (2001) and the descriptive model of Halliday and Hasan (1976), based on a corpus composed of data extracted from texts from textual genre of news. Two hypotheses were tested, which could be proven. The first hypothesis was that the anaphoric function is prototypically coded by a specific form in each language, which was confirmed, since it was found that, in Cape Verdean Creole, the prototype form used for this function was es and, in papiamento, it was e...aki/esaki. The second hypothesis was that other forms may appear to perform this function exceptionally, which was also confirmed, since the use of kel/kes and kel li was found to perform the function of anaphora in Cape Verdean Creole and of e...ei/esei and e...ayá in the Papiamento. In the case of Cape Verdean Creole, alternative forms for expressing anaphora may occur for two reasons: (a) when there is a demonstrative expression with demonstrative in the nuclear position (use of kel li) and (b) when the is the intention of activating knowledge shared by the speaker (use of kel/kes). However, there is also the possibility of kel/kes occurring in contexts other than the two previously described, which means that is linguistic variation in this domain. In the case of Papiamento, alternative forms for expressing anaphora may occur to encode different degrees of distance from the place of enunciation in the case of temporal demonstrative expressions: it is used e...ayá to mark distant past, e...ei to mark indefinite or near past and e...aki to mark near future. However, there is also the existence of linguistic variation, the use of e...aki was found in temporal demonstrative expression to mark near past, as e...ei does prototipically, and also the use of e...ei/esei in non-temporal demonstrative expressions, as e...aki/esaki do prototipically.

This paper identifies several 15th/16th-century Portuguese (henceforth Classical Portuguese) features in four Portuguese-lexified creoles, i.e. (1) Cape Verdean Creole, (2) Guinea-Bissau Creole, (3) Papiamentu, and (4) Saramaccan. The last three share with each other the fact that they emerged in areas where social conditions for creolization were not met prior to the 17th century. Therefore, the presence of Classical Portuguese features in their core vocabulary and phonology requires an explanation. This paper argues that the shared features may have been inherited from Cape Verdean Creole.

Keywords: Classical Portuguese, Atlantic creoles, Cape Verdean, Guinea-Bissau, Papiamentu, Saramaccan, Upper Guinea, origins, diachrony

Capeverdean (or Capeverdean Creole) is the mother tongue of the famous singer Cesária Évora and of more than a million people worldwide.
This book, one of the first of its kind in English, provides you with a rare and comprehensive insight into the language and culture of Cape Verde.
By following a series of lessons, which gradually increase in difficulty, you will be able to learn the basics of the Capeverdean as spoken on the island of Santiago (which is the most widely used), and also gain some useful knowledge about the varieties spoken on the other islands. Furthermore, this
book comprises exercises with model answers, cultural information, grammar notes, vocabulary lists (Capeverdean-English and English-Capeverdean), 45 photographs, and four indexes. Collectively these will give you a thorough understanding of the language and culture of Cape Verde.
Let’s Speak Capeverdean is aimed primarily at English speakers who want to learn this language, but it may also be useful to people from Cape Verde who already speak it but now live in an English-speaking country and who would like to be able to read and write it. The vocabulary lists and cultural information provide a good starting point for tourists visiting Cape Verde, as
well as those who are simply curious about the language and culture but are not able to commit much time to studying them.

&quot;&quot;Today, in the Republic of Cape Verde, two languages are in daily use: • Capeverdean, a Portuguese-based Creole language, is the mother tongue, spoken by nearly all of the 500,000 inhabitants of the country. Capeverdean Creole is also in current use among the Capeverdean diaspora, particularly in the U.S. (more than 200,000 speakers). In Portugal, Capeverdean is the second language in use after Portuguese, with over 100,000 speakers (Quint 2005: 26-27). • Portuguese is the official language of Cape Verde, and the only one used in written communication, government services and schools. The coexistence of two languages (Capeverdean and Portuguese) in Cape Verde and in Capeverdean communities can be seen as a cultural treasure. However, the present-day situation of diglossia (Duarte Almada 1998; Quint 2000b: 243) in particular in Cape Verde and Portugal, where Capeverdeans speak Creole and have to learn Portuguese at school, can sometimes lead to linguistic confusion. In 1998, the Capeverdean Parliament officially recognized the role of the Capeverdean language (Conselho de Ministros 1998: 18-23). This could, in time, lead to the introduction of Creole in Capeverdean schools and favor the appearance of a bilingual society. However, in order to teach Capeverdean, it is necessary to standardize the language and to provide adequate didactic material, especially grammars and reference dictionaries. Some Capeverdean dictionaries are already available and provide translations for several thousands of Capeverdean items into Portuguese (Fernandes 1991; Quint 1998; Lang 2002), English (Pires &amp; Hutchison 1983), and French (Quint 1999). However, except for the Portuguese-Creole lexicon of Lopes da Silva (1957) and a rather short French-Capeverdean dictionary written by Quint (1997), there is still no sizeable reference lexicographic work offering translation from a foreign language into Capeverdean. Between 2000 and 2002, our Capeverdean, Portuguese and French team built the first standard Portuguese- Capeverdean dictionary. This task was quite a challenge from at least two points of view: - (1) technically, because of the scarcity of economic and human resources and the lack of previous work in this specific field, and - (2), linguistically, particularly because of numerous problems arising from the non-standardized status of the Capeverdean language. In this article, we will begin by describing the characteristics of the dictionary we have produced. Then we will explain in detail the difficulties we encountered, and the solutions and methodology we developed in order to solvethem. We will illustrate each point with examples taken from our dictionary, which was finally completed and published during the second half of 2002.&quot;&quot;

The status of pre-nasalized consonants of basilectal Cape Verdean Creole (the Santiago variety) is a matter of some debate in the literature, between proponents of bisegmental analyses and of a monosegmental one. This paper critically reviews bisegmental analyses and adduces synchronic and diachronic data in favour of an interpretation of pre-nasalized consonants as single phonological units. This analysis is further supported by comparative evidence from other creoles.

es représentants de 15 pays de la Caraïbe, des états-unis, du royaume-uni et de la France ont approuvé la Charte de la politique et du droit des langues pour les pays Créolophones de la Caraïbe, concluant avec succès la Conférence internationale sur le droit et la politique des langues qui se déroulait à Kingston, en Jamaïque les 13 et 14 janvier 2011.

Compte-rendu et traduction : Rodolf Étienne, journaliste, auteur, traducteur (créole), coordinateur Caraïbe de l’Organisation Internationale des Peuples Créoles (Maurice - Australie - Canada - Caraïbes - Angleterre), membre de Tous Créoles (Martinique).