Crioulo

This paper is concerned with the diachrony of passive morphology in Papiamentu. In the literature on passivization in Papiamentu, the view is held that Papiamentu originally did not have any (morphologically marked) passive and that passivization was borrowed wholesale into the creole from Dutch and/or Spanish. This paper takes issue with this view and argues that, although the passive auxiliaries ser/wòrdu doubtlessly constitute an innovation, passive morphology is in fact a native, original feature of the Papiamentu grammar.
An added aim is to draw a parallel with the passive morphology found in the Upper Guinea branch of Portuguese-based creoles, as spoken on the Cape Verde Islands, in Guinea-Bissau and in the Senegalese province of Casamance, in order to strengthen the claim that Papiamentu and these creoles share a common ancestor.

Capeverdean (CV) is the mother tongue of more than a million people living in, or
originating from, the archipelago of Cape Verde, situated about 500 km west of Dakar
(Senegal). As a Portuguese-based Creole, this language obviously has many Portuguesederived
items in its vocabulary, although there are often significant phonetic changes (see Quint 2000a: 53-139) such as:
CV obi  ‘to hear’ < Port. ouvir
CV nabidja ‘heifer’ < Port. novilha.
Nevertheless, not all CV words derive from Portuguese; indeed, some quite common CV
words can be traced back to diverse African languages, e.g.
CV djobi ‘to look at’ < Mandinka juubee.
CV djáki ‘bull calf’ < Wolof yëkk.
In this article, I examine the importance of this African stratum and explore what African
words and expressions in CV can tell us about the origins of this language and, more
generally, about the formation of Afro-European creoles.

This paper is concerned with the linguistic ties between Papiamentu and the Upper Guinea branch of Portuguese-based Creole as spoken on the Santiago island of Cape Verde (SCV)
and in Guinea-Bissau and Casamance (GBC)3. The aim is to underpin the claim that these creoles have common origins by diachronically analyzing and comparing aspects of their core morphology.

Este estudo teve como objetivo analisar comparativamente demonstrativos no crioulo cabo-verdiano e no papiamento na função de anáfora na modalidade escrita. Do ponto de vista teórico-metodológico, este estudo se baseou no modelo teórico tipológico-funcional de Givón (2001) e no modelo descritivo de Halliday e Hasan (1976), tendo sido realizado com base em um corpus composto de dados extraídos de textos do gênero textual de notícia. Testaram-se duas hipóteses, que puderam ser comprovadas. A primeira hipótese foi a de que a função anafórica é codificada prototipicamente por uma forma específica em cada língua, o que foi confirmado, pois se constatou que, no crioulo cabo-verdiano, a forma prototípica usada para essa função foi es e, no papiamento, foi e...aki /esaki. A segunda hipótese foi a de que outras formas podem aparecer exercendo essa função excepcionalmente, o que também foi confirmado, já que se constatou o emprego de kel/kes e de kel li exercendo a função de anáfora no crioulo cabo-verdiano e de e...ei/esei e e...ayá no papiamento. No caso do crioulo cabo-verdiano, as formas alternativas para expressar anáfora podem ocorrer por duas razões: (a) quando se trata de expressão demonstrativa com demonstrativo na posição de núcleo (empregando-se kel li) e (b) quando há a função superveniente de ativação de conhecimento compartilhado pressuposto pelo locutor (empregando-se kel/kes). Entretanto, há também a possibilidade de ocorrer kel/kes em contextos que não são os dois descritos anteriormente, o que significa que haveria variação linguística nesse domínio. No caso do papiamento, as formas alternativas para expressar anáfora podem ocorrer para codificar diferentes graus de distância em relação ao lugar da enunciação no caso de expressões demonstrativas temporais: usa-se e...ayá para marcar passado distante, e...ei para marcar passado indefinido ou próximo e e...aki para marcar futuro próximo. Entretanto, constatou-se também a existência de variação linguística, pois houve ocorrência de e...aki em expressão demonstrativa temporal para marcar passado próximo, assim como o faz prototipicamente e...ei, e também de e...ei/esei em expressões demonstrativas não temporais, assim como o faz prototipicamente e...aki/esaki. / This study aimed to analyze comparatively demonstratives in Cape Verdean Creole and Papiamento on the function of anaphora in the written modality. From the theoretical-methodological point of view, this study was based on the typological-functional theoretical model of Givón (2001) and the descriptive model of Halliday and Hasan (1976), based on a corpus composed of data extracted from texts from textual genre of news. Two hypotheses were tested, which could be proven. The first hypothesis was that the anaphoric function is prototypically coded by a specific form in each language, which was confirmed, since it was found that, in Cape Verdean Creole, the prototype form used for this function was es and, in papiamento, it was e...aki/esaki. The second hypothesis was that other forms may appear to perform this function exceptionally, which was also confirmed, since the use of kel/kes and kel li was found to perform the function of anaphora in Cape Verdean Creole and of e...ei/esei and e...ayá in the Papiamento. In the case of Cape Verdean Creole, alternative forms for expressing anaphora may occur for two reasons: (a) when there is a demonstrative expression with demonstrative in the nuclear position (use of kel li) and (b) when the is the intention of activating knowledge shared by the speaker (use of kel/kes). However, there is also the possibility of kel/kes occurring in contexts other than the two previously described, which means that is linguistic variation in this domain. In the case of Papiamento, alternative forms for expressing anaphora may occur to encode different degrees of distance from the place of enunciation in the case of temporal demonstrative expressions: it is used e...ayá to mark distant past, e...ei to mark indefinite or near past and e...aki to mark near future. However, there is also the existence of linguistic variation, the use of e...aki was found in temporal demonstrative expression to mark near past, as e...ei does prototipically, and also the use of e...ei/esei in non-temporal demonstrative expressions, as e...aki/esaki do prototipically.

Entre as comunidades indo-portuguesas, a cantiga assume ainda hoje lugar de destaque em variadíssimas ocasiões públicas. Canta-se em cerimónias litúrgicas, procissões e festividades religiosas, mas também em festas, casamentos, na recepção a dignitários e sempre que a ocasião exija uma demonstração das singularidades culturais da comunidade. Este estudo explora características linguísticas e temáticas de uma parcela do cancioneiro indo-português, nomeadamente o conjunto de cantigas que sabemos ser ou ter sido de uso corrente entre as comunidades norteiras

En 1434, le navigateur portugais Gil Eanes double le Cap Bojador (également appelé Boujdour), situé dans l’actuel Sahara occidental et qui, à l’époque, marquait pour les Européens de l’Ouest les limites méridionales du monde connu. Dans les années qui suivent, les marins lusitaniens, cherchant à ouvrir une route maritime vers les Indes, vont progressivement reconnaître les côtes de la partie occidentale de l’Afrique subsaharienne, atteignant finalement le Cap de Bonne Espérance (à l’extrémité Sud du continent) en 1488. Tout au long de ce parcours, les Portugais entrent en contact pour la première fois avec de nombreux peuples et cultures, fondent des comptoirs sur les côtes africaines et développent des relations politiques et commerciales avec maints Etats locaux, qui leur fournissent notamment ivoire et esclaves en échange de produits manufacturés (tels que perles de verre ou pagnes tissés).
Ces échanges commerciaux et ces contacts désormais réguliers entre Portugais et habitants de l’Afrique subsaharienne conduisent à l’apparition d’une série de langues nouvelles, les créoles afro-portugais, qui constituent finalement un prolongement de la Romania en terre africaine. Ces langues créoles se sont probablement formées entre 1450 et 1550, à partir du portugais (dont elles tirent la majeure partie de leur vocabulaire courant) et de diverses langues africaines (généralement qualifiées de ‘substrats’ et dont l’influence est particulièrement forte au niveau de la grammaire des créoles résultants). Il existe aujourd’hui deux familles de créoles afro-portugais, pratiquées au quotidien par près de trois millions d’êtres humains.

"Today, in the Republic of Cape Verde, two languages are in daily use:
• Capeverdean, a Portuguese-based Creole language, is the mother tongue, spoken by nearly all of the 500,000 inhabitants of the country. Capeverdean Creole is also in current use among the Capeverdean diaspora, particularly in the U.S. (more than 200,000 speakers). In Portugal, Capeverdean is the second language in use after Portuguese, with over 100,000 speakers (Quint 2005: 26-27).
• Portuguese is the official language of Cape Verde, and the only one used in written communication, government services and schools.
The coexistence of two languages (Capeverdean and Portuguese) in Cape Verde and in Capeverdean communities can be seen as a cultural treasure.
However, the present-day situation of diglossia (Duarte Almada 1998; Quint 2000b: 243) in particular in Cape Verde and Portugal, where Capeverdeans speak Creole and have to learn Portuguese at school, can sometimes lead to linguistic confusion. In 1998, the Capeverdean Parliament officially recognized the role of the
Capeverdean language (Conselho de Ministros 1998: 18-23). This could, in time, lead to the introduction of Creole in Capeverdean schools and favor the appearance of a bilingual society. However, in order to teach Capeverdean, it is necessary to standardize the language and to provide adequate didactic material, especially grammars and reference dictionaries.
Some Capeverdean dictionaries are already available and provide translations for several thousands of Capeverdean items into Portuguese (Fernandes 1991; Quint 1998; Lang 2002), English (Pires & Hutchison 1983), and French (Quint 1999).
However, except for the Portuguese-Creole lexicon of Lopes da Silva (1957) and a rather short French-Capeverdean dictionary written by Quint (1997), there is still no sizeable reference lexicographic work offering translation from a foreign language into Capeverdean. Between 2000 and 2002, our Capeverdean, Portuguese and French team built the first standard Portuguese-
Capeverdean dictionary. This task was quite a challenge from at least two points of view:
- (1) technically, because of the scarcity of economic and human
resources and the lack of previous work in this specific field, and - (2), linguistically, particularly because of numerous problems arising from the non-standardized status of the Capeverdean language.
In this article, we will begin by describing the characteristics of the dictionary we have produced. Then we will explain in detail the difficulties we encountered, and the solutions and methodology we developed in order to solvethem. We will illustrate each point with examples taken from our dictionary,
which was finally completed and published during the second half of 2002."