Central and East European Studies

ערב רב: פנים וחוץ בוויכוח הפרנקיסטי הוא ספר מרתק וחדשני החושף את סיפורה הייחודי של התנועה הפרנקיסטית, תנועה יהודית אפיקורסית שצמחה בפולין והתפשטה במרכז אירופה במחצית השנייה של המאה ה-18.

בעיני רוב היהודים פרנק היה 'משיח שקר' ידוע לשמצה. בעיני נוצרים נאורים ומיסיונרים מילנריסטים היה יהודי-נוצרי ואדם חופשי בדעותיו, שלו קשרים מסתוריים והוא משתמש במגיה ובמאגרי עושר סודיים. עבור מאמיניו היה למבשר שחרור מן המסגרות המקובלות המדכאות של מגדר, הלכה, מעמד, משטר ודת.

התנועה הפרנקיסטית עוררה הדים והיתה סלע מחלוקת גם בקרב גורמים דתיים ופוליטיים לא יהודיים: יוזף השני, קתרינה הגדולה, גתה, קזנובה ואחרים. תורותיו של יעקב פרנק, מנהיג התנועה, הציבו אתגר בפני היהדות הנורמטיבית, אך גם בפני האסלאם וזרמים בנצרות. הספר מברר מחלוקות פנימיות ביהדות המודרנית אך דן גם ביחסים בין יהודים לסביבתם במאות ה-18–ה-19.

ערב רב מבוסס על מקורות פנימיים שחיברו פרנק ומאמיניו, על מקורות יהודיים פולמוסיים אנטי פרנקיסטיים, ועל מקורות שכתבו גורמים לא יהודיים בני הזמן. דרכו המוקצנת של יעקב פרנק עוררה עניין רב בו ובתנועתו, ולקורא מוגש ניתוח מעמיק של פרשה היסטורית ייחודית זו.
המחבר, ד"ר פאבל מצ'ייקו מן האוניברסיטה העברית בירושלים, חוקר את תולדות היהודים בפולין-ליטא בעת החדשה. נולד בוורשה וקיבל תואר דוקטור מאוניברסיטת אוקספורד. פרסומיו הרבים זיכו אותו בפרסים, במלגות ובמענקי מחקר רבים. שימש מרצה אורח באוניברסיטאות שונות, בארצות הברית, בצרפת, בגרמניה ובפולין.

Slovakia’s relations with the states of Eastern Europe not only have a bilateral impact, but contain geopolitical, security and economic dimensions as well. This article analyzes the domestic, bilateral and multilateral aspects of relations between Slovakia and Russia before and after the parliamentary elections of 1998, when Slovakia adopted a pro-Western course aimed at EU and NATO membership. The article also focuses on bilateral relations with Ukraine, where Slovakia is among the most active supporters of Ukraine’s future EU membership. The final sections analyze the Eastern policy of Slovakia – particularly within the framework of the EU’s Eastern Partnership and the Visegrad Group – as well as Slovakia’s relations with the new Eastern European partners, such as Belarus, Moldova and Georgia, as target countries of Slovakia’s “soft power.”

The monograph dedicated to the analysis of the politics of history in Ukraine, 'Eastern Europe', and 'Western Europe' in the 1980s - 2010s. Rich empirical material, detailed analysis of roles and performances of state (President, government, local governing bodies, and non-governmental) actors (NGOs, political parties, media, historians),

The massacre of almost 50 Maidan protesters on February 20, 2014 was a turning point in Ukrainian politics and a tipping point in the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. This mass killing of the protesters and the mass shooting of the police that preceded it led to the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and gave a start to a civil war in Donbas in Eastern Ukraine, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. A conclusion promoted by the post-Yanukovych governments and the media in Ukraine that the massacre was perpetrated by government snipers and special police units on a Yanukovych order has been nearly universally accepted by the Western governments, the media, and many scholars. The Ukrainian government investigation identified members of the special company of Berkut as responsible for killings of the absolute majority of the protesters, but did not release any evidence in support, with the exception of videos of the massacre.
              The question is which side organized the “snipers’ massacre.” This paper is the first academic study of this crucial case of the mass killing. It uses a theory of rational choice and a Weberian theory of instrumental rationality to examine actions of major actors both from the Yanukovych government, specifically various police and security forces, and the Maidan opposition, specifically its far right and oligarchic elements, during the massacre.
          The paper analyzes a large amount of evidence from different publicly available sources concerning this massacre and killings of specifics protesters. Qualitative content analysis includes the following data: about 1,500 videos and recordings of live internet and TV broadcasts from mass media and social media in different countries(some 150 gigabytes), news reports and social media posts by more than 100 journalists covering the massacre from Kyiv, some 5,000 photos, and nearly 30 gigabytes of publicly available radio intercepts of snipers and commanders from the special Alfa unit of the Security Service of Ukraine and Internal Troops, and Maidan massacre trial recordings. This study also employs field research on site of the massacre, eyewitness reports by both Maidan protesters and government special units commanders, statements by both former and current government officials, estimates of approximate ballistic trajectories, bullets and weapons used, and types of wounds among both protesters and the police. This study establishes a precise timeline for various events of the massacre, the locations of both the shooters and the government snipers, and the specific timeline and locations of nearly 50 protesters’ deaths. It also briefly analyzes other major cases of violence during and after the “Euromaidan.” This study includes two video appendixes.
            This academic investigation concludes that the massacre was a false flag operation, which was rationally planned and carried out with a goal of the overthrow of the government and seizure of power. It found various evidence of the involvement of an alliance of the far right organizations, specifically the Right Sector and Svoboda, and oligarchic parties, such as Fatherland. Concealed shooters and spotters were located in at least 20 Maidan-controlled buildings or areas. The various evidence that the protesters were killed from these locations include some 70 testimonies, primarily by Maidan protesters, several videos of “snipers” targeting protesters from these buildings, comparisons of positions of the specific protesters at the time of their killing and their entry wounds, and bullet impact signs. The study uncovered various videos and photos of armed Maidan “snipers” and spotters in many of these buildings. The paper presents implications of these findings for understanding the nature of the change of the government in Ukraine, the civil war in Donbas, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

In February 1948, during the political crisis in Czechoslovakia was established a communist regime. This event completed the formation of the Soviet bloc in Europe. It directly impacted the US containment policy towards the USSR and the escalation of the Cold War. Based on archival documents and newspapers articles, the research studies these events through their perception by American media and diplomats, whose opinions and interpretations had great and decisive importance for the US public opinion and its government official reaction. The author concludes that the Czechoslovak crisis of 1948 aroused considerable interest and severe reaction in the United States. It was considered as a part of growing Soviet-American contradictions and international tension. Despite the fears of a communist coup in Czechoslovakia expressed back in 1947, American experts could not accurately predict the onset time of the crisis and its nature. The rapidity of the crisis, the Communist’s reaction, and decisiveness, lack of direct Soviet intervention, as well as the absence of democratic resistance, became a surprise for American journalists and diplomats. They believed that the communist takeover was a manifestation of Soviet expansion and the Kremlin’s desire to consolidate its control over all Eastern Europe. Despite the external legitimacy, the transfer of power to the left forces was interpreted as a coup d'état that finalized the establishment of the totalitarian regime in Czechoslovakia. Nevertheless, the US government refused to sever diplomatic relations with Prague and to initiate an international investigation. Washington found no direct evidence of Soviet intervention. It had to accept the changes in Czechoslovakia, focusing its forces on the inadmissibility of this scenario in Western Europe. The crisis directly influenced the adoption of the Marshall Plan and the intensification of the containment policy.

This chapter discusses the evolution of minority policies in Poland after 1945 in the
context of the processes of ethnic homogenization and nationalization of the Polish state. It analyses the impact of political changes and ethnic structure on the national and minority policy of Poland at various stages of historical development of the country. It also explores whether, and if so, to what extent, the process of national consolidation in Poland has been completed, i.e. to what extent the national identity has prevailed over the regional or linguistic identities. The findings reveal that, after 1989, the minority issue is no longer a relevant factor in Polish politics, remaining within the confines of the dispute over the nature of the Polish identity between the conservative-nationalist and the leftist-liberal segments of Polish politics. At the same time, however, minority rights are not, despite the wording of the Constitution and relevant legislation, relegated to the level of democratic discourse by the political elites, but in many cases are rather seen as a challenge to the stability of the Polish statehood.

Decision making has become slow in the 27-member European Union and the Treaty of Nice distributed power in a somewhat arbitrary way. The Lisbon Treaty makes decision making easier, and streamlines the process by removing the most controversial element: the voting weights. The new system relies entirely on population data. We look at the immediate impact of the reform as well as the long term effects of the different demographic trends across countries. We find that the Lisbon rules hurt medium sized countries, especially Central Eastern European countries with declining populations, most, while the United Kingdom is the clear winner.

Мы хотим проверить, возможно ли путём нарративного анализа доказать, что Пелевин пишет один мегатекст, как утверждает, например, Яворник. Нас интересует, насколько Пелевин схематичен в нарративной конструкции своих текстов. Кроме того сборник рассказов П5 вышел на пятнадцать лет позже романа Жизнь насекомых, что позволяет нам сравнить произведения раннего и позднего периода.  При анализе мы используем методы Альгирдаса Жюльена Греймаса, опираясь прежде всего на его концепции актантной схемы в глубине текста и акториализации актантов на поверхности текста.

Although it appears that China's state capitalism model means that it utilises Chinese companies in the service of foreign policy, the reality is more complex. The Beijing government is not always able to control the behaviour of its commercial actors as it seeks to implement an investment-led comprehensive national security strategy within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The article examines China's economic statecraft in the Czech Republic from 2015 to 2018, focusing on the extent to which the Chinese government was able to control the activity of the private company CEFC China Energy as part of a coordinated strategy of economic statecraft designed to increase Chinese influence in Central Europe via the use of economic carrots. CEFC was at the forefront of Chinese investments in the Czech Republic during the period but its investments were taken over in May 2018 by CITIC, a Chinese state-owned enterprise (SOE) while the head of CEFC was under arrest in China. The case implies that Beijing lacked or lost control over its primary commercial actor in the Czech Republic and was forced to reassert its influence with the aim of getting its strategy of increasing its political and economic influence in the heart of Europe back on track. Since the case study reveals an attempt to use of a commercial actor in the service of Chinese national interests, it has implications for understanding Chinese economic statecraft in the remainder of the CEE region and other BRI countries.

PRESENTATION

L'Europe centrale est un ensemble de pays et de cultures enchevêtrées caractérisé par une « histoire partagée » Les villes multiculturelles en sont l'une des spécificités Vienne Prague Budapest Berlin Varsovie Odessa Czernowitz Lvov Dantzig Sibiu : de ces lieux où s'entrecroisent deux trois ou quatre cultures différentes certains sont aujourd'hui des capitales européennes d'autres des villes de confins dont on redécouvre en Occident l'histoire polyphonique La constitution des Etats nationaux ou inversement de blocs politiques imposés en dépit des frontières par les totalitarismes (invasion allemande puis soviétique) ont mis à mal les équilibres vulnérables de coexistence avec des intentions et des stratégies différentes (imposition du monolinguisme déplacements de populations nettoyage ethnique génocide) La multiculturalité resurgit pourtant comme modèle civique et urbain après 1989 Cet ouvrage réunit dix spécialistes pour aborder l'histoire politique sociologique culturelle littéraire artistique architecturale de ces dix villes Il décrit les diverses modalités de la multiculturalité traditionnelle et son histoire jusqu'à sa fragilisation voire sa destruction lors des traumatismes majeurs de la modernité

Sommaire
LES CAPITALES
Vienne - Paradigme du milieu urbain centre-europée
Multiculturalité et uniculturalisme : le paradoxe de Prague
Budapest, entre multiculturalité et identification nationale
Le multiculturalité berlinoise : mythes et réalités
Polonais, Juifs, Russes, Allemands, Vietnamiens et autre habitants de Varsovie : la multiculturalité dans la capitale polonaise au XIXe et XXe siècles

LES VILLES DES CONFINS
Odessa : une multiculturalité de façade
Czernowitz, Cernauti, Tshernovtsy, Tshernivtsi : les représentations sociales d'une identité multiple
Lemberg, Lwow, Lvov, Lviv : de la " petite Vienne " au centre du nationalisme ukrainien
Danzig/Gdansk : L'Europe du XXe siècle au prisme des confins germano-polonais
Hermannstadt - Nagyszeben - Sibiu : des fantômes dans la ville ?

Public houses-inns, taverns, and alehouses-during the Jagiellonian Dynasty (1385-1572) in Cracow functioned as important establishments in the diplomatic services of kings, city officials, and the nobility. Not only did these locales offer drink, food, and accommodations to emissaries for their travels and work, but they provided much more. For the diplomats, the inns, taverns, and alehouses were sites to learn the latest news, gossip, and public opinion. They provided a place to fraternize and they were also trusted locations for sensitive diplomatic negotiations. Public houses likewise served as "post offices" where envoys could receive their letters. Although scholars have studied these establishments, the diplomacy, and urban history throughout Europe in various epochs , they have neglected to analyze the role of the Cracovian public houses in diplomatic services in the Jagiellonian era. This article provides a comprehensive examination of sources, including royal and municipal accounting and personal correspondence, to reveal the role of public houses in the diplomatic practices of the Jagiellonian dynasty.

Wybór Stefana Batorego na tron Rzeczypospolitej utorował drogę do kariery także członkom jego rodziny. Po niespodziewanej śmierci króla jego ambitne plany usiłowało zrealizować czterech bratanków, przede wszystkim zaś Andrzej, uważany za duchowego spadkobiercę stryja. Jako kardynał musiał wypełniać zadania stawiane przed nim przez Kościół, jednocześnie za pomocą zawiłych rozgrywek usiłował bronić interesów Batorych i jedności rodu, mając przeciw sobie Habsburgów, Szwecję i Moskwę.

Najobszerniejszy jak dotąd wybór twórczości eseistycznej Krzysztofa Czyżewskiego umiejscawia Europę Środkową w samym środku najważniejszych dla współczesnego świata pytań i problemów: kryzysu wspólnotowości, pogłębiających się podziałów i coraz ostrzejszych wojen kulturowych.
Dla współtwórcy ośrodka „Pogranicze” Europa Środkowa nie jest tylko geopolityką i nie ma – jak chciał Peter Handke – znaczenia „wyłącznie meteorologicznego”. Jawi się bardziej jako etos i postawa, która wykorzenieniu przeciwstawia przynależność, kompleksowi prowincjonalizmu – siłę prowincji, a ostro zarysowanym granicom – przestrzeń przenikania i współistnienia.
Czyżewski zawzięcie poszukuje żywej i wychylonej ku przyszłości, scalającej narracji, zdolnej stworzyć przeciwwagę narodowych mitów, tak silnie określających naszą rzeczywistość w ostatnich dwóch stuleciach. W leksykonie najważniejszych dla niego pojęć znajdują się zapomniane słowa, takie jak „agora”, „pogranicze”, „obcowanie”, „tkanka łączna” czy magiczny „neimar” – budowniczy mostów.
W swoich eseistycznych peregrynacjach podąża po mapie wyznaczonej przez outsiderów, wygnańców i kontestatorów, wędrownych artystów czy niesfornych intelektualistów, dla których Europa pozostawała i pozostaje ciągle niezrealizowanym w pełni projektem. Często przywołuje Mickiewicza, Vincenza, Rotha, Stempowskiego, Giedroycia, Kołakowskiego, Tischnera, Barańczaka, Venclovę, a nade wszystko Miłosza, którego jest wyjątkowym i wnikliwym czytelnikiem.

"The mausolea of communist leaders, a major component of Stalinist symbolic politics, are still shrouded in mystery. Some are destroyed, like Dimitrov’s in Sofia, Gottwald’s in Prague and Neto’s in Luanda. The Lenin mausoleum in Moscow is basically defunct. Yet the Ho Chi Minh mausoleum in Hanoi, Mao’s in Beijing and the Kumsusan mausoleum complex of the Kim dynasty in Pyongyang keep fulfilling their task of a powerful symbol of a different political, social and economic order, with the embalmed cadavers of the founding fathers embodying the supposed eternal duration of that order and thereby perpetuating its legitimacy.
While the destroyed and defunct mausolea continue to be a subject of rumours and fables widely circulating among citizens of the respective countries, and globally among journalists and some scholars, very little is currently known about what actually transpired in a communist mausoleum.
This talk will offer first an overview of the cultural background and ideological reasons for the origin of communist mausolea in general. Second, it will demonstrate the details of the Soviet embalming method and the symbolic meaning of displaying the leader’s body, based on archival documents relating to the mausoleum of Bulgarian leader Georgi Dimitrov (on display 1949–1990) and Czechoslovak president Klement Gottwald (on display 1953–1962). The recently declassified archives of these mausolea currently represent the only freely accessible documentation of its kind. The formerly top secret material to be presented in this talk was never seen before by anybody else than the embalmers.
The talk will conclude with a discussion of the relationship of the embalmers to the practice of preserving dead bodies in the past. It will be shown that the Soviet, and to a lesser extent also the Bulgarian, specialists were fully aware that their preservation work in a monumental tomb constituted a continuation of a tradition inherited from antiquity, and they did not hesitate to publicly acknowledge that, at the same time highlighting the fundamental differences between the context and method of ancient and modern body preservation. They were (and still are) proud of their work while the attitude of particularly the Soviet population to the mausoleum project certainly was not negative. The attitude of the Czech specialists, however, was marked by indifference or even shame while the mausoleum project met with condemnation among the majority of Czechoslovaks."

Márai Sándor sikere a nemzetközi könyvpiacon az ezredforduló éveitől hatásos cáfolatát jelenti az író várakozásainak, hiszen az emigrációban is magyarul alkotó szerző nem hitt saját műveinek fordíthatóságában. A külföldi Márai-olvasás középpontjában A gyertyák csonkig égnek című regény áll, melyet a hazai irodalmár szakma nem sorol a szerző legambiciózusabb művei közé. A siker kulcsát a Monarchia letűnt világa iránti nosztalgiahullám jelentheti. Hogyan lehetne eljutni az aktuális sikertől a Márai-életmű világirodalommal való dialógusáig? A választ a Márai-művek világ-, illetve regionális irodalmi kontextusainak feltárása adhatja meg. Ennek példájaként a tanulmány célja, hogy A gyertyák csonkig égnek nyelv-és identitásszemléletét, írásmódját az osztrák (illetve tágabban a közép-európai) modernséghez kapcsoló mélyebb összefüggésekre mutasson rá.

Galicia was called by its 19th-century contemporaries 'an India of Europe' as it was the poorest province of the Habsburg Empire. This paper presents a global history of ideas and people that connects India's colonial experience with Eastern Europe. Although different in size, both countries were ruled by the imperial centres that considered them as 'backward' and in a need of the 'civilizing mission'. Vienna German-speaking centre stigmatized Polish-Ukrainian-Jewish Galicia periphery as 'barbaric East'. My aim is to show how some ideas of 'development', 'civilization' and 'barbarity' produced by the British to India were transferred and appropriated into Galicia. I will critically examine those ideas through the postcolonial prism. In this regard, I will demonstrate a Galician-Indian parallel in the biography and work of Stanisław Szczepanowski who held an ambivalent position that linked British colonial experience in India with attempts to 'civilize' Galicia.

This article analyzes Regards from Serbia (2007), a comic strip diary by Aleksandar Zograf, a Serbian underground cartoonist, as an instance of the alternative, anti-nationalist oppositional media space during the Yugoslav War. Drawing on comics scholarship and Walter Benjamin’s philosophy of history, the article explores Zograf’s use of the fantastic and surreal aesthetics to depict the political spectacle of Serbian nationalism during the 1990s, a historical time which Zograf imagines as a collective dream or, alternatively, a nightmarish mass hallucination. The visual diary spans the entire decade of the 1990s, a period of war, privation and authoritarian rule in Serbia: from the internationally imposed sanctions in the early 1990s to the overthrow of the Serbian strongman, Slobodan Milošević, following the U.S led NATO-bombing campaign. By examining the overall narrative progression of the comics diary and the use of surrealist themes, I view Zograf comics as site of dialectical images that critically reframe both the political rhetoric of Milošević’s nationalist regime as well as international mass media representations of the Yugoslav Wars of the 1990s.

Stjepan II Kotromanic was the first Bosnian ruler that extends his rule to the shores of the Adriatic Sea. The paper treats this important and crucial part of Bos nian medieval history that took place in 1326. In addition to the course of events that ultimately resulted in Bosnia's access to the sea, the preconditions and consequences were also taken into account. To a lesser extent, in addition to politics, economic his tory is also treated, i.e. those aspects of it that are important for this topic.

Although the Hours of the Virgin Mary (Horae/Cursus/Officium Parvum Beatae
Mariae Virginis) usually figured in Latin in books of hours, vernacular translations
were also made of the text. The first half of the paper gives a short overview of these
vernacular versions focusing on the Central and East-Central European region. The
second half examines the issue of the liturgical use in the late medieval Hungarian
translation of the Little Office preserved in the Festetics-kódex. This prayer book was
copied sometimes before 1494 by the Pauline Hermits of Nagyvázsony as a gift for
Benigna Magyar, wife of Pál Kinizsi, a famous general of King Matthias Corvinus.
The Pauline Order followed the use of Esztergom with minor changes in their liturgical
books and recent secondary literature states that the Hungarian-language Little Office
follows the Breviary of Esztergom. Nevertheless, the detailed analysis of the office as
performed by Felicián Gondán in 1916 and by the present paper shows that the text is
closer to the use of Kalocsa-Zagreb. It contains, however, some interesting elements
that point to the Esztergom use or a variant of this use present mainly in breviaries
originating from the Spiš region.

The town of Hradec Králové was tied up by a classicist fortress for a major part of the 19th century. The fortress was abolished and started to be pulled down in the 1870s, thus the vast building sites were created to build a new city. The area Morušovka (moruše means a mulberry), located on the Orlice riverbank, was the place where the first villas were built after 1902 in the Renaissance Revival style by Václav Rejchl Snr. Another villa quarter was located on the boundary between Hradec Králové and Pražské Předměstí. The first villas were built along the Střelecká street in 1908—1910, followed by the others built after WWI, making this area the biggest villa quarter. The regulatory plans dated 1885, 1904, 1908—1909, and 1925—1927 show there were many more villa quarters in the process of planning. Václav Rejchl Snr., Vladimír Zákrejs and Josef Šejna designed a villa quarter in the northern sector of the town that was supposed to be either the workers’ garden town or, according to Oldřich Liska’s and Otakar Klumpar’s designs, the big villa quarter in the south-western part, with the adjacent workers’ town. Josef Gočár wanted to build houses and terraced houses in the south-eastern part and planned to finish the Orlice basin that lacked the center and facilities.
In the late 1910s, Hradec Králové saw a variety of villas. One trend was represented by conservative architects, such as Jaroslav Pažout, František Jaroslav Černý, Václav Rejchl Snr., and Josef Fanta, who were inspired by historicisms, traditional architecture (half-timbering, cyclopean walls), and Art Nouveau ornaments. Oldřich Liska developed a remarkable decorative synthesis of cubism and classicism in his project of three villas in 1912—1913 for himself, Marie Sálová, and the Hypius family. They were opposed by progressive architects who were inspired by modern architecture represented by Jan Kotěra and his school. Vladimír Zákrejs, who build the villa for Václav Charvát and Václav Píša, ranked among his apprentices. In 1909, Josef Gočár designed a villa for Antonín Petrof and it was one of the most progressive designs published in Volné směry magazine. However, the Petrof family opted for more conservative designs that were realized for brothers Jan and Antonín Jr. Although some architects, such as Rudolf Němec, designed mostly conservative buildings, they were rather modern in the case of the villas, such as Němec’s villa for Robert Schmidt. František J. Černý designed several Renaissance Revival villas back in 1912, yet he designed a much more modern house for himself at the same time.
Some villas in traditional decorativism were designed after WWI, such as terraced houses by Josef Mudra or Čeněk Vorlíček’s villa. In about 1925, when the principles of purism and avant-garde international style started to arrive in the Czech Republic, these ideas were implemented in the villa architecture in Hradec Králové as well. The illustration may be the terraced houses by Josef Sedlák, Emílie Waldeková-Kmochová’s villa designed by František Janda, who was Jan Kotěra’s apprentice, or Anna Urbanová’s villa designed by Ondřej Rádl. The combination of traditional elements and modern space and elements was massively spread in Hradec Králové in the 1930s. The villas were designed by Jan Rejchl, Milan Babuška, Oldřich Liska, and Bohumil Waigant. The villa of the Cee family designed by Karel Horák is the only construction in Hradec Králové build in the international style inspired by Le Corbusier. The villas designed by the Jewish architect Kurt Spielmann are rather noteworthy; he designed the villa for the Fuchs family and the villa for the doctor Oldřich Smetana. The villas are designed traditionally, yet the interiors are connected and are functionally divided by zones and levels as in Adolf Loos’s work. His villas usually featured two staircases – the main and the operational ones – that made the operation of the house dynamic.
The beginning of WWII saw the construction of 11 houses for German workers and 5 houses for the employees of the Škoda factory located in Slezské Předměstí. The author of the practical minimum living for five-member families was František Dus. The wooden prefabricated houses made of Swedish wood were inspired by the Hartl Austrian design, named after Wenzel Hartl, and built in the north-eastern part of Slezské Předměstí after the end of the war in 1950. This was the end of building the villas, houses, and houses for the employees funded by the individuals. After 1948 the construction was either self-built and self-funded, performed through the building cooperative, or the state and municipality.

Utjecaj češke na hrvatsku arhitekturu 20. stoljeća izuzetno je velik, djelom zahvaljujući djelovanju čeških arhitekata u Hrvatskoj (na primjer u izgradnji kompleksa Batine tvornice u Borovu), no još više stoga što je cijeli niz hrvatskih i jugoslavenskih arhitekata završio školovanje na njemačkoj ili češkoj politehnici u Pragu. Među najvažnije od njih spada Marko Vidaković (Golubinci, 18. 7. 1890. – Zagreb, 5. 1. 1976.). Nakon jedne godine studiranja na Visokoj tehničkoj školi u Beču (1909. – 1910.), na Česká vysoká škola technická u Pragu studirao je s prekidima između 1910. i 1919. Vidaković je odigrao ključnu ulogu u pojavi moderne u arhitekturi Hrvatske organiziranjem izložbe Čehoslovačke savremene arhitekture u Zagrebu (17. 3. – 1. 4. 1928.) koju je priredio uz pomoć Zdenĕka Wirtha iz Čehoslovačkog ministarstva za školstvo i narodnu prosvjetu. Nedugo poslije izložbe projektirao je i podigao jednu od prvih građevina internacionalnog stila u Zagrebu, vilu Ljudevita Pfeffermanna (Jurjevska 27a, 1928. – 1929.). I u ovome i u kasnijim njegovim projektima (poput nerealiziranog projekta paviljona za Zagrebački zbor iz 1931.) osjeća se utjecaj radova čeških arhitekata. Iako nakon vile Pfeffermann Vidaković neće imati prilike realizirati važnije građevine, iz projekata koje je izrađivao (tramvajska stajališta, 1930. ; umjetnički dom, 1930. ; klinika za otorinolaringologiju, 1940., sve u Zagrebu) očito je kako se radilo o vrlo talentiranom arhitektu koji je potpuno prihvatio leksik moderne arhitekture. U širenju internacionalnog stila u Hrvatskoj i Jugoslaviji odigrao je važnu ulogu i putem svojih brojnih tekstova publiciranih u časopisu Arhitektura iz Ljubljane, te u zagrebačkim i beogradskim dnevnim novinama. Tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata aktivno je sudjelovao u spašavanju srpske djece u profašističkoj Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj.

Conference proceedings published in the fourth volume of conference series Slovensko v rokoch neslobody 1938 – 1989 deal with various issues concerning relations of Slovakia and Slovaks with their neighbours, other European countries, nations and societies in 1938 – 1989. Papers by twelve authors analyze selected aspects of political, social, ethnic, military and economic history of Slovakia and Slovaks with an aim to place them into European context. All proceedings were presented at the conference organized on 11 May 2015 in Považská Bystrica by the Department of History at the Faculty of Arts of the Matej Bel University in Banská Bystrica, by the Department of Politology at the Alexander Dubček University of Trenčín and by the City of Považská Bystrica.
Study of relations of Slovakia and Slovaks in transnational historical context has a high importance not only for domestic historiography but for other European historiographies as well since Slovakia and Slovaks were not insignificant factors of 1938 – 1989 development at least in the Central Europe and adjacent regions.
Proceedings are chronologically and thematically divided into three blocks, bringing results of authors´ original research regarding diverse areas of history.
The first block (Politics and society) includes papers as follows: Nation and state in Slovak politics: ideology and conceptions by Štefan Polakovič and Milan Hodža after 1938 (Marta Goňcová), Polish-Slovak negotiations on the issue of borders in autumn 1938 from the perspective of the Czech press reports and press reports of Polish consulate in Moravská Ostrava (Robert Kowalski), Joint Slovak-Hungarian attempts to withdraw from the war, 1943 – 1944 (István Janek), Reactions of the public on the news on J. V. Stalin´s disease and death in situation reports by the State Security (Martin Gabčo), Celebrations of Czechoslovak-Soviet friendship in the 1950s (Zuzana Hasarová) and „Hello, Europe!” March through the Iron Curtain and symbolic comeback of Slovakia to the map of Europe (Peter Jašek).
The second block (Minorities) covers selected aspects of minority studies, mainly concerning the wartime and postwar Jewish question. It includes following papers: Solution of the minority question on the detached territory of Komárno County during Szálasi´s regime (Katarína Ristveyová), An island of hope? Slovakia on the map of transit crossing of foreign Jews in the second half of the 1940s (Juraj Jankech) and Emigration of Jews from Czechoslovakia to Israel in 1948 – 1953 in the context of the Soviet bloc (Martin Šromovský). 
The third bloc (Economy) includes papers Occupation of Western Slovakia by Wehrmacht in March 1939 and spoliation of Slovak military storeshouses (Pavel Mičianik), Financing of the arms factories in Považie in 1938 – 1945 (Zdenka Hešterová) and Hungarian-Czechoslovak cooperation on the construction of the aluminum smelters (Tereza Bartošíková).
Editors of the conference proceedings hope that the publication will contribute to a fruitfull discussion on history of Slovakia and Europe in times of non-democratic regimes of the 20th Century and will perhaps give an impetus to other researchers for cooperation on related topics, respectivelly, for further re-search of partial problems raised in the publication.

In the early twentieth century, three provinces of the Austrian half of the Habsburg Empire enacted national compromises in their legislation that had elements of non-territorial autonomy provisions. Czech and German politicians in Moravia reached an agreement in 1905. In the heavily mixed Bukovina, Romanian, Ukrainian, German, Jewish and Polish representatives agreed on a new provincial constitution in 1909. Last but not least, Polish and Ukrainian nationalists compromised in spring 1914, just a few months before the outbreak of the First World War vitiated the new provisions. Even though the provisions of these agreements varied substantially, new electoral laws introducing national registers were at their heart. These were designed to ensure a fairer representation of national groups in the provincial assemblies and to keep national agitation out of electoral campaigns. The earliest compromise in Moravia went furthest in consociational power sharing. However, the national bodies within the provincial assembly had no right to tax their respective national communities, and the provisions of the provincial constitutions kept the non-nationally defined nobility as an important counterbalance. The compromises in Bukovina and Galicia, even if they categorised all inhabitants nationally, contented themselves with even less autonomous agency for the national bodies in the provincial assemblies and rather emphasised the symbolic elements of national autonomy. The non-territorial approach in all three crownlands, however, was an instrument to reorganise multi-ethnic provinces that increasingly became the model for national compromises in other Austrian provinces.

Joseph Roth dessine dans La Marche de Radetzky (1932) une carte souterraine que le lecteur est invité à reconstituer, à l’aide d’indications spatiales parfois très précises, parfois au contraire vagues ou tronquées ou encore délibérément modifiées – une carte subjective, donc, plus émotive que topographique, traversée de tensions et fortement polarisée entre centre et périphérie. Il se crée là un réseau de sens relevant de ce savoir, de cette « connaissance du cœur humain » dont Freud veut que les œuvres d’imagination soient plus aptes à témoigner que la science. C’est à cette géographie transfigurée, entre réalité objective et paysage de l’âme, que cet article s’intéresse.

Predkladaná publikácia sa zameriava na udalosti spojené so študentskými protestmi na slovenských vysokých školách, najmä v Bratislave, na jar 1956. Využíva prístupy historických a politických vied. Protesty sú analyzované v kontexte politickej krízy, ktorej komunistický režim v Československu čelil po smrti Jozefa V. Stalina. Kniha prináša analýzu politiky Komunistickej strany Československa voči mládeži v druhej polovici 50. rokov z hľadiska seba-sovietizácie, chápanej implementácia kultúrnych vzorcov, inštitúcií, politických a sociálnych praktík ZSSR československými komunistickými elitami a na druhej strane, cez prizmu tendencie prenášať utopické vízie tzv. nového socialistického človeka do budúcich generácií. Kniha sa pokúša identifikovať, prečo v minulosti, najmä v roku 1990, nielen študentské udalosti roku 1956, ale celé obdobie destalinizácie zostalo mimo hlbšieho záujmu výskumníkov v slovenskom a českom prostredí. Autor analyzuje obdobie destalinizácie nielen z hľadiska snáh o demokratizáciu a postupného oslabovania represívneho charakteru komunistického režimu aj napriek krátkodobému nárastu represií v rokoch 1957 – 1958, ale aj z hľadiska úsilia N. S. Chruščova formulovať novú ideologickú víziu sovietskeho modelu socializmu.

EN:
The presented publication focuses on the events related to the student protests at Slovak universities, especially in Bratislava, in the spring months of 1956 using the approaches of history and political science. The protests are analysed in the context of political crisis faced by the communist regime in Czechoslovakia after the death of Joseph V. Stalin. Book brings an analysis of the policy of Communist Party of Czechoslovakia towards youth in the second half of 1950s through the prism of self-sovietisation, i.e., the implementation of cultural patterns, institutions and political and social practices of the USSR by the Czechoslovak communist elites, and on the other hand, through the prism of the tendency to transfer their utopian vision of the so called “new socialist man” to the next generations. The book attempts to identify why in the past, especially in the 1990s, not only the student events of 1956, but also the entire period of destalinization remained outside the focus of more thorough research in the Slovak and Czech environment. Author analyses the period of destalinization not only through the prism of democratisation efforts and gradual weakening of the repressive character of the communist regime despite the temporary increase in pressure in 1957- 1958, but also in the context of N.S. Khrushchev’s efforts to formulate a new ideological vision of the Soviet model of socialism.

The article focuses on the drawings and oleography of Ferdinand Quiquerez titled Crossing the Sava River at Brod (1878/79), a visual metaphor of the Austro-Hungarian occupation (and administration) of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The composition shows the citizens of various religions and confessions in Bosanski Brod, festively awaiting Josip Filipović, commander of the Austro-Hungarian army, in the afternoon hours of July 29, 1878, the day when the occupation began. Even though Quiquerez’s composition has been considered as construed and untruthful, a figment of his imagination rather than a depiction of the actual event, a report of a correspondent of the official gazette Narodne novine shows that this is not the case. Wishing to eternalize the occupation of Bosnia, Quiquerez did not focus on the warfare between the Austro-Hungarian troops and the Muslim population of Bosnia and Herzegovina, like the illustrators working for the European (especially German and Austrian) magazines of the time. He did not choose as his motive the heroism of Austro-Hungarian soldiers or the cruelty of Bosnian-Herzegovinian rebels, but decided to show how the Austro-Hungarian army, after three years of bloody uprising against the Ottoman Empire, brought peace and concord between the three religious groups living there, and eventually the European, Western civilization. Even though treating the Bosnian people as the Others with regard to the Austro-Hungarian army, and even though stereotyping and exoticizing them, he also showed sympathy for them and emphasized the need of unity. The oleography made after Quiquerez’s work was published by Bothe in Zagreb. Its publication should be seen in the context of military propaganda, which was omnipresent at the time: it celebrated the victories of the Austro-Hungarian army as a rare institution that remained common to the entire monarchy after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise. It also celebrated General Josip Filipović, who came to be considered as a sort of Austro-Hungarian national hero for his successful occupation.

Članak govori o crtežima i oleografiji Ferdinanda Quiquereza Prijelaz Save kod Broda, nastalima 1878. – 1879. godine, koji predstavljaju vizualnu metaforu Austro-ugarske okupacije (i uprave) Bosne i Hercegovine. Kompozicija prikazuje kako građani Bosanskog Broda svih vjeroispovijesti svečano dočekuju u popodnevnim satima 29. srpnja 1878., na dan kada je počela okupacija, zapovjednika austrougarskih trupa Josipa Filipovića. Iako se pretpostavljalo kako je Quiquerezova kompozicija konstruirani nevjerodostojan prikaz, proizašao iz slikareve mašte, a ne stvarnog događaja, izvještaj dopisnika zagrebačkog službenog dnevnika Narodnih novina, odaje nam da to ipak nije slučaj. Odlučivši ovjekovječiti zauzimanje Bosne Quiquerez se ne usredotočuje, poput ilustratora koji su radili za onovremene europske (ponajprije njemačke i austrijske) ilustrirane časopise, na borbe između austrougarskih trupa i muslimanskog dijela stanovništva Bosne i Hercegovine, ne odabire za svoju temu junaštvo austrougarskih vojnika, niti svirepost bosanskohercegovačkih ustanika, već odlučuje prikazati kako nakon tri godine krvavog ustanka protiv osmanske države Austro-Ugarska nosi Bosni mir, slogu između triju glavnih konfesionalnih skupina koje u njoj obitavaju te, konačno, zapadnu, europsku civilizaciju. Iako tretira bosansko stanovništvo kao Druge, u odnosu na austrougarske trupe, iako ih donekle stereotipizira i egzotizira, nesumnjivo s njime i simpatizira, te naglašava važnost njihova zajedništva. Oleografiju je prema Quiquerezovu djelu izdao zagrebački izdavač Bothe. Njezino izdavanje treba promatrati u kontekstu u to vrijeme široko raširene vojne propagande. Djelo je veličalo uspjehe austrougarske vojske, jedne od rijetkih institucija koja je i nakon Austro-ugarske nagodbe bila zajednička za cijelu Monarhiju. Veličalo je i generala Josipa Filipovića koji će postati svojevrsnim autrougarskim narodnim junakom zbog uspješno provedene okupacije.

Das heute in der Westukraine gelegene Brody wurde im Zuge der Ersten Teilung Polens 1772 Teil des Habsburgerreichs und war rund 150 Jahre lang dessen nordöstlichste Grenzstadt. Nach einer anfänglichen Blüte setzte in der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts ein rapider wirtschaftlicher Niedergang ein. Als Österreichs jüdischste Stadt nahm Brody eine besondere Stellung in den gesellschaftlichen und kulturellen Beziehungen Galiziens ein. Diese Sonderrolle zeigt sich nicht zuletzt in außergewöhnlichen Lösungen für das ethno-konfessionelle Zusammenleben in Politik, Bildung und Alltagsleben. Reisende und Schriftsteller, wie etwa der in Brody geborene Joseph Roth, sowie ehemalige Bewohner hinterließen Beschreibungen, Erinnerungen und Bilder, die je nach Zeit und Herkunft sehr unterschiedliche Wahrnehmungen dieser Stadt aufzeigen.
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What is the relationship between ethnic diversity and sovereign territoriality? Central Europe was a bustling laboratory for this question both before and after the dissolution of the Habsburg Empire. The notion of minority rights overseen by an international organization like the League of Nations was one of the most striking innovations of the interwar international order. From the perspective of Central European activists, scholars, and politicians, however, this system emerged as just one possible response to an older problem concerning the form of rights and jurisdiction best suited to a region in which different ethnicities, languages, and religions were densely intermingled. In fact, various thinkers had developed a number of bold proposals that sought to redefine the relationship between rights and territory by forming national jurisdictions and communities on a corporate-and thus non-territorial-basis. This chapter traces the emergence of 'non-territorial autonomy' , as this idea is referred to by scholars today, in the multinational Habsburg state and its translation into the area of interwar minority protection.