BIBLIOTHÈQUE DES CAHIERS DE L'INSTITUT
DE LINGUISTIQUE DE LOUVAIN — 132
In and Out of Africa
Languages in Question
In Honour of Robert Nicolaï
VOLUME 2
Language Contact and Language Change in Africa
edited by
Carole DE FÉRAL
Maarten KOSSMANN
Mauro TOSCO
PEETERS
LOUVAIN-LA-NEUVE – WALPOLE, MA
2014
CONTENTS
Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Carole de Féral
3
Dix raisons pour s’intéresser à l’œuvre de Robert Nicolaï : procès-verbaux
d’un mandéiste . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Thomas Bearth
5
Multilingual actors: examples from a West-African contact zone . . . .
Klaus Beyer
15
When blood becomes money: lexical acculturation in Southern Africa .
Matthias Brenzinger
37
Problems for the salvage linguist: picking up the pieces after asymmetrical
contact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
G. Tucker Childs
73
Le développement d’un marqueur de déplacement centripète en mandinka :
une influence possible du contact avec les langues atlantiques . . . . . .
Denis Creissels
95
Where have all the noun classes gone in Tima? . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
Gerrit J. Dimmendaal
On substratum: the history of the focus marker d in Jijel Arabic (Algeria)
Maarten Kossmann
127
Making the first standard Portuguese-Capeverdean dictionary: a technical
challenge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141
Mafalda Mendes & Nicolas Quint
Adjectives and Other Qualifiers in Cerma (Gur) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
Gudrun Miehe
Sound symbolism in Iraqw literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201
Maarten Mous & †Safari Sanka
Swahili in Central African contact and colonization . . . . . . . . . . . 209
William J. Samarin
Imports and exports in linguistic markets in the West African Sahel . . 251
Henning Schreiber
The morphological structure of animal names in Maa (Eastern Nilotic) . 269
Rainer Vossen
The coding of plural, collective, and inclusive in Lamang-Hdi (Chadic). 281
H. Ekkehard Wolff
La détermination nominale en songhay : les dialectes de la périphérie et
du centre . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315
Petr Zima
MAKING THE FIRST STANDARD
PORTUGUESE-CAPEVERDEAN DICTIONARY:
A TECHNICAL AND LINGUISTIC CHALLENGE1
Mafalda MENDES
Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa
Nicolas QUINT
LLACAN (UMR8135 - INaLCO/CNRS)
Estoy convencido de que el monólogo no existe.
Es siempre un diálogo entre un hombre y su conciencia.2
Joaquín Calvo Sotelo
1. INTRODUCTION
Today, in the Republic of Cape Verde, two languages are in daily use:3
• Capeverdean, a Portuguese-based Creole language, is the mother tongue,
spoken by nearly all of the 500,000 inhabitants of the country. Capeverdean Creole is also in current use among the Capeverdean diaspora, particularly in the U.S. (more than 200,000 speakers). In Portugal, Capeverdean is the second language in use after Portuguese, with over 100,000
speakers (Quint 2005: 26-27).
1
2
3
Many thanks to Elise Moore-Searson, Philip Baker and Dave Roberts for having so kindly and
profitably reviewed the English text and translations of this article. We obviously assume full
responsibility for any remaining mistake in English (due to our nonnative competence in that
language) which may have made its way into the final version of this paper.
“I am convinced that there is no true monologue. It is always a dialogue between a man and
his conscience.”
The following abbreviations and conventions are used: abbrev. = abbreviation; adj. = Adjective; C.L.U.= Complex Lexical Unit; Cv. = Capeverdean; MSL = MorphoSyntactic Level;
P.O.S. = Part of Speech; Pt. = Portuguese; s. m. = Masculine Noun; SPL = Semantic/ Pragmatic Level; sth. = something; UL = Usage Level; v. intr. = Intransitive Verb; v. tr. = Transitive Verb; WL = Word-form Level; WPL = Word Patterns Level. {} brackets enclose a Portuguese gloss. In the glosses, the following abbreviations appear: ADJ = adjective; ART = article;
CONJ = conjunction; DEF = definite; DEM = demonstrative; ENCL = enclitic; HAB = habitual;
PASS = passive; POSS = possessive; REFL = reflexive; REL = relative; S = subject; SG = singular;
TON = tonic (stressed).
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• Portuguese is the official language of Cape Verde, and the only one used
in written communication, government services and schools.
The coexistence of two languages (Capeverdean and Portuguese) in Cape
Verde and in Capeverdean communities can be seen as a cultural treasure.
However, the present-day situation of diglossia (Duarte Almada 1998; Quint
2000b: 243) in particular in Cape Verde and Portugal, where Capeverdeans
speak Creole and have to learn Portuguese at school, can sometimes lead to
linguistic confusion.
In 1998, the Capeverdean Parliament officially recognized the role of the
Capeverdean language (Conselho de Ministros 1998: 18-23). This could, in
time, lead to the introduction of Creole in Capeverdean schools and favor the
appearance of a bilingual society. However, in order to teach Capeverdean, it
is necessary to standardize the language and to provide adequate didactic material, especially grammars and reference dictionaries.
Some Capeverdean dictionaries are already available and provide translations for several thousands of Capeverdean items into Portuguese (Fernandes
1991; Quint 1998; Lang 2002), English (Pires & Hutchison 1983), and French
(Quint 1999).
However, except for the Portuguese-Creole lexicon4 of Lopes da Silva
(1957) and a rather short French-Capeverdean dictionary5 written by Quint
(1997), there is still no sizeable reference lexicographic work offering translations from a foreign language into Capeverdean. Between 2000 and 2002, our
Capeverdean, Portuguese and French team built the first standard PortugueseCapeverdean dictionary. This task was quite a challenge from at least two
points of view: (1) technically, because of the scarcity of economic and human
resources and the lack of previous work in this specific field, and (2), linguistically, particularly because of numerous problems arising from the non-standardized status of the Capeverdean language.
In this article, we will begin by describing the characteristics of the dictionary we have produced. Then we will explain in detail the difficulties we
encountered, and the solutions and methodology we developed in order to solve
4
5
This lexicon is a serious and valuable work, but the Creole words are written in a non-international phonetic system and the majority of the vocabulary comes from the dialect of São
Nicolau, the speakers of which represent roughly 3% of the whole Capeverdean population.
For those reasons and despite its linguistic interest, the lexicon cannot be used as such as a
general reference for modern Capeverdean.
This dictionary includes slightly more than 3000 entries, but most of them have a relatively
poor lexical treatment (few meanings are differentiated and few idioms or complex lexical units
(see 2.3.4. below) are taken into account).
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143
them. We will illustrate each point with examples taken from our dictionary,
which was finally completed and published during the second half of 2002.
2. THE DICTIONARY
2.1. Target users
The target users of the dictionary are primarily a) the Capeverdean-speaking
pupils having Portuguese as their only school language in Capeverdean and
Portuguese schools, and b) the Portuguese teachers or social workers who deal
with Capeverdean-speaking pupils either in Cape Verde or in Portugal.
2.2. Macrostructure
Given a) the state of the art in bilingual Portuguese-Creole lexicography, b)
the present scarcity of bilingual resources for Capeverdean school population,
and c) the available human and financial resources for the project, we have
decided to limit ourselves to 4.000 Portuguese entries. These 4000 entries
include:
1) The 2217 words from the Português Fundamental Vocabulary (Português
Fundamental 1984; Bacelar do Nascimento & Garcia Marques & Segura da
Cruz 1987a; 1987b).
2) About 840 words selected by Mário Vilela from school text books (from the
first six Portuguese school levels) in his Dicionário do Português Básico
(Vilela 1990). These 840 words were meant to enhance the vocabulary coverage of Português Fundamental, taking into account the school needs of
six to twelve year old Portuguese students.
3) About 1000 words coming from a pre-existent Capeverdean-Portuguese
lexical database6 and selected by the Portuguese team by crossing two main
criteria: a) frequency rate in a corpus of about 9 million words (mainly
journalistic texts) and b) adequacy to the school needs of the envisaged
target public.
6
The lexical database developed in order to produce our Dicionário Caboverdiano-Português,
variante de Santiago (Quint [Quint-Abrial] 1998).
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2.3. Microstructure
The lexicographic analysis of the Portuguese words follows a pre-defined
microstructure which distinguishes five main levels of lexicographic information:
WL – word-form level: graphic and phonetic; MSL –morphosyntactic level; WPL
– word patterns level; SPL – semantic/ pragmatic level;UL – usage level, i.e.:
WL – word-form level
MSL
morphosyntacyic level
WPL
word patterns level
SPL – semantic/pragmatic level
UL – usage level
Figure 1. The five levels of lexical information in each Portuguese entry
2.3.1. WL – word-form level: graphic and phonetic
At the word-form level, every lexical unit is registered by the graphic form
of its conventional base form, according to Portuguese grammatical standards:
a. Singular for nouns with no gender inflexion;
b. Masculine, singular for adjectives or nouns with gender inflexion;
c. Infinitive for verbs.
A lexical entry is headed by the graphic base form of the lexical unit. A
lexical entry may contain different morphosyntactic and semantic units if the
etymological base is the same.
Each base form is assigned a phonetic transcription in the international phonetic alphabet using standard European Portuguese pronunciation.
At this level we also registered any current variant forms of the word (e.g.
Pt. ouro/oiro, ‘gold’) and gave information about the existence of homographs
(e.g. Pt. este ‘east’ / este ‘this’), homonyms (e.g. Pt. aterrar ‘to land’ / aterrar
‘to frigthen’) and homophones (e.g. Pt. cozer ‘to boil’ / coser ‘to sew’).
MAKING THE FIRST STANDARD PORTUGUESE-CAPEVERDEAN DICTIONARY
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2.3.2. MSL – morphosyntactic level
At the morphosyntactic level, each lexical unit is treated according to its
morphosyntactic behavior, giving rise to what may be called the morphosyntactic units. Each morphosyntactic unit is assigned a part-of-speech label and
whenever necessary irregular inflectional forms are registered at this level too.
2.3.3. WPL – word patterns level
Throughout this project, our lexicographic approach pays special attention
to the behavior of the words in contexts of real usage of the language. Therefore, rather than treating each isolated lexical unit, we tried to take into account
the context in which words tend to occur. For this purpose, we extracted collocations from the above-mentioned nine million words corpus, searching for
evidence of the most common lexical patterns involving the words under analysis. As a result, this dictionary is particularly rich in complex lexical units
such as complex terms (e.g. Pt. base de dados, ‘database’), idiomatic expressions (e.g. Pt. despedir-se à inglesa, ‘to take French leave’), collocations (e.g.
Pt. cair doente, ‘to fall ill’) and syntactic frames (e.g. Pt. carregar algo de/ com
algo, ‘to load sth. with sth.’).
2.3.4. SPL – semantic/ pragmatic level
The semantic scope of a lexical unit is often quite complex, particularly when
one deals with high-frequency words. At this level of analysis, we tried to establish a clear mapping between the morphosyntactic or complex lexical units and
what we will term the meaning units. The perspicuous delimitation of the meaning units is fundamental to guarantee accurate and useful translations. Meaning
delimitation was expressed by means of different types of information:
• glosses to help the translators’ task (not to appear in the final version of
the dictionary).
• lists of synonyms and/ or antonyms.
• pragmatic information such as domains of usage, language register and
type of idiom.
It must be noted here that in cases of polysemic lexical units we did not set
out to give an exhaustive account of every possible meaning unit subsumed by
that lexical unit. According to the profile of the dictionary, our purpose is to
explain only the most current and basic meanings of the word at stake. Therefore a highly proficient speaker of Portuguese may find that some word meanings are not registered but these are deliberate gaps of semantic information.
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2.3.5. UL – usage level
Illustrative sentences, shortly called “examples”, were added whenever we
felt it necessary to enhance the explanatory power of the dictionary. Some
examples were extracted from the corpus exactly as they occurred; in other
cases, the sentences of the corpus were slightly adapted to fit the general profile
of a basic dictionary. Some other examples have been written from scratch by
the Portuguese team, who always tried to produce totally plausible and common utterances. In Tables 1 and 2, one can see the result of the analysis of a
verbal element, mexer, and of a nominal one, burro.
WL
MSL-P.O.S.
mexer v. tr. 1
v. tr. 2
v. tr. 3
v. intr. 1
WPL-C.L.U.
1
2
SPL-MEANING UNITS
UL-EXAMPLES
{imprimir movimento a; agi- felizmente conseguia mexer
tar; mover}
os braços e as pernas
‘to put in motion, to move’
‘fortunately, he was able to
move his arms and legs’
{revolver o conteúdo de algo, mexe bem o leite, para disde forma a misturá-lo bem} solver o chocolate
‘to stir the contents of sth. in ‘stir the milk well so that the
order to mix it well’
chocolate dissolves’
~ em {tocar em}
se mexeres nele, pode morder-te
‘to touch’
‘if you touch it, it may bite
you’
-se {agitar-se, mover-se}
inquieto, o pássaro mexia-se
dentro da gaiola
‘to move’
‘the restless bird was bustling
around its cage’
SPL-MEANING UNITS
mexe-te! ‘get a move on!’
põe-te a mexer! ‘go away!’
Table 1. Lexicographic analysis of the Portuguese verbal entry mexer
MAKING THE FIRST STANDARD PORTUGUESE-CAPEVERDEAN DICTIONARY
WL
burro
MSL-P.O.S.
s.m. 1
s.m. 2
adj.
WPL-C.L.U.
1
2
3
147
SPL-MEANING UNITS
{animal} ‘donkey’
{certo jogo de cartas}
‘a kind of card game’
{estúpido, bronco, que sabe
pouco}
‘stupid, idiotic, ignorant’
SPL-MEANING UNITS
UL-EXAMPLES
cabeça de ~
és um cabeça de burro!
‘stupid person’
‘how stupid you are!’
albarda-se o ~ à vontade do
dono
‘cut your cloth according to
the width’
vozes de ~ não chegam ao(s)
céu(s)
‘sticks and stones may break
my bones, but words can
never hurt me’
Table 2. Lexicographic analysis of the Portuguese entry burro
In that systematic way, we devised a Portuguese framework capable of
being used as a solid reference to elaborate well-defined, unambiguous Capeverdean equivalents.
3. ASSEMBLING THE CAPEVERDEAN DATA
3.1. Technical preliminaries
3.1.1. Choice of the dialect and orthography
In common with almost all of the World’s languages, Capeverdean has several dialects, some of which display significant differences. In this dictionary,
we chose to work exclusively on the Santiago dialect (also called Santiaguense
in Pt. or Badiu in Cv., anglicized under the form Badew), spoken as a mothertongue by the inhabitants of the island of Santiago (Cape Verde), who represent
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more than half of the whole Capeverdean population7. Badew is also the main
Capeverdean dialect in use in Lisbon and other Portuguese cities, where it is
spoken even by Capeverdeans originating from other islands and sometimes by
Portuguese shopkeepers.
To write Capeverdean words and phrases, we based ourselves on the
ALUPEC (ALfabeto Unificado Para a Escrita do Crioulo Caboverdiano =
Unified Alphabet for the Writing of Capeverdean Creole (Conselho de Ministros 1998: 18-23)) with slight adaptations8 due to the peculiarities of Badew
and to some linguistic considerations of our team.
3.1.2. Linguistic resources
To build the Capeverdean part of the dictionary, we had the following linguistic resources at our disposal:
• the linguistic competence of the Capeverdean team, that is to say Nicolas
Quint (scientific responsibility) and one main Capeverdean collaborator,
Aires Semedo. Of course, this competence is far from being exhaustive.
Nicolas Quint is a native-speaker of French and, although he has been
exposed during a relatively long time to an almost monolingual Capeverdean environment, his knowledge of Capeverdean Creole is limited. Aires
Semedo was born and raised in the island of Santiago in a traditional
Creole-speaking community. Nonetheless the life of one individual is not
sufficient to give a full account of the complexity of a whole society. For
example, neither of the two members of the Capeverdean team had ever
spent a long time with fishermen or blacksmiths and consequently, we had
only an elementary knowledge of words relating to fishing or ironworks.
• The information supplied by a large number of Capeverdean informants,
friends and relatives, living in Cape Verde, Portugal and France.
• The lexical material already collected by our team (in particular Quint
1999; 1998; 1997).
• The available published material. At the time (i.e. before 2002)9, the richest documents for Santiaguense were undoubtedly the works of Armando
Napoleão Fernandes (1991) and António de Paula Brito (1885), who were
7
8
9
For justification of the dialectal choice, see Mendes & Quint [Quint-Abrial] & Ragageles
(2000) and Quint (2000a; 2000b; 2000c; 1999; 1998).
For more details about these adaptations, see Quint (2003: 209; 1999: XVIII) and Mendes &
Quint & Ragageles & Semedo (2002: 34-35).
Mention must be made here of the fact that we were not able to fully exploit the resources of
Lang’s Dicionário do Crioulo da Ilha de Santiago (Cabo Verde), which was issued only a few
months before our own dictionary.
MAKING THE FIRST STANDARD PORTUGUESE-CAPEVERDEAN DICTIONARY
149
both native-speakers of Badew and spent a significant part of their lives
trying to understand the mysteries of their own language. But many other
publications were used, including those dealing with other Capeverdean
dialects.
3.2. Translation
The main goal of this operation was to translate into Capeverdean the meaning units and examples as analyzed and selected by the Portuguese team when
elaborating the microstructure of the dictionary.
3.2.1. Grasping the exact meaning
As Portuguese was not the mother-tongue of the Capeverdean team, we
were frequently faced with problems of comprehension of the Portuguese
matrix of the dictionary. Of course, we had to be sure of the exact meaning of
every Portuguese meaning unit or example before proposing a Capeverdean
translation. Our doubts found expression in several thousands of questions
which were methodically answered by the Portuguese team, mainly through
e-mails, and sometimes orally.
Inside the Capeverdean team, we discovered, curiously enough, that we had
a different but complementary understanding of Portuguese:
• as an individual educated in Western Europe, a relatively homogeneous
cultural area which includes both Portugal and France, and as a nativespeaker of a Romance language, French, closely related to Portuguese,
Nicolas Quint felt more at ease with administrative formulae, with figurative meanings and with some Portuguese phrases or idioms that are almost
identical in French and Portuguese.
• As an individual educated in Portuguese (the only language in use in
Capeverdean schools) and as a native-speaker of Capeverdean Creole
where many words are directly or indirectly derived from Portuguese, our
Capeverdean team-mate would understand other Portuguese words,
phrases or specific contexts which remained totally obscure to his French
counterpart.
3.2.2. Providing Capeverdean equivalents
As much as we could, we tried to provide a simple, easy-to-use Creole
translation for each of the Portuguese lexical units encompassed in our database, using exclusively Capeverdean as our working language.
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In this process, we had to deal with the following problems and difficulties:
1. False friends: lexically, Cape-Verdean is clearly a neo-Portuguese language, with more than 95% of its vocabulary derived from classical or modern
Portuguese (Quint 2008b: 71). Nonetheless, this lexical proximity is frequently
a source of possible mistakes, as quite a lot of Creole words and idioms that are
phonically very similar to their Portuguese cognates have different meanings.
Example 1: the Cv. phrase na trés pankáda is obviously derived from Pt.
às três pancadas. However, the Portuguese expression means ‘badly and hastily’, whereas its Capeverdean counterpart has preserved only the idea of speed,
and thus means simply ‘hastily, quickly’. Despite the appearances, Cv. na trés
pankáda cannot be held as a suitable translation for Pt. às três pancadas, for
which we found the following Creole equivalents: sem kudádu, djur-djur, tudu
trapadjádu or tudu fadigádu.
2. Language levels: to date, we believe no-one has ever tried to distinguish
systematically language levels in Capeverdean. However, in Capeverdean as in
any other tongue, all the words cannot be used randomly in the same social or
geographical contexts. In our dictionary, we finally decided to retain three criteria:
2.2. Authenticity. This criterion aims at a) distinguishing between the most
typical Capeverdean words and the ones that have been recently borrowed,
chiefly from Portuguese, the main lexifier language for Capeverdean, and to a
lesser extent from English, and b) taking into account the frequency of use of
each Capeverdean item. Authenticity was measured in a 6 degree scale, as can
be seen in Table 3.10
N°
Degree
Pt. translation
Cv. translation
Cv. abbrev.10
1
recent, marginal
borrowing
lusitanismo (recente,
pouco usado)
purtugezádu
pt.
2
recent borrowing in
widespread use
lusitanismo corrente
purtugezádu di
tcheu uzu
pt. t. u.
3
borrowed from
English
anglicismo|di lingua
nglés
ngl.
4
UNMARKED
NEUTRO
NORMAL
5
conservative speech
fundo
fundu
fd.
6
conservative speech,
poorly used
fundo pouco usado
fundu di poku uzu
fd. p. u.
Table 3. Scale of authenticity (see Mendes & al. 2002: 21)
10
The abbreviations are given in Capeverdean in the published version of the dictionary, as the
main purpose of our book is to make Portuguese words understandable to a Capeverdeanspeaking user (see also section 2.1. above).
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Example 2: in order to translate Pt. cerveja /s¢r’vΩ®Ω/ ‘beer’, we had two
possibilities: sarabedja /sΩrΩ’bed®Ω/, used in the countryside, mainly in conservative communities, and serveja /ser’ve®Ω/ recently borrowed from Pt., but
now the most commonly used. Thus, serveja was labeled as “pt. t. u.” and
sarabedja as “fd. p. u.”
2.2. Social geography. This criterion takes into account the geographical
origin and the age of the speakers who use a determined word, and it is measured through a 4 degree scale, as can be seen in Table 4.11
N°
Degree
Pt. translation
Cv. translation
1
UNMARKED
NEUTRO
NORMAL
2
rural
rural
di fóra
fóra
3
urban
urbano
di sidádi
sid.
juvenil
di mosindádi
mos.
4
youngster’s speech
11
Cv. abbrev.
Table 4. Scale of social geography (see Mendes & al. 2002: 21)
Example 3: in order to translate Pt. cólera, ‘anger’, we had two words at
our disposal: réiba, a typical form from Praia, the Capeverdean capital, and
ráiba, used mostly in the countryside. Thus réiba was labeled as “sid.” and
ráiba as “fóra”.
2.3. Sociolinguistics. This criterion is concerned with the social connotations
that a word conveys and it is measured through a 3 degree scale, as can be seen
in Table 5.
N°
Degree
Pt. translation
Cv. translation
Cv. abbrev.
1
2
3
UNMARKED
colloquial
pejorative, slang,
vulgar
NEUTRO
familiar
calão
NORMAL
diskudádu
feiu
disk.
feiu
Table 5. Scale of socio-linguistics (see Mendes & al. 2002: 21)
11
We did not distinguish between urban and rural youngster’s speech for, in modern Capeverdean society, words typical of youngster’s speech generally originate in urban contexts (mostly
in Praia, the Capeverdean capital, situated in Santiago) and then spread very quickly among
all Santiaguense youth, because of the high prestige of urban culture.
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Example 4: in order to translate Pt. cemitério, ‘cemetery’, we had two
expressions in mind: simiteri, commonly used by all speakers and kása-diskansu, word-by-word ‘rest home’, a common, humorous euphemism for ‘cemetery’. Thus simiteri was left unmarked and kása-diskansu was labeled as
“disk.”
3.The absence of any known Capeverdean equivalent for some Portuguese
lexical units. In this case, we had recourse to three different strategies:
3.1.Borrowing. The borrowings were almost every time made from Portuguese, which is de facto the main provider of new words in modern Capeverdean, and the foreign language most familiar to the vast majority of Capeverdeans.
Example 5: to our knowledge, there is no Capeverdean equivalent for Pt.
cereal [s¢’rja√] ‘cereal’. The closest aboriginal term is Cv. gram, ‘grain, seed’,
which can be used to refer to ‘cereals’ or to ‘beans’, and ‘beans’ by no way are
‘cereals’. However, after further consideration, the very concept of ‘cereal’ is
not specifically Portuguese, it is rather a scientific term used with a very precise
meaning in technical contexts (agriculture, biology…). We needed a word to
translate exactly the notion of ‘cereal’ in Capeverdean and this word did not
exist. But if you are Capeverdean and want to talk about ‘cereals’ in your own
language, you need an appropriate word. Thus we decided to integrate the
Portuguese term under its most probable form in Capeverdean (taking into
account the phonological rules of this language), and the result was sirial
[si’rjΩl].
3.2. Adaptations or neologisms: direct borrowings from Portuguese are not
always the best solution. A pre-existent Capeverdean word can frequently be
adapted or modified to express a non-Capeverdean reality.
Example 6: Pt. antónimo, ‘antonym’, was not directly transferable into
Capeverdean, as this term is unknown to or not used by a large number of
Creole speakers, in particular those who have a low educational level, among
whom we may include young Capeverdean-speaking pupils, who still are at the
beginning of their educational route. Moreover it has a proparoxytonic stresspattern which is at variance with general Capeverdean phonological rules
(Quint 2000a: 71-73). Finally, there exists in Capeverdean a traditional word,
okontrári, ‘reverse, opposite’, the meaning of which could easily be expanded
to include the academic notion of antonym(y). So we decided to translate Pt.
antónimo as (palábra) okontrári, ‘opposite (word)’ in Cv.
Example 7: Pt. escudo, ‘(riot) shield’, was not either easily borrowable as
such into Capeverdean, for two reasons. First, the very notion of ‘shield’ in its
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military acception (whether carried by knights of the Middle Ages or by today’s
policemen), while being commonly used in modern Pt. (the knights frequently
appear in stories for children, and so do the riot shields and their policemencarriers in the mass-media), does not really belong to the cultural environment
or references of many Capeverdean speakers, and this is particularly true for
those Capeverdean speakers who live in Cape Verde. Second, the Portuguese
word escudo does not represent a clearly circumscribed technical or scientific
notion as ‘cereal’ does. As a matter of fact, there are other meanings associated
with escudo in Portuguese. For example, in our dictionary, beside the military
acception, we also have taken into account two additional acceptions of escudo,
namely those of ‘currency unit’ – which usually translates as merés in Cv. –
and ‘shield’ in the figurative meaning of the word, i.e. ‘protection’, translated
by us into Cv. as diféza. In this case, in order to translate Pt. escudo in its
military acception, we had recourse to an existing Capeverdean term, skudri or
skudi, which actually is historically derived from Portuguese escudo and means
‘plastron (of a sea turtle)’. After all, the ‘plastron’ of a turtle is the part of its
squeleton which protects its belly and therefore acts as a kind of shield. For
that reason, we considered that the fact of giving a military acception to skud(r)
i could be viewed as a reasonable adaptation based on the already attested use
of this word in spoken Capeverdean.
3.3. Use of words attested by other authors (but unknown to us). As a rule,
we did not use such words as the only equivalents of a Portuguese lexical unit,
but we resorted to the experience of other authors only when we felt that the
terms they were mentioning were important testimonies for the history of the
Capeverdean tongue or for our general knowledge of this language.
Example 8: in modern Capeverdean, the equivalent of Pt. dúvida, ‘doubt’
is dúvida /’duvidΩ/ in almost every social and geographical contexts. Nevertheless, both Armando Napoleão Fernandes and António de Paula Brito bear
witness to an older form, dubra /’dubrΩ/ (written dubda in Fernandes 1991:
54)12, the paroxytonic stress of which is more in accordance with the phonological patterns of Capeverdean than dúvida, a proparoxytonic form that must
have been borrowed to Portuguese during the 20th century. In this case, alongside with dúvida, we included dubra in the dictionary, as well as references to
our source material.
12
Actually, the form dubra can still be heard sporadically in the conservative speech of some
rural elders. N. Quint personally had the occasion to hear it once during a fieldwork session
in the Northwest of Santiago in 2007 or 2008 (i.e. after the completion of the dictionary presented in this article).
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We are fully aware that the absence of Capeverdean equivalents does not
entitle us to produce the missing lexical items. The borrowings, adaptations,
neologisms and references we gave are only proposals, and as such, all of them
are duly indicated in the dictionary by a system of abbreviations (e.g. KN <
Cv. kontu nóbu for ‘neologism’), so that any reader can distinguish them from
the rest of the lexical information.
3.2.3. Providing sense definitions in Capeverdean
Many times, it was not possible to translate a Portuguese meaning unit by a
simple Capeverdean equivalent. We were then obliged to resort to glosses, that
is to give sense definitions in Capeverdean language. Two kinds of situations
have lead us to use definitions:
1. A didactic necessity. Occasionally, the cultural differences between
Cape Verde and Portugal are too important to be expressed through a single
word or phrase.
Example 9: in the Pt. entry caricatura, ‘caricature’, we gave the form karikatura (borrowed from Pt. and used by some young urban Capeverdean speakers) as a possible Cv. translation. But if we use karikatura as the only translation of Pt. caricatura, it cannot be said that we have correctly treated this entry.
In essence, this dictionary is intended to help Capeverdean speakers to comprehend effectively basic Portuguese. It is unlikely that there is any interest in
finding a Capeverdean form for ‘caricature’ if many users do not know what a
‘caricature’ is. Therefore, in such cases, we felt that we should explain the
meaning of the Portuguese entry in Capeverdean, in a plain, easy to understand
style. For ‘caricature’, we gave the following definition:
dizenhu di trósa ki
ta
fasedu
drawing
hab
make.pass of
of joke rel
di
algum kusa o di algem.
some
thing or of someone
‘satirical drawing made of something or someone’.
2. The linguistic differences between Portuguese and Capeverdean. Albeit
lexically related, Portuguese and Capeverdean display some drastic discrepancies in terms of morphology, distinction of parts of speech and word-order13.
This implies that many Portuguese adjectives, nouns, etc. cannot be translated
by a corresponding noun or adjective in Capeverdean and clearly require a
Creole gloss.
13
From a typological point of view, it is not exaggerated to say that Portuguese is more closely
related to French and even to English than to Capeverdean Creole, the latter showing many
Atlantic and Mande grammatical influences (Lang 2009; Quint 2008b; 2006; 2000b: 3-66).
MAKING THE FIRST STANDARD PORTUGUESE-CAPEVERDEAN DICTIONARY
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Example 10: the Pt. verbal noun leitura, when meaning {acto de ler},
‘act of reading’ cannot be translated by any Capeverdean noun14. Thus we
chose to give an explanatory sentence in Creole, namely ok-u lé, ‘when you
read’.
Example 11: the Pt. preposition a, ‘to’, when introducing a complement of
destination, is generally not expressed by any word in Creole: Pt. (ele) foi a
Lisboa, ‘he went to Lisbon’ vs. Cv. e bá Lisbuâ, ‘he went Lisbon’. Of course,
it is not sufficient to translate Pt. a by something that would mean ‘nothing’
or ‘zero marker’ in Cv. It is absolutely necessary to explain in Capeverdean
what a means in Pt. and in which context it is used. In other words, in order
to translate the above use of Pt. a, we had to introduce in Capeverdean the
notions of ‘preposition’ and ‘complement of destination (i.e. allative or motion
to(wards))’.
Consequently, we found ourselves compelled to elaborate a standardized,
regular way to express grammatical notions in Capeverdean, which lead us to
create almost ex nihilo a whole Creole linguistic metalanguage, resorting to a
combination of borrowings and neologisms as well as drawing inspiration from
the brilliant example of the first Capeverdean grammarian, António de Paula
Brito (1887 [1885]) who, like ourselves, had tried to devise an autonomous
grammatical terminology in Creole (see Quint 2008a).
3.2.4. Translation of the examples
The translation of the Portuguese examples set us some rather specific problems, principally:
1. The question of style and register. For social and historical reasons,
Capeverdean Creole is fundamentally confined to oral use, as Portuguese is
the language of school in Cape Verde and the main written language of Capeverdean speakers anywhere in the world. For example, there are no newspapers in Creole, and when educated Capeverdean speakers want to talk about
scientific, technical or literary matters, they usually resort to Portuguese or
at least borrow many Portuguese words or entire Portuguese sentences when
speaking Creole. That is why, so often, the translation into Capeverdean of
a simple, common sentence typical of written Portuguese can become a nightmare.
14
Santiago Capeverdean, at least in conservative, rural speech, uses the noun letura, obviously
derived from Portuguese leitura. But in Santiaguense letura generally means ‘schooling,
instruction’ and cannot account for the meaning of ‘act of reading’.
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Example 12: the following Pt. sentence is used as an illustration for the verb
explorar, when meaning ‘to take advantage of’:
é
necessário
explorar
ao
máximo
(it) is
necessary
to take advantage of
to.ART.DEF
maximu
os
fracos
recursos
hídricos
da
região.
ART.DEF
low
resources
water.ADJ
of.ART.DEF
region
‘it is necessary to take maximum advantage of the low water resources of the
region.’
In Capeverdean, there are no simple translations (as there are in English)
neither for Pt. ao máximo, ‘to the maximum’ nor for recursos hídricos, ‘water
resources’. Furthermore, the Pt. word-order (which is almost the same as in
English here) sounds very unnatural in Capeverdean. If we borrowed the “missing” words from Pt. and followed the original word-order, we would make a
sentence that any native-speaker of Creole would see as very clumsy and awkward, to say the least. Our sentence would be what Capeverdean historian
Moacyr Rodrigues (p.c. 2000) calls Crioulês or “Creolese” (a mix of Creole
and Portuguese), but it would not be Creole. In such cases, as much as we
could, we favored the model provided by spoken Creole and tried to produce
a translation that expressed the meaning of Portuguese with the vocabulary and
turns of phrase that are familiar to Creole speakers. For the above sentence, it
gave this result:
kel
poku águ
ki
tem
na
kel
zóna
DEM
few
water
REL
be.there
in
DEM
place
‘that few
water
that
there is
in
that
place
tem
ki
purbetádu
bem
purbetádu.
have
CONJ
take.advantage.of.PASS
well
take.advantage.of.PASS
has
to
be taken advantage of
well taken.’
Of course, it has often been very difficult to convey the exact meaning of
written Portuguese using typical, spontaneous Creole sentences. But our experience of speakers has shown us that you can say everything in Creole, as in
any other language. Our problem here was more the lack of habit in dealing
with certain concepts in Capeverdean than some incapacity of the Creole
tongue to express those concepts. Moreover, the translation of several thousands of Portuguese examples was also an opportunity for us to discover that
the Capeverdean language had many more resources at its disposal than what
we had been thitherto aware of.
2. The idiomaticity of the translations. As Creole has its own genius and
way of saying things, even modifying the word-order and choosing appropriate
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vocabulary, it has not always been possible to preserve in our Capeverdean
translations the literal content of the Portuguese original.
Example 13: Pt. o gato arranhou o chão com as unhas, ‘the cat scratched
the floor with its claws’. One of the main characteristics of Capeverdean morphology is its extreme reluctance to use redundant expressions (Pereira 1992;
Quint 2003; 2000a: 321-380). Thus, for a Capeverdean brain, it is rather
bizarre to say that a ‘cat scratched something with its claws’: if the ‘cat
scratched something’, it is obvious that it must have been ‘with its claws’, and
so it is just unnecessary to tell it. Therefore the best translation in Creole is just
gátu
ránha
tchom.
cat
scratch
floor
‘the cat scratched the floor’.
Example 14: Pt. serei teu amigo para sempre, ‘I will always be your friend’
or ‘we will always be friends’. Theoretically, this sentence should not pose any
problem in being translated quite faithfully into Capeverdean Creole. In fact,
there is a Cv. idiom that corresponds exactly with the Pt. sentence:
mi
ku
bo
é
móri
xinta
na stera
1SG.TON
with
1SG.TON
be
die
sit
in
mat
‘you and me, we will remain friends until one of us dies and the other sits by his
commemorative altar’.15
The Cv. idiom is undoubtedly the best translation, but the trouble here is
that this example was destined to illustrate the Pt. entry sempre, ‘always’, usually translating as sempri or tud’óra in Cv. However, neither sempri nor tud’óra
were used in our Cv. sentence. Thus, if we should keep this example (which
we actually did) for its idiomatic interest, we would have to try to provide
another one that would illustrate better the use of Cv. most common equivalents
(sempri and tud’óra) of Pt. sempre.
4. OVERALL COHERENCE OF THE DATA
During all the process of making this dictionary, we took great care to maintain the coherence of the data we have produced and combined.
15
In rural Santiago, following a death, a commemorative altar (Cv. stera) is erected in the house
of a relative or friend, and on appropriate religious occasions, the village people will gather
there to pray throughout the night in memory of the deceased.
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4.1. Treatment of semantic families
In Portuguese as in Creole, we always treated identically each element of a
semantic family, such as the names of the days, the numerals, the personal
pronouns or the arithmetical operations (addition, subtraction…).
4.2. Standardization of glosses and definitions in Capeverdean
When we elaborated a technical and grammatical Capeverdean vocabulary
to provide sense definitions in Creole (see above discussion of Examples 10 &
11 in 3.2.3.), we remained faithful to our choices throughout the dictionary.
Example 15: in a Pt. dictionary, reflexive verbs and idioms are usually
expressed in the 3rd person, like in
despedir-se
à
francesa
take.leave-3SG.REFL
in.ART.DEF
French
to take leave oneself in the
‘to take French leave’
French (way)
But morphologically, Cv. does not express reflexiveness through pronominal forms. That is why we preferred a gloss in the 2nd person:
ók-u
bá
bu
kaminhu
sem
fla
náda
when-2SG.S.ENCL
go
2SG.POSS
way
without
say
nothing
‘when you go on your way without saying anything’.16
Once we had decided that the 2nd person in Cv. would be the best way to
translate Pt. 3rd person reflexive forms, we used it systematically in the whole
dictionary to avoid confusion for our users.
4.3. Avoiding repetitions
When dealing with phrases and idioms, it is not always evident in which
entry they should best be placed.
Example 16: let us consider the Pt. idiom marcar golo, ‘to score a goal’:
should it figure in the entry marcar, ‘to score’ or in the entry golo, ‘goal’, or
16
If we had stuck to the 3rd person in Creole, the result would have been curious enough for, in
the absence of any other contextual element, the 3rd person form ok-e bá si kaminhu sem fla
náda, means ‘when s/he goes on her/his way without saying anything’, and a Creole speaker
would wonder to whom that ‘s/he’ refers.
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in both? In such situations, we established a system of cross-references, so that
marcar golo appears both in marcar and in golo, but is treated only in one of
them. In this particular case, one will find the translation of marcar golo in
golo, but in marcar, the idiom marcar golo appears with a special mark (v.)
preceding the word golo (i.e. marcar v.golo), thereby allowing the user to know
that marcar golo is treated in golo.
5. CONCLUSION
Our Portuguese-Capeverdean dictionary, which was finally completed at the
end of 2002 and made available to the users at the beginning of 2003, is now
a reality. Of course it is a pioneering work and it must be regarded as such.
Some years ago, a tourist guide of Cape Verde said quite rightly that ‘officializing [i.e. ‘implementing the official use of’] Creole would be a mammoth task’
(Colum & Aisling 2001: 27). All our team agrees with this statement. Indeed,
there is still a lot of work to do if we want to develop Capeverdean as a written
language, with all the didactic material that is available for other linguistic
communities of a comparable size, for example Icelanders or Estonians.
The work we have done has at least two advantages:
• It has been methodically processed and it uses modern, computerized support, so that the database we have made can easily be increased and
improved without having to start again from zero.
• The glosses and definitions we have been producing in a systematic way
could serve as a starting point for a future monolingual Capeverdean dictionary, which seems a highly desirable work if the Capeverdeans desire
to take full advantage of their own language in the future.
For the moment, we can only hope that this dictionary (of which several
hundred copies have already been sold) is proving to be a helpful resource for
the Capeverdean and Portuguese speakers who are using it. We hope too that
we have demonstrated that a reduced but highly motivated team can produce a
lexical work of some value. Finally, we would like to draw attention to the fact
that we managed to unite the efforts of people coming from three different
countries to make this bilingual dictionary. In these volatile times when dialogue between disparate nations is all too frequently restricted to bellicose posturing, we hope that more people will spend some of their time understanding
each other’s language and way of thinking.
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