AN

INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY

OF

OLD HIGH GERMAN

BY

LIONEL ARMITAGE, M.A. Trin. Coll. Oxon.

LECTURER IN MODERN LANGUAGES, BALLIOL COLLEGE

AND TAYLOR LECTURER IN GERMAN I9OO-I9IO

OXFORD

AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

T9T1
 HE"JRY FROWDE, M.A.

PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD

LONDON, EDINBURGH, NEW YORK

TORONTO AND MELBOURNE

 PREFACE

This introduction to the study of Old High German aims

at determining for the EngHsh student the position and portance

im-

of Old High German amid the sister languages of

Germanic. After many years' experience of teaching Philology

at Oxford I have arrived at the conclusion that the English
student of Germanic is at the outset greatly hampered by the

lack of scientific English books on the subject. In German

such books exist in abundance, but it is a fact which we in

England have too long overlooked, that German methods of

arrangement, however excellent, are not adapted to the previous

training of the English student. My intention has been to pile
com-

of Old High German which shall provide the

a grammar
serious student of the language with all the material that he

will require to master it, not to treat Old High German,

however, as an entity in itself,but to link it at once with the

parent Germanic, and to link Germanic in outline to Indo-

Germanic. The student will thus be enabled from the beginning

to utilize for this new subject his knowledge of Greek and

Latin. In this respect my grammar differs from such others

as Sievers' AngelsiicJisische Granunatik^ Braune's Althoch-

dentsche Grammatik, Noreen's Altnordische Grammatik, which

presuppose a wide knowledge of Germanic philology in general,

and give no help to the learner not thus equipped.
I have sought to avoid this danger, and to make my

grammar from the outset clear and comprehensible in itself,

and on the other hand I have strenuously tried to avoid the

faults of many elementary primers, which attain apparent

clearness at the expense of accuracy.
Germanic philology offers many still unsolved problems, and

many knotty questions on which authoritative scholars hold

different views. In the main I have tried to present clearly

the most generally accepted theory, to avoid useless versy
contro-

and the tempting opportunity of advancing untried

hypotheses of my own, but I have not slurred over the diffi-

 I'RKKACE
4

culties, and in all such contexts have given full references to

the literature on the subject.

As regards terminology, while I have avoided neologisms of

I have discarded such misleading terms as

'
strong and
my own,

weak nouns,' *
strong and weak verbs,' *
breaking' (when applied
to Primitive Germanic mutation), "c., "c., and have, as far as

lay in my power, made my nomenclature consistent,^ convinced

that much of the difficulty a beginner finds in Philology is due

to want of precision in such matters.

Though there is nothing in

my book that is not already
known to the expert, yet I claim that in the arrangement and

handling of the materials at my disposal it has something new

to ofifer, and will provide a useful textbook for students of

Germanic philology, and, if I have at all succeeded in

my aim,

a reliable book of reference for my colleagues.

In a work of this kind my debt to such authorities as Paul,
Braune, Streitberg, Dieter, Sievers, Wilmanns, has obviously
been great, but I am more especially indebted to Professor

A. S. Napier, who has shown the most kindness in

generous

encouraging me by criticism and advice, as also to Professor

R. Priebsch, who has always been ready to help me with

suggestions and emendations of the greatest value, and to

Professor Macdonell, who has kindly taken the trouble to

normalize my Sanskrit transcriptions.

I wish further particularly to express my thanks to my

former pupil, now my colleague in Oxford, Miss Overend of

Somerville College, for the very great help she has given me

by putting my
draft chapters to a practical test, and for sparing
me the tedious task of index-making.

*
For the term
*
graded verbs' which I have adopted in preference to 'strong'
I am indebted to Professor Macdonell, who introduced it in his Sanskrit grammars.
 ERRATA

Page 30 " 62 for spjalda

read spjald

30 " 63 ioY Pra/l vQ2idJ^rdell

" 66 for do2,(inOE.

., 31 column)read %
^" 32 " 69 for *^^"^^;2.
read *g_a7og_a?i^

" 37 " 82 for *Xtzz"/-read *^wiw-

" 38 " 86 delete aem^?;i

for j-Z/z^j-
read ^/"('^j"

42 " 97 for /r read In

" 44 " 102 for differenceread differences

of

/or OHG. sunne read OHG. sunna

for saftm'an read samnian

45 " 103 ^ov wmida TQ2Ld luunm

^

delete ON. ""/^^/

46 " 106 for ;7/^w^r- read w^";?^^r

", 52 " 122 for \audig.read V^^^^'^-

" 52 " 123 /(7rwrites it as read writes it as d

55 " 129 for "^^^;^/^

read swal{a)wa
for swalwa read "?z;"/^

" 56 " 132 for /j"/j2yrt;

read tysvar

.,
62 " 153 for ^rugj.rycje read ^hrugj.
hryc2
-
112 " 254 for sg^sdtum read ^//^^;;^
" 113 " 257 for nasal consonant r.^^nasal + consonant
for senhs read ^f;z/?b

"
1 1 4 " 260 "r Sea Seas r^"^ ^ect^eas
'
121 " 275
for Heuio biuta Heuian-
read
yu^i
W. Heud, b.uda
biutan Seu.a-
^serZ-
Heudan^ biudan
131 " 287 for nemn m OHG. column read neman

delete {under W. Gmc.) e

I 50 " 327 for "5^^r^/^read hherethe

S
^f^^^^^^^^^'
r""' read
^^^^dhit ^...^^^,;,,-,,
^,,,-^;,,-^
. 7
I 57
" 342 \oxfantum ve^d/u7itum
o .

" 169 " 369 for -n form read -u form

'
1 76 " 389 ..//,ranalogyof the Insert Pret. Pres. verbs :

^'llls is in analogywith
" ^90 delete (Weak) after Consonant Declension
and insert it afterN stems

' 192 " 435 deleteGot. hanam, hair tarn

'
^^^ " 477 for that in -n read that in -5
220 " 499 ^//,^remainder insert are formed from the
cardinal numbers, ^.%. feordo,
fimfto,
feordozehanto(and so to 19 inclusive)-
those from 20 onwards
221 " 502 for these were read there were

for and there are read to which were

Armitage
/
 CONTENTS

PART I

PAGE

a. Classificalion of Gmc. Languages 9

b. Survey of Old German LiteraryMonuments "1

c. Paradigms. Verb . . . .

Noun .....
16

Adjective and Pronoun 17

.

d. Transcription and pronunciation of OHG. .

20

PART II

CHAPTER L IG. AND PR. GMC. CONSONANT SYSTEMS

Definitions and classifications ...... 24

First Sound-Shift 30
.........

a. Aspirated Tenues ....... 30

b. Aspirated Mediae . 31
. ....

c. Tenues "
"
" 33
... " .

d. Mediae .........
36
e. Verner's Law ........ 38
IG. Gutturals in Gmc. ........ 39

Exceptions to the First Sound-Shift . . . . -41

Combinative Consonant Changes in IG. and Gmc.

a. Assimilation ..... 42

b. Dissimilation ..... 43

c. Minor Changes ..... 45

Consonants in Final Syllables 45
Loss of Consonants in Non-Final Syllables 46
Intrusion of Consonants .....
48

CHAPTER IL PR. GMC. CONSONANT SYSTEM

Changes in Pr. Gmc. Period

. 49

Changes in West Gmc. Period 50

Lengthening 50
ta.b. Voiced Spirants .
52

c. Loss of Semi- Vowels 54

.

d^ Loss of Final 2 . 55
 CONTENTS

CHAPTER III. OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM

Changes in OHG. period

HO. Sound-Shift .

a. Tenues
I, Voiced Spirants .

c. Table

Uncertainties of HG. Sound-Sliift

Pr. Gmc./-" OHG. rt'.

Results of Verner's Law in OHG.

Notker's Law of Initial Consonants

Review of OHG. Consonants individually
Minor Points of Dialect and Writing
OHG. Consonants and their Origin. Tabular Review

CHAPTER IV. VOWK L SYSTEM

IG. Vowel System ....

Development of Pr. Gmc. Vowel System

Vowel Gradation .
, .

Changes in Pr. Gmc. Period .

Development of Pr. Gmc. Vowel System in OHG.

a. In Accented Syllables .

b. In Unaccented Syllables
OHG. Vowels and their Origin. Tabular Review

CHAPTER V. VERBAL SYSTEM

IG. Verbal System

IG. Perfect,Gmc. Preterite

ConjunctiveMood .

Imperative
Infinitive

Participles
Verbal Inflexion in OHG.

Gradation Series .

ReduplicatingVerbs
Non-Graded Verbs (Weak)
Anomalous Verbs .
 CONTENTS

CHAPTER \T. NOMINAL AND PRONOMINAL SYSTEM.

PAGE

Nouns. A Stems 178

.

0 Stems 184

1 Stems 187
.

U Stems 189
Consonant Stems
190

Pronouns. Personal
199

Possessive
. 203

Demonstrative
203

Interrogative 208

Adjectives. Inflexion 208

Comparison 214

CHAPTER VII

Numerals 218

Adverbs 221

Table of OHG. Verbs

223

Bibliography 231

Indexes
233

MAP face page 9

ABBREVIATIONS
'ftY."""U^J;"5;^A/,'t,
Ox^i I"1I0
 PART I

CLASSIFICATION OF GERMANIC LANGUAGES

The German language is a member of the great Indo-Germanic 1

and in particular of the Germanic branch, of which one of

group,
the main characteristics was that it possessed a fixed accent.

Germanic is further distinguished by having undergone certain

transformations of the consonant system, which are grouped together

under the name of the First Sound-Shift. Like the parent Indo-

Germanic, Primitive Germanic tended to become disintegrated

by dialectal developments, and already in prehistoric times three

subdivisions are to be noted : "

a. East Germanic (Gothic).

b. North Germanic (Scandinavian).
c. West Germanic.

West Germanic comprised "

Old English.
Old Frisian.

Old Low German (Old Saxon, Low Franconian).

Old High German.

The distinction between Old High and Low German was caused 2

by the language of the South undergoing certain modifications of the

consonant system, termed the Second or High German Sound-

Shift, by which, in the main, the consonant of Northern Germany

was unaffected, and thus remained on the same level as that of Old

English.

[Aline "
the so-called Benrather Linie-- -drawn through Aachen and
Koln northwards to the Elbe, a little south of Magdeburg, may
roughly represent the boundary between Old Low and Old High
German; Gi'tmdn'ss'^,i, p. 662.]

In the earliest monuments dialectal peculiarities

are already present 3

which have caused a subdivision of High German into "

a. Upper German. Alemannic ; Bavarian.

b. Middle German. Franconian Thuringian.

;
All these dialects are grouped together under the of Old High
name

German, which is the term applied to the language affected by the

Second (HG.) Sound-Shift (139), during the period when it was

still possessed of full infleclional endings, viz. till about 1050.

 lo CLASSIFICATION OK (iMC. LANGUAGES [pt i.

4 'I'iiespecialfeatures of these several dialects will be given below,

but it will be convenient to give here a rough sketch of their geo-
graphical
limits,and the sources whence they are known.

A. Upper German comprisesAlemannic and Bavarian.

(a) Alemannic was spoken in the district now comprising Switzer-

land,
South Baden, Western Bavaria as far as the river Lech, and

Elsass. The main centres were the monastery of St. Gallen, near
the Lake of Constance, that of Reichenau on an island in the lake,

and Murbach in Elsass.

{d)Bavarian was spoken in the Danube country and Alpinedistricts,

and later on through the greater part of Austria.

5 B. Middle German comprises Franconian and Tlmringian, of

which the latter has left no distinct literary
monuments of this period.
Franconian. Only the southern part of Franconia was affected

by the HG. or Second Sound-Shift. The northern part, i.e. the

portionlyingroughly north and west of a line drawn from Aachen to

remained
Dtisseldorf, untouched by this movement, and thus belonged
to the Low German group. The portionaffected by the HG. Sound-

Shift is subdivided into (i) East Franconia, (2) Rhine Franconia,

(3)Middle Franconia. Cf. PBB, i. i.

1. East Franconia is the district lying eastwards of the Rhine as

far as the Fichtelgebirge.

2. Rhine Franconia is the district borderingon the Rhine, and

extending as far as Weissenburg southwards. The dialect of the

southern portion varies slightlyfrom that of the northern, and is

sometimes under
distinguished the name of South Rhine Franconia.

3. Middle Franconia lay north of Rhine Franconia from the

Mosel country northwards ; bordering on Low German its

territory,
dialect shares some of the latter'speculiarities.

*
6 Note. " In the
followinglist of monuments those marked are

to be found wholly or in part in Braune's Lesehiich ; those marked t

in Miillenhoff and Scherer, Denkmaler. Where these only give tions
selec-
the most complete edition has also been mentioned. The
works referred to will be found to contain extensive bibliographies.
The capitalsgive the abbreviations under which the work is usually
referred to.
It must be borne in mind that in many cases, those
especially of
the date
poeticalfragments,a great deal of doubt exists as to exact

and and
dialect, the arrangement adopted is therefore only provisional.
Discussions of all such problems will be found at lengthin the various
editions of the texts.
The glossesare collected in the four-volume edition of Steinmeyer
and Sievers,Althochdeuische Glossen,Berlin,1879-98.
PT. i] SURVEY OF OG. LITERARY MONUMENTS ii

History of Literature. 7

Paul. Gnindriss dcr germanischen Philohgic. (2nd cd., vol. ii.

Gcschichte der alihochdeuischen Litteratur. Kogel and Bruckner.)
Kogel. Gcschichte d. deiitschen Litteratur his zur Mi tie d. 11 ten Jahr-

hujiderts.

Kelle. Geschichie der deiitschen Litteratur his 1050.

Vogt and Koch. Gcschichte der deiitschen LJtteraiur,

Selected Texts.
Miillenhoff. Sprachprohen.
Miillenhoff and Scherer. Denkvialer dcutschcr Poesie und Prosa aus

de?n ^ten his i2ten Jahrhundert,ed. Steinmeyer. [t]

*
Braune. Althochdeutsches Lesehuch.

Piper. Die at teste deuische Litteratur. DNL. vol. i .

Nachtrdge zur Utter en deiitschen Litteratur. DNL. vol. 162.

Heyne. Kleiner e altjiiederdeutsche Denlimdter.

Gallee. Attsdchsische (facsimiles).
Sprachdenk?ndter
Wadstein. Kleiner e attsdchsische Sprachdenkmdlcr.

SURVEY OF OLD GERMAN LITERARY MONUMENTS.

Alemannic. Centres : St. Gallen,Reichenau, Murbach. 8

Prose.

Glosses and Names.

*
8th cent. St. Galler Paternoster und Credo. "
t

Interlinear Version DNL.

of Benedictiiierrcgel. 162 (22-
162). *"
t [PP.]
9th. Interlinear Psalms. Sprachprohen. DNL.
IMiillenhoff,
*
162 (309-10).
Murhach Hymns ed. Sievers. DNL, 162.
^

*
lo-iiLh. Translations
by Notker, ed. Piper. " f [A^.]
*
1 2th. Physiologus. DNL. i (461-7). "
t \Phys?\^
Verse.
*
9-ioth.?Christus und Samariterin. DNL. i (262). "
f \_Sam?\
? Georgslied.
Bavarian. Centres : Wessobrun, Freising,
Tegernsee, 9

Regensburg, Monsee.
Prose.
Glosses and Names.
*
8ih. Translations of Isidor of ed. Hench.
Seville, [/f.]
*
9th. Monsee-Wiener Fraqmente,ed. Hench. "
t [-^1/.]
*
9th. Exhortatio ad plehem Christianafu. DNL. i (102). "
t

[Exhr\
 12 SURVEY OK OG. LITERARY MONUMENTS [n. i

9II1.
FreisingerPaternoster. DNL. i (91). '"'
"
t
*
.^7.Emmeraner Gebet. "
t
*
Carmen ad Deum. " t

9-1 oth. Pries teretd. t

loth. Altere hairische Beichte. *
" f
*
Jimgere bairische Beichte. " t
nth. Ottohs Gebet. *" t

Verse.

*
8th .? Wessobrunner Gebet. DNL. i (139). " t [W^"?J"^.]
MS.
9th. Ereisinger of Otfiid (seebelow, Otfrid).
*
Petruslied, "
f
*
Muspilli. "
t \^Musp?\
Contra vermes. +

I oth. Wiener Hundesegen. *

"
f

10 East Franconian. Centres : Wliizburg,Bamberg.

Prose.

Glosses and Names.

*
9th. Translations of Tatian, ed. Sievers. "
t [7^.]
*
9 th. Lex Satica. "
t

WiirzburgerBeichte. t
*
WiirzburgerMarlzbeschreibung .
" t

loth. Futdaer Beichte, DNL. 162. *" t

*
nth. Translations by Williram. DNL, i, ed. Seemuller.

11 Rhine Franconian. Centres : Metz, Weissenburg,Lorsch,

Worms, Mainz.

Prose.

Glosses and Names.

8th. Translations of Isidor of edd. Weinhold, Hench.

Seville,
*
DNL. I. [A.]
Katechismus.
Weissenburger
*
Frdnkisches Gebet. "
t
*
Frdnkisches Tau/gelobnis. " t
*
StrassburgerFide, DNL. 162. " t
*
Lorscher Beichte. DNL. 162. "
t

9- 1 oth. Pfdlzer Beichte. DNL. 162. t

*
I oth. Interlinear Version of the Cantica.

I oth. Altdeutsche Gesprdche. DNL. 162.

*
Mainzer Beichte. "
t
 14 PARADIGMS [PT.

14 OHG. GRADED VERB

Imperative.

mm.

nemem(es)
nemet

Infinitive, neman

Pres. Part, nemanti

Past Part, ginoman

15 GRADATION SERIES
PT. l] VERBS 15

OHG. NON-GRADED VERB 16

Class I. Got. -jan, OHG. -en.

Class II. Got. -on, OHG. -on. 17

Present.

Sg. I. salbbm salbo

2. salbosif) salbosif) salbo

3. salbot salbo
PI, I. salbom[es) salbom salbomes
2. salbot salbot salbot

3. salbont salbon

Preterite.

Sg. T. salbota salbotiii) Infinitive, salbon

"c. "c. Pres. Part, salbonti
Past Part, gisalbot

Class III. Got. -an, OHG. -en.

Present.

habe

habemes
habet

Infinitive, habm
Pres. Part, habenti
Past Part, gihabet
 16 DECLENSIONS [PT.

NOUNS

18 In OHG. nouns are divided into two classes according to the

originalending of the stem : if it had ended in a vowel the noun

belongs to the vocalic declension,if

(strong) in a consonant the noun

belongsto the consonant declension.

A. Vocalic Declension.

(i) a stems. (2) 6 stems. (3) 1 stems. (4) u stems.

(i) a stems.

19

20

(4) u stems. In OHG. these stems have almost entirelypassed

into the a or the i declension,and there are but few traces of
over

them left.
FT. l] NOUNS 17

21

As with the nouns, the distinction of vocalic and consonant de- 22

clension is made with the also.

adjectives The consonant inflection

correspondsexactlyto that of the nominal //-stem declension, and

therefore need not here be considered.
The vocalic inflection is not identical with that of the noun, but

shows a mingling of nominal and pronominal inflection.

II67
 i8 DECLENSIONS [PT.

23

24
PT. l] PRONOUNS 19

Interrogative Pronouns. 25

B 2
 20 TRANSCRIPTION AND PRONUNCIATION [pi.i

TRANSCRIPTION AND PRONUNCIATION OF OHG.

26 All lengthiermonuments are written in the Latin alphabet,but

OHG. possessed sounds not existingin Latin, e.g.
many "

(i) The voiceless gutturalspirant,phonetically

denoted by x' the
sound in NHG. Buc/i.

(2) The corresponding voiced gutturalspirant^, as in South

German pronunciation of Wagen, Regen.
(3) The voiceless dental spirant/,as in English ////;//".
(4) The corresponding voiced spirantd, as in English breathe^this.
(5) The voiceless dental fricative /s, as in NHG. Zahn, Tanz,
(6) The voiceless labial fricativepf, as in NHG. Pferd.
As result it is
a by no means easy to determine with the
certainty exact

value of all the symbols and combinations of letters which occur in any

given OHG. manuscript.

27 The MSS. as a rule take no account of vowel length. Occasional,
though never consistent efforts are made to long vowels
distinguish :

(i) By writingthem double, as in NHG. Seek, JVaare,in the BR.

(notonly in the root but also in secondary syllables),
Isidor,Hraban
Glosses,and in Tatian occasionally.
(2) By the use of the circumflex,in the Paris Glosses and sometimes
in Tatian.

(3) By the use of the acute mostly in

(perhapsOE. influence), the
Hraban Glosses.
These various systems are used side by
indiscriminately side in

many MSS. Notker (t 1022) is the first to use accents with any
real method. He marks every long accented vowel by ^ every short
^
accented vowel by \ and often gives a to a long vowel even in

a secondary syllable. Cf. Paul Sievers, '

Die Akzente im Ahd.',
Palaestra, Ivii.
The following of OPIG. pronunciation will guide the
survey

beginner : "

28 OHG. Vowels.
Long.

a sId/an,hdhan, thdr Open, as in NHG. Vater.

e (i)her (Pr.Gmc. e) Probably closed.

(2) viero, ewig, se (Pr.Gmc. di) Open at first as in Grdfin,
then later closed.
i ?mn, gripan As in NHG. sieben.

o {i)gdt,boh (Pr.Gmc. d) Closed as in NHG. Boot.

(2)horen, Ids (Pr.Gmc. du) Open at then closed.

first,
u tuba, hut As in NHG. Flier.
22
TRANSCRIPTION AND PRONUNCIATION [ri. i

th, dh M///^//"sT, Z//^;^ Dental spirant. In Pr.Gmc.voicelesR,but

in earliest OHG. probably =
^.

s wesan
Voiceless spirant as in Eng. son,
su7ia,

Also voiceless spirant, but never fused

con-
z^, z,z, ez,zpn^ az, a

with s
because more dental, =

Z/' ?, so-called '

lisped j-
'.

z ziohan^ herza Voiceless fricative as in NHG.Z"7//;/, Tr/;/^.

 PART II

CHAPTER I

INDO-GERMANIC AND PRIMITIVE GERMANIC

CONSONANT SYSTEMS

Before passing on to consider the Consonant and Vowel Systems 32

of Primitive Germanic in relation to those of Indo-Germanic and

Germanic, a brief explanation of what is meant by the terms Primitive

Germanic and Indo-Germanic may be useful, and short definitions of

the more technical terms which will be employed. These definitions

make no pretence to be exhaustive or scientific,but are intended

merely to prevent ambiguity and misunderstanding.

By Indo-Germanic is meant the parent language from which Sanskrit, 33

Greek, Latin, Germanic, "c., are all sprung, as it must have existed

when the ancestors of all these peoples lived together before their

separation. Of the home of the Indo-Germanic races nothing is

known with certainty: no record of their language is extant, neither

is any knowledge to be gained of the period during which it was spoken

nor of its previous evolution. It is only known that it must have

had a long and gradual development in prehistoric days, yet it is

possibletheoretically
to reconstruct in its essentials the Primitive Indo-

Germanic pro-ethnic),
language (so-called as it must have existed before

its disintegration,by a comparative study of the daughter languages and

their historic development. The oldest recorded IG. language is Old-

Indian or Sanskrit. In this the Vedas" the sacred books of the Hindus

were written, at latest,about fifteen centuries before Christ. Next

in point of antiquity comes Zend or Old Persian, in which the Parsee

scriptureswere written about eleven centuries b. c. The earliest Greek

monuments date from about 750 b. c, the earliest Latin from about the

fifth century b. c, and, after a long interval,the earliest Germanic from

the fourth century a. d. In all these cases the historic development of

the language can be traced in a more or less unbroken line down to

our day. Sanskrit, for instance, dies out, but it is succeeded by

Prakrit and Pali, and these in turn by the many and various languages
of modern India. It must not be forgotten that each of the IG.

languages, after its severance from the others, had in prehistoric

times

its own private and particulardevelopment, subject to new influences,

 24 10. AND PRBr. Gl.RM. CONSONANT SYSTEMS [pt.ii

and entirely
independent of its sister tongues before it was first com-
mitted

to writing. Consequently it is necessary to be acquaintedwith

the sound-laws, which are peculiarto the individual languages,before
from
generalizing them. Though Sanskrit is,by many centuries, the
nearest in point of time to the parent language, and thus in many

cases represents it more than

faithfully do its younger brethren,it does
not, for instance, preserve the vowel-system in nearlythe same purity
as Greek; nor does Greek, though far older,always represent the IG.
consonant as faithfully
as does Latin.

34 By Primitive Germanic is meant the language finally

similarly spoken
by the Germanic races before their separationinto tribes and nations,

just as in the case of IG., there is no written monument of the Pr.

Gmc. language,but it is here

})ossible with even greater exactness to

reconstruct it from its later development, since the phenomena are of

more or less historic times. The earliest Germanic monument is the

translation of the Bible into Gothic in the fourth century, and then,
from the eighth century onwards, there are records in OE., OHG.,
.

OLG., down to the modern language of E'nglishand German, while

from the tenth century Scandinavian literature is continuous.

35 DEFINITIONS

The sounds which form

collectively a language may be conveniently
divided into Sonants and Consonants.

Sonants. A sonant is any sound capable of being pronounced

alone without the aid of any other sound. Such are "

(i) All vowels.

'

(2) The sonant liquids, /,r phoneticallyto distinguish

/,r (written
them from the consonants / and r),as in a/j/e (ad/),
German Achr

{akf).
(3) The sonant nasals w, ;/ (written;//, n), as in chasm, heaven

{heavn).
36 Vowels. A vowel is the sound produced when the breath,passing
over the vocal chords and causing them to vibrate,issues unobstructed

from the mouth. Vowel-sounds can be modified, according

indefinitely
to the shape given to the passage through which the breath has to pass,

and are thus indefinitely

numerous. In most of the languages to be

dealt with in the following,the chief vowel-sounds group themselves

round five vowels, which are commonly described by the symbols

a, 0, u, e, i. In addition to these there is a colourless sound, which is

represented by an inverted e (^),constantly heard in unaccented

syllables.Almost any sound, if unstressed, may

sufficiently be re-
CH. i] DEFINITIONS 25

duced to .\ though it may continue to be written as before : cf. English

swain beside coxswain {koks?n\
Vowels may according to their duration be either short or long. 37
A distinction is further made, in the cases of the vowels e, 0, between

and closed. The difference is best illustrated by examples:

open

e Open (/)long as in Germ. Grafin Closed {e)almost as in Germ.

SeeJe
(I) short as in Eng. men^ pet it)as in Fr. ///

o ,,
\o)long as in Eng. law {0)as in Germ, so

(p) short as in Germ, kommen \g)as in Fr. cote

According to the portionof the throat and mouth which plays most
part in producing them, vowels are further as (i)guttural
distinguished
vowels, "7, 0, n; (2) palatalvowels, ^, i: but the distinction is a relative

rather than an absolute one ; o, for instance,is more gutturalthan 0,

and e less palatalthan /. 0 and u are also sometimes termed labial

vowels.

Guttural " " agon c e 2 "" Palatal.

Diphthongs. A diphthong is a sound produced when two vowels 38

are pronounced in quick succession with one effort of the breath, but
with unequal intensity,
as, for instance,in doj'(pi),
7tew Bans
{iii), [au).
If the first element bear the greater stress, the diphthong is said to be

a one, boy :
falling if the second element is the more intense, a rising
one, nezv.

Consonants. A consonant is the sound produced when the 39

articulation of a vowel is partiallyor completely stopped by the

organs of teeth, palate,throat). It

speech (lips, can be clearlyseen
that no hard-and-fast rule can be drawn between vowels and sonants
con-

: in fact,the consonants w and J (asEng. jy)are nothing but

the vow^els u and / with a modification,and
trifling the two {w, ?/, and
y, i) constantlyinterchange,so that it is not uncommon to denote the

sounds of w,j by the symbols 21,i. In most diphthongsthe less-accented

element is reallya consonant :

boy = bpi\ new = nhi) Haus = haus.

Consonants may be divided : "

(i) According to the organs which check the breath, into Labials,40
Gutturals.
Dentals, Palatals,
(2) According to the amount of resistance offered to the breath, into
Aspirates,Semivowels.
Explosives,Spirants,
Explosive. An explosive is a consonant in the pronunciation41
of which the breath is for an instant completely arrested and then

abruptlyreleased. Such are: p,b'. f,d: k,g.

 26 DEFINrriONS [PT.II
42 Spirant. A spirantis the name given to the consonant produced
when the breath is only partially
obstructed. Such are :

/ ^, V : /, d, s, z : ]^,
^, X' ^'
}) = ///,
as in Eng. thm : d "=
th, as in Eng. l/its: s = sh,as in Eng.
hush : ^ = zh, as in Eng. pleasure.
X
and g_ are rare in English but common in German, ^^e hard
x "

sound of rh, as in Buch, Dach, the sound heard in South German

^ =

pronunciationof Wagen^ Regen.

43 Fricative. A fricative is the compound sound of explosiveplus
spirant. Such are : German pf, as in P/erd, Pfiind: ts, as in Eng.
hais^denoted in German by ^, as in Tanz, Zahn : is = ch as in Eng.
church: dz =j as in Y.ug.joke.In these fricatives itwill be noted that the

two elements are always homo-organic,i.e.both dentals or both labials.

44 Explosives,Spirants,Fricatives may be each divided again into

voiced and voiceless,according to whether the vocal chords vibrate in

producing them or not.

Voiced: Explosive:"5,d,g. Spirant:d, v, g, ^, z, z. Fricative: d^.

Voiceless : p, /, L /, x, s, s, p. fs^pf.
" " "

The voiced explosivesh^ d, g are further often termed Mediae, and

the voiceless /",/, /" Tenues.

45 Aspirate. An aspirateis a consonant which is merely an audible

breathing; it is denoted by // (E. habii,G. Hcj'z).

An aspiratedexplosiveis one which is pronounced followed by a

breathing.In Englishthey may be found in compound words. Such are :

kh as in ink-hor??. gh as in log-hut.
ph as in lop-hat. bh as in cab-horse,abhor.
th as in boat-house. dh as in paid-hand,adhere.
46 Nasals. A nasal is the sound pronounced when the breath passes
out through the nose. Such are Labial vi, Dental ;/, Guttural w: viz. m., n,

as \\ijam,pen, and the sound which in English and German is usually

denoted by -ng, as in singer,but is phoneticallyrepresentedby the

symbol n = sitoer.

47 There are, of course, an infinite number of possible consonant

sounds and consonant combinations,but only those are here mentioned
which are necessary for the treatment of Germanic.

Note i. The English sound of 7) speaking,labiodental,

is,strictly
produced, that is to say, by the teeth and lips: another pronunciation
is possible,in which the lipsonly are used, and which is called
bilabial. It is heard in the Suabian pronunciationof German iv, and
issomething between an Eng. w and a v. This bilabial v in the

followingis denoted by the symbol b.

48 Note 2. Velars. Beside the ordinarygutturalsk and g, such as

CH. 1 1 DEFINITIONS 27

are found in Greek, Latin, appears to have had

and Germanic, IG.
another series of gutturals, pronounced yet further back in the throat,
at the base of the soft hence known
palate{veltwi), as the velars (cf.the
difterence pronunciationof the gutturalin
in Modern German or

English,according to the qualityof the nearest vowel : Buck beside

Biicher,Sack beside Sackc).
These velar gutturalsin IG. could occur before any vowel, even a 49

palatalvowel, and the more likewise

palatalgutturals before guttural
as well as before vowels.
palatal There are various notations adopted
the symbols k
to represent these IG. velar gutturals: and^ are here used

to denote ordinaryguttural(fromthe Gmc. pointof view),and k'\

the

g\ k^^h^g^'h to denote the velar guttural. It is a curious fact that none

of the descendant IG. languageshave preservedboth sets of gutturals.

The Indian, Armenian, Iranian, Albanian, Slavonic,and Baltic guages

lan-

retain the velars,but lose the while Greek,

palatalgutturals,
Latin,Celtic,and Germanic retain the palatalsand lose the velars.

The languageswhich have lost the palatalgutturalhave substituted in

its stead a spirant

or fricative s or i, is or d^, and the two great groups
are consequentlydistinguished (bytheir inability
or to retain as
ability
' '
a gutturalthe /" of IG.) as the sa/a?n and the ccnium languages ' '

respectively
:"

Sanskrit satam. Greek kKorov.

Zend saiiin. Latin centum.
Lith. sziiliias. Celtic cet,
Gmc. ^yitnd-
'
The '
centuvi languages either made no distinction between the 50
velar gutturalsand the palatalgutturals,
as Latin and Gmc, or stituted
sub-

other consonants for them, as did Greek. In some cases in

Lat. and Gmc. an IG. velar as an ordinaryguttural+ ii. It

appears
has been assumed therefore that Pr. IG. had (i) plainvelars and (2)
labialized velars,i.e. velars + it, but the pointis far from being proved.
Examples of the varying treatment of IG. velars will be found in
the paragraphson the First Sound-Shift and in 88.
 iS DEFINITIONS [i't.
ii

There remain the Liquids /, r.

Nasals ;;/,;/.
Semivowels w, /.

Aspirate //.

52 Indo-Germanic possessedthe followingconsonant sounds :"

Labials. Dentals. Palatals. Velars.

It is noteworthy that the IG. consonant system did not contain the

spirantsounds y^, ^, A d,f,d.

53 As mentioned in the introductory
chapter,one of the chief teristics
charac-

which separate Gmc. from all the other languages of the IG.

stock is a different consonant system. The whole system of explosive

consonants has been revolutionized by a series of phenomena which

are summed up in the term '

First Sound-Shift '.

Rask and Grimm were the first to formulate these changes, and
the First Sound-Shift is often spoken of as Grimm's Law. The most

important apparent exception to Grimm's Law was demonstrated by

Verner to be merely an extension of it,and the law which governs
this further phenomenon is known as Verner's Law and forms an

integralpart of the First Sound-Shift,

54 The First Sound-Shift affected the four series of explosivesof
IG.:"
(i) AspiratedTenues ;
(2) AspiratedMediae;
(3) Tenues ;
(4) Mediae ;

and consisted of four separate phenomena, which were neither dent

depen-
on one another nor simultaneous. The most diverse theories

are advanced as to the relative chronologicalorder of the four

groups of phenomena (see Wilmanns, i. " 29, Zs./dA, 45, p. loi ;

U.
Streitberg, G. " 126, and literature quoted there), and the

approximate date of the Sound-Shift altogether. It seems probable

that the whole revolution in the Gmc. consonant system was pleted
com-

in a comparativelyshort space of time, i.e., between 400 and

100 B.C., and that the order was the one here adopted. In the
 3" DEFINITIONS [pt.ii

Lalin // had originally

the sound of gutturalspirantX'
60 [cf)Gothic d and (/ between vowels have the sound of t and ^
respectively.
(")Germanic ^ "^ most of the Gmc. languages is written /i.
and
Initially later between vow^els it tends in all to lake the sound of
a mere aspirate.

FIRST SOUND-SHIFT

61 I. IG. Aspirated Tenues. In Greek, as 6,

(/", the aspirated
x,
lenues fall together
with the mediae,
aspirated which also become cf",0,x^
but in Gmc. they seem rather to have fallen togetherwith the simple
tenues and to have become spirants(seeIII). Examples are :"

62 (a) IGr. ph -^ Gmc. f.

? Sk. p/ia/a = ripe,fallingfruit. Pr. Gmc. OE.

''fallan^ fcallan,
OHG. fallan.
IG. phr-, Gk. Pr.
cfipd^o). Gmc. yraj^-, OE. /rod, OHG. /riio/.
In the IG. combination spk IG. pk "

"p and remains so in Gmc. :

Skr. sphdtati = it spreads out. Pr. Gmc. ^speld,Got. spilda,ON.

OHG.
spjalda, spaltafi.
63 {b) IG. th -^ Gmc. ]".
Gk. (Ope^o})
Tpe'xco Got. pragj'an,ON.
Op"$op.aL, pra//, OHG. dn'g/L
Gk. Got. skapjan,ON.
ao-KrjOrjs, OHG.
skedja^ skadon, OE. sceppan,
IG. th after s^f, h "" t and remains so in Gmc.

Suffix -tha, Gk. -^a, Gmc. -/.

Sk. {vii)tha,
Gk. {ola)6a,
but Gmc. {kdus)i
(ga/)/,{/auk)/, : from

such verbs / was generalizedto verbs with other root consonants, e. g.

fiaml, hart,Sec, and this is the originof the -/ in the 2nd pers. sing,
of the Preterite of Gothic and ON. strong verbs : Got. ON.
ga/t,fia/ut,
ga/t,namt, "c.

64 {c) IG. kh "

" Gmc. x-
There are no certain examples.
{d) IG. k"h " Gmc. Lat. habere, Pr. Gmc. Got.
*x'^^^^'^
"

x-
hahan, OE. habban, OHG. haben.

65 {e)IG. k"h -" Gmc. xw.

} Sk. nakhds, Gk. Lat.
oVi'^', inigm's,Pr. Gmc. '^naywl^ON. nagl,
OE. OHG.
ncEjl, nagal.
After s, Ifh appears to remain as Gmc. k.

? Sk. skhalmni, Pr. Gmc. "^'slial,

Got. sfial,ON. OE.
j/('^/, sceal,
OHG. scat.
Far more important than the shift of the aspiratedtenues are the

three following: " "

CH. l] FIRST SOUND-SHIFT 3f

O
5j ""; "^
X
o g 5 js "^ "$
"^i ^^ "i

"Kb

^
^
O
n 'S "% INT -"C/J
^

"") "-^ -^i ~^ Xi w

^ "^ i:? r^ ^ t"J

'K:r
^
^ b ^ ^ '^
K^i '^ S5, "^ "^Ci IS.

--CV -"vi "^

"M
a
.
I wL k s^ ?2
U o
'^ s ^ ^ ^ s "-
-- H^ -J^i -Kv -Ki 4^
0-1 * * * * ^ * -"5- -X- -"c -X- -K-
-K-

Q
O

O
"
"-3

o
?" t:*
B '-0 k ^

o c/-

"r-" 5,
o

^ .fid
a
B
k '^ I
'^..'^ ^ -^^ '":' !"" ii
'^ r^ Ri r^ '^ '^ ^-^
'd v,^*^ S; k ^
I-"' "^

="

CD
32 FIRST SOUND-SHIFT [pt.ii

^^
o 5 i^

CO

"u

(1" rt

.
'i^ ^
.'-5 " 1

."")

A r-71
^ CO

"^
^ Ii ^; ^ ^ 4x ^
iI ^ ^^^ """|i ik
rn .

b^ g ^ b^ b^ ^ ^'^.^
"^
-^ "-: b^ b^ b^t b,t
*
O b^ b^ b^^
(jQn p_| -X- * -'k -X- H ^-X- ^ * * -x- * * * * * *
_j -Q~

s
o

^ ^^ "'^ '-5
.

^
-^^ X X"o X "^ X X .
".
"2
X h

"4 t: '2 a 'T3 vo"

^ rt ^ S
O -!:i M

a ?^ *S t 53 e^) r"^ "'5 v^

C/2 t'O^ '5 ^ ^"
O g^ J-^'^^'iv^ ,".
rllS .- b", ^
b^

t ^
^
J .
"

.
s
^J'C/2 -Q M C/^
C"^

"^^ v. S ^ S^ br.
CH. ij FIRST SOUND-SHIFT

""

b ^^
k

^ ^

^"3 .^

o
"e '^^ ^

i"i"ll. " .. ,
i ., .., m

Pi ^^
-

o -^^^-^^ -^x, vj s; "";, ^ -e^ -^^ i^ i?- 1?^

" 2
c:
-^
o "A
3
" ^

S MO 2 ^-'

'^

d ^6 o
M M

o
esi

116:
 FIRST SOUND-SHIFT [pt.ii
34

"X*
X o

O On

C 'CD

B 5

i ^
'S^tS,il^ ^ I '
^
^ .. ^ "i^g t " . *! ^.^
^
*^*^*^* * *"* *"x-^ - * * * * * -x- * * * *^
^
^
O OS

^ .^ ^ ^ 4 ^ 's o 1 ^ ^-^ "^'^^ ^

.
S 'i ^
^

tu " .- r* ."v o^
"1 *5 '^ J^ VT* '""
(_^ "N. "^ ''^
^-v^^
o fa
c
-a (/.bo """
'^
r/,
^ "2 2

O
K 3 g^P g^ir
i^-V- ,1.^?b ^
^ ^
.
,-

6 .2
B

* "vi "o '^ Nf"" '^ ir* \"^ I" '

^ 10
00
t^ l"
 CH. I FIRST SOUND-SHIFT
35

5 i^j i^ 7 ""
"s
"^ if* L"*
"!^* "^Ni
"""
"V" "V^

I
t^ "^ -^ K-;

O
" k ^
^
S 25

l" "; i^ ^ 1^
"vi -"?; -^ I'U ^ Si ^ 'u ^3
-"; -^
^ ""; C=, ?5 ,^ -^ ^ i^ 1^
-" ^

i"s; ^sj 1^

r^

" tS -Si 5V,

^ X X X
* * * *

""

""" 5t Q "-3 ^
"2*
"k: "" '^ "i
"s" Vo "^

34. s. 3

o X

o
s
I B
."-5 I**
C
'ri rt
00
s
"v
^ 5..

6
M
6
M
d
ffi

C 2
36 FIRST SOUND-SHIFT [pt.ii

?3 S R: f5
"^ -^^ t? -^ "o """" ^
-^ '^i "v.

1^-
."3

^ "^^ ^ 'o S "- v^ ." -S -^

o -S :s'^ .t^ g ^ ."S^" "
" .-I I i ^ " S
B
o

P_( ****"* -X*""^

* ^*^* Mr * * -^
^3

6
^ b.

(/I

6^ 9 ^ i 3.1-
, ^ . .
_
Q.
B
CO CO
,
ScOv ^cctc^vI'Ntw '-L,*'". 5."XD -P

"")

HO H

00 9
 38 FIRST SOUxXD-SHIFT [I'l.
u

Vkrnkr's Law

88 It li^s been shown that IG. voiceless explosivesbecame less

voice-

spirantsin Gmc. From some of the above examples it will have

been noticed that ihcy do not alwa}S remain so : when initial (unless

in unaccented compound)
syllable,
prefix,
or second part of noun or

immediately preceded by the accent in IG. the voiceless spirantsare

retained,but in all other cases these voiceless spirantsbecome voiced.
IG. /, /,k, k"' is in Gmc. representedby : (i)/, /, x, C^)^"^'
"

X' X^ ^

In the second case (2) the IG. tenucs fall togetherwith the IG.

aspiratedmediae, and the Gmc. d,d, ",, from whatever source they
arise,share the same development in the various Gmc. dialects.

84 As cognate words in IG., or even the same word in different

conditions,might have the accent on different there

syllables, exists in

Gmc. a regularinterchangeof/]/, the one hand, with 3, ffy"on

;!^,on
the other, and to these may be added the Gmc. voiceless s (IG. s),
which under the same circumstances becomes voiced to z. The law

of the interchangebetween voiced and voiceless spirantsin Gmc. was

discovered and formulated by Karl Verner, and is known as Verner's

Law. It began to operate soon after the originalshift of tenues to

(71)and
spirants before the of
shifting mediae to tenues (seeWilmanns,
i. " 29 ; Streitberg,
C G., " 126, Gr.^ i,p. ^6g,FBB. xx. 294),and is,
strictly
speaking,an integralpart of the First Sound-Shift, though it is
convenient to treat it later.

Pr. Gmc.
IG. /, /, /',/^", d, I ^, ^, ^zv.
85

{a) la. p -" Gmc. b.

Sk. Gk. Lat. Pr. Gmc. Got. ON. OE. OHG.

^
set 71 sibim sjau seofon sibun
sap/d cTTTtt septem
*lWan leiban be-lifan bellbafi
limpdii
(d) la. t --" Gmc. ^,

pitdr- irarrjp pate} yadr- fadar fddir fdeder fater

mdtdr- /^^tt/p mdier vwdir modor viuoler

teriiiis pridja pridl pridda dritio

trtiyas
*'/ar^- hardus hardr heard harti
KpaTV"s

36 (c)IG. k "" Gmc. .g.

^sweg}' swigar
cum "-^ ea 3'

(d) IG. k" -" Gmc. .gw.

agua *ai":)w-(a/va) (9) ea ouwa {a/ia)

aiTci aeviwi '^ai{g)w dew ewa

sehas '^saii^w
sdhvs sder Sd(i seo
 CH. i] FIRST SOUND-SHIFT 39

{e) IG. s" " Gmc. z (in ON. and all W. Gmc. dialects-^/')-
Sk. Ok. Lau Pr.Gmc. Got. ON. OE. OHG.
snusd vv6, nurus ^snuz sn)s(r snom snura

dyas aes ""aiz aiz eir ar ar

Verner'sLaw noteworthy when 87

The operaiionof is especially exem-

plified
in two forms of the same word, or in cognate words from

the common root. In such cases it is often referred to as Grammatic

Change, a term used by Grimm and more or less consecrated by usage.

It is most clearlyseen in the root-forms of graded verbs. In IG. the

like
perfectsingular, the infinitive,
was accented on the root, the perfect
plural,
like the past participle,
on the inflexional syllable
: e. g."

IG. (I have shown). Sk. Pr. Gmc. OHG.

dedoika, "c. I. dideU ""taix'.
Sec. zeh

2. didtsitha \?^m
3. didesa ^^'J-
didikwie I. didisimd Ugr ^^'S^^^'^
2. didiU ^^^"^
3. didiUr ZW^^\
Past Part, dikonos ^'grcin- {gipigau
The regularworking of Verner's Law is somewhat obscured in all

Gmc. dialects by levelling

or the operationsof new sound-laws. For

its eftect on OHG. in detail see 165.

The IG. Gutturals in Gmc.

The main developments of the IG. gutturals

in Gmc. have already88
been dealt with, but a few words more may not be out of place on
this vexed and most difficult question.
IG. seems to have had originally
two series of : the palatals
gutturals
(k,kh, g, gh) and the velars {k\ Fh, g'\g^'h).
The articulation of the velars appears to have involved a certain
closure or rounding of the and
lips, when a velar occurred in front of

a non-labial vowel (i.e. before a, e, i) a labial glide was developed,

thus givingrise at an earlydate to a third the
gutturals,
series of IG.
labialized velars or labio-velars {Ifu,kVm, g"tj,g'/iu),
see Q. " F.
32. 8; FBB. vii. 482. When the IG. velars occurred before the

labial vowels 0 and u, the necessityfor a labial glidewas of course

absent. Hirt tries to prove that IG. originally possessedonly velar

and labio-velar gutturals
(F, and k''u,"c.), and that the palatal
gutturalswere a later development from the velars before a palatal
vowel (I.F. vi. 3). From the Gmc. point of view, however, the only 89
fact ofimportance is that IG. possessedeventuallythree series of

gutturals
: /',
k", k"u. The two former of these coincided in Gmc. as
 40 FIRST SOUND-SHIFT [i"t.
ii

voiceless or voiced spirants(x or^), but the third (/:"u)

often retained
the labial glideand became voiceless or voiced spirant^^^ or ^a-.
Thus:" IG. /",F, k"u. lG.^,^",g''u. IG. g/i,gVi, g"/m.
Gmc. (^), X!^',gw. Gmc. -(' hv. Gmc.^.
;)( g_w.

In most cases this zv is retained in Gmc, as is clearly

seen in Gothic.

In the group ^^u {giv)and hv, w always falls before u, and, when

final,initially
before any consonant, mediallybefore/ /, j, and, later,
/,w, ", r ; in the group ^ze' (from^^'7;/^)
the iv seems to have been always
lost initially,
and when immediatelyfollowingan accented vowel, after
an unaccented vowel, is treated like the gw (fromk"u); see Zupitza,
Gennmiische Gidturale.
From Gmc. alone it is obviouslyimpossible to ascertain the exact

originof any given guttural,

since k and
^
^^^^^ three,and ^ even six

possibleIG. origins: "

^" W \gyi \k''h

90 Only by a comparison Mith other IG. Aryan,
languages,especially
Baltic,Celtic,and Slavonic, can the ultimate originof Gmc. gutturals
be determined, and even then many cases remain doubtful. Cf. Zupitza,
and Brugmann^, i. " 649 ff.

It was long believed that in a few obscure cases, in

especially the

neighbourhood of some other labial,the Gmc. labialized consonants

kw, XW, gw, arisingfrom IG. underwent

labio-velars, a curious lation
assimi-

by which the labial element in them prevailedin prehistoric

times and yieldedGmc. p,/, d or w. Among the most commonly cited
of such cases were : "

OE. hopian,OHG. hojfht: OE. hjht.

Eng. luisp: OHG. wise.

Got. fimf\ IG. Gk.

^petoktie, Trej/re.

Got. wulfs : Sk. vrkas, Gk. XiVos.

OE. o/en,OHG. ofafi: Got. auhns.

OE. dufan : OE. dfa^ian.

OE. hana, OHG. ham : IG. ""g^huan,Sk. han-tu

Got. sweiban : OHG. swlgen.

Goi. warmjan: Sk. gkarmd. Cf. Brugmann^, i. " 686.

91 Zupitza clearlyshows, what Bartholomae

Note. " {S/udienzur IG,
Sprachgesch. 13)
ii. and Osthoff (/^^^. xviii. 249) suspectedalready,
that it is quiteimpossibleto prove any such development, and that the
cases which were supposed to do so can all be otherwise explained.
CH. i] FIRST SOUND-SHIFT 41

The etymology may be entirely false,as in the case oUwpian^ ivaifn-

jan, o/eti, ;
"c. the labial and guttural may belong to two independent
suffixes as in du/Cvi,dea^ian; the labial have arisen by assimila-
tion,
may
as mfimf, or have been transferred from a related word, as in

Jidivor, which owes its / to fimf, and so on. See Zupitza, and cf.
further Osthoff,31. U. 68, note ; Bezzenberger, BB. xvi. 234 ; Bechtel,
Hauptprob. ix.

EXCEPTIONS TO THE FIRST SOUND-SHIFT

(i)In the IG. consonant combinations /'/,

/"/,sk, sf, sp the second 92

element remains unshifted (seeexamples above). '

Note. "
The cause of the / in IG. kt,pt not shifting
may have been
a latent instinct of dissimilation. Justas Gk. and Sk. could not endure
two spirants in close succession,and as Gmc. could not retain two

explosives(99), a similar instinct

may have prevented the ment
develop-
of sk,st, sp into s^, sp, sf. Or it may be that in these consonant

groups the two sounds are so closelyblent they represent practi-

cally that
but one consonant (see Wilmanns", i," 38).
(ii)Apparent exceptions arise from the working in Sk. and in Gk.

of the law of aspiratedissimilation,

whereby the aspirateelement was

lost in one or other of two aspiratesin close succession,so that Gk.

^"i.'y"iv
correspondsto Gmc. hiiiganand Gk. to Gmc. ^, but this is
y

explained since Gk. "/)"vya"

" ^ei'xw, IG.
"

bheugho, "c. For other

isolated exceptions due to individual peculiarities

see Brugmann', i.

"699ff.

COMBINATIVE SOUND-CHANGES IN IG. AND GMC.

CONSONANTS

The consonant changes considered under the collective name 93

of the First Sound- Shift are often known as isolative phenomena,

since they take place independently of neighbouring sounds. From

the very earliest times other sound-changes are at work in all IG.
'
languages,so-called '
combinative changes, where the articulation of

one sound is modified by others near it. I\Iost of such combinative

sound-changes are caused by "

(i)Assimilation, which takes place when two dissimilar sounds, 94

occurring close together,tend to become similar,or

(2) Dissimilation, when two similar sounds tend to become

different.

Assimilation and Dissimilation play a large and important part in

all IG. languages down to the present day, so that,while they are very
active in Gmc, there is,in contrast to the First Sound-Shift, nothing
 42 COMBINATIVE SOUND-CHANGES [pt.ii

Gmc.
distinctively about ihem, and many are far older than the

isolative phenomena of the First Sound-Shift. In another point,too,

these combinative changes contrast willi those of the Sound-Shift.
Whereas in the latter certain sounds in a given period were shifted

once and for all,but the same sound arisinglater was unaffected,the
changes caused by assimilation and dissimilation are always liable to

recur in similar conditions,so that it is impossibleto assign them to

any one period,and in many ways the working of these laws seems

and
arbitrary erratic. It is consequently not always possibleto say
whether a certain manifestation of assimilation or dissimilation is IG.

in date or Gmc, and the discussion of these phenomena has therefore

been deferred until now.

05 Assimilation.

A. Partial, (i) Voiced consonant -j-unvoiced yield either two

voiced or two unvoiced consonants.

(a) Gk. ^vy^i^beside (y-\-t)

^"vkt6"s Lat. Jungo beside Junc/us(g+l)
Goi. gibiui gifts{d-\-f) scribo scrtplus {b-^-t)
,, " .,

" mag viahts ig + /)

"

Gk. 7ro8osbeside iTrcpSat

i^b) (tt
-f-S) Lat. beside
ap{erio) [p-H d)
ab-do

"
cuslos
"
Goi. hu2d{s-\-d)
"
has la
"
gazds[s-\-d)
"

96 (2) Labial nasals become dental before a dental (i.e.m ;/), or " "

converselydental nasals become labial before a labial {?n " " n).
(a) m "" n.

Lat. eiindem {eumdem), septendeciin \ Got.

[septevi) skajida,OHG.
scanla beside Got. skama.,OHG. scama.

((^)
n " " in.

Gk. beside ttcVtc.

Tre/jLTTc
Gk. beside awipxea-OaL.
cTvix^oXov
Got. beside
^/?//" Lat. quinque^Gk. Trevrc.

97 B. Complete, {a) Ir-^ll.

98
CH. i] COMBINATIVE SOUND-CHANGES 43

II is oflen diflicull to decide whether nun arises from m + nor from

m + zv; cf. Noreen, [/. Z., p. 157.

(c) nil "
" //;/.

Note i. " The -nnoibrmnan and rinnan in Got., OHG., "c., beside
"
;/ oi hrunsta,runs, ON. brum\ runt, is accounted for by the fact that
-u inflections alternated
originally with others without -ti, and double
forms arose. (Noreen, A, I. Gr., " 252, (7. L., p. 159.)
Note ii. The "
;/;/ of Got. manna beside
manaseps probably from the
gen. and dat. pi.nianne, vianfiarn (cf ahne^ ahnam, "c : Noreen, U. Z.,
p. 159, note 3).
Note iii. " For the more or less obscure assimilation of IG.pn, bn " "

pp\ in, dn " ^//: kn, gn -^ kk cf. Noreen, U. Z. p. 154 and Brug-
mann^ i. " 421.

Dissimilation.

A. When two explosivesoccur in close succession to each other 89

the former is dissimilated to a spirantin Gmc.

(i) Before /IG. /",b, M" "Gmc./]

Got. pu gaft,gifts Got. qiban
OHG. gift OHG. geban
Got. gaskafts Got. (ga)skapjan
OHG. giska/t OHG. skepfen
OE. jescea/t OE. scieppan
Gk. Kki'KTr]^ Got. hliftus.
(2) Before / IG. k,g, gh "" Gmc. x-
Got. mahta, inaht Got. mag
OHG. mohia OHG. mag
Got. pahta Got. pagkjan
OHG. ddhta OHG. denkan
OY.. pohie OY.. pencean, "c.
Note. " Before tenues the aspiratedconsonants had probably long 100
lost their aspirationin IG.
(3) Before / any dental gave rise,already in earliest IG., to some

form of J sound. See Noreen, U. Z., p. 189 (whetherthrough the mediate

inter-

stage /V or t^t is not clear. Cf. Brugmann^ " 794, and

I.F. iv. 341).

In Gmc. dental plus / gives ss, which is simplified
to s after a long
vowel or when final.

Cf. Lat. sessum to sedeo,passus to patior,mcssiim to meto, usiis to utor.

Noreen, U. Z., " 52 ; Sommer, "" 123, 132.

 44 COMBINATIVE SOUND-CIIAXGES [pt.ii

101 Before /' denial plus / gave str.

Cf. Lat. asscslrlx lo assessor, Got. blostreis lo Got. OHG.

/j/alan,
bliwsiar,
Gk. Got. fodjan^ ON. foslr, OE. foslor. Brugmann'',
7raT"o/jLaL,
i. " 794.

It is though
possible, not probable,that in these cases / is merely a
consonant glide. Cf. PBB. ix. 150.

In all other cases where st is found instead of ss arisingfrom dental

plus -/, the / has crept in by analogy. Thus beside OHG. wissa,
is found wisla, beside muosa, vmosta (butgiwiss where no analogy).
Got. dii qast (forqass')
from bdust (forbduss)from
qi'pan, biiidan.

Before n a dental apparentlychanges to s :

Cf. Got. bi'udan,anabiisns)betdan, tisbetsns. Here, however, suffix

is S7i and a / has fallen {*bu/sns).i disappearsbefore sk suffix ; cf

OHG. rase (ratsk)

to rad, waskan to Got. wato ; cf. Brugmann^ i. " 795.

Gmc. dt "
" ss.

Cf. Got. afstass,

uslass to Got. standaii,ttswiss to gawidan.
Gmc. // "
" ss.

Got. wissa, to witaii,Jvassaba

weis,gdcuiss, to ga-Ivoijan.
Gmc. // "
" ss.

Got. 7fiissa lo meipafi-OHG. mtdan : Got. gaqiss to qipan.

102 B. Two different nasals, if not completely assimilated,dissimilate
the former to a spirant.
Pr. Gmc. ^^emn- Got. himins but ON. hifne OE. heofonOS. //^^rf"
'^gaimn-0^. geimi "
OE. jeo/o?iOS. geban (se^.),
*stemn- OWO. stimma "
Got. s/i'bna OE. s/e/'7i
*emn- Got. ibns OE. e/e^iOHG. ebafi.
"

Lat. -iinmia, {cat)iimnia,

Got. -"(5/^2'{/rdistubnt), (with further
-ufiii
dissimilation after Got.
^) {waldufni). Streitberg, Gr. " 117.
Note. " The hypothesisof a change from ml~-" ?mt, when
especially
/-sound intervenes (cf.OHG. cumi'l,Lat. ciiminum ; OHG. himil, Got.
himins \ see Kl. Wb. s. v., Gr} 382), is not tenable. OHG. himil,
Got. himins, are not identical ; the root is the same, but there are two

different suffixes in IG., el and en ; cf. Gk. K/xcA("^pov). On such

difference IG. nominal suffixes rest :
"

A similar interchangeof r and 71 is found, especially

in neuter nouns
 46 COMBINATIVE SOUND-CHANGES [pt.i

Note." In Got. 7ihm, taihun, the -n has probably been restored

from the ordinal muuda, "c. M. U. iv. 131.

For IG. m "^n in Got /mna see PBB. xvii. 298.

105 II. Dentals.

(i) After an unaccented vowel or an accented long vowel, IG.

dental explosive,as in Greek, tends to fall,having of course first

become a spirant.
[A few particles
appear to retain the dental: Sk. tid,Got. iit,ON.
/}/,OHG. "^, Lat. ad, Got. and ON. a/, OE. del,OHG. az,\ this was

probably due to analogy with compounded forms in which the dental

was not final. Noreen, U. Z., p. 170, note.]

IG. 3rd pers. Opt. sing,ueiit,Lat. velil,Got. wilt,

IG. bheroii,Sk. bhdrei,Gk. "^""ot(T),

Pr. Gmc. derai,Got. bairdi.
Sk. 7iapdt,Lat. nepos, ON. OE.
jiefi, ne/a,OHG. m/o.
(2) After a short accented vowel explosivesremain.
IG. iod,Sk. tad,Gk. Lat. {is)hid,
ro(8), ON. /^/, OE. /se/,OHG. r/^^.
Lat. quod, ON. //zw/,OE. OHG.
/ize;^e/, hmz,.
106 Note A." Forms without a dental,such as Got./^ mj?a + et " J?ei,
OHG. M^ + /^ " ///^/^,
go back to forms, which
proclitic were accented
un-

: thus Got. hja beside ON. hvat, Sec.

Note B." Where forms in which the dental wasoriginally final alter-
nate
within the
same paradigm with forms in which it was followed by
flexional syllables, double forms are found arising; thus are found :
Pr. Gmc. inflected : Nom. Obi.
*mdend{J"), cases *mdendj"-.
OHG. Got.
7?icuidd, mendps-, ON. momgr-, OE. 7no7iapfrom the

obliquecase.
OHG. wa^w, Got. OE.7Hd7ia
77ie7ia,0^.77id77t, from the nominative case.

Thus arise in OE. plural/idekp; ON.

ea/u,gen. ea/oP : /idek, /lah'-

hgJdr,OHG. helid.

OHG. OE.
hcTnidi, beside
he7}iede, ON. ham7',OHG. OE.
ha77io, hama.
Got. OE.
77iitaps, ON.
77ieiod, mjghidr\ OE. w^/. See Noreen,
U. L., p. 171.

107 Loss of Consonants in other than Final Syllables.

In groups of several consonants IG. always had a tendency to simplify.

Cf. Latin suspido {sub-specio),
traduco {tra7ts-dttco),
and so forth.

I. Dentals.

{a) IG. dental explosivesfall in Gmc. between 71 and/ :

Sk. satyas Pr.

(sn/ios), Gmc. Got. su7ijei7ts.
""simdja-,
Got. gaTuhipi, OHG. 7m'7wea,ON. Tnimii,
CH. i] COMBINATIVE SOUND-CHANGES 47

Apparent exceptions like Got. iimdnan, "c., are new formations.

Brugmann^, " 798 ; and see Streitberg,Z. Germ. Sprachg. 15.

(b) Dental explosives fall between two ;/'s:

Got. stnps^ OHG. sinnan {^'

sinjmati).
For the apparent disappearance of a dental explosive in such forms

as : Got. sibtin beside Lat. scplcm, Gk. cTrra,

and OHG. dband^ OE.
defen^beside ON. apfa^i, OE. deftenfid,
see Brugmann^, " 980.
(r) Dental explosivesfall before s + consonant :

OHG. wascan (^waiscan)to Got. walo, Got. waurstu (waurkstii),

OHG. rase to rad (ratsk)(10 1).

II. Semi- vowels. 108

[a) u after consonant falls before / :

Got. Got. stojan(stdwjan).

hardjaiia(Jiardujand).
{b) u falls before ti, and/ before i\

Sk. iidva {nemn),Gk. iwefa, Lat. novein {netmi)^OHG. 7iiun ; Sk.

trdyas, Got. preis " "

y^n'h'z,OHG. dn.

In very many cases, however, the semi-vowels are restored by analogy,

especiallyin verbal forms : cf. OHG. gi-sivurnman to swiviman^ Got.
ga-swiiltansto ga-swiltan ; and in many others it is impossible to tell

whether the loss of ti and of/ is Pr. Gmc. or whether it took place at
a later date. See Brugmann', " 377, and Noreen, U. Z., p. 176.

III. Gutturals. 109

{a) In the combination giv^ arising by Verner's Law from

-^^v,g^
fell in certain cases. Gmc. "^"^^ "^^ ^^'^ shown in a relation of
^

grammatic change, and in certain cases the iv is lost (129), so that

double forms exist, some with g_ and some with w :

Got. magus, ON. mggr : Got. viawi, OE. meoivk^ ON. nmr \ OE.

hni^an, ON. hniga, OHG. hnigaii: Got. hieiwafi.

Got. bagms {bag[w)i}i)

: OHG. boinn (pa{g)wf?i),
OE. bed??/.

ON. ^yja, OE. Jiedja7t: ON.Jlaimr, OE. fleam.

ON.pegn, OHG. degaj? : Got. pws, pnvi.
Got. dugo, dugjafi,OHG. oi/gen : OE. eowian, OHG. awi-zoraht.

{b) Guttural ;/ {p) is lost in Gmc. before ^^'i^h compensation

x

lengthening of the preceding vowel {266) :

Got. weihan, OHG. w'lhan to Lat. vuico
-,
Goi. juhiza beside yV/^^j-,
OWG.jimg, jungiro.
 48 rOIMBINATIVE SOUND-CHANGES [pt.ii

110 Intrusion of Consonants.

From the earliest times in IG. a consonant glide tended to be veloped

de-

in certain cases to aid the pronunciation of a consonant group.

Cf. Gk. (i after : beside
jxea-q^fifHa ry/xe'pa, beside
fX"]ji/3\o)Ka fxoXilv,
fx

or 8 between v
and : avSpos instead of avf}6"s,
o-tv8pds beside
p

(TLVapOS'
Latin inserts/*between m and /: empius, emo : siimphis^ sumo.

111 Such consonant glides are :

{a) t between s and r. Sk. srdvCwii, ON. stratimr^ OE. stream^ OHG.
s/}-ou?n,sir dm.

Sk. tdmisrd^ Lat. ienehrae {^/emesrae),OHG. dinstar.

[For relation of OHG. dinstar to OHG. finstar see Kl. Wh. and

Noreen, U.L., p. 197.]

Sk. svdsr, Got. snn's/r, ON. sjys/er,OE. sweostor^ OHG. swes/er.

ijj)
y between 7Ji and /. OHG. himft to quevian^ zumft to zeman.

("r)s between n and /. OHG. hriinst to bremien, kunst to human,

konsta beside konta.

(d) b between m and r. Got. timrjan beside timbrjan, ON. timra,

OHG. zimbaron.

Bugge asserts the development of Pr. Gmc. iv "

" k [PBB. xiii. 515),
but cannot be said to have established it; cf. Noreen, U. Z., p. 167. The

relation of Sk. naiis, Gk. vciv%

Lat. ndvis, ON. nor, OE. nowend (cf.
Napier, OE. GL), to ON. ngkkvi, OE. naca, OHG. nahho, seems,

having regard to the length of the IG. vowel, extremely doubtful.

112 Sometimes in related Gmc. words a consonant relation is found

which at first sight is not easy to explain, but which arises from the

fact that the two forms come from two cognate IG. forms with different

consonants. Only a few of the more striking are noted here (see
Noreen, U. L. chap. iii).
From IG. / : b (Pr. Gmc. y or 0 : p):
OE. dyfan, OHG. tobal : Got. ddupjan, OE. deop, OHG. tiof.
Got. stabim (dat.pi),OHG. stab, OS. staf,OE. OHG.
siopol, stafol.
From IG. / : ^ (Pr. Gmc.y^, d\i):
Got. frapjan, frodis (gen. sg.),ON. frodr, OHG. /ri40t : Got.
ns-fratwjan.
OHG. hadnbrant, OE. heado-lac : Got. OHG.
katt's, /laz^
 CHAPTER II

DEVELOPMENT OF THE PRBIITIVE GERMANIC

CONSONANT SYSTEIM

After the Eirst Sound-Shift the Pr. Gmc. Consonant System con- 113

sisted of the following sounds :"

In comparison with IG., Gmc. thus is poorer by the loss of all its

aspirated consonants, all its mediae, and all its velar gutturals: it is

richer by two new series of spirants: "

(i) d, d,g,] (2)/,Ax;

of which the voiced series underwent some modifications before the

OHG. period.
Changes in Pr. Gmc. Period.

The voiced spirants t and d must have shown very early a tendency
to become voiced explosives (mediae), [d " ^ b, d " " d\
(i) Iniiial. This change was probably complete before Gothic 114

limes, so that we find : "

Pr. Gmc. Got. OE. OHG.

^deran- hair an be ran beran

'^dii\ir- daiihiar dohior tohier

(2) Following their respective nasal : "

Pr. Gmc. Got. OE. OHG.

*lamd- lamb lamb lamb
^bindan bindan bindan bintan

(rt)The fate of in Pr. Gmc. when initial is not so clear. It 115

g_

probably remained a spirant all through this period, and was taken

into the various Germanic languages as such. For its value in Gothic

see Streitberg,Got. Gr., " 113.

[b) After its nasal (to)

^,
like d and ^, became an explosive :
Pr. Gmc. "^swgwan, Got. siggwati, OE. sinjan, OHG. singan.
1167 D
 50 PRIMITIVE GERMANIC CONSONANT SYSTEM [pt.iI
In all other positions^, iJ,^ retained tlieir character of voiced

spirantsin Pr. Gmc.

Gothic retains 3 and ^ mediallybetween vowels (though written d

and d), but converts them into mediae after consonants. Similarly,
it

is probably rightto assume that Gothic retains^ between vowels (see

Got.
Streitberg, Gr. " 35). For the W, Gmc. development of t, d^^
see 122.

Thus at the end of the Pr. Gmc. the

period practically same sonant
con-

system exists as above (113),with the addition of the new mediae

^j ^j ^j of which all three occur after nasals,while d and d are also

found initially.
West Germanic Consonant Changes.
116 A. The most importantof the W.
distinctively Gmc. changes is that
known as the W. Gmc. Lengtheningof Consonants.
It is characteristic of West, as opposed to East and North Germanic,
that singleconsonants are lengthened before /, and also,though less
before
extensively, u, r, /,?n, ".

Before i all consonants except r.

u Pr. Gmc. k and (0-

" x

" r, I Pr. Gmc. tenues.

"
;/
,, ,,
explosivesand fricatives.

in ^ few singleinstances.
"

The lengtheningis in all languages denoted by doubling the sonant

con-

in writing,so that this phenomenon is sometimes alluded to as

the W. Gmc. Doubling or Gemination of Consonants. The lengthening

of consonant here is not due to an assimilation in which the consonant

owes its length to the absorptionof a second consonant, which quently

conse-

disappears,as in the Pr. Gmc. cases of lengtheningcited above

(97),for here the consonant which caused the lengthening is tained.

re-

The cause of this lengtheningis not yet satisfactorily

explained,
but the effects of it are clear enough : cf. PBB, v. 125 ; vii. 105 ; xvi.

262; and xxi. 437.

The date of the W. Gmc. lengtheningcan be approximatelydeter-

mined

by the fact that many Latin loan words are affected by it : "

^jdX.puieus OE. pyil OYiG. puzzi,phuzzi (zz""tt).

cuprum {copor) hupfar {p/'^"pp)-
117 Note. "
Kaufmann [PBB. xii. 520) advanced the theory that this
lengtheningdepended on the Pr. Gmc. division of syllable.Accord-
ing
to him, Pr. Gmc. divided such forms as tala,ttaka,thus : ta-Ia,
7ta-ka,so that the first syllable
was open, but when an / or u occurred
in the inflection this / or u became initial in the second and
syllable,
CH. ii]PRIMITIVE GERMANIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 51

the first syllable

became closed,thus: tal-m^ nak-ua. There arose thus
in the same word an interchangeof open and closed syllable ta-la :
tal-ia,\vhich was then levelled out in favour of the closed syllable,
so

that ta-la "

" tal-Ia,7ia-lui "
" na1"ka^and the doubled consonant was

then further introduced into the other forms, thus tallia and Jiakkua.
Sievers,however, has shown
conclusively that the Pr. Gmc. division of
syllable was na-kua, so that Kaufmann's
ta-t/a, hypothesisfalls through :
cf. PBB. xvi. 262, and Gr? 426. Sievers explainsthe phenomenon
as a spontaneous lengtheningof the quantityof the syllable, which
found in
expression lengthening the consonant.

Note. "

a. ON. also has an earlylengtheningof g and k before / :

Got. lagjan^ON. leggja

; Got. hugjan,ON. hyggja,
parallelto the W. Gmc. lengthening,but it only affects guttural
explosives.
b. (i)/' resists lengthening:Got. nasjan,OE. nen'an^OHG. nerien. 119
(2) Double consonants are reduced after a long syllableor
when final :

Got. ddnijan OE. deman OHG. tuomen.

hdusjan hJeran horen (onlyUG. horren).

But see also PBB. xxi. 438.

That the W. Gmc. lengtheningtook placeafter long vowel is proved

by UG. forms, horren,"c., though the other dialects show no signs
of it. German has preservedyet another trace of this lengthening-
after long in such
syllables forms as OHG. wulpa^ MHG. wiilpe(she-
wolf),^WlG.diupe (she-thief)
from Pr. Gmc. in which
"^diubj-,
""ivuldj-,
this OHG. MHG. / can only come from W. Gmc. bb, while d would

yieldOHG. b. Cf. U. G., "

Streitberg, 131, and Brugmann^, " 807.
The lengtheningbefore -/ is the only one which is regularlyand 120

uniformlycarried out in all dialects. Much more restricted in their

working are the following: "

{a) Before -ti. This onlyaffects originally and

labialized velars, then

not always.
Got. aqizi (OS. acus) OHG. ackus

naqaps (OE. nacod) nackot [nahhut).

[Lengthening
of /tbefore -ti is also found in ON. Thus : O.N. r^/i{k)r,

Got. rifjis.Cf. A. I. Gr., " 220.]

D 2
 52 PRIMITIVE GERMANIC CONSONANT SYSTEM [i't.
ii

(d) Before r and /. This only affects Germanic tenues :"

Got. ON. OE. OHG.

sntiirs snolr snottor snoitar
bditrs biir biltor bittar
hluirs hlutior hlutlar

Gmc. *kupr-,OHG. kup/ar (but OE. copor without gemination).

Gmc. *^//-, OHG. apful, OE. ccppel (beside OHG. affol-ira,
OE. apul{dre)).
121 {c) Before ". The lengtheningof consonant before 71 is especially
important in n stems. As in all these cases lengthening only takes

place when the one consonant follows hard on the other,double

forms may occur in a paradigm, in which forms with singleconsonant
alternated with lengthened forms. The declension of for
*htab{eji)y
example, would be : "

Pr. Gmc. W. Gmc.

Nom. Sg. "^knabb '^knabb
Gen. PI. *knadttb7n ^knabbndn
'^
Dat. PI. knabriiimiz ^knabbmmi

In the the
subsequent levelling, forms with a singleconsonant are

most often carried through,but doublets sometimes arise.

OHG. OE. OHG.

Doublets : kfiappo beside cnafa and ktiabo

rappo hrdefn rabo

,5 .,

roggo (t'okkd) ryje ON. ncgr

,, .,

trakko draca trahho

,, ,,

But cf. Wilmanns^ i,5" 136 and 142.

Note. " Pr. Gmc.

b, cf,g,when lengthenedin W. Gmc, yieldalways
lengthened explosivebb, dd, gg.

122 B. Pr. Gmc. tS (where retained) " " W. Gmc. d (OHG. /).

Whereas in W. Gmc. every d "

" d, b and g, where still remaining,

go through the different developments in the different which

dialects,
for convenience may be here summed up.
123 Pr. Gmc. b. The Low German dialects and Mid. Franc, retained

he spirantb after vowels and unvoicing it to/*when

liquids, final.

OS. writes it as (occasionally

as ", or even/"); OE. writes it
 54 PRIAri ri\K GKR]\rANIC CONSONANT SYSTKM [pt.ir

Note. "
Pr. Gmc. z also became r in N. Gmc, but, whereas the
W. (}mc.
("" 2) does not appear to have been distinguished
r in value
from W. r ("" r),Gmc.
the ON. r (" z) must have had a much more "

palatalqualitythan originalr, since it is able to work ])alatal tion,

muta-

as originalrdoes not. Cf. Got. auso, ON. eyra, OHG. g?yroran,

ON. frwivn, Got. dius^ ON. dyr, "c. Moreover, in the Runic in- scription
it is distinguished by a separate signr ("" r) R ; r ("" 2) =

= y or ^, see GrP^ i,p. 260.

W. Gmc. ;- {"^- Gmc. z) occurs frequentlyin grammatic change

with s (see86).
127 D. Loss of j and w (iand u) in W. Gmc. :

(i) J (/). Already in Pr. Gmc. / showed a tendency to fall before

a following/,but in many cases it is not possibleto tell whether the

loss of/ took place in the Pr. Gmc. period or during W. Gmc. times.

This loss of/ is for W. Gmc. very important,since words whose root

contained / would show

necessarily lengtheningof consonant where

/ was retained,and would lack it where / was lost. Thus the present
of the verb would
'^ligjan run :"

So in all -janverbs,whether belonging to the first class of non-graded

verbs or to one of the graded series,the W. Gmc. languages have 2nd

and 3rd pers. sg. of the Present Tense without gemination (see356).
128 Mahlow's reason for assigning all these losses of / before i

to Pr. Gmc. is that, if the law operated early,the Got. infinitives

sitan, ligan,swaran /)
(without could be explained,beside W. Gmc.
forms which prove the originalpresence of an /,
OS. OE. OHG.
sittean sitIan sizzen (notsiz^zfin)
liggean lic^an ^^gg^^^
swerian swerian swerien

as an earlyGothic in favour
levelling of forms without / by analogy
with the 2nd and 3rd person sing,(forsimilar levelling
in late OHG.

see 356). The data as yet are insufficient to decide the point. Cf.
Mahlow, A. E. 0.,p. 43 ; Osthoff,M, U. iv. 27 ; PBB. xii. 59, xiv. 165,
XV. 287 and 489, xvi. 272 and 318; and Kluge, No7?i. St.,"14.
Conversely,if this theorybe true, in the Gothic forms nasjis,
nasjip,"c.,
they must have been reintroduced by analogy. Brugmann^ " 312.
Some similar interchangemust have taken place also vaj stems of

nouns and between

adjectives, those cases whose inflection began with
 CH. ii]PRIMITIVE GERMANIC CONSONANT SYSTEM 55

-/ and those in which it did not, thougliit is not easy to trace. It

would account, however, for many so-called exceptionsto the W. Gmc.

lengtheningand for double forms : "

as OHG. le// beside MUG. belli

rippi rihe
,,

menni OE. meiie (ornament)

.,

lilli dile. See Gr? p. 427.

"

(2) w (u). ((/)A loss of ti before 11 or 0 appears to have 129

occurred alreadyin Pr. Gmc, but how widely it acted is by no means

clear,and its importance is greater in W. Gmc, so that, like the

similar loss of/, it has been reserved for this chapter. Like the loss

of /, it must sometimes have taken place before the W. Gmc

consonant lengthening.
Pr. Gmc ^nakuo'd- OE. nacod OHG. ?iahhul,while
*nakuicf- nackul ON. ngkkwedr.
Here, again,many doublets may arise : "

OHG. ON.
nahho (" /')
"
ngkkvi
ivado vgpvi
svcala swalwa. Cf. Gr? p. 428.
{]))IV seems frequentlyto have been lost in W. Gmc. after a long 130
syllable,
but it is highlyprobable that in such cases first it fell only
before ti and
(accordingto ("?)) was then generalized:" -

OHG.

uhla

OE. OHG.
sinccm sinkan
slincan slitikati

sinkan singan
seld selida
pryngva prin^aii dringan.
Parallel this is the later loss in OHG. in the second
to of iv part of
compounds : wurzala = OE. wyrl-walti, hurgara " "
*burg-wara,
erahhar "r"erwachar, Olahhar "r" Olawahhar = OE. Eadwdecer, "c.

Also Proper names in -ol/{^"wol/). See Gr.'^ p. 428.

E. Loss of final z in W. Gmc.
Pr. Gmc. final z, corresponding according to Verner's Law (88) 131
to IG. s, is earlylost in W. Gmc, so that : "

Pr. Gmc Got. ON. W. Gmc. OE. OHG.

*dagaz dags dagr daga dce^ lag
^gastiz gasls geslr gasli j/esl gasl
*m7iz wileis vill ivil'i ivili
 56 PRIMITIVE GERMANIC CONSONANT SYSTEM [pt. ii

It is not possible lo ascertain the exact date of this but

apocope,

the Malberg Glosses and the Lex Salt'ca, though they show their

antiquity by retaining the stem vowel, have already lost the final z :

*
/ocla = */ogIa[z), OHG. fogal) lajnmi =^ Iambi, OHG. latnb^ "c.

In contrast to the ON. Runic inscriptions the German ones already

show a nominative case with no ending, thus :

Wodcvi " "
*
Woda7iaz^

".C., Gr}
p. 423.

132 Final z
of Pr. Gmc. is only preserved in W. Gmc. in the
nominal
pro-

forms :
OHG. ?m'r, zv/r, d/r, der
;
Got. mis, weisjusjnis,
?r, er,

is, and Nom. Masc. adj. {hlint)er^ OHG. hwer. Got. has-, in Got.

mdis, OHG. and the adv. ending Got. {s7tiumtmd)ds,

vier, comp.

OHG. also perhaps in OHG. zwiror (beside ziviro), from Pr. Gmc.
-or,

*iwizwoz, ON. tvysva. See PBB. vi.

547 and Zs.fdA. xx. 397.

At the end of the W. Gmc. period Pr. Gmc. d and z

have given

to d and and a number of long consonants have appeared,

way r,

but otherwise the consonant system is substantially the same as at the

end of the Pr. Gmc. period (115).

 CHAPTER III

OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM

OHG. inherited from W. Gmc. the following system : "

133

Labials. Dentals. Gutturals.

Probably in the earliest times W. Gmc. d and became mediae

very ^
b and
g in OHG. (see, however, i6o), so that they may here be cally
practi-
disregarded.
OHG. is distinguished from all other W. Gmc. languages by a series

of Sound-changes affecting its consonant system, which are usually

grouped together under the name of the Second or LIG. Sound-Shift.

This HG. Sound-Shift took place in historic times, probably 134

between the fifth and seventh century, but in all essentials is complete
before there are literarymonuments in OHG., i. e. before the end
any
of the seventh century.
The HG. Sound-Shift began in the south and spread northwards,
affecting first the Upper German dialects, then Franconian, and ing
leav-

the Low German dialects untouched. It was consequently most

strongly felt in Upper Germany, and indeed one of the chief criteria

for the dialects of OHG. is their attitude towards the various processes
of the Second Sound- Shift.

The only consonants affected by the HG. Sound-Shift were the 135

explosives : "

L /, /, k.
n. b, d, g (Pr. Gmc. d, d, g).

The HG. Sound-Shift affects these more completely when medial

or final after vowels, and less completely when post-consonantal,

doubled, or initial.
 r,H OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM [PT.II

136 In the changes of the HO. Sound-Shift two must therefore

groups
be distinguishedaccording as the consonant in questionoccurs :
"

(a) Medially (orfinally)

after a vowel.

(d) Initially,
post-consonantal,
or doubled.

I. W. Gmc. /, /, k appear to have become first

aspirated, /" + ^, =

k-\-h,and
/-{-/i, then to have developed a tendency to pass over into
i, e. p/^ /s, k-^,as
fricatives, which they remain when initial,
post-
consonanlal, or doubled ; but when medial or final after vowels the

spirantelement of the fricative would seem to have assimilated to it

the explosiveand they pass further into lengthened spirants

: ff,%,

)(X'
Gf. Braune, and Gr. " 87 ; Wilmanns^, i. " 40-3.

Thus W. Gmc. p, /, k -" (a)/, ^^, xx 5

{h)p/,ls,kx'
137 (a) W. Gmc. p, /, k medial or final after a vowel " " long voice-
less

shortened
spirants^, ;^^, ^K (fiequently in writingwhen final or

after a long vowel).

138 (a)

139 {P)

Note. "
The OHG. zz, but in order to distin-
z^z^is written
in MSS. guish
this zz from
strongthe
fricative Is^which is also written zZy it is
usual to adopt the writingz,z^for the former. The writinghh, ch, or h is .

usual for xx- [For the writingsfound in the OHG. MSS. see below,
201.]
CH. in] 59

(y)
140

This first act of the HG. Sound-Shift (p, /, k after vowel) is the 141

most stronglymarked and the most complete. / is the earliest to

shift,then /",then k, but all three are carried out in all HG. dialects.
A curious exception is found in Mid. Franconian, where in the pro-
nominal
forms z7,dat, ditywat^ allet,I remains unshifted. If, how-
ever,

of
intensity stress favours the originaldevelopment of / to z^z^,it
is possible,since all these words are and
proclitic in their nature

unstressed,that in Mid. Franconian (themost northern of all the HG.

dialects)
they were able to resist the shifting
entirely.Paul goes even

further,and claims that in Mid. Franconian every final / evaded the

Sound-shift,but whereas in verbal and nominal forms the z,z,crept in

by analogy with the forms in which / was not these

final, five words,
not being subject to influence from cognate forms, escaped. (Cf.
PBB. vi. 554, and Wrede, ZsfdA. xxxvii. 291 ; also Wilmanns, i.

" 50, note.)

(b) W. Gmc. /, /, k when initial or post-consonantaland when 142

double become OHG. fricatives^/"?,ky^.

W. Gmc. p (or pp) OHG. pf.

Mid. and Rh. E. Fr. and

The shift of p iopf'i^only carried through in E. Franconian and in 143

Upper German. In Mid. Franconian p is unshifted ; in Rhine conian

Fran-

/ is only shifted after / and r, but, as seen above, not when

initialnor in gemination.
 6o OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM [PT.II

Note. "
After /, ;- the
spirantf soon replaces the fricative pf\
ah'eady in the ninth century/"appears in these words: dorf,helfan.

144 W. Gmc. t (or tt) "

" OHG. ts (writtenz or zz).

145 This shift of / to ts,Uke the medial shift of/, /, k, is common to

the whole OHG. area, and is a most characteristic mark of High as

opposed to Low German.

Note." The OHG. atto, MHG. atte (beside Got. atta, Lat. attd,
Gk. drra)with unshifted //is remarkable : cf. PBB. ix. i6o; xii.534.

W. Gmc. k or kk (written
variouslyek or cc) " " UG. (written
k;)(
kh or ch), but remains unshifted in Franconian.

Got.
kailrn

us-wakjan
uf-rakjan
This shift of k to kh is the most restricted of all,and is confined to

UG. dialects. Here one would expect a fricative ^x" parallel

to pfy ts,
such as is found in the modern dialect round St. Gallen, but it is

a questionhow far the kh {ch)of UG. does reallyrepresent the fricative,

and how far merely an aspiratedstop, such as we have presumably in

Isidor's ch^ which notation he always uses and

initially after liquids
and nasals. (Hench.)
146 As W. Gmc. pp, tt, and kk are due to lengthening before J, and as

there often occur cognate forms without j, an interchangefrequently

takes place:
 OHG. d becomes / in UG. and in E. Franc. Mid. Franc, serves
pre-
d when initial and medial, and in Rh. Franc, d varies with /.

Otfrid in South Rh. Franc, nearlyalways writes d when but

initial, /

medial. See Wilmanns^, i. " 59, 3, and Braune, " 163, 2 ; Bohme, Zur

Kemiinis des Oberfrdnk.

W. Gmc. s (OHG. g) -" OHG. k.

Got. OS. OE. Fr. UG.

steigan stigan silvan s/'igan si'ikan

diigo oga edje ouga ouka

In all Franconian dialects OHG. g remains

post-vocalic unshifted,
and even in Upper German the forms with /' are rare and soon gave

way to those with g. In gemination kk is normal in UG.

151 ip) W. Gmc. b (b),d, g (g),initial,

post-consonantal,
or doubled,
tend to become p, /,/'.
W. Gmc. b (b) or bb

Got. OS. OE.

bairan beran beran
silba self self
sibja sibbia sib{b)
Both Upper German dialects shift b to /"; but later UG. lends to

replacephy b when medial ; later also even when tillat length

initial,
UG. only retains p, in geminationpp.
152

Mid. and Rhine Franconian retain the originald, except when

doubled, in which case all dialects except Mid. Franc, have //.

153 W. Gmc. g (g)or gg " " OHG. k.

CH. ml OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM 63

OHG. remains in all Franconian dialects,and in UG. is regularly

g
replacedby k only when doubled : in UG.
initially /" is frequentlybut
not always found, and post-consonantalit is even less frequent. In

later UG.^is restored everywhere except in gemination. (See 183.)

Note. "

By a curious coincidence the Second Sound-Shift in

shifting
Gmc. 3, ff,g_ to OHG. /, /, k, in some cases restores the originalIG.
consonants : "

/. Gk. OHG. f ale r

Traryjp
harti
KpaTvs
k. Lat. con, cum UG. ka-

p, septem Bav, sipun

The results of the Second Sound-Shift may be tabulated thus :"

154

Pr Gmc. OS. Mid. Fr. Rh. Fr. E. Fr. Alem. Bav.

IP P {o) ff ff ff ff ff
iP) P P{P/) Pf Pf Pf
\.\t t (a) Z,^{1) 2,2, 2,2, 2,2, 2,2,

(/?) z z z z z

k (a) hh hh hh hh hh

(/?) k k k kh kh

M-^'-./) W ^'(/) ^ ^ ^ P
b {(^) b b b p P

11.- i: t W g " g gij^ g{k)

(/5) g g g k(g) k{g)
d d (a) (id til

(13) d d i I I

(a)denoting,as above, post-vocalicposition.

(P) denoting,as above, initial,
post-consonantal,
or doubled position.

Uncertainties of the HG. Sound-Shift.

The introductory chapter touched on the of ascertaining

difficulty 155
the phoneticvalue of the symbols of the Latin alphabet,as used to

transcribe OHG., and nowhere is this difficulty

so grave as in the

phenomena of the HG. or Second Sound-Shift.

Doubts arise especially

as regardsthe shift of Gmc. ^ and^. That
in Mid. Franc, medial b had spirantvalue is evident from the notation

V, Tr. Cap. seivo, ieven,Sec. This .v {/) is also found in IMG. :

Arnst. Marienl.
wif, gesnven : Leid. Will, seivo,salvoti : and in de

Heinr. (probablyMid. Fr.), selve?no^

hafoda.
As regards^ the evidence is not so clear. Spirant pronunciation
seems indicated by the use of gJi to replace^,
//,cJi, and also by the
 64 OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM [n. ii

use of ^^ to replaceh, c/i,andy. Braune (" 164, i) assumes as certain

that g was spirantin Mid. Franc, and Northern Rh. Franc, on the

evidence of the rhymes Hliuhvig : ih, Lw. zivlg : du/i, Arnst.

Marienl., and the forms ??iack (to inugen): dach ; but Jellinek{PBR.
XV. 268) points out that in the ninth century there were only two

instances of // being used for final g\ Augs. Gebet,

genCithih, and

Hymns
ivi'rdih, ; and that had medial been a spirant it would
g
when
naturally, final,have always been representedby h. He suggests
that ^'^was not a spirantbut a fricative;and Wilmanns^ i. (""69-70)
appears inclined to accept this for g when final,but not when

medial. See also PBB. ix. 388. Further, it is very doubtful whether
the UG. writingof /" and k for Franc, h and g reallydenotes a change
of sound from media to tenuis. In England and Northern Germany the

mediae are always voiced and the tenues always unvoiced, but this is

not always so in South Germany. There a voiceless media {lenis)

takes the place of the ordinary media, and to unaccustomed ears is

not from
easilydistinguishable the tenuis {/ortis).
This unvoicing of the mediae in Upper German to lenes,without
the extra violence of articulation which would have converted them

into tenues, very probably began in OFIG. limes, and gave rise to

hesitation in writingbetween p and the voiceless b and between k and

the voiceless g. In Upper German of this time there was no Gmc. p

left,all had become ff or pf, just as all /t'shad become hh or kh ; so

that to all intents the voiceless b ox g might, without risk of confusion,

be written b or /",g or k indiscriminately.That this lack of discrimina-
tion

was present in Upper German is proved by the borrowed Latin

words in which b and/, g and k are confused.

156 Examples of loan-words in OHG. where p is representedby b, which

has persistedinto Modern German : " "

Lat. piruni OHG. bira NHG. Binie

piimex biimis Biins-{sieui)

Gk. i-n-LcrKOTros biscof Bischof
TTv^is btihsa Biichse

In other cases NHG. restores the/: "

Lat. /a* OYiQ.heh ^\\Q, Pech

praedicare bredigdn predigen

Gk. TTttTras babes Pahst

OHG. g for k '.-^

Lat. docca OHG. glocka

Cf. Franz, Lat, -Rom. Lehnworter iin Deutschen.

 CH. iTi] OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEiM 65

Only the Gmc. tenues, /, /, k, and the Gmc. voiced spirants,were 157
concerned in the HG. or Second Sound-Shift. Another consonant

change takes place a little later which is distinguishedfrom the

changes of the Second Sound-Shift by not HG.

being specifically
(though also beginningfirst in UG.). It is alreadyto be found about

750 in UG., and can be seen at work during the literary

period of
OHG., so that its gradual progress northwards can be traced,and it

forms a valuable criterion for date and dialect (see180). This is

the change of Gmc./ to OHG. d.

Germanic/ was a voiceless but

spirant, since the OHG. ih (which158
represents it)is immediately replaced by d, a voiced explosive,it
seems most probablethat both in High and Low German the symbol
ih has reallythe intermediate value of 9. This hypothesisis further
confirmed by Isidor's notation dh (see208) in Rhine Franconian of
the eighthcentury.
The change o{ th (= ^)""rt?appears to have come in first after the

consonants /, ;;/, ;/, r, then mediallyin any and

position, lastlyalso
initially.
'

Note. " OHG. dw "" Pr. Gmc. pu became towards the end of the
OHG. periodhv : dwingan "
" hvi'ngan.

Verner's Law in OHG.

Now that the chief consonant changes from IG. to OHG. have been 159
traced in broad outline,the effect of Verner's Law in OHG. can be
better followed and understood. It must be borne in mind :
"

[a) Gothic has levelled out all traces of this law from its strong 160

verbs,except in a few isolated cases which are wholly exceptional.

Pr. Gmc. par/ : purl)- Got. par/ paurhiun
aiy^: aig_- di'hy
digtwi
filyan'.fig- fiUian,/tdgms(originally
a past part.

but now adjective).

Note. " Such cases as (i) hdup "

(/ : d) from bmdan,OY {2)
hudum

(7.vald)tif7i7
{^/rd2sl)ubm
i^/ /5),
are
"
\ examples of Verner's Law, but
not

rest on (i)the Gothic law of the unvoicingof voiced spirantswhen final

or before voiceless consonant; (2) the Gothic law of dissimilation
in secondary syllables, according to which 3 follows voiceless,but /
follows voiced consonant. Got.
Cf. Streitberg, Gr. "" loi, 117, 131.

(3) In W. Gmc. every "f" " d.

1)"" after
/;,initial, a nasal,or in gemination.
z "
" r.

I167 E
 66 01 IG. CONSONANT SYSTEM [PT.II

(c) In OHG.,W.Gmc. -^v-"^(II4)ol"^

/ d (122).
"
"

d " d"^d or / (i14).

^-^^ (115) or/-.

OE. t " V (/) ; g_ remains written j.

161 Consequently the originalPr. Gmc. interchangeof: "

Pr. Gmc./ /, X, X^^^ ^- ^' ^'^' ^^' ^

OE./, /, /?,/i{w),
s : "^/^,
or v{/), d,j,(j)w,r
becomes in OHG. /, d, h, hiv, s : h, /,g, gw, r.

I. Grammatic Change in Strong Verbs.

Gmc. f " b.
OHG.

liefien,
huob, huohun, gihaban,
hwar/, hwurbun, gihworban
{/i)iverfan,
162 Gmc. ))" a.
OE. OHG.
llpan,Idp^ hdo7i, lidcn kid, Utun, gilitan
Ildaii,
snljmn^snap^ smdo7t,sniden gtsm'tan
smdan, sneid, sniliin,
scrlpan,scrap, scridon,scriden gimitan
iiudan, meid, viitiin,
seap, sitdofi,
seopaii, sodeii siodan, sod, siitun,gisotaii
cwepan, cwdep, cwdedo?t,cweden quedan,quad,qiiahin,giquetan
weorpan, wearp, wurdo?i, worden werdan, ward, wiiriun, wortan

163 Gmc. X" g.

peon^ pah, pi^on,pi^eii dlhan, deh, digun,gidigan

/eon, ttdh,iu^on,to^en ziohan, zoh, zugun, gizogan
fleah,
fleon, pillion,
flojen ploh,[Jiuhtm,
jiioha7i, giJiohan'\
sUan, {slof),slo^on,slde^cn slahan, sluoh, sliiogiin,
gislagan
dwean, idivdh),
^wojon,^weje?i divahafi,(dwuog) divuogun,gidwa-
,

gan

164 Gmc. xw "

g(w) (forloss of ^ before w, 109).

Jmi, Idh, lihan,leh,Immn, giliwan
__,
\sdezon [se^en ^ 7 7-7
[gisewan
seon, '
seah\ y i sehan, sah, sahrn y,,^^^^
\sawon [sezve?

165 Gmc. s" z.

ceosan, ceas, cur on, cor en kiosan,kos,hwnn, gikoran

freosan,frlas friiron,froren , friosan,frds,f7'urun,gtfroran
for-JIosan,leas,luron, lor en fir-liosan.
Ids,lurim, lor an
wesan, was, ivderon wesan, ivas, ivdrun, [gi'wesan)
Note." It will be observed that the consonant of the preterite
phral
has frequentlycrept into the preterite
singular.
CH. Ill] OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM 67

II. Grammatic Change in Derived Verbs.

IG. had a largenumber of causative verbs which were formed from 166

others by the derivative sufWx -cyo-. Cf. Gk. rpeVo) rpifjux)

rpoTrew,
"
"

T/30/x"w, arpiffno arpocfiio)."

These derivatives were always accented on the suffix,

so that the

consonants of the and

original the causative verb are found
frequently
in a relation of grammatic change to one another in Germanic.

Got. frawairpan, to perish. frawardjan, to destroy.

OE. /'i^aji,
to go. to lead.
I"eda7i,
OHG, lidan,to go. to lead.
Ieik7i,
OE. ^e-nesan, to recover. inerian,to save.
OHG. gi-nesan,
to recover. [nen'eii,
to save.

Got. Idis,1 know. ( OE. to teach.

Ideraii,
(OHG. leren,to teach.

III. Grammatic Change in Adjectives, Nouns, "c.

In the IG. declension of the noun the accent also constantlyvaried 167

(cf.Gk. /8oi;9, consequentlyVerner's

poos,jSoes), Law should operate
between various cases of the same noun in Germanic also. The

interchangemust, however, have been earlylevelled out, and traces of

it remain onlywhen it has givenrise to doublets in the same or cognate

dialects. all sorts
Similarly, of related and
words, particles, inflections

may, in the same or cognate languages,show forms now with one of

a pairof related consonants, now with another.

A. Gmc. f "
lb. 168
OHG. mq/d : ruoda (number).
(chaff,
Jesa : ga-bi'ssa weed).
graveo : grdbo (count).
he/?g : hebig(heavy).
tii/ar : iubar (foolish).
di'ufa: dmba (theft).
ho/ : MHG. Mbesc/i.

Skr. dparas,apardni ; Pr. Gmc. af : ab ; Got. a/ar, OS. abaro,

OE. eafora; OHG. avar : OHG. abiir.

Skr. upa, ttpdri) Gk. tutto, virip)Pr. Gmc. uf : iib\ Got. u/ ufar,
OE. o/er,OS. ubar : OHG. oba, iibar,
Skr. dpas,Lat. opus) Pr. Gmc. af : ab, OHG. afalon : abali.

Got. twalif,OE.
aflifnan^ twelf,OHG. zivelif: Got. bileiban,
OS.
OE.
billban, OHG.
Il/a7i, bi-l'iban.

Goi. par/, OHG. dur/aii : Got. Jmiirban, ga-parban,OHG. darben.

OHG. hwcr/an : Got. OHG.

1vairban,hjarbu7i^ hwerban.

E 2
 68 OFIG. CONSONANT SYSTEM [ft.ii

169 B. Cmc. ))" ".

Got. magapi : OE. OHG.
vide^den^ viagathi. OE. corpor : OHG.
kor/ar.
Got. ddtipus,OE. dedp^ OHG. tod : Got. ddups OE.
(ddudis)^ fl'^^,
OHG. tot.

Qoi.frapjari: /rodei,gasopjan : j^/j-(sadi's).

Got. OE. "?i(7^/,
ndiipjan : ndiidi-ihaiidi)^ OHG. wJ/.

Got. si'nps,
OE. j"^ : smidjan^sendaji,OHG. senden.

Got. ^/7^^/": /ramatdrs, OE. OHG.

^'rt'/^?, ^//.

170 C. Gmc. X "

g.

Got. sivaihra,OHG. sivehur {=. Skr. sz'dsura),

OE. sweor.

OHG. sivigar OE.

(= Skr. svah'iis), swejer.
OHG. foraha : Got. /airgimt\OE. firjen-.
Got. hhihma, hduhs, OE. ^^"^, OHG. ^Jy^ : OE. ^^j, OHG. /^(7"^.
OHG. zahar, OE. /"f^r : Got. /^^rj",OE. teajor.
Got. lduh{mum),OHG. /^"/^^ : ON. %/; OE. OHG.
//?;, /^z/^.
Got. weihan, OHG. wihan : Got. zvtgans, OHG. wlgant.
Sk. ^^7^, Gk. SeVa,Got. taihun,OHG. zehan : Gk. ScKas,Got. ttgus,
OHG. 2"^^.

171 D. Gmc. ;(W "

gw.

Got. aba : Gmc. ^w/^ ; OHG. ouwa. Got. saiJvan : j-Zz/wj".

Got. /ai7'hjus
] OY..feorh\ OF.. (mid)fyrwe.
OHG. /5h (Lat.paucus) : Got. fawdi (pi),OE. /ed{iv).

E. Gmc. s "

z(r).
Got. ^z/j-J : OE. eare, OHG. ora.

Got. rt'j(2;/j' : OE. earnian, OHG. aran.

Got. rdus : OHG. ror.

Got. eisarn, OHG. hern : OE. ?re7?.

Got. (^^^i": OHG. a/iir : OE. ^tzr.

OHG. haso : OE. /^(^r^.

OHG. tusig : OHG. /^".

The differences of treatment which OHG. consonant sounds went

under-

at different periods in different dialects,as well as the adequacy

in-

and of OEIG.
irregularity make
transcription, it necessary to

add some notes on each of the Pr. Gmc. consonant sounds individually
to show its development in OHG. and its notation by various scribes.
 70 OlIG. CONSONANT SYSTKINI [n. ii

174 Initial v can only appear after sonants (the few exceptions are
unquestionably errors),but the of
possibility f is not excluded,
thus :

/// i.ahe ; but tu tahesi or Yahesi.

The law of initial consonants is carried through with the utmost rigour
in all the works of Notker which we possess in old MSS. Only the

late MSS. of the Psalter neglector confuse it. The interchangeof

y and 7\ however, appears most frequently
in the treatises on Aristotle,
less often in Boethius, and seldom in Mart. Cap., in which only/" is
regular.
Notker's Law is not anything personal or peculiarto himself. It

has plenty of parallels

in other languages and in modern dialects,and
similar phenomena are observable to any careful ear in the nunciation
pro-
of English,though the literary
language ignores them in

its orthography. Moreover, though Notker is the only person

consistently
to demonstrate the working of the OHG. Sandhi, there
are not infrequentlytraces of it in other sources, especiallyin the
Glosses. Cf. Zs.fdA.xvi. 139, and Pietsch,331.

THE GERMANIC CONSONANTS IN OHG.

175 I. Explosives and Spirants.

i. Labials '
p ^ /-
ii. Dentals : i ^ p s.

iii. Gutturals '.kg. x-

P. Germanic p (IG. b) is rare After

initially. the period of the

First Sound-Shift the number of /"'sin Germanic is increased by

borrowing from Latin and Greek (OS., O'E. ptind,pennmg, "c.).
Gmc. p is frequentmedially and finally.
In W.Gmc.// arises by the W.Gmc. lengtheningof consonants (i16).
According to the Second Sound-Shift Gmc. p becomes in OHG. :"

(")/(i38).
[b) p/{i^2)', it remained, however, unshifted,when in Mid.
initial,
and Rh. Franc. ;

[c) remains in a few cases unshifted (147).

{a) Medial between vowels Gmc. p -^ff'm OHG. This is common

to all dialects. This to /"aftera long vowel

^is usuallysimplified or

when final. The writing_^ after long vowel is found, however, in the

earliest texts {BR.K.Pa. and sporadically

GL,".c.), in later ones(Odoh :

slaffenkmo). Occasionally single/ occurs also after short vowel.

CH. Ill] OHG. CONSONANT SYSTP:M 71

Isidor is quite consistent in after

writing_^' a short vowel : f after a long
vowel and when final. (For the distinction of from
this/" Gmcysee 177.)
{h) Initial in word or post-consonantalor p geminated, Gmc. "
"

OHG. in UG.
^y (oftenwritten pK). This only takes place regularl}^
and E. Franc. In Rh. Franc, only after r and /, and never initially.
S. Rh. Franc, also after m.

{c) Pr. Gmc./ remains throughout unshifted "

(i) in the combination sp, as springaii(147);

(2) in foreignwords imported after the Second Sound-Shift, e. g.

prcdig57i,
pri'estar,
pina, "c. In late UG. this often "
" b, as bina, "c.
B. As was seen (66), IG. bh, and in certain cases (85) IG. /",176
yieldedGmc. d, which became b when
initially, doubled, and after m,

but remained b mediallybetween vowels, and w^as unvoiced to/"when

final (123). Such is the state of affairs in Got., OE., OS., but in

OHG. Pr. Gmc. b becomes b in all positions

; only Mid. Franc,

retains mediallythe same spirantvalue as OS. ; cf. Tr. Cap. initial "5,

bodinn, bat, beside medial (v),selvo,erve, /even,ergeren, "c. (155).

b

This OHG. b ("" Pr. Gmc. b) is preservedin all positionsin Franc.

Only in gemination does // sometimes occur beside bb, evidentlyan
effort to denote the sharpersound of the doubled consonant. T. hrippea
beside has
sibbe (Otfrid even krippha). Occasionallyin smaller Franc,

texts bp ox pb ',
Isid. sipbea; Lorsch. B. tinsipbcron,
"c. QLPBB.

vii. 129.

UG. tends to write p iox b \ Alemannic retains b medially between

vowels, but Bavarian introduces / even there. In late UG. the writing
b gains the day, and p is only retained in gemination.
F. Gmc.y"(IG.p) is always retained when initial in OHG. Medially 177
and Gmc./"
finally is comparativelyrare, since by the working of Ver-

ner's Law /* frequently

passed to b""b in OHG. Such Gmc.y's as

remain medially are usuallywritten which, however, represents

ti{v),
a voiceless spirant. The writing^ is rare medially,unless in a group
of consonants : but hevi's,
heffen, lievig.ft andy^y are never written z/.

Gmc. medial f does not coincide with OHG. ff. arisingfrom post-
vocalic/*(175),nor withy arisingfrom pf. This new ff { "" Gmc. p)
differed from originalGmc. /, not only by being long but probably
in pronunciationalso. It seems likelythat, whereas the Gmc./* had

adoptedin OFIG.the labiodental pronunciationlikeEnglish/'(NHG.z^),

the OHG./" was bilabial. That the two/'s, (i)"" / (2) ""
p,
were not confused in OHG. is clear from the fact that the symbol u{7j),
which in the MSS. is in habitual use for the former when initial or

medial, is never used to represent the latter.

 72 OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM [pi.n

Tlie Gmc.y's are reinforced in OHG. by borrowing from Latin and

Romance : v is taken over into OHG., to which the sound of v was

unknown, as f^ e. g. brief, tiiifal

euatigelio, ( "" late Latin diavoliis,
not

diahohis\
"c., "c. See Franz, 20, and Gr? i. 333-54.

178 T. Gmc. / (IG. d) is frequent in all positionsand in tion.

gemina-

As was staled,Gmc. / is in
represented OHG. after the Second
Sound-Shift by : "

{a) z,z,,written zz{z)(139).

{fi)
fs, written 0, (144).
02

{c) t unshifted (147).

OHG. does
spelling not the
distinguish voiceless spirantsound, which
is here denoted by z,^, from the fricative ts, written zz, or 2, but writes

both zz or z. Isidor alone them

consistentlydistinguishes : he
writes the spirantz^z,as zss, or when final zs, but the fricative as z or

tz : wazssar, dhazs, but zwene, sefzati. For greater clearness the

notations z,z,and zz have here been adopted,though if the etymology of

words and the laws of the Second Sound-Shift be borne in mind the

distinction is scarcelynecessary.
a. Medial between vowels Gmc. /" " OHG. 2,2^.
This is common in all dialects of OHG. After a short vow^el z,z,

was usuallyretained,but after long or when final 2,2^was simplified

to

2,. Thus ez,yin (: Got. itaji),

but bl^an (: Got. though
beitari), the

writingsare rather inconsequent,and 2^ or 2,2^are used somewhat criminately

indis-
'
for either. This *
ss sound (^^) arisingfrom Gmc. /

appears to have been clearly in

distinguished OHG. from the s "r" Gmc.

i\ It was more purely dental,partaking perhaps of the nature oi p

(a so-called Misped' s). Cf. Sievers,Phoiietik^,58, 120.

b. Initial or post-consonantal
or geminated,Gmc. / " " ts (zz,z).
The value of this fricative was probably / plus z, (i.
e. a very dental s,

almost =/ ; see above). In loan-words borrowed before the opera-

tion
of the Second Sound-Shift the same shift lakes place as in native

words, Lat. ^egti/a"^OHG. ziagal. [Inyounger borrowings OHG. z

represented Latin c before e and i, which about 700 had become

a fricative. Lat. census" ^zins. See Kluge, Wb. s. v.]

c. Gmc. / remains unshifted in OHG. : "

(i) In certain cases of consonant combination: e.g. st,tr,ft, ht

("47)-
(2) In loan-words taken over into Gmc. after the Second Sound-

Shift,iempal,"c.
(3) In Mid. Franc, pronouns: "c. (141).
that,ihit,
CH. Ill] OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM 73

D. Pr. Gmc. ti [IG.dh (67) or / (73)] becomes d in

universally 179
W. Gmc. (122). It is frequentin all positionsand in gemination.
In OHG. the W. Gmc. ^/has a tendency to become /,but not equally
in all dialects. The shift of ^ to / is only complete in UG. and in

E. Eranc. (where exceptionsare very rare),and in all dialects when

geminated. Rh. and Mid. Eranc. shifted d io I when but

final, tend to

retain d when medial and initial. Initial d maintains itself longestof

all. Otfrid always has initial d, medial /. In Rh. Eranc, and cially
espe-
in S. Rh. Eranc, / is not found
infrequently beside (/.
E. Franc, fag, lot,trinkan,truhtin,hiotan,thritlo.
O. dag^ dot, drifikan,druhlm, hiotan,thritlo.
Is. druhtin,biodan,dhritto,hant, hendi.
dag, dot,dri7ikan,
Gmc. dd-^' tt in all dialects. It tends to be after
simplified a long
vowel, but is frequentlyretained in UG. Some OHG. //'sarise merely
from the accidental collision of two /"s,e. g. in the preteriteof certain
verbs : shitta,
leitta,
"c. ; this // is,however, not simplified.
infrequently
Eor the conditions of the d shiftingin the Eranc. dialects cf.

O. Bohme, Ziir Keimtnis des Ober/rk.

p. Pr. Gmc/ (IG./). The voiceless in
spirantis represented the 180

earliest OHG. by the symbol th (ordh),which, however, was probably

already voiced (= d). This d tends to pass over into the voiced

explosive d in all dialects (158). The change shows itself first in

Bavarian, in which, in the eighth century, th is already rare.

Alemannic completes the change in the latter half of the ninth century,
so that from the ninth century onwards d is the usual UG.representative
of Pr. Gmc/.
T. has th initially,
but d mediallyand in all other positions.During
the latter half of the ninth century even initial th becomes d. Mid.

Eranc. and other Middle German dialects follow suit during the tenth

and eleventh centuries,finallySaxon and Low Eranc. also {PBB.

^' 53)jso that the change eventuallyis not a OHG.
specifically one,

though HG. carries it through before LG.

OHG. ^("" /)is never in OHG. unvoiced to/ (see/),so that it is

clearly
distinguished
from the / "" d"r"d, and the Pr. Gmc. grammatic
change of/: d is therefore preserved in OHG. as an interchange
between d : /.

S. Pr.Gmc s was inherited without change from IG. During the 181

Pr. Gmc period,however, the number of Germanic s's was greatly

reduced by the operation of Verner's Law, by which, in many cases,

s became z, and, in W. Gmc, r (125). The /s which escaped

Verner's Law are still preserved in OHG. as voiceless spirants,and
 74 OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM [i-i.
ii

are distinguished
in pronunciationfrom the new ^2, ( ^- Gmc. /). See
165, 166, 171.

"S"geminated.

(i) OHG. ss is usuallyderived from Gmc. ss (oftenarisingfrom

dental plus /).
(2) OHG. ss is derived from
sometimes, though rarely, W. Gmc.
ss "" Gmc. s plus/. Musp. wtssan i^wisjan)^ OHG.
lossan i^losjan).
hmssen " "

'^knusjan.
(3) OHG. ss is occasionallydue to recent assimilation : wassen

beside wahsan.

(4) OHG. ss arises from composition in desses (see469).

In consequence of Gmc. ss so often arisingfrom // (or other dental

plus /)OHG. ss often interchangesin cognate words with 2^ ( "" /)or

zz ( " "

//),
e. g. wessa, gewisser : wiz,yi?i ; mtiossa^ muosa : miioz,\ Got.
mats : OHG. ?nuos, ma2^.
OHG. mez^i-sahs (so in R^ Gl. 542), by a curious instance
i. of

dissimilation,
develops into inez,zjrahs(later
mez^zfirehs,messires,NHG.
Messer),unless this is to be treated as an instance of Verner's Law.

Cf. Wilmanns ", i," 24. and Brugmann^, " 903.

182 K. Gmc. k (IG. g) is frequent in all positions. Geminated k

arises often in W. Gmc. (116): when k is retained in OHG. it is

often written c before consonants and gutturalvowels : kw is often

written gu. After the Second Sound- Shift Gmc. k has three sentatives
repre-
in OHG. : "

a. Gmc. k becomes hh (140).

b. Gmc. k remains k or "
" kh (145).
c. Gmc. k remains unshifted.

{a) Medially between vowels Gmc. k "" OHG. /i/i in all dialects,
simplifiedto h after a long vowel or when final. Occasionallyk
is found for M and vice versa.

(d) Initial,
post-consonantal,
or geminated. Gmc. k "
" kk in UG.,
but in Franc, remains k. Gmc. /'/' "
" kA in UG. and remains kk in Franc,
when kk is usuallywritten ck. Final or before a consonant kk is

frequentlyreduced to k.

(c)Gmc. k remains unshifted (i)when initialor geminated in Franc,

(seed); (2) in combinations sk, "c.

183 -Of. Gmc. g [IG. gk (68) or k] is common in all positions-
When doubled it early lost its spirantvalue in Gmc, and^^ "^b^'-
after
similarly, nasal (115)- How long its spirantvalue was
g""g
retained in other cases is a moot point (155). Probably before
very
CH. Ill] OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM 75

historical OHG. times every Pr. Gmc. ^, in whatever position,

had become g over almost all OHG. with
territory, the possible
exception of Mid. and Rh, Franc. (Cf.Wilmanns^, i, " 68.) This

OHG. g remains unaltered in Franc, whether singleor geminated,but

in UG. it shows a strong tendency to become unvoiced to X'.

This change always took place when doubled, usually when initial,
in
especially the earliest texts, when final /c is usual, but g is not common
un-

: mediallyg is by far the more usual. This UG. /c (" "

g)
may of course, like OHG. /c in general, be also written c, but not

before the vowels e and t.

X. Pr. Gmc. ^^'^s a voiceless gutturalspirant [IG. I'/i or /' 184

X

(75)] common in all positions. In all Gmc. languagesx is written

//, and in all it earlyshowed a tendency in certain cases to lose

its spirantcharacter and to become a mere spiritus

asper, though
mediallyand in
finally Gothic it probably retained the full value of

Pr. Gmc. (but see Go/. Gr., " 35,

Streitberg, and PBB.
Jellinek, xv.
X

277). In OHG. h is always a spiritus

asper when initial,
probably
also between vowels, as hano, herza, sehan, "c., but remains a voiceless

spirantwhen final or before consonant, sah, 7naht,"c. Initial h is only

retained before vowels in OHG. The combinations hi,hn, hw, which

have regularlyh in the earliest texts, appear as simple /, n, r, w

after
respectively the ninth century (LG. dialects retain h longer
in these cases). T. and O., and all other later Franc, texts, have no

trace of this initial h before consonant, except in proper names :

Hludwig (but O. Liidoinug). In UG. texts there is more hesitation

(see below). Finally or before consonants OHG, h is frequently

denoted by ch, e.g. reht or recht, sah or sach. In sound this

OHG. h ("" x) appears to fall together with OHG. /z/^"" Pr.

Gmc. /'.

II. Liquids. 1 and r.

L. Pr. Gmc. / (IG./)remains unaltered in OHG. Double / is very 185

common in OHG., arisingfrom :"

{a) IG. or Gmc. assimilation (97).

("5)W. Gmc. lengthening(118).
(r) More rarelyfrom OHG. assimilation,
e. g. gtiolUh^^gtcollih.
R. Pr. Gmc. r(IG. r) remains unchanged in OHG. The number

of originalPr. Gmc. r's is increased in Gmc. by those arisingfrom

Pr. Gmc. z (125).
This W. Gmc. r ""z, in contrast to N. Gmc. r"" 2 (cf.Noreen,
A I. Gr., " 216),does not appear to have been in
distinguished sound

from the Gmc.

original r. Pr. Gmc. r is rarelydoubled in W. Gmc. by
 76 OIIG. CONSONANT SYSTEM [pt.ii

7(119): OHG. nerien^"c. Only Alemannic and Franc,

occasionally
have forms nerretij Sec, and even after a long vowel, e. horren,8cc.
rr g.
Neveriheless, rr frequentlyari:"es from assimilation or position:
juxta-
"

(a) from rn, e. g. s/erro "" s/erno,beside Got. slairnd (perhapsdiffer-

ence
of accent),
OE. steorra.

{p)from rz, e. g. OHG. merren : Got. marzjan ; OHG. irri : Got.

airzeis.

(c)from r plus r, e. g. /lerro " " heriro.

in. Nasals, m and n.

186 M. Pr. Gmc. in (IG. m or ") remains in OHG. : it can only stand
before consonants when these are labials (96),though it may come

next to dental by loss of interveningvowel, e. g. rumta "" runiita,

OHG. mm arises from : "

{a) Pr. Gmc. mm, as suimvian.

{V) W. Gmc. mm, as frummen (in UG. also after a long vowel :

smwiati (119)).
(c) Late assimilation,^.'s,frammort "r"framwert (242),stwwia "^

siimna,"c. When flectional m comes to stand final in OHG. it passes

to 11 from the ninth century onwards (asIG. final m had done) : OHG.

habem, later hahen later When final in OHG. is

; tagum, tagiin,"c. vi

felt to be part of the root, it remains, influenced,no doubt, by inflected

forms, where m was medial and was therefore preserved: arm, armes ;

tuom, tuomes ; nim, nema7i.

187 N. Pr. Gmc. n (IG. ;/ or m) remains for the most part changed
un-

in OHG. Before dental consonants n is found : original

n

cannot stand before labials,but may come into that positionby

syncope or composition justas m may come to stand before dentals,

e. g. (later
inbiz, nnbl^.
Before gutturals;/ has the value of gutturalnasal ". (Pr.Gmc. to

had been lost before x\ see 109.) OHG. nn may arise from: "

(a) Gmc. nn, e. g. rhinan, kunnan, mannes, "c.

{b) W. Gmc. nn, e. g. kunm\ "c., and UG. even after long vowels :

Musp. siiamian.

{c) Late assimilation,

e. g. firstannissi
" firstantnissi, "

IV. Semi-vowels, j and w.

188 Consonantal / is usually denoted in OHG. manuscripts by the

symbol i,and is therefore not in writingfrom

distinguished the vowel.

Sometimes g is found for /, so that the consonantal value of j as

opposed to vowel i was evidentlyclearlymarked, and in certain cases

approached even to the sound g_.

 ^S OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM [pt.ii

century, final o ("" w) falls after a long vowel : sen "

se, sneo"sm,

speo "

spe, grew "

gra.
{c) Pr. Gmc. medial iv after a consonant is rare, except after r and
/. It is retained in OHG. ; e. g. 7}ielo "

melwe, farwa "

swahva, "c.

Here OHG. tends to generate a secondary vowel : vielwes or vielawes,

"c., see 242.

{d) Pr. Gmc. medial w after a long vowel is frequentin OHG. :

w is constantlygenerated as a glide between vowels in hiatus. ample,

Ex-

see 243.
{e)OHG. medial iv after a short vowel has a complicatedhistory,
since it may rest on (i) Pr. Gmc. single w\ (2) on originalww,
whether Pr. Gmc. or of later development in W. Gmc.

MINOR POINTS OF DIALECT AND WRITING^

Explosives and Spirants.

I. Labials.

190 P. i. Isidor has unshifted p twice : scaap {scdf\ ubarhlaiipnissi.

Cf. Hench, 83.
ii. Some words which usuallyh-ANe p/ "^-
pp are also found with

ff{f),but such forms are generallytraceable to originaldouble forms,

in which pp alternated with p (125). Such cases are : tropfo trof; "

OE.
apftd affollra,"

apuldre,ON. apaldr.
Writings.
iii. For
ff occasionallyph is written, especially in the Mens. Gl.
M7itiuphi i^.326), beside (i.385),irriiophent
tiiiffi (i.370).
The Bair. B. once has sidphatito, Mainz. B. once scldphun] T.
ofphano (104.3) and scdph {133.ii).
The Leid. Will, regularly has //^for^. This ph is,however, not the
fricative in these cases, but merely a graphic variant for^(i.e. a long
voiceless spirant).This value is proved by the fact that the same
texts write /i^for Gmc.y*; e.g. thuriiphtigon thurftigon. =

iv. U. Alem. simplifies^to/! ^^. fund,far r a ( pfarrd). "="

So also late Alem. ^.fdd,faknza,flegen, but skepfen, tropfo(see192).

191 V, There exists in all dialects a general tendency to simplifympf
npflpf rpfio mf "c., especially in certain words such as werfan,dorf,
"c. ; e. g. :

O. scepfen,werpfan (and wc?fan), helpfan(and hefari).

T. iverphan (rarely
scephe7i, werpfajt),helpfan{lief
art).
Musp. kherfiin, fan, hUfa.
h e BR. helfan.
scejfan,
vi. Earliest Rh. Franc. has
(Isidor) unshifted p after / and r.

^
The following details are for the most part drawn from Braune, Aha. Gr. ;
but for the sake of clearness his valuable material has been rearranged and
added to.
CH. Ill] OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM 79

Is.hilpit arworpanaiiy Fr. Gebet. hilp,but the Lw. \\2jihilph (23),and

even ka?n/[^d).
Beside the usual ??iphO. occasionallyhas mp\ limpii (ii. 23. 16,
iv. 29. 2),gdumpUh (i.16. 25),intslupta from mtshipfcn (v. 10. 26).
vii. Where / appears for
sporadically ^^in UG. texts, it must be
taken to be due simply to imperfectspelling. In the same way the
E. Franc, pentinga of the I.ex Salica is probably to be explained. The
Ker. Gl. have/ {ox ph, which Kogel interpretsas due to Rh. Franc,
influence: pldh ( plough),siapot. Cf. PBB.
= ix. 312.
viii. The Freis. O. frequenUy replacesOtfrid's/'s by ph, but more
often allows p to stand. M. also leaves the p of the Franc, original in
three words : pendinc^ardempant,ardampta.

ix. Though U. Alem. tends to reduce the p/ to ff ox f, p/h not 192

quite supplanted,and frequentlyremains, especially in gemination.
Voc. pfarra^ tropfo. N. pf always in gemination, otherwise ff, K^"
pf, while K^ has ff (seeKogel).
It is noteworthy that the Alem. scribe (y)of Isidor has introduced

forms \\kQ.flanzon,sccffen.

x.Though in U. Alem. the Gmc. p when initial apparently falls

together with / i^flegan beside faraii) there must have been some

difference between them, for Gmc.y is often written as u{v), but Gmc.

p never. See Kogel, PBB. ix. 317.

xi. Inasmuch as modern Alem. dialects all carefully preserve the
fricative^and not the simplified/", the theory is that the old Alem.
writing _/of betokens merely inadequatespelling; cf. Gr? i. 730, but
see also Kauffmann.
xii.ph for pf is especiallyfrequent in E. Franc, and UG. texts :
T. phlanzon,phimt beside pfennings"c. ; R. phhidn beside pfad.
pph {" pp^ and ppf are sometimes
" found for pf\ O. gUepphes ;
Wk. scepphion.
fph, pffi/pf,
l^hh are found
sporadically ^ox pf [":"pp)
,
and even for

xiii. In the case of the loan-word

opferd?iand its derivatives, 193
beside the of
off'cninc Isidor,the double
are forms
explainedby the fact
that they rest on two different Latin words : operdri and offerre.
xiv. The foreign words psalmo 2iXidipsittch {"r~psah?iui?i, psittacus)
usuallylose the initial p.
XV. sp is occasionally found as sh. Often in Will, shrehhan "c. beside
sprung. Elsewhere only sporadically in the Glosses.
xvi. The unshifted p of foreign words in late UG. is often replaced
by d. In Franc, this d is rare (T. hhninzd); only the words beh and
brcdigon("" pix {pi'ci's)praedicare)
and are consistently speltwith b by
O., who otherwise never has h for/.

B. Franconian.
i. Instead of h
occasionally/is found in Franc, when finai, especially194
after consonant. T. gi'scnp, tumpnissi\ O, bileip,dumpmuate, irstarp;
Is. selp, chilaiipnissa,
"c.
ii. This/ for b is sometimes found written ph : Is. screiph,
bileiph.
This ph is,however, probably merely an inexact writingfor/ : con-
 8p otto. CONSOXANT system [pt.ii

ceivablyit denotes some shade of aspiration

(of.Ilench, 83). M. Uph,
lauph.
iii. / for h is
occasionallyfound before / in O. : gUoiiptun^
gikrumpti^kleipta.
iv. Except in the above cases p for h is only sporadicin Franc. :
T. i7ilprennent (25. 2),and frequenUy in the sections written by Alem.
scribe (y): prah, pitlent^perahtnissi\ qS.'^xq.mq^x'^.
\^^yi'^2\.haiipit.
(For
details from minor texts see Pietsch,Oherfr.Laulsland.)
Bavarian.
195 V. Medial
intervocalic/ for h is characteristic of older Bavarian, but
b is also found. Cf Steinmeyer,Z.f. d. Ph. iv. 88 ; Schatz, " 69.

p is practically universal in Exh. and Cassel Gl., Wess., Freis.

Pn., Musp., Ps. 138.
After the eleventh century medial /"'s began to disappear; in Meri-
garto are still found : pcrge, primno, p'l(besidehi\ "c., but only uher.^
lib,ebene,"c.
In Otloheverywhere except //"/,iumphetl.
/; is So in all late Bav.

texts/ or bbut always b medially.

initially,
vi. Bavarian copiesof Rh. Franc, originals.
M. and Freis. O. have now and then introduced Bavarian / medially,
but more often retain the originalb.
Alemannic.

196 BR./) is found initially

vii. In (onlyeight"^'s), b medially(only seven
b
p's), finally (only five /"'s).Soon initial b becomes more frequent;
cf. Al. Ps.,Sam., "c. ; but initial/ remains beside b until MHG. times.
a.PBB.i 418.
viii. Notker alternates / and b according to his law of Initial
Consonants.
ix. Only the oldest Alemannic texts have medial / with any quency.
fre-
Pn. ktlmibti,but
tibile, also picrapan. In K^ and R^ the
medial (5's are in minority. Thus
a the very oldest Alem. is not
distinct in this f
particular rom the oldest Bavarian.

Gemination.
xi. In UG. geminated bb always appears as// even in texts which
otherwise favour b. The form cota-uuebbes R^ quite isolated.
is

Occasionallygeminated b is retained in UG. even after

a long vowel.

BR. erlauppe, and (once)

lippanti, libbe. Exh. galauppenne^Rt" biwappo.
Writings.
xii. For UG. // sometimes bp or pb is found : ubper,nbplgt.
F. Initially.
1917 i. after
Initial/" prefix""/-, ?'"/-,
a tends, through a sort of assimila-
tion
of tf,to pass into the fricative p/{ph),especially in later texts.
OHG. ini/dhan,infdhan occurs, as early as T., as : iniphdhan or
mphdhan. Later this becomes more frequent: it is often written
infdhan,but this/"is evidentlystillfelt as pf, for it is never written u.
ii. The assimilation of nf to mf, which may be assumed to have
taken place (94),is rarelyrepresentedin writing. Such forms as

N.
imphdhet, 45. 8, are but seldom met with. (Graff, 399.)
iii.
CH. Ill] OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM 8i

iii. Thewritingu (printedz')for Gmc.y is rare, even in the oldest

OHG. manuscripts. Pa., K., and Isidor have scarcely trace of it.
a

In Franc, sources O. almost always writes y*(Kelle, 479) ; T. more

and
often // (especially y, Sievers, " 14): tier it,iiior, uolla, as prefix
nor for for.
In UG. sources R^ prefersf, but Musp.
18/! 2\ ti\

After the ninth century u more frequent: in the Lw.

becomes
it is common, in IMerseb. Charms general. During the tenth and
eleventh centuries f and ic are interchangeable,
though f still pre-
ponderates.

usuallyhas f (though often v after sonants),

N. but the / which
he writes for pf" Gmc./"; he never" writes u (the rare examples
uldg'in=pjlagi?i Boet. 27^^ are obviously clerical errors).Will, has
universallyti ; / only before u, I, r, which is a frequent usage in
MHG. ; cf. WiiUner.

Medially.
Gmc.^'in
iv. W. heffen(Got.ha/jati) is frequently
the verb reduced 198
to_/byanalogy with the 2nd and 3rd person, in which one /"isregular:

hevi's,hevit. Some texts write pf for this ff in heffen : Is. hepfii,

iibarhepfendi (Graff,4. 817), iirhepphantiu (822). Braune, " 139. 4,

takes this pf to be merely an inexact writing,but it is quite pos-
sible
that the forms with p/^at due to analogy with the verb skepfen
(Got. skapjaii), a strong verb of the same class (seeHench, 85) with
the samey-suffix.
V. OWG.fiii) stands in a relation of grammatic change with OHG.
b (""b), see 168.
In
levelling, double forms of the same word are often obtained,
varying with dialect and period. T. and O. zverdan : hwerfan ; O. hebig:
; T. abur : avar.
hev'ig
Also in UG. b is found instead oi
f{ii).Pa.,K. hwerban, hwerfan :
hiverpan; Ri\ BR. ruaba : ruova (Musp.); but not until Notker's time
do the forms aber,iverben oust the older auar, werfan.
vi. OHG. forms frequentlystand
W\\.\\f(ti) in a relation of Verner's
Law to Gmc. forms with d (168): Goi paiirban ; OHG. dtirfan,
"c.

Writings.

vii. The
writingy between vowels is frequentin the oldest texts ; 199
BR. zwifal,diufa\ T. hefit, dhfale] O. aftir. Later v{u) prevails.
Even after consonant u{v)beginsto preponderate: uuervan is found
for hwerfan, "c. Only darf,dnrfim are never found with n for f\

possiblyhere/" stands for IG. pp pn. Cf. Kluge, Gr.- i. 240, and ""

Wilmanns, iii.93.
viii. nu (foru) as writingfor/"is rare.
a It is found especially
in
M. atiuar =
auar, hreuue to href (Hench, 1 1 6). It occurs once in
H. aiiiiar (43).
ix. In ft and fs the sound of
f evidentlyremained owing to the
voiceless / and s. Late Bavarian texts even write pf for it : Mons.
Gl. aphter (Gl. i. 361), tuisemphti(404). Also in Franc, texts :

1167 F
 82 OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM [pt.ii

IMainz. B.
ihujiiphlii^on; Leid. Will, i^eacriphle. The writingpf in
hapt,hiplidun^liaptbandiin of the Merseb. may probably be taken as an

imperfectwriting {ox piit =/t.

X. Mid. Franc, has occasionallythe LG. hi fory?: cf. Tr. Cap.
other after (withtransposedhi),a peculiarity
= found often in Mid. G.
texts of the MHG. period.
200 T. i. In the case of words which arc not found in any other Gmc.
dialect save OHG., and whose etymology is obscure, the OHG. z

leaves much doubt whether it denotes ;^:^or ts : e. g. OYiQt. fizus=sly.

It occurs, ?a\^ ficislicho
however, 2isfia'se (Graff,
3. 737), and it is thus

possibleto decide for ts. OHG. azzasi ( = Gerat)is written by Notker

azase, thus may be assumed to be z^z,. OHG. hi'rz is of uncertain
value : its doublet OHG.
hiruz,(OE. heorot)has spirant;^, but the
shortened hirz (OE. heort)may have had the fricative,
for in MHG.
hirtz and modern dialects forms are found to correspond. So beside

Iez,z/sto,
a rare form lecisto = and
lezi'sto, beside biz,N. has a dat. sg.
which
It'zze, correspondsto MHG. bi'tzbeside bi\.
There is in OHG., as in INI.and NHG., occasional dialect hesitation
between z, and z forms, and in such cases care is necessary not to

overlook of original
the possibility doublets without and with ay-suffix

(/beside //)as in the case of/":;y and ck : hh.

ii. That the two values
spiteof the ambiguity
of zz and z were, in
of distinct
entirely
spelling, quiteindisputable : is

{a) Isidor carefully distinguishes them.

{V) On analogy with the shift of/ it is a priori most probable that
/ shifted differently according to its positionin the word.
{f) While "r is a frequentwriting for zz ts before e and /, it is =

never found denoting z,z,.

id) The NHG. development keeps them apart.

Writings.

201 iii. The almost universal writingfor z,z,in OHG. is zz after a short

vowel, z after a long or when final. Some earlytexts do not yet

observe this e. g. Pa,, K., BR.,
distinction, and the first part of H.

always write zz. Voc, R^, and M., on the other hand, always use z

of precedingvowel.
irrespectively O.
onlysingle2, though usuallywrites
he scans a word like long syllable. T. usually dis-
uuazar as atinguishe

zz from 0, as above, though one scribe uses zz even after

long vowel. R. after a long vowel has 32 0: 6 zz\ after a short vowel

13 2: 13 20 (Wiillner).
N. always writes z (forz^^ even after short vowel to distinguish
from zz "
ts \ only the last MS. of the Psalter has often zz for z.

After long vowel zz (besidez) is still frequent in OHG. till the

eleventh century; cf. Will.,Olloh, Merig, "c.
iv. Other writings for (;^)are rare
^^ and quite sporadic: only
Isidor's notation (178) is consistentlycarried through.
zs, M. twice has zs : forldzseno(i. 15),nzserdm (29,25); cf. Hench,
112. Lw. I heizsit ; N. uazscent {?xovQxh'").
CH.ui] OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM 83

sz. BR. ivisziim

kiiuiszidii, ; T. i!;isaszJiiss7
84. 2 42) ; Wiirz.
(Sievers,
B. hasze.
sc in a few
glosses:JJosca)i,/ris(ii (Graff,5. 565).
s final. BR.
das^ etnas ; H. /ca/ic/ias 14) ; Freis. O. (seeKelle).
(Sievers,
In O. final z is occasionally assimilated to following s: zvaz,sies "
"

ivas ses. Very rarelyand almost completely confined to Glosses are

writingsfor z^zj^:^) that usuallydenote /s, such as c, zc, cz, z/z, tz : Wk.
emctz'igaz; Lw. 1 1 lietz ; Lorsch. i^.ucze = uz,zf. Isidor's chiloihzssdm
{\.o
gihloz^zp) is unique (Hench, 79).
V. The fricative z is in many MSS. denoted by c before the vowels e and 202
i\ BR. c'lt;this usage is not infrequent even in T., O., N.
Other writingsoccur sporadically
:

cz. Lw. czala, indgaczogo, 4. 8.

g. M. herein,liugilom,
tmrgufi.
c (otherthan before e and t) is rare, and only occurs in careless
Glosses, cuuemaig =^
zwemzug, Gl. 2. 47; iiarca =^warza, 240;
sprincuiirc = luiirz.

vi. Instead gemination: of zz in

iZ is not used
regularly save in Isidor. It occurs sporadically
at

first,becomes more frequent in late OHG., and is the rule in

MHG.
c before e and / is not so frequentas for z : T. lucil,
annuci {=.liizzil,
anniizzi)
; O. Ilchkcra,
ii. 20. Pa. has c (Kogel,63) : pisini'dt,
regularly
ficeot,"c.
cc. Very rare : V2i.foalaccitpalpal.44. =. 6.
zc. Very rare : YJ^ lazcende,K^ ^^.
liizcic; kasezcida;M. sizcerile,
gasizcet; Al. Ps. luzcila,
cZj Ic,zlc,"c., are isolated : \\.^ficze.

zz is often
especially in
simplified unaccented syllable
: O. emizm^
heilezen ; so also in N. leidezen,
"c. It is a mistake to assume with
Holtzmann that in this single
case the z in N. denotes the spirant(as it
usuallydoes with him). Sievers,T., givesa number of instances.
vii. In K^ the tendency to become
initial group qu zw shows a

(quiro, quel): {queol,

traces queon).
of the same in Pa.
viii. Mid. Franc. Ihil (in which / probably represents //?) does not
shift it to l/u'z (de Heinrico, 26 Ihid),but cf. MHG, di'lze (Weinhold,
uMhd. Gr. " 485).
ix. The loan-word kurz, from Latin curlus, is occasionallyfound 203
both in UG. and in Franc, as ktai with unshifted / (O. ii. 3. 28):
H. churteru ; Exh. churlnassi,
X. Since / remains unshifted togetherwith in Gmc. /r,Gmc. dr falls
//',and is in most Originaldr does
cases not from
distinguishable it.
not, however, undergo gemination before r : OHG. fuolar, lolar,
welar, beside billar,
"c. When the // ("" Ir)is simplifiedafter u, the
distinction is again lost : ivinlar beside
i^^ivinltar) wtinlar. In Notker,
however, original
/ is not voiced after ;/ ; he therefore distinguishes
"U'wler from ivunder,
xi. Rh. P'ranc. fjequentlyhas d for / in also
hi,/I,occasionally in si,
and very rarelyin Ir (only O. uses dr regularly,
as always d for /),
F 2
 84 OHG. CONSONANT SYSTB:M [pt.ii

\'s\(\ovioiiuihd,inirchd ] \.ov^ch. h. t/Ji/c/u/ero,

pr/esdn ; Reichn. h.
ihiJidij^ \ 'Vx.C'\\).
durfdigi' \ T. dn'simii/.
si'//ia/diu Cf. Pi^/)\ ix. 313
and 399.
xii. Often hi,// are \viitten
htt,flt\e.g. BR. rehtteru,notdnruftti;
R^ rehlto\ O. sUhtli (i.i. 36); and in Rh. Franc, oflen dt or id:
Lorsch. B. druhdlin ; Reichn. B. iinrehtdes ; cf. Sievers,Hymneiu
Probably this is not merely a writing, but a mark of syllabic
division. Litbl. 1887, 109.
xiii. The / of ht,ft,st is
occasionallylost entirelywhen it comes to
stand before
other consonants : V"K./orahlJhIm?i,rehVikhm ; H. uriruh-
licJio (Sievers, 13); T. gireli/estigdt\ O. geisllchmi(iv.5. i) ; Phys.

geslh/io, luirehWion.
t even is sometimes lost when final before an initial consonant :

Sam. 27 nis din; Lex Sal. coivih ri'mil ; T. nioituiht ni\ O. /asfos
vioiilun (iv.27. 18); Phys. nih war, sigehaf.
Lo"s of final / is rarer before a vowel : (see
eigeiihaf
Augs. Gebet.

" 8); unthnrf{0. ii. 4. 80); T. utmofinli. Kogel quotes examples

from K.

204 ^' i- Rh. Franc, hesitates between d and /. Is. fater^ muoter,
dhrato beside dhrado, and /alerlos, riian beside stmdiono, wolda,
Lw. dtigi'di,
gedeilder. Finally / is more common : Lw. lofiot.,
got,
not, "c. ; ^ is rarer: gisiind,gibod, sh'ld,god. For minor texts see

Pietsch.
ii.
Otfrid, in the main, is very consistent about his initial d and
medial / (see Kelle, 492 and 495), though he writes tod (death)more
often with /, and dot (dead) with d. The Pfalzer B. is,like Otfrid,
quiteconsistent. Most other S. Rh. Franc, monuments show great
hesitation,which probably denotes that S. Rh. Franc, had lost the
voice of its mediae and found the distinction between tenuis and fortis
not clear. Oifrid's regularityis probably rather an index of his own

orthographicalpedantry than of his pronunciation. See 203 and

P^^. ix. 313-399.
iii. E. Franc. T. has a few especiallyscribe
fl"s initially, ^. It is
remarkable that the word diuri and its derivatives are usuallyspelt
with d. Medially ^ is rare (Sievers,
29. 30); see Pietsch.
The Merseb. Charms with d originalE. Franc,
are not and the /s
of de Heinr. are Thuringian : gtwdo, thid,geried.
205 i\'- In UG. ^ is more rare even than in E. Franc. Such examples
as are found are chieflyafter n : BR. horendo
stajida??, {PBB, i.414) ;
H. standanter) Voc. vmndrl^ once and diufi with initial d. K^ has

constantlyd for / ; in K^, like Pa. and R''^,

d only occurs in isolated

cases. In the group 7it(and in less degree rt and //)/ shows a

tendency to become d again. See Kogel, 96, and PBB. ix. 314,
where Franc, influence is assumed.
Notker has regularlynd (and even vid^as in MHG., only preserving
/ where Gmc. / underlies it, and in the where
preterite, / = // or dt.
For Notker's initial ^'s see 172. N. hindmi, Jmide, ivanda, ritivida^
sh'rmda, "c.
 86 OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM [n. ii

East Franc.
iii. In ihc early ninth century th everywhere. Lex Sal. has only
one d. The 'I'aufgelobnis and the older Fulda documents, though
older than the Lex Sal.,have several but
"/'s, tliis is in all j)robability
merely an imperfectwritingfor d
(such as is found also in the earliest
OE.), for d instead of th appears first in Tatian, mediallyand finally
(onlyy writes occasionally d initially). The Fulda B. has the same

proportionof th to d as Tatian, but the Wiirzburg B. at the end of the

ninth century has also d initially.

Rh. Franc.

208 i^'-Wk.
initially always has th (oncedli),medial usuallydh (only7 M's
and 7 rt''s).Isidor always has the spirant (theform drado, which occurs
once, is certainly blunder, see Hench) when initial : more
a often the

spirantalso when medial, but beside it numerous d's,especiallyafter n :

ander,chunda7t, "c. (when final this r/then becomes /: chunt^bi/ani),
but
chindh, jugutidhtpreserve the spiranteven after ;/. d is also frequent
after / and r : huldhi,iiuirdit beside wardJi.
ivirdhit, d is rarest after
a vowel. In Olfrid,with rare exceptions(inV.), initial th is the rule.
P. reduces exceptions(Kelle,502), while the Freis. O.
the number of
of course frequentlychanges the th to d. Final th occurs once in Otfrid :
oth ; medially th is fairlycommon : b mat her, ant he?',"c., especially

sinthes,tothes,dothe (seeKelle, 494). Lw. has, in the main, th initial,

d medial, th final (exceptbidungan,teidhor,qiiddhiin^gimd-fanon,dot).
INIainz. B. initial,
11 M's : 6 ^^'s. For minor texts see Pietsch.

209 V. Middle German fh is stilleverywhere : in the Mid. Franc. (Thur.)

de Heinr. as late as the second half of the tenth century, and stillin
the eleventh century it is universal in the Leid. Will.
vi. OHG. d" / is never
" unvoiced to /. Not tillafter the eleventh

century do as such forms teit,

sit,ivart (OHG. teid,sid,ward) come

however, in MHG.
in; they prevail, As late as Notker d is stillthe
rule. Occasional isolated /'s for ^"" /occur earlier. M. qtiat,luirt,
wart beside quad, "c., and even warth. K. often has / after ;/, /, r

(Kogel, 119); Isidor also after ;/ ; T. abasnit, wart, quat,fant ] cf.

Sievers, 55. All these, however, are verbal forms, and prob-
ably
are

due, not to a* phoneticdevelopment,but merely to out of

levelling
grammatic change pluralto singular.from
vii. Sporadically / occurs initially (ford" /) : Re 2. 232 : torren, "

tar bet,twingit) late OHG. trubo,tusiint for drubo, diisunt have retained
/ in MHG. (seeKauffmann, 217, who assumes that d and / had fallen

togetheruniversally i n OHG. with loss of voice).

viii. It is important to bear in mind that Got. has final/, replacing
Pr. Gmc. d (Streitberg, Got. Gr} no), and that therefore such OHG.
forms as houbit,Got. hdiibip,OHG. birit,Got. bairip,are not examples
of/ ":^d""t, but revert respectively to Pr. Gmc. "^-xpiidi^ and Herid,

and exemplify d d "" t. " "

ix. Grammatic change in OHG. d : / (Pr.Gmc./ : d) and doublets

arisingfrom it,see 169. Isidor's zidh (forzid, ztt) and the hinvarth
of the Lw. (for hinavart) are probably remains of double forms,
 CH. Ill] OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM 87

though the lailer might be a trace of LG. influence; cf. OS. /ar/Zi,
{?s. 73).
L. Fr. i}//tT//ii
X. OHG. //nv, dw tends in late OHG. to become iii\ though the 210
change is not very carried through
regularly before MHG.
xi. Where t is found beside th in texts where the ih is still the rule,
some blunder may probably be assumed. T. has irueti beside
Ihruoifi,K. /rum urn, iriii,
"c. Kogel, 118. This / for
; see Ih is especially
common in pro})er names, probablydue to the influence of a Romance
scribe, not parallel
to the t" " d " "
p discussed in note vii.
xii. Geminated/ is rare in Gmc. ; it arises in
occasionally W. Gmc.
from /"j,OHG. dd, if, earlier //////,dhdh\ cf. PBB. vii. 135. Isidor

fethdhahha, later fcttah. The writings ddh^ ffh,"c. are also found.
The // of OHG. spolton,kledda kletta (Graff, 4. 554) is probably old.
"

Got. aippdii, probably on account of its nature, is represented

proclitic
in OHG. by forms with one d\ eiho,edo or odho, odo. Occasionallyare
found forms with dd: HI. eddo ; and curious forms also with rd:
r///,
\\}^ cdl/io,
e/'do,usuallyedho (Kogel, 120); Lex Sal. erdo ; Wk. "rdho\
HI. 62 erdo\ IMainz. B. order. The two words mithont (Got.
mippami) and elhes (Got. aippau),which occur Otfrid, have no
in

apparent trace of gemination with him ; on the other hand, they are

never written with d, and IMS. P. transcribes as ////. Perhaps these

forms parallelare to the unexplained appearance of rd for J" : Pa.

wirpar (= wipar); K^ ivirdar (Kogel, 54); T. wirdar, and also

in the Glosses ; HI. hwerdar ; Gl. ivirdrota to ividaron ; Lex Sal.
ivirdria.

S. i. Scherer {Zur Gesch. d. dt. Sprache) advancestheory that the 211

Gmc. s was only distinguishedfrom z in OHG. by having become
voiced. Paul {PBB. i. 168) and Braune {PBB. i. 529) show that
this theory is untenable, partlybecause in direct conflict with modern

pronunciation,partlybecause MHG. distinguishedbetween

carefully
finals and z in rhyme. Moreover ss never became voiced.
ii. It is worth noting that si is sometimes written ski or scl'm OHG.
This especiallyfrequentin H. (occurring8 times):sclaf,sclahan,
is
sclccier ; Lw. ; R''''
ihtiruhskluog piscluoc; Mainz. B. scldphun : Phys.
sciahda. Scherer's explanation of this is probably the correct one

{Z. Gesch. 127): / under the influence of voiceless s had itself become
voiceless (as in Welsh), and the writing scl is an attempt to denote
the sound.
iii. For sk, sg, sch see 216 ; for sp^ 193 ; for j/, 203 ; for sw, 242 ;
for hs see 227.
iv. OHG. s ("" Pr. Gmc. is very seldom
j) written z in OHG.
H.cntcez {2); Fvels.O. knicez', R. S^. 2g /iimszemo = /2uasse??io;BR.
deze.
ivcizkaii,

K. i. Sometimes OYiG.ck{ = kJ^ is found : OHG. hh, that is W. Gmc. 212

kk : W. Gmc. k ; viz. forms with or without (cf.
y-suffixoriginally pf:
ff, zz : z^. Such doublets UG.
seckil,
are secchil
: : T. sckhil,seki'la,
O. sechil and
sechil, sekil. nackot'. M. nahhul, BR. nahhiUau. qiiec :

M. queh^qiiehhcs.hacko : hahho. siecko : skhho.

 88 OIIG. CONSONANT SYSTEM [pt.ii

ii. In unaccented Jih

syllables is frequentlyreduced to /^ : sollhher^
weUhher beside soliher,iveliher.
Writings.
iii. As well as hh the notation ch is used over all OHO. for
territory
this spiranthh, but it then fi\llstogetherin appearance with the UG.
ch for
(I'h) the fricative. The date of this ch for hh is not easy to fix.
Isidor has only hh, g. zeihhan^ boohhiwi, "c. (once hch in scahche).
e.

\Vk.,on the other hand, has regularly ch. Tatian has hh, but often r/?,
and his different scribes vary (see Sievers, 53). O. and later Fr.

writingshave ch. In UG. Pa., K^', R'"^,and R. have hh and few

cK's,. Musp., M. and Al. Ps. all have Jih, but H. already has ch,
and BR. and R^ have numerous r/^'s beside the regular M, so that
from the use of the two symbols no certain clue as to the date of

a document is to be found. Only so much is certain, that hh is the

older, but ch begins to appear as early as the eighth century, and
from the tenth century on is usual.
213 iv. Single h is often found for hh even after a short vowel (cf.yfor
ff and z, for z,2^. R^'^ only has h : mihil as well as sprciha, zeihan, "c.
Voc. and Pa. have mainly h. T. scribe t,only writes h. R^ 66 hh : 56
ch : 49 h. Single h is also found sporadically in various texts which
otherwise have ch : and occasionallyO. (Kelle, ^22): Jirsuahun^
erdnhes, splhin,skahdri; Phys. brihit,hezehinet^ "c.

V. Of other writingsfor hh, hch is fairly common. It is regularin

K'"^ (Kogel),frequent in K^, and common in second half of BR.
{PBB. i. 409) ; in many other texts sporadically : R^ stehchaler ;
T. hrehchanne ; O. gi??iahchaz, sprihchu; Phys. buhche, mihcheliu ;
Wiener N. sprihchet.
kh ch is very rare
= : O. disifikhit,bistdkhe{\i.23. 260) ; K^ sprikhit,
prukhumes ; de Heinr. 22 sprdkha. chh : Pa. intluchhante (Kogel,82).
cch : H. frecchi\ Otloh gimacchosi. hk : K^^ sohken. he -. Y{. rihces.
chch : Rb ctirtilachchan (Gl. i. 336) ; Freis. O. gimachchaz (iv.4.
42). hcch\ ^ kimahcchoia. chcO.dochc.
vi. Final h is the normal form until the eleventh century, but ch

appears : H.
sporadically pech ; Fr. Vn.goillch; Freis. O. sprach,buach
(Kelle, 525) ; O. spracher = sprach er, where h is treated as if medial.
Will, frequentlyhas ch.
he is sporadic: H. cocalihc,uimtarhhc ; R^ chelihc,diiruhsiunlihc ;
Musp. nuehlihc',Fr. O. egeslihc.
c : Fr. Pn. unsic. g : de Heinr. ig.^
25 ; Arnst. Marienl.^^/J^,
oug.

Franconian.

214 vii. Geminated /'/'in O. is

generallydenoted by single/': akar, lokon,
"c. ; but O.
always scans syllablesas long and so must suchhave

pronounced /'/'. Sometimes O. writes /'/'or ":/',

in isolated cases gk :
irqin'gken,qiiegkez \ frequently ch-. irrechen^ wachar (Kelle,521).
This ch is for the most part only graphic,but might be explainedas
revertingto W. Gmc. /'.
viii. For single/',ch (orcch)is veiy rare in Franc. It occurs only
once in T. : untarmerchi, 107. 3 (the forms utiechit,achre, uuirche.
CH. Ill] OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM "S9

folche,vorsenchil are scribe). O. has a few initial

y? i- c
llie Alcm.
ch^ : cluret (Salomo, 25), cheri (Ilartmuat, 55) arc caused by ana-gram.

Otherwise medial : scalches, archa. Wk. golchund'i,giwur-

chcn^ qucccheni; Fr. Taufgelob. chirichun ; Strassb. Eide, folchcs;
Mainz. B., "c. (see Pietsch).These Franc. "r//'smust, of courtie,
be taken as purelygraphic and carefully distinguishedfrom UG. ch,
the hicative. See, however, Kauffmann, p. 242.
ix. Isidor's writing is unique. He writes c when final -.

/olc^fleisc,
bauhntinc ; sc (forsli)before a, 0, or u, or before a consonant : scul'im,
sculd.
scrlbaji, On the otherchum/l,hand, always ch when initial :
after consonants
chiruni, chraft^ gemination : ivercJnim,and
: /olches, in

iU'wechu; always cch or sch before e or t: fleisches, scheffidhes, and

always adds an h after qu: quhad, quhdmi. Kogel {PBB. ix. 307)
assigns the value of pure tenuis /' to all these symbols,but Norrenberg
(ib.384) is stronglyinclined to interpretit as an aspirated/'. So, too,
liraune, Ahd. Gr., " 143, and Hench, p. 85.
X. Otfrid often writes g for /' before / of the preterite: drangta or

drankia ; see Kelle, 523, and Pietsch,429. He has also occasionally

g for k when final : fhang,werg ; but such forms probably due
were

to the scribe of V. and frequentlycorrected to k by the revisor

(Kelle,524). This g may represent a less strongly articulated /':

so initially
m Will, gneht knehL = The Freis. O. has sometimes g
for initial k : goroti^gumigan, Sc.

Upper German.
xi. The fricative aspirate(see145) is usuallywritten k/i or c/i in 215
or

UG., when double often

cck. Corresponding to the Franc, qu, UG.
writes c/iu or ckuu, in older texts qku, and, though more rarely,
qu/i.
Cf. PBB. ix. 307. But UG. sources, in
especially early times, often
write /",r, qu, with no apparent difference from Franc.
xii. Heusler and Kauffmann try from modern dialects to prove that
the fricative k only existed in Upper Alem., and that the
greater part
of Alemannia, as well as Elsass, Suabia, and Bavaria, only knew the

aspiratedk {k-^-Ji) or the simple /' of Franc. Braune, Ahd. Gr.

" 144- 7-
xiii. The writingkh is not so common as ch. K^ uses kh. St. Gal.
Pn. qhuekhe,khoninka, khirihhiin ; Musp. khenfun,khiininc, qiiekkhen,
otherwise only sporadic. K, c, qu in the UG. texts must be taken as
merely an inexact rendering of the shifted k. Some of the earliest
texts are entirelyfree from it: Pa., R., K''^, H., Rb, BR. ; others have
a number of /(''s. So Sam., M., "c. In the Gl. h for ch occurs,
probably merely miswriting {PBB. ix. 305). In later UG. of the
tenth and eleventh centuries ch is regular; k is very rare. Notker
has ch] Wien N., Otloh, Merig., Ps. 138, Freis. O. insert ch for
Fr. k. This late UG. ch may represent a phonedc change of kh to
X,
the voiceless gutturalspirant,which probably did take place in
Alem. {PBB. vi. 556); cf. Alem. ^ to/
The writingch, used both for kh and hh, makes it difficult to tain
ascer-

the exact sounds of Alem., but Notker's writingsseem to prove

 OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM
90 [ft.ii

that,in certain cases at least,no difference was felt between ch "r~ kh

and ch hJi find starcher and starh and starhia ; cf.sprechan,
"^ : we

sprah. On the other liand, Notker also writes cch or ch^ and, when
final,g'. cJieccJies cheg^ danchon (huig; so that in
"
" these caees he
must have heard an aspirateexplosiveand not a spirant. In other
late UG. besides N., final h (which denote
sources, must a spirant)is
also found. Wess. Pred. werh, iverhliuie \ M. \\.
scalh\ folk. In
Wien N, were, iverch,werhc, werh are all used.

Gemination.

216 xiv. The writingcch in UG. for kkh is found, beside the more usual
ch, at all periods of Alem. In N. cch is the only form {cch is rarely
found for singlek). Other writingsoccur sporadically : /'//,hk, hkh,
hck, ckh, hcc, "c. (cf.Kogel, 85).
XV. OHG. sk by MHG. times has become a single sound (= s,
NHG. sch),and is often written sch. Exactly when this change took
place is not known ; it must have, however, begun in OHG. times,
and we may probably assume an intermediate stage sk, s, and
s)(^,
certain hesitations in OIIG. orthography strengthen the supposition
that sk was not always pure s + k. The writingsk or sc remains never- theless

the current one all through OHG., so that we are not justified
in assuming the shift sk to s^ to be part of the Second Sound-Shift as

Kauffmann maintains.

Writings.

217 xvi. sc is regularlyused in K\\

Pa.,K'"^, R'*- as a writingfor sk, and is

even used before e and

: O. scirm,scin, T., "c.
i sch appears early; Is.
and M. have sch usuallybefore e and i, and other earlytexts have it

sporadically.T. himilisches
hischein,laiitscheffi, ; BR. iinchuschida.
Also Pa., K., R^, occasionally.In Freis. O. sch is constantlyfound
replacingthe sk, sg of the original(Kelle,506). Fairly frequentis
sch in Rb, especiallybefore e and i. Otherwise sch is found only
but begins
sporadically, to gain ground after the eleventh century.
Will, and Wien N. have sch'?" beside sc. Likewise the
many
St. Gallen of N.'s Ps. has many sc}i!%^though the oldest N. ]\ISS.
copy
are free from them, sg is rare for initial sk, but is found in Pa. and
K'^ 1 8 times : sgalto,sgero, and elsewhere sporadically. In the
eighthand ninth centuries medial fairlycommon.
or final sg for sk is
In T. some scribes always have it (Sievers, 50). O. has it regularly
and writes scado, scaf, but mennisgo, fleisges, with
except initial,
rare exceptions such as the words eiscon and hiscof. FI. has sg
before e and i\ fieisge, but horsco,fleisc. Later sg became more

rare, though occasionally found : Wien N. wtinsgendo; Will.

irdisgen. In N. sg\'?" only found final : fisg,fleisg, hwifisca,fleisco] so

probably we are dealingwith less strong articulation. In most cases,

however, we are perhaps justified seeingi n in these sg's an effort

to render a spirant element heard in the k after s {= sg) (cf.

Kogel, 93). The sg is at any rate clearlynot parallelto the sb

and sd, which occur much more rarely and in few sources, sg
CH. Ill] OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM 91

is far more frequent,and is,moreover, found in texts which never

have sb or sd.
Tiie writing .v (= Z'+ .v)\0.giwuiixii (ii.2. 37)] is quiteisolated.

After the
twelfiii century we frequently find in Alem. texts s for

sc (cf.Weinhold, Al. Gr. 156). This probably denotes the simple

sound s.

xvii. The k of sk often disappearsin cons, groups, in the 218

especially
preteriteof weak verbs of first class. N. wisla"^"wiscla\ O. flcis-
Uchemo (ii.2. 29); Nps.yfm/fr//.? (158).
xviii. skal "
skolia,"c., after eleventh century, more usuallyappear
as sal, sol/a ; forms without k are rare earlier. The loss of k is

probably due to want of accent, consequent on character

the proclitic
of the verb, not original Pr. Gmc. weak grade (cf.PBB. xiv. 295),
but want of sentence stress in OHG. itself (cf.the similar forms sal,
siilde for shal, shiilde in the northern dialect of ]\IE.).
OHG. sarph, sarf (OS. skarp, OE. scearp, ON. skarpr)appears
in the oldest texts without a k. Isolated k forms in HI. are haps
per-
LG. In the tenth and eleventh century scarph begins to crop
up and finallypredominates. In MHG. sarpf is already rare : this
phenomenon is unexplained.

Franconian.

G. i. and
Initially mediallyg
only correct w'ritingis the
in Franc, 219
but often c is found for g when final. Examples of c final are frequent
in minor texts (Pietsch) and in Isidor (iv).Mainz. B. : bigienc\ higihdic,
sculdic ] Lorsch. B. hei'lac,unhigihfic, unwirdlc \ Lorsch. Y"'6.
flidc^fluc.
T. also has frequently":, especially scribe y. O. has 5 "r'sfor the sake
of his anagrams : Ltidowk, wirdic, githic^and 5 /(''s. Otherwise
final g is the norm, in Franc.
Gank^ gifank^sank (2),cdilink : these final X''s are strong evidence
of the g having had the value of an explosivein Franc, but other final
writingsch, gh, h w^ould seem to presuppose a spirantvalue. This
spirantvalue is, in fact, almost assured for Mid. and North Rh.
Franc. Tr. Cap. {intigen) : inacli. Lw. hludwig : ih. Arnst. Marienl.
dach : mach, mig : dich. In the Leid. Will, gh and ch are frequently
used to denote g : honigh, cim'gh, einech. Augs. Geb. genCitJiih. In
these parts also a writingis found of medial g as i (=/), which seems

to confirm its spirant value. Tr. Cap. imie7iivendiun (= igtui) ;

uzzenwcndiiin,Ihegein{= dehchi), but also neieina.
h perhaps represented g (^^zg^in herihimga,"c.
ii. When g comes to stand before /, especially in the preterites of
weak verbs, it usually remains unchanged (at any rate in writing)
in Franc, always in O. : ougta, neigla,"c ; and also in T. {eroucla

only once), c instead of g before / occurs sometimes in the minor

texts : Fulda B. gihancti\ Mainzer '^. gihancdi,gihancti. See Pietsch.

Geminated.

iii.gg remains in Franc.

^'"^'' O. irhuggu.luggi,"c. ; T. luggi,gtw/ggi.220
 91 OIIG. CONSONANT SYSTEM [pt.it

IIn verbs like and li^\ij^cn

hu^i^^i^nn Talian, like lalcr OIIG., usuallycarries
through forms ] Once T. has eg \ imugun.
with a singk\^'-.
cc occurs for gg in Is.,and in the minor texts c : Frankf. dicanne.
iv. Isidor has several
peculiarities in his renderingof OIIG. g as in
that of k. He writes g initially before a, o, u, r, but gh before e and t \

go/i's, g/icis/, langhc. Medially the same S} stem is observed, except

that either g or gh is used before e and i\ berge,berghe^incghin,
s/retigi. Finallyg is always representedby c : burc, hei'lac, bauhnimc^
and^^ always by cc : hrucca. It is,however, remarkable, and as yet not

satisfliclorily explained,that the prefixgi (which only once appears as

the ^///we should expect) is always written with ch^ which in Is. is the
accepted symbol for k : chilmihu, chimmfimi, chisah, "c. Except in
this prefixch is never used for ^'^(withtwo isolated exceptions, medially
bluchisoe {PBB. xii. 552), and finally eimch). The F". originalof M.
must have had the same system of notation for^,except that the form of
the prefixwas ghi (notchi), for traces are stillfound in the Bav. copy :

gheuf, ghirt,saghein,ghijinstrit, ghiruni {PBB. ix. 302). In other

texts gh for^ is rare : Wk. eitlarghcboiiy and occasionally in GP. The
Alem. Jun. GL, which have a number of ^^'s, may perhaps rest on
a Rh. F'r. originallike that of M. (seeKogel). The exact value of this

gh of Is. is,no doubt, as the final c would indicate,that of the pure ex- plosive,

the same as the g before a, 0, u, r ; and the insertion of h after

it before e and i is possiblyto prevent the Romance pronunciationof
g before e and i.

Upper German.

221 V. The \vriiingc for k":"g is used in the same way as in the case

of Gmc. /',not before e and / : cahis but keban.

Alemannic.
vi. In the oldest Alem. texts we find initial and medial.
very g
According to Henning g is the rule and k the exceptiontill 772, but
after 772 the k begins to preponderate initially, though mjcdial g still
remains the rule. K*, the oldest part of K., and Ik^ still have many
initial ^'s, while texts like BR. and H. are almost free from them.
Amongst the Alem. texts of the eighthand ninth century the Pn. is the
only one which has k for gpositions only kip^
in
consistently
: not all
koi, but also sciddikem, khonmka, alniahllcim,kiscaft^fake, ewikati,
"c. g appears only once : inphangan. After Pn., K^ is the sole
important text which, beside initial X',has medial k in far greater
number than medial (Kogel, no). In all other Alem. texts,
g
while k predominates initially, medial^ is more usual. In BR. medial
/''sincrease in second half {PBB. i. 406). K^, RaM^ H., and other

texts, have very few medial /(''s.

Bavarian.
vii. In the oldest Bav. texts also medial /' for g is rare, but initial k
isalreadyestablished there,though is not infrequent. Of the larger
g
early texts Pa. and R. are the only ones which have a noteworthy
 OHG. COXSOXANT SYSTEM
94 [pt.ii

of Eng. scribes. Voc. prucge, mucge ; Pa. hucgent, lecgeruh. Other

writingsbeside ck and cc are very rare :

ch\ Sam. ihicho^21. "rg \ Voc. higgeo,

cch : ]\r. licchenian,
zwiecchem. gk in Pa. and K.
X': K^'luki,irlikent. and so frequently.
For singleg other writingsthan k and r are rare in UG.
ch : Fr. Pn. cumfluhem ; H. chrimmiu, eochallchera, "c. ; K. plichit,
viachiin, irzochcm. gh is often found in the Jun. 01,, especially
in Ja,
and otherwise in the proper names of UG. documents, notably those
from St. Gallen, which also often have ch : Eghilfrid, Odalgher
{PBB. ix. 302 and 307).
Inorganich.
224 i. Initial in word or syllable.
That OHG. h when initial in word or syllablehad only the value
of an aspirateis clear :

(i) From the fact that it is found in the most

sporadically varying
texts, intrudinginto words where it has no etymologicalright to be.
Cf. H. hi'Jisli,
hiins; K. timmczhalt^arhaltel\ M. herda; BR. hubilan,
hern, herist,heikinin ; Al. Ps. hiimih, hewigon : in Fr. texts, Lorsch. B.,
jMusp.,hucze = huroloh\ Lw.
iiz,z,e, heigun (= eigun)24; htu{-=-m)
32. The Fr. pronoun /ler is,of course, not an instance of intrusive /i.
These inorganic /I's are merely inaccuracies they of spelling,for
only occur in any number in careless and inaccurate texts; some
are possiblydue to Romance scribes or to Romance influence. In
T. there are only nine cases, and in all the MSS. of O. only two.

(2) That h is used medially between vowels to express the slight

cons, glide developed in hiatus : sdan, sdhan ; wden^ wdheji ; bhwaft^
bluohan, Scc.{ci.PBB, xi. 61). N. treats this cons, glide(h)in exactly
the same the h it must have had the same aspirate
manner as ""
x" so
value as the latter between vowels. Examples of this h glide are
especially common in verbs which have root ending in a long vowel
or diphthong and in their derivatives. Otherwise it is rare. Al. Ps.
ketruhent = truent.
225 ii. In contrast to cases (r,2) where inorganic h had the value of

a glide,we find in OPIG.

sporadically a medial h^ to which no value
at all can be attached holmbit['=houbii); Pa. (22.
{PBB. xi. 62). H.

'^\)flohai\ Vn. stehic (s/eic),e??iezzi'kic{-zk); R^" arprahastun. The

exact value of // in the extended subjunctiveforms in Alem. sources

is doubtful. liK.piscaiavohe, diiruftigohe ; H. apajistohem,

kafrehtohem
\PBB.ix. 507).
iii. In the rare forms herihunga Gl. i. 371, werihan K. (Kogel,44),
'

hefihanne(R^),h perhaps denotes the voiced spirantg otherwise

denoted by g, or, and more probably, is merely a cons, glide. C{,
Litbl. 1887, iii.
Initial h.

iv. Franc. Wk. retains the h before cons. : hluttni, iinhreinitha^

eogi-
huar ; so, with a few do
exceptions, Isidor and Lex Sal. See Pietsch.
UG. // seems firstto have fallen before w (Kogel,132),but it con-
CH. Ill] OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM 95

tinued to be written after it was no longer heard, and this reacts on

for
the spelling, we find not h written
infrequently before consonant in
words etymologicallyhave no right to it,especiallyin R^ :
w'hich
and even
hn'imit, /ih'uhitm/i, hseo (Kogel, 130). Voc. retains correct //:
hros, /in'fid,"c. (Henning, 73); M. the same (except wales for
hwah's); R. also (see Wiillner, 29). In Pa. and K. w is more

frequentthan Inv, but hi, Jm, hr are retained, especiallyin K^. K*

has a few /, ", r's,beside ///, "c. (Kogel, 126). Exh. and Cass. Gl.
hw has become w : wanta^ : hloset^
waz,, "c., but hi and hn, hr remain
hrindir,8cc. In BR. certain sections have /,;z,r,
others hlJinJir{PBB. i.

410). R^ stillretains traces of /^ before cons. In H.and Musp.// before

cons, quitevanished.
has Musp. alliterates wiu : weiz, (62),leivo : lossafi
(82); one initial
the rhyme which involves h is horn : kihluiit (73);
probably a traditional formula. In all later ninth-century texts h has

quitedisappeared. In the ninth-century copiesfrom older originals we

find some //'s correct and incorrect ; cf. the Tegernsee and Emmeraner
01. (Wiillner).
In the Hildebrandslied the alliteration shows that initial // before
cons, was pronounced: helidos : hringd (6); heremo : hrusti (56);
heiiwun : hivilte (66);hhiiu : hivcrdar : though
hregilo(^6i), in the TilSS.
the scribes in many cases omitted them.
V. Initial // before vowel is sometimes omitted in careless MSB. 226
We have no (except a solitaryelfa{^ helfa)in
example in T. or O.
V. I. 5);
128. BR.
(= horren)-, Strassb. Eide, ge-alhiissi.
orren

vi. In compound words in which hafl, heiz,, hold form the second
half of the word, h is frequentlylost owing to want of stress. H. triu-

a/le,triuafieimi', Pa. narnaa/losto, sajiimiaftic \ R''^ unolda, agana',

Wtirz. B. inlei\(= I'nlhei^.Compare OE. Uctima (" lie homa)\ Ael- "

felvi"r" Ael/helm,"c. Sievers,Ags. Gr. " 217.

Medial L

vii. Careless texts occasionallyomit h between vowels : seati for

sehan, dlan for dihan. H. hol\ BR. kisiit;Freis. O. bilhi'an. For
Notker's h see below (xiii).
viii. In late Mid. Germ, of the eleventh and twelfth centuries medial
h vanishes entirely
: gd?i : gescm (= gesdheji),
FriedbergerChrist. Cf.
Weinhold, Mhd. Gr:' 244.

Loss of h : final or before consonant.

ix.(a) h is sometimes lost in the compound : wiraiih = wlh roiih.

{b) h is occasionally l ost in the prepositiondiiruh,late OHG. dur,
dure. Once in K'"^ : Ihur.

{c)h sometimes falls in groups, cons, especially

^j'-f-cons. OHG.
mist'. QxoX.maihstus. O^^Q.zeswa-. Got. taihswo, deis?)io"r"*dilis??io.
OHG. lastar (tolahan) " " lahstar. OHG. wast : Got. wahsts. wasmo :

wahsmo\ wesleti: wehslen. Cf. PBB. vii. 193 and viii. 148.

Assimilation of h.

X. The assimilation of //"?to ss which is common in LG. is very rare 227

in OHG. \'~AdiOX
folwassan ^ fohvahsan \ M. Has {^=^flahs);
Phys.
wasset. Y\i\\\iQYgiiiuassaiia.
gauHasse?no.
 96 OIIG. CONSONANT SYSTEM [pt.ii

Writings.
xi. h sometimes
(=:;^)is written ch, not very often but usuallyin the
same lexis use which (Kelle,529) ch {^x hh. Fieis. O. is the
only text
which does
regularly.
so

he. Reich. B. dunihc ; Yi.farlihc^ arrihctit.

c. H. duriic^7'oc, slecier, rect (Wullner,113).

g. Only in late Fr. texts. Arnst. Marienl. rog, dtirg^sag^ Sec.

Freis. O. zo for zd/i is probably a mere blunder.
/is is seldom written x or xs. Graff, i. 682 waxsanne, Is. waxsmo,
T. O. scx/tm, we X sal.
h/\s often written //i. Lorsch. B. ?ia//i{=naht); Tr. Cap. ather\ Ezzo.
lieih ; Freis. O. reth,math, kneih ; O. (evenV.) lioth,\. 15. 9 (Kelle,
528).
/ somelimes stands for ///,probably not a real loss of h, but a mere
inaccuracyof spelling. H. Icotkar,tnitines\ Tr. Cap. retliche\
lioifaz,^
Carmen. kot\ Phys. trofm beside troht'in ; N. (prov.^)fur tin,furhten.

Geminated //.
228 xii. Germ. {'^~XJ) ^^ written /i/i in OHG. and fallstogether
x)i
with OHG. /ik "" /c. Gmc. ^^ ^'^^T I'^i'^- Got. hlahjan^ OE.
xx
hliehhan is lost in OHG. and
replaced by derived weak verb, lahhe7i,
lachen\ hhihJien: Pa. pluhhenii jiagrans (142. 14); intrihhen
^

(= reveal);hihohhu "
I shall exalt (Gl. i. 278). Further examples
Liibl. 1887, III. A few rare cases where gemination has been
caused by w\ M. nahhihm\ Got. nekiidednn (Hench, 120); sehhan:
sdhhun sehnn)\ O. firViche.Got. leiJvan more
(Got.saihan : usually
-Uhe (cf. Kelle, 528). Possibly,other examples levelled out by reviser.
hh caused by 71'. zuhhun beside ziignn (Graff.5. 620; PBB. xii.

524). An apparent secondarygemination is occasionally f ound in OHG.

in such forms as : dehhein,?iohhei?t, beside dehein,"c. These probably
arose because h is not initial in the second syllable,therefore not mere

aspirate, but final in first, therefore still and thus for clearness =
;(,
written ch.

Notker.

229 xiii. h in Notker has a different effect on neighbouring vowel cording

ac-

to its value.

{a) Medial ^aspiratewhich often falls between

is a mere short

vowels, causing contraction and lengthening: zeheji : zen, sweher :

sner, U-ahan : t7'an, 7nahald7i : 7?id/dn. h occasionallyfalls in other
words also : slahe7t, sehe7i,"c. After long vowels h rarely falls :

gdhes : goes, hnohe : hue, hoho : ho. As a rule, however, h remains

after long vowel, but makes it short : sdhim : sdhe7i,ndhor : ndher,

lihan : lihen,zioha7i : zihe7i,seuoha : sctcha,"c. Even the h found

after long vowels as cons, glideproduces the same effect: sdet, N.
sdhet) N.
77iuet, 7iiuhet\ but cf.Kogel, PBB. ix. 541.
In Np. i becomes ie before h : siho, N. steho;gihe/,N. Jiehe/;
even the short / which has arisen from i under influence of h : lihan,
N. Iihe7i,
liehe7i.

{Jj)h "=

X
i" ^- causes u to become uo, and I to become le : lihti,
duhla'. duohta^ ruh'. ruoh
N. liehii] Braune.
(but7-iiher). Ahd. Gr. " 154.
CH. Ill] OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEIM 97

xiv. // is in gram, change wiih ^"-or wiili zv. Double forms arising
from levelling : gigehan : gcjchen,gisehan: gisnvan, herizoho : hcrizogo,

"c. ; such cases

ziihil : ziigil, are not of course to be misinterpreted as

change of h to g, or h to iv.

II. Liquids 1 and r.

i. / in OHG. appears to have become voiceless in the neighbourhood 230

of voiceless j", and the group si is therefore sometimes denoted by ski,
scl (211).
ii. / sometimes appears for r in foreignwords ; this change is usually
due to some form of dissimilation. 1^21. peregrinus, OYiQ. piligrim\
Lat. tnurmurdre, OHG. rnurmulon (or murmur 011).Occasionallynative
alter-
forms arise. Beside the OHG. usual martoron O. has marlolon,
and beside cliirihha N. has which
chilkhCi^ is a characteristic Alem. form.

Loss of r.

i. In monosyllables after long vowel r falls in OHG. after the 231

eleventh century. Will, ivci,dd^ hie,"c. We find hia even earlier :

Sam. 30 and Freis. O. (see Kelle, 512). Sporadicallywe find OHG.

sprehhanappearingwithout r as spehhan: Graff,ii.369 ; Litbl. 1887,

1 1 o (cf.OE. spcca?i).
ii. // : O. has //" " // in gualluhi: " " /-/in filloriniu.
Jillorane,
iii. The pronunciation of r in final unaccented syllables
may not

have been very decided. O. rhymes anion : korn, gisamanbt : wort,

not : gibot : wider or t, and even writes widarot (cf.Braune, Ahd. Gr.
" 120).
r as cons, glide.
iv. r is sometimes found as a cons, glide between two vowels in
hiatus. Lw. wola-r tibar,57; Erf. Judeneid.bistu-r-unsculdic.
Metathesis of r.

v. IMetathesis of r is extremelyrare in OHG., though more frequent

in IMG. and LG. Lorsch. B. Kirst.
vi. Some are not curious r's
yet quitesatisfactorilyexplained.
rd for th
(Got.//) in erdo,Got. aippciu(210).
r in the preterite of some reduplicating verbs, r in scrirun, from
scr'ian (perhaps here as a glide(iv), or by analogy to verbs in s (236)
which take r in the pret. pluralby Verner's Law).

III. Nasals m and n.

Assimilation of OHG. m.

i. mn is usuallyassimilated either to mm or to ;/;/. le.,T., "c. 232

nemnian, sti?nna,later nennen, stimma.
ii. When m comes by compositionto stand before dental cons, in
late OHG. times it is rarelyassimilated
writing,though quite in it is
possiblethat it was in
popular pronunciation: tnomtag, harmscara,
so

ruomgerni, "c. The haranskara of Lw. is quiteexceptional.

iii. OHG. m before ^or/" (from /") usuallyremains labial : /Kemp/o,
kcmfo (Isidors Jiciifo exceptional)
is ; but OHG. })l before f from
Gmc. f tends to become ;/, w hich proves that Gmc. f must have
1167 G
 98 OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM [pt.ii

begun to lose its pure bilabial qualityand to become labio-dental (cf.,

however,Ileusler,
122 (192). This tendency of in to pass to n before
Gmc. f is firstobservable in Fr. after the beginning of the ninth
centur}-: fimf,zunif/, semfiibecome finf,ziinfi, senfli.Isidor still
has T. hesitates,
in. O. has ;/ everywhere : UG. retains ;// longest
;
as late as the eleventh centurythe "'s are stillin the minority (cf.Kogel,
59). K. has 2 ;/'s:unsenfli^finfta. Not tillMHG. does ;/ become
the rule in UG. also.
iv. In OHG. ram rammes beside raban
" rahanes is a case of as-
similation. "

Pr. Gmc. '^^'atjan, should

gen. ^yt'adnes, give OHG. hrahan
"
hramvies. The double forms arise by levellingin both directions (cf.
OE. beside hrdtm,and
lirdefn Ramsborough,"c.).
N.E.
v. When in comes in OHG. to stand
before/, issometimes
a/-glide
generatedbetween them : Freis. O. giriiampfin.

Final m in OHG.
vi. Final flexional in tends to become n ; this changebegan in the

Fr. before mid-ninth century. Is. and Wk. stillhave in, T. a few w/'s,
but mostlyn (Sievers, 20); O. and later only;/. In UG. the change
began even earlier. The oldest Gl.,as well as B.,R^',M., Exh.,have
already
some ;^'s;in H. n appears in considerable numbers. But
m maintains its ground beside n in UG. tillthe beginningof the
ninth century. By the time of IMusp.n has been completely
triumphant.
Writings.

233 vii. Final whether in or ;/, can be denoted

nasal, in MSS. by a zontal
hori-
stroke above the vowel,so that duringthe transition stage (vi)
doubt may exist whether the stroke denotes an in or an ;/. Thus :
Pa. zfipfleii,
K. sigiiiG/l^Lex Sal. sine. The scribes themselves
hesitated,that theyeven write an m where ithas no etymo-
evidently so logical
Pn. : koi fateralmahticiivi. Examplesalso in
justification.
Pa.,K., R^S Kogel,57, and Graff,ii.590.
I. Pr. Gmc. ;/ (IG.n or 111)
N. remains for the most part unchanged
in OHG. Before dental cons, n is found ; original n cannot stand
before labials (98),but may come into that positionby syncope, just
as m may come to stand before dentals : Before
inbi^,later iinbiz^.
gutturals 11 has the value of gutturalnasal lo (Pr.Gmc. 10 had been
lost before \, 109). OHG. nn may arise from : ("?)
Gmc. nn : rinnan,
kuiinan^
mannes, "c. ; {b)W. Gmc. nn : kunnt,"c., and UG. even
after longvowqI suannan {^lvi?"^.)',
{c)Late assimilation : ^/frj/awwVj'/
from firstantnissi
II. Assimilation of n in OHG.
i. The
changen before labials no doubt took placein OHG.
to in

pronunciation even in recent compounds, but these by analogyretained

the writing of 11 (232):whi-beri, bein-berga, eben-michel,
"c. tions
Excep-
are rare: cf. spanibette (Graff, iii. 51); N. sk'unbdre beside
sklnbdre ; HI. staimbortchludun. In the case of prefixesin and un^

"4\.
CH. Ill] OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM 99

inbol
thougli un/iiahl, are the most usual forms, we fmd occasionally
ununahl, imbot^ Sec. (HI. 25, umvief).

Dissimilation of n.

ii.
appearsn to have been dissimilated before m in Fr. sliuino. 234
T., O. for UG. sniiimo ; the / form does not extend to the UG. tilllate,
but N. has slienio. OHG. kuniil: kiiniin,
hiniil,Cot. himin^^ are not

cases of dissimilation but ditTerent suffixes (102).

Loss of n.

iii. 71
occasionally falls when final,especially in E. Er. Wiirz. B.

/astc,gihore,fursta ; T. /ara, aroiige, luiza : unzan ; cf. Pietsch. O.

often omits final ;/ in rhyme: gistiial\guat. In late OHG. we find

examples of this loss of final n even in UG. Merig. uuesc (= zaesa/i,

52). Loss of final ;/ is comparativelyfrequent in certain IMHG.
dialects (WeinhokP, " 372).
iv. In secondarysyllable 71 in 7ig {=70) tends to disappear in OHG.
As earlyas T. we find l'U7i/g-for /aming,pjhniigfor pfe7iiii7ig, suiii7'iguii
for ; ]\I.pe7idigo',
su7it7'i7igim Gl. i. 309. 27 chiuiiges. In late OHG.
this loss of 70 becomes more common {Zs.fdA.37. 124).
In some texts 11 for 7ig ( = ^c)occurs, in the Phys. ge-
especially
va7ie7i [oY geva7igc7i,
sprinetfor sp7'iiigei,
ztmo7i for zimg07i. Gl. ii. 162

pri7iii pringii,16^ pnma7i

=^
prtmgcm, i^^ pezirimo peziruiigo. z= =^

V. Careless scribes sometimes omit 71 (Kogel,61),H. a^t = a7ist ',

or ;/ is ignoredby copyistof forms like imatih = ivcmtih,T. 205. 3.

vi. Phys. has 71 for 7id in lui = imd. do7'slimer = do crstimd e/'.

U7i is often found in MSS. of thirteenth century and appears to be

a secondary form of iL7id.
vii. Occasionally 7i7i is found for ;/. 0./o7i7ie, bhmih
tha7i7ia7ia, = bi7i
ih, i. 25. 5; Kelle, 513. Phys. a7i7ii!)w a7i inio. dai-a7ma, =z "c.
And 7ig for g : ei77i7igerii,
iu7igimdi, uaiqimdllh.

Semi- vowels j and w.

i. Initiaiy
is sometimes lost in late UG, O. la/fier, g"7ie7", N. a7ne7', 235
e7ie7- : the two words are rare except in O. and N.
ii. The
writing^ fory is especially frequentbefore the vowels e and
i, probably for graphic reasons. From the verb jeha7ithe preterite
iah, iahim, but Infinitive gelum, pres. gihu, and derivatives bigihf,
gigiht^kc.
Similarlythe \'e.Yh'S,jelan"Jesa7i,
often geia7i gesa7i. In the eighthand "

ninth centuries g is the more usual writingin these words, though

Is. has Wk.
biiihli, bneluwies. Later i comes into vogue beside g even
before e and i\especially
in N. and Will. N. uhet, W. iehe7it. Before
other vowels than and the
writingg fory is very rare.
c i M. gungi-
7'071 = Wess.
iu7igi7-07i, Pred.
ze ginisie{jtuigisle).

iii. The is frequently

part.y/2 written giu beside iil. In j of N. the
ill aj)pears to have become a vowel, for he writes iu Kogel
or ///.
explainsthis giu as =////, and as standing in graded relation toy'/?.
Litbl. 1887, no.

G 2
 loo OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM [pt.
ii

J as consonant glide.
2'SQ iv. ("^) between
Medially vowels j frequently appears in OHG. as

a cons, glide, ll isespecially

common in verbs whose roots end in
a longvowel or a diphthong
: sden and sdia?i,
bluoaii and hluoicm,
"c.
So also after / or ci before
T. fuant beside a vowel : fianl,I\Iers.
Zs. vigandum, BR./riger.So in the words
T./iigeio/ri, cigen,
ens, or

pi.e/ger
; see ("?)scnan, pres. scri?'/or scrigit.
:

{b)In some cases is introduced into words

they'-glide whichally
origin-
had a w. From hhvi "

hiien,
hlgi,
h'/giski^
"c. from
Similarly
/iiir vugi'r (Musp.59).
"

("r)
In the originally reduplicating verbs whose stem ends in a or uo
the j that is frequently found in their flexion may arise from analogy
with the non-graded verbs of Class L
(d) UG., especially
In Bav.,the non-graded verbs of II and III (inon
and ^;/) the
adopt endings of Class I in the subj. pres.,and frequently then
develop before
ay'-glide the flexional c. For salbo occur salboe,salbbje
or salbdge, for habe,habee, habeje, or habege ; so rlchisoia, chosoge, "c.
(f)In few words
medial 7 between vowels is not an OHG.
a glide
developed,
but is historically
correct from Pr. Gmc.//(io3); so OHG.

ei,ON. egg, OHG. zweiio, ON. tveggja^ Got. twaddje,

OHG. hwaijon =

to neigh. Cf. PBB. ix. 542.

237 Medially
after consonant.

v. y,as seen after consonant.

above,tends to fallmedially In the
ninth century Pa.,K., R^- frequently retain/;later Alem., B., R^,
H. j is very rare : Bav., Exh. christidiiiun,ptirgco,filleol,
redia,
Wess. Geb. (ifBav.)enteo, wenteo, willeoti. Musp. only
stinieo7io;
has (53),
lougiii otherwise/is gone.
Fr. earlytexts. Wk. rehtiii,helliii,gi'latibi'u, scepphion, thiirfteo,
sundeono,secchm.gihon'e ; less frequently/ is lost : sunla,heilanto.fhi'su.
In T.y has fallenbefore e, thoughstill frequent before ii : watiiu, cunniu
(Sievers,7). In O. the/is completely lost.
The exact chronology of this loss of/ it is not possible to determine,

as/'s keepreappearing throughout the whole period.It seems probable

thatyproduceda slight modification of the preceding cons. (cf. NHG.
Familie, Signal),which some scribes were content to ignore and some
chose to denote by following/, so that,while Isidor writes scarcely any
y's and O. none, the Lw., which is later than either, stillhas itsy's
quitecorrectly : geendiot, simdwno, wilHon^ kimnie,elli'an. (Itmust
be borne in mind,however,that the Lw. is not free from traces of LG.
and
influence, it is that
possible this retention ofy might be such
The
another.) of
quality followingvowel appears to have had some
influence on the ofy: j
falling fallsearliestbefore z"prior
to OHG.
times (127).In OHG. it is rarest before e, more before
frequent
rt,most before
frequent 0 and u.

J after r.

238 vi. Klugeholds thatyafter r had in Pr. Gmc. become vocalic,

already
a fact that would account both for the lack of lengthening in W. Gmc.

^^"^"^^ ^^^^/^^ CAMPBELL

^"' ";"% COLLE^
K

"4\
 I02 OIIG. CONSONANT SYSTEM |pt.ii

neriefi,sizzen, swericn, hillen beside ivesav, ncman^ Sec. : the

similarly,
third person of the same verbs : nerient beside ncviant. This tion
alterna-
was, however, soon levelled out by analogy,regardlessof original
])rcsence or al)sence ofy, and diflcrent dialects level out differently,
so

that roughly it may be said that UG. ^-forms,

jirefers Franc, the
(f- forms.

In nouns the sameoriginally.The difference

nomin. of existed
the ^-stems : gcha, of the /"?-stems : sunte. Very early,however, in
the eighth and ninth centuries the doubly analogicalform simtea
comes into use (modelledon geha and oblique cases like stinihi).Cf.
Bernhardi, PJiil. Sf. iSpf).
w.

241 i. After initial cons, iv often falls before u (oro),as alreadyW. Gmc.
7/ had done. OHG. huosto, OE. hivosta ; OHG. OE.
siiozj, nvete.
Forms with iv are rare : Pa. has 15 ; Freis. O. stnia-zj
{^L"\}it^ 483).
So?'ga would seem to come under the same category if sworga,
a form found both in T. and O., is taken to be the originalform,
but all the Gmc. dialects have forms without the iv. Except in
these cases, loss of 2V is rare OHG., even before 0 and
in ti, because
it isusually retained or restored by analogy to forms in which it

precedes other vowels. Instead of si/or {suar),"c., which is found

in O. (Kelle,
482), more often suuor occurs by analogy to infinitive
siverieii; so beside dtiog(to divahan) more often dwiog. The past
part, of divuigan in the oldest texts is often gediinganor githungaii
(Musp. 61 pi'dimgan),
later gidiviingan. Is. siuwwian, Gl. 1309;
past part. iizsiimman\ see Litbl. 1888, 109^ and PBB. vii. 160,
6V.2 i. 378.
ii. OHG. kw{qti)loses its w in late Alem. OHG. queda?!,N. cheden,

qiiellenchelen,quec
"

cheg, erquickii;Physiol,erchichit,qiiat- chat,

" "

choat. The other dialects retain qu.

iii. Common to all dialects in late OHG. is ko "
hi =
que "

qui in
the verb queman "

quwiu, which appears as comcn cinnu. Not tillvery "

late do other words waih que follow suit: quena, qiienalaoccur as

chone,coneJa ; and in late Bav. we find chodm for quedan. Merig. 92

chodint.
iv. w after cons, affects a followingz*before double nasal,and rounds
it to u in N. (probably = ii (Litbl.1887, 109)). OHG. swimmmi,
N. suuummen ; OHG. gnvinnaiu N. gmninnen. But N. has geivinnen
when e of prefix is not syncopated {guuinnen^however, also occurs,
and in N. Ps. geuuunnen, with e of prefixrestored).
V. w after initial dental cons, tends in UG. to generate a secondary
vowel : K. zoivival = zivlval,Sec.
Final w.

242 vi. Occasionally?/

appears instead of 0 for vocalized or medial w.
M. seu ; R. ikaruia.,inkaruier ; Is. and ]\I.seula (OS. seola.Got. sdiwala)

(Leid. Will, stela,otherwise OHG. sela). See PBB,v\\. 168.

vii. Already in O.'s time final 0 after long vowel has completelydis-
appeared.
\w eo, hweo the diphthong was shortened before loss of"?,
therefore eo, I'o,and h)weo,h)wio do not drop the 0.
 CH. Ill] OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM 103

Medial w after cons.

viii. 7(" after ."" is rare : zes{a)7ca

; treso "
ires[d)ives
: generallya
secondary vowel is developed and in many cases OHG., in common

with other W. Gmc. had

dialects, lost w after cons, (except/ and r) :

Got.

See Gr? i. 378, 428.

It is
highlyprobable that this loss of w is merely due to analogy, as
it first occurs before gutturalvowtIs and after long syllables.Words
which had
originally hzv or kzv^q) occasionallyappear with lengthened
h or k, showing the working of the iv (Litbl. 1887, 109) : ahha, sehhan,
ackus,7tackot, "c. (cf.129, 130).
ix. In the second half of compounds initial w often falls,
and the

following vowel is obscured (cf.OE. hld/ord for hhlf-weard): '^heim-

wart " heimort^ '^framivert"frainmort',OE. wyii ivalu,OHG.
"
"
wiir-

zala. Cf. PBB. xii. 378, and especially in proper names compounded
with -waif,-ivolft which become -olt,-olf.

JNIedial w after an originally long vowel.

X. After long vowel medial w is frequent in Gmc. and in OHG. ; 243
cf. brdwa, /rawer, eiva, sphvan. Sic. This w sometimes falls both in
earlyand late OHG., and in various texts we find forms like : grder,
ea, splan,widri (besidewnvdri, Lat. vivarhini).The w-forms are the
more usual,however, unless a cons, follows,in which case w is always
lost: pret. hita to hhven, Id/a to laweji {PBB. xi. 71).

w as glide.
xi. After a long vowel or diphthong in OHG. iv is often merely
a cons, after ii
glidedeveloped in hiatus,especially : sden or sdweii, T.;
bliioaii or bluowan.
The formsz";-glide are especiallypopular in E. Fr., but the
with
glideless forms predominate. In some cases it is not easy to determine
whether w is originalor is merely a glide,as in : buan beside huwaii,
iruen beside iruwen {PBB. vi. 569). As has been seen, h andy' (written
sometimes as g) are also frequentin such words as glides: sdcn^ sahen,

sdian or sdiven, "c. Sometimes h or J even replacean originalzv.

T. hum, hlgiski, hig i {io hhvi) ; Ja. tinkihlgiter (unmarried);Phys.
usplget] Denkm? xxx. 162 itnwgiu "=. niuwiii) N. ge-hlien,hiiow,
O. (P.)h'lhun ; Np. eha.

To explainthis the loss of iv must of course be first assumed, and

then the development of the glidein hiatus.

w after a short vowel.

WW.

xii. Original ww, whether Pr, Gmc. ivw {a) or W. Gmc. wzv {b)244
 104 OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM [pt.ii

(i i6),vocalizes the first w in OllG. to //, which then forms a diphthong

with whatever vowel precedes.
(i) Pr. Gmc. aua gives OHG. awa.

(2) Pr. Gmc. aTiua givesOHG. amva.

But OHG. often confuses

spelling the two, for (i) is written auua and

(2) aiiuiia, and (2)is constantlysimplifiedto aiiua, and the OHG.

spellings are thus very litde clue to the actual value of the sounds.

(a) Pr. Gmc. ww is replaced in Got. by ggw, in ON. by ggv :

in OHG. auiv becomes oiiiv.

ON. OHG.
Iigggva, hamvan, houwan.

Got. glaggivus, ON. gfgggr,OHG. glouwer

glaiiwer,
skuggiva skauivbn,skotiwbn.
When Pr. Gmc. ivw came to stand final,
as in the strong preterite
or

uninflected adjective,
"c., iviv was course simplifiedto w and forms of
a diphthong. To hlimvan, rimvan, pret. hJou^rou. 'Yo glouwe?- glou, "

{01 lives "

toii^"c.

WW after e and i.
In Pr. Gmc. interchangeby //)*
c and mutation / : OS. ireimua and

iyiuuui\ in OHG., however, /always stands before wiv, thus OHG. /nV/zf;^
and {n'uivi\ rimvan, iuwer, hliuwan (Got.hliggwan^OY..'' hleowan).Here,
again, when iviv becomes final the second w falls,and only the diphthong
is left. To spriuwes sprut, to fji'iiwa triuhaft,
"
to iiaver in (dat. pi.). " "

In all these cases writingswith three ?/s are very common. Cf. Braune,
Ahd. Gr., " 30. 2; PBB. vi. 87.
WW after u.

The result is of course uw. Pret. pi.of hliuwan = hluwun^ past

part, gibluwan.
245 {b) W. Gmc. ww. Forms which in W. Gmc. have ww arisingfrom
followed byy almost always alternate with forms with w where
w noy
w'as present, and both must therefore be treated of together.
Singlew.
(a) After rt: W. Gmc.*/raiv-,uninflected OHG./)'^^,soon contracted
io/rb, inflected became /raiver,which passed to frowh' (influenceof
IV on a). The b of the uninflected form influences the inflected
form, and it appears as frber. So with the words frb, rb, strb,
/b, "c.
When j follows in W. Gmc. doubling arises and the consequent
diphthong + z^ in OHG. Pr. Gmc. "^/rawj-,W. Gmc. "^/rawwj-, OHG.
'^frauwja, frouwa .

The diphthong is incapable ot undergoing 2-mutation in OHG., so

that it remains : OHG. /rot^wen,from yrawwj'an.
In cases, however, where i, not J, followed in W. Gmc, there is no
doubling,consequentlyno diphthong,and the simplea before simplew
is able to undergo /-mutation in OHG. The pret. of the \erh /rouwen
thus x^frewita-, from ^rawiSa.
Similarly, from nom. ^hawi, gen. '^hawwjes^ the OHG. forms are
 CH. ml OHG. CONSONANT SYSTEM
105

hewi homves, likewise The natural confusion and

"

geivi "
goinves.

double levelling so that in OHG. both hewi Jiewes and houwi

ensue, "
"

hoHives, Sec, are found.

The wzu
forms and lack of mutation prevail in Bavarian, which 246

prefers: }ioiavi,gouwi,frotaven"froiiita^\\\\)\Q the single zc-forms with

mutation are more popular in Alem. and Franc. : heivi, gcivi freiven "

fiTiVita.
Otfrid's metre shows clearly that the OHG. writing freiiucn =.

frewen and not freuwen^ because he scans

the first syllable as
short

{PBB. ix. 529). Moreover, there is no

OHG. z'-mutation of ^// to eu.

Isolated forms occur in Wk. Originally w seems to have given rise

to a diphthong : l^./ietiuui, fremmidha.

Similarly, the apparent change of a to 0 mf rawer Xo/roiver may

point to the diphthong '^franiier intermediate This is

as an stage.
rendered more likely by occasional forms as O./rou z=z frd, R*^ strau.

strou =
stro.

(d) After e and i.

Gmc. e remains unaltered before single OHG. giseivaii

7V. gewoji,

(p.p. to sehan).
Final w became 0
kncives kneo (or hiio).
: "

When /follows in W. Gmc, e " " /; wheny follows, e " "

i and w " "

WW. '^'shvwjan "

*siwida, OHG. suiuen "
siwila. ^iiewjo, OHG. niitwi.

Gmc. i remains before single iv. Pret. f)l. Ihuini, spiwun, "c., to

Uhan, spiwan, "c. The MSS. sometimes have three ?^'s here where

there is no justification for them \ ferh'mmen, "c. {PBB. ix. 539).

xiii. A medial w in secondary syllable is sometimes vocalized owing
to want of stress, and then combines with the preceding stressed vowel

to form a diphthong or long vowel. OW^. freivita) ^./reufa, seula,

sela, eo, hweo, eo^
hweo (Litbl. 1887, no)* Cf. Braune. Ahd. Gr.,

" and "

30. 2 1 14.
 io6 [I'T.
II

OHG. CONSONANTS AND THEIR ORIGIN

247 In the last chapter the development in detail was traced of the Gmc.
consonants in OHG., and it may be of use to review the same ground
from the reverse standpoint.In the followingare given,in alphabetical
order,the chief consonant sounds of OHG., their Pr. Gmc. and Gothic
with
equivalents, an example of each to serve as a key-word.
Account is taken of the chief dialect variations,but of course the

entirelyexceptionaldevelopments which are already dealt with in

190 fF. are not cited,nor are which

fancy spellings but rarelyoccur,
such as hph,ckh,/pf,as these have no etymologicalinterest and have

been alreadynoticed.
CH. Ill] OHG. CONSONANTS AND THEIR ORIGIN 107

OHG. Pr. Gmc. OHG. Got.

 I lO VOWEL SYSTEM [PT.II

thai vocalic /,i', rj, m arc due to the reduction of the vowel in stressed
un-

syllable,
e. g. in an originalel,ern^ Sec, justas / resulted from

/, ie ; others, ihaL the weak vowel maintained itself in unstressed

syllable;cf. Brugmann, i. 192, and BechiQ\, Naup/probkme, p. 115.

Be this as it may, there is no doubt that in all IG. languages these

consonants are or can be sonant, but tend lo produce a vowel sound

which varies in each language. This usuallypreceded the consonant,

but also can follow it ; in Gk. a,
in Lat. 0 (" " a) with liquidsand e

with nasals. No explanationof this development which has as yet

been brought forward is entirelysatisfactory.

I, r Sk. rksas Gk. apKTo"; Lat. ursus (orsus)

o' o o "

ddsa ScKtt decern

o '
o

The IG. vowel system did not pass into Pr. Gmc. without changes.
In the followingonly those changes are enumerated which took place
in stressed syllable,
as the Germanic fixingof the accent, which tofore
here-

had been free,caused unaccented and final vowels to developon

different lines,so that they requireseparate treatment.

251 I. IG. a becomes 0 :

Note. "
IG. oii in Gmc. before consonant becomes 0 in all the

dialects,
but before vowels in Gothic it "
" au [= in OHG.
^7.?], "
"u ;
Gothic batian,trauan ; OHG. buwan, truwan. See PBB.\\, pp. 382
and 564, also R. Trautmann, Germ. Lautgesetze.

252 111. IG. e becomes Pr. Gmc. de (i.

e. an open /). This may, ever,
how-

be only an apparent change, as possiblyIG. e was open.

CH. iv] VOWEL SYSTEM 1 1 1

It appears in Gk. as in Lat. as e, in Got. as e, in OHG. as d.

rj,

Gk. Lat. Got. Pr. Gmc. OHG.

sedunns setiim ^sdel- sayini
edi fr-ct *5e/- d2^
fx-^v mens is niena '^nmno in duo

IV. In Gmc. stressed syllablethe liquidsand nasals /, w, n^ r 253

develop the sound u, which as a rule precedes the consonant.

IG. Got. OE. OHG.

^plnos fulls full voll

'^bhriis ga-ba{irps ^e-byrd gi-hurt
"^kmtom hund hund Jiunt
o

^dnt- tunpus

Thus from the IG. vowel system have been lost the sonant liquids
and nasals, the Schwa vowel, long d^ short o, and the diphthongs
oi and ou. Long e has now become an open e {de,see note),but
togetherwith it there is in Pr. Gmc. another e, the originof which is

obscure, as it does not appear to be a legacy from IG. It has been

suggested that this e {e^)[which according to some scholars was

open, according to others closed (cf.Franck, ZsfdA. 40, 51, "c. ;

Wilmanns -, i. " 190; for genitive,

"c., cf. Feist, PBB. xxxii, Franck,
501)]derives P by contraction from the diphthong ei^ since the few

words in which it occurs have cognate forms with i or J, with which ei

could interchange: thus Got., OS., OE. OHG.

//"?/', hear, hiar, beside
Got. hidre, OS. hir. These Gmc. ^'s are reinforced by a few words

adopted from the Latin, as mensa, vulg. Lat. inesa, Got. vies, OHG.

ineas, viias. In Gothic both Pr. Gmc. e and de are given by the same

sign e, but certainly

a distinction was preservedin pronunciation,
as in

later Gothic the e" " de was occasionally

written ci,but e" " ^never (cf.
Streitberg,
Noreen, and PBB. xi. 302, xv. 131 and 297, xvi. 238, and

xviii. 499; Franck, ZsfdA, 40).

Note. " The development of Pr. Gmc. de in the various Gmc. dialects 254
is somewhat complicated:
{a) E. Gmc. (Gothic)
represents it in most cases by e (long closed e)
as in IG. That it was closed in Gothic and not is seen from the
open
confusion in writing with t (writtenei)and even with i (cf.Streitberg,
GoL (?r.,"77).
{b) N. Gmc. represented by a. Noreen, A. I. Gr., " 54.
(c) W. Gmc. represented by a, preserved thus in OHG., and for the
most part in OS. The OE. dialects,on the other hand, do not retain
the d of W. Gmc. ; West Saxon reverts to the de of Pr. Gmc, while
Kentish and Anglian have the long closed e sound : Sievers, Ai^s. Gr.,
" 57 and " 150, 1,
 112 VOWEL SYSTEM [pt.n

IG. ^"
I
Pr. Gmc. de (=/)

E. Gmc. N. Gmc. W. Gmc.

ff " "

OHG. OE.
d de or e

OS.
a (or e)

Lai. sedinius,Pr. Gmc. sdtl-, Got. sciiim, ON, so "r^sd/um, OHG.

sdz,um, OS. sj/um (se/iim),
OE. sde/ou {se/on).
255 The vowel system at the opening of the Primitive Germanic Period
was therefore :

Long de e out

Short a e u i
Diphthongs ai an eti

Primitive Germanic Vowel Changes.

256 During the Pr. Gmc. period changes were made in the vowel system
which, parallel
to the consonant changes,might be either {a)combina-
tive

or {b)isolative. The most important of the combinative changes

which will be met with in Gmc. is that known as Mutation (Umlaut),
which is in reality
only an assimilation of a vowel to a sound following,
usuallyanother vowel.

In Pr. Gmc. there are only two classes of mutation to be dealt

with :

(i) that caused by followingi ox J actingon a preceding e (e^" i),

Pr. Gmc. mutation
I'/j ;

(2) that caused by followinga or 0 actingon a preceding u {u " " 0),

Pr. Gmc. a/o mutation.
257 The chief vowel changes in Pr. Gmc. are :

i. e " "i. (a)By mutation

I'/J when followed by an z'oryin the same

or followingsyllable.
Lat. Got. OE. OHG.
medius mid j is tnidd mitti
est ist is isi
scdeo sitan sittan sizzcn
velit wili wil{e) zvili
CH. iv] VOWEL SYSTE:\r
113

It results from this law that the diphthong ei became zV,which was

then contracted to 7 : "

Gk. Lat. Got. OE. OHG.

SiLKvvfXL du'O (deico)ga-ieihan{ei=J) [/ed?i) zihaii

(rT"L)(Oi steigan
s/ei^"., s tigan
^,,^
Pr. Gmc. '^deuriz diiiri

and that Pr. Gmc. e?^ before i,j "^iu : ^leti^tjan

Uuhten. "

(d) When followed by a nasal consonant.

Lat. Got OE. OHG.

ventiis winds wind wint

gens kind
sentis sinps sind
meniha ?ninle ininza

Note. "
c also "
" i in (i.
original e. IG.) unstressed syllable
:

*IG. egom^ Lat. ego, ON. ek,OHG.

(stressed) (unstressed)
ik,OE. ic.
Nom. of
pi. cons, stems : IG. -es^ Gk. vroSe?,Lat. pedes^Pr. Gmc.
Yotiz,OE.y?/.
ii. u "
"o by 0(0 mutation. Before an a, 0 in followingsyllable,
258

unless an i or j or nasal in the same syllableintervene. The same

took place with the diphthong eu, which

process, of course, became eo

before a followinga or 0, e. g. Lat. gustdre, OHG. koston,but Lat.

gusiuni : Pr. Gmc. Got. kus/s,OHG.

*kusiiz, Pr. Gmc.
kusf,Gk. t,vy6v,
OHG.
*juka-7n, OE.
j'o/i, jeoc.
So OHG. giholfanbeside hulfum.
giivorfan wurfinji. ,,

gizogan " zugtwi.

gibotan ,,
i\iQ
btitu?n,h\Mgibundan,giswtii?i7nan,\s\itxQ
vowel // is protectedby a nasal.

It should be noted that only Germanic a and 0 in followingsyllable

can produce this mutation, not any secondary vowel generated in
OHG. (285) : e. g. hipfar to Latin cuprum.
With reference to a possiblePr. Gmc. ajo mutation of i (" "
e),see
below, 277.
iii. a, i, u" " a, i, u. Where a, i,u were followed by nasal plus259
Gmc. the nasal fell and the vowel was lengthenedand nasalized. It
X)
remained nasalized in Gmc, as is shown by the OE. forms ; e. g. :

Pr. Gmc. *x^wx^^)^^t. hdhan, OE. hon, OHG. hdhan beside pret.
hieng,
Pr. Gmc. Got. pdhia,
*paro-)(Ja, OE. ^ohle,OHG. ddhta to infin.

Got. pagkjan, OE. ^encean,OHG. denken.

Pr. Gmc. Goi./dhan, OY..fdn,OHG.

*/aT3xan, /d/ian,i^xtl.fietig.
1167 H
 114 VOWEL SYSTEM [pt.ii

Pr. Gmc. Got. weihan^ OIIG.

'zc/tJxafi, wihan lo Lat. vinco.
Pr. Gmc. Got. pcihau, OK.
*]"iiDxcin, deon,OIIG. dVian to OS. p.p.
OE.
gi/hu?iga7i, p.p. ^edun^en.
Pr. Gmc. Qxoi.preihau'.OE.
*pri7oyan^ OHG.
dn'nja7i, dringan.
Got. jFihi'za OHG.
comparativeioji/ggs, j'ufig.
Got. huhriis to OHG. hungar.
Pr. Gmc. *//wX'
^"^- ^^^ '^~~ ^^'^^^ -'^^^^-
^^^M^^^-
At the close of the Pr. Gmc. period,that is, at the point when the

originalGermanic languages began to splitup into the several dialects,

the followingvowel system existed :
"

Short Vowels a^ e, i, o, u as compared with a, e, i, u (at the

commencement).
Long Vowels a, e, de, 1,3, u as compared with se, e^ i,3, u.
Diphthongs a?, an, en, in, eo as compared with ai, an, en.

VOWEL GRADATION

260 Vowel gradationis the term used to denote the certain variations in

qualityand quantity of the sonant element (whetherin root stem or

of cognate
suffix) words, or within the various forms of the same word

when such variations are rooted in differences which existed alreadyin

IG. These were due to manifold causes, such as reduction of sonant

in weak stressed syllable,

shortening,lengthening,accentuation,"fcc.
Gothic : malan, mol^ miilda ; OHG. melo.
Greek : TrarT^p, Trarepa, Trarpo?, Trar/aacrt ,' cfiipw,
(f"6po"s,
(fxap.

The causes of this interchange of vowel sounds are very diverse,

and they are not yet systematizedbeyond a certain point. Doubtless
in the main the variation of sound is due to variation of stress accent,
for in the IG. and the early Gmc. period this accent was free (i.
e.

unrestricted in its positionby number of syllables,

or by any question
of and
quantity), certainlyuntil after the time of the operation of
Verner's Law could rest on any in
syllable the word, while in duration

it was either acute (Sea)or slurred (Seas).In Greek it was ultimately

restricted to one of the three final syllables.In Latin its place was
eventually determined by the quantity of the penult,though the
'

occurrence of such words as

*
optumus points to a period when the

accent could draw stillfurther away from the final syllable,

as the older
'
*
opitumus could not have lost the t had this been accented, thus an

'

original opitumus '

must be assumed. But not all variations can be

accounted for in this way ; there are others which are probably due to
CH. iv] VOWEL SYSTEM 115

IG. having had, beside the stress accent, also a pitchor musical accent,
which seems to have predominated towards the close of the period,
though in Gmc. the accentuation became again primarily
one of stress.

Thus a distinction has to be made between grade of stress (quantitative

grade) and grade of grade).
pitch(qualitative The result of both

systems combined is that the related vowels vary with one another in

a certain definite termed

series, the IG. vowel gradationseries.
There were three QuantitativeGrades :" 261

(a) Strong Grade Long (Dehnstufe): ojij/,

ddi\ z'ox, rex, qens,
benisjos.
(^) Strong Grade Short (Vollstufe) odium, vocare,
: 01/^19, rego, qino,
hair an.

{c)Schwa or Vanishing Grade : da/us, '^dedmus

(Reductionsstufe)
beside doudre.

These are due to lengtheningof the vowel under specialconditions,

or to its being weakened
by loss of stress.
A secondarylengthening,
not originally the result of vowel gradation,
also took placein
frequently IG. ; it probablywas caused by the loss of

syllable
or of individual consonants, and was apparentlycompensatory
for this syllabicor consonant loss ; e. g. IG. *pod-s,Sk. pdd{a),Gk.
(Dor.)7raj9,
Lat./^j {Joy peds),Go\. fotiis,OE./J/, OYLG./uoz', exdweft
'^-exd(g)me7i ] cf. the similar phenomenon
\ iraT-qp for '^p?ie?'s in Gmc.

QoX. fdhan ":"faio^an,

"c. Cf. I.F. iii.p. 305.

Inasmuch as this secondary long vowel might alternate with vowels

of a Gradation and
it is not always possible,
series, is here unnecessary,
to it from
distinguish the Long Strong Grade vowel.

Reduction occurred when the chief accent came to rest on the syllable
precedingor followingthe vowel affected. The process may be briefly
summed up as follows : all vowels not bearingthe stress tended to be

reduced.

(i) The long vowels e, a, 0, when unaccented, appear usuallyas the 262

Schwa {9),i.e. Gk.

Sk. z', f, a, o,
Lat. a, datus "" "^ddtos. If the vowel

was followed or preceded by an / or an ti^ the / or ti appear to have

become and
syllabic, with the Schwa from
resulting the vowel to have
become z or u : cf. the optativesuffix z",s-0-?/i "
" simiis.

(2) The short vowels e, a, 0 fell in the syllablepreceding that

which bore the main stress :"

Sk. 's-anti,
Lat, ^s-unt,
Got. 's-ind: Ves. Beside Skr. pi-tar-am
the
(ace.) gQu. pi-tr-ds,\,2i\..
pa-ir-is,Got. /h-dr-s.
If the vowel was preceded or followed by an / or an ", the i or u

became syllabic
on the fall of the vowel and remained as t or n.

H 2
 ii6 VOWKL SYSTEM [i"t.
ii

Ok. AfiVcir, AiTreti', ; Got. grdip

(fivyelv
({""vy"iv, "

griptim^hang "

hiigmn.
If the vowel stood immediately before or after an /,in, ;/, ?-, these
consonants became sonant on the fall of the vowel : "

Lat. dent is,Got. /wipi/s" "

in}"Hs,IG.phos "
"Got./u//s " "

/J/-.

Qualitative Gradation.

263 The causes for this interchangehave not been satisfactorily

explained.
It may be that as quantitative
gradationwas induced
certainly by the

varied stress,so qualitative

gradationwas brought about by the varying
pitch,but though there is much to be said for this theory it is evident

that by no means all cases could be thus explained.

It no doubt affected the
originally vowels in stressed and unstressed

syllablesalike, but inasmuch as the vowels in unstressed syllables

'

were reduced to the '

Schwa or vanishing point, the only result of
gradation which
qualitative claims attention is that of the Strong
Grade vowels. For the subsequent development in Gmc. the only
grade
qualitative of importance is that of the Strong Grade.
Strong Grade. Long e : o.

Short e : o.

264 The combined result of the two types of gradation gave in IG. six
series : "

Qualitativeand Quantitative. Qualitative.

J. e 0 ? 6. a a p

2. ei oi I I 0 0 0

eii ou u u
3.
4. r/r oV- /"'" /"'"

5. e 0 9

These are the only gradationseries which occur clearlyin Gmc.

Got. I. gihan gaf gtbans Gk. ^ipKOfxac SeSopKa eBpaKov

2. steigan siaig stigans X^iinii XiXonra tXiTtov

3. biugan bang biigans i\"V(ro/xaL elXrjXovOa -^XvOov

bmdan band bundans
4.
hilpan halp hulpans
5. lelan lailot (lelans)
6. faran for farans

It should not be overlooked that this vowel gradationtook place not

only in root, bu also in stem, and thus gave rise to the manifold forms

in the inflection of noun and verb, beside the numerous cognate forms
from the same root, e. g. :
"
 ii8 VOWKL SYSTEM {vt.u

in e or e having been borrowed. These two e'^ of OHG. are not

distinguishedin treatment.

Examples :

e "" IG. ei. Pr. Gmc.*//^" OHG. /ler,hear, hiar, hier

^Krekiz Chreh, Chreach, Kriach
*me(id, 7nela,?}ieata,?ntala, viiele
Got. Jfu'zdo skero,ski'aro,skiero

/era,feara, fiara
zen',ziari,zieri
Lat. iegula ziagal
267 e arisingin W. Gmc.

{a)Got. haihait OHG. hiaz,,

hez,,heaz^. hicz,Got. hdihalt OHG. hiaJl
rairop rial saislep sHaf
(b)Lat. ?nes OHG. ?neas, mi'as Lat. specu/um OHG. spiagal
he Ia bi'eza revius riemo
breve briaf,brief
Note. "
The form ?" became fixed about a.d. 850, and was preserved
until well into IMHG. times. After the turn of the tenth century it
coincides with an le obtained from the weakened lo out of eu. Otfrid
and Muspilliuse I'eand ia ; Isidor ea ; Tatian ie.

268 (3) Pi". Gmc. 0 (IG. (7 or 0) was diphthongizedin the eighthcentury

to oa, ua, no ; e. g. Got. gops, OHG. got, coat, gnat, gtiot. Got. hro-

par,0^. bropor, OHG. bruoder. Goi.flodus,OHG. ^uot. Got. boka,

OE. boc,OHG. buoMa.

Latin loan-words with open 0 underwent the same change, e. g. scdta,

OHG. sciio/a.

This change set in gradually,and its rate of progress varied in the

several dialects : "

{a) In Alemannic 0 and oa are found up to the mid-eighthcentury ;

at the close of the century 3 and oa have been replacedby ua ; this

held its own for well-nigh the whole ninth century, after which
Alemannic also adopted no.

(b) In Upper Franconian and in Rhine Franconian the diphthongiza-

tion begins about 750, and no gradually prevailsover 0. At the

close of the century 0 vanishes

finally in favour of no, without first

passingthrough oa and tia ; the form no was adopted from the outset,

and by the commencement of the ninth century was fixed,a whole

century earlier than in Alemannic.

(c) In South Rhine Franconian the intermediate stage na is the

prevailingone during the ninth century. The form no occurs a few

times in Otfrid through assimilation to a following0, n, and e, and he

occasionally for
wrilesj'(2 na ; see Kelle, 461, and Braune, " 39. 8.
(d) In Bavarian the 0 was preserved up to the ninth century, then
 CH. iv] VOWEL SYSTEM 119

graduallybegan to give way to iio^ but the latter did not predominate
until the close of the century. For cf. Braune, "
particulars 39.

3, 4.
Thus :" 269

At the close of the century the form uo is universal in all dialects.

Note. " In all dialects we find occasional variations,

many of which

may safelybe attributed to clerical errors. Thus we have u for no

and ua, often in MG. and

occasionally in UG. The latter has also
now and then eu, as broudcr,"c., but these writingsare so isolated that
they need not here be taken into consideration.

(4)Pr. Gmc. u (IG. u and u "" u before to^) remains unaltered,e. g. 270
Got., OHG. rima, Lat. and OHG. viura, Got. puhta, OHG. duhta.

Note. " Notker in Alemannic writes regularlyue for u before the

spiranth^ e. g. sawh, and before ch in bruechen ; in other cases the
vowel is always shortened: scuoha scuha. See (Z.
=
229

(5) Pr. Gmc. I (IG. i and 7^ /before 10^ remains unaltered:

Lat. suhius, Got. sweins, OHG. sivhi ; Gk. (ttux(^,

Got. steigan,OHG.
stiga7i.

Diphthongs.

I. Pr. Gmc. ai (IG. oi or ai) had twofold development,becoming 271

either :

(i) ei the eighthcentury);

(after
or (2) ^before r, w, and // (" "
Gmc. x), and when final.

(x) Got. dins OHG. cin

hldifs {h)leib
hails heil
ddils teil
tdikns zeihhan

(2) Got. IdiJv OHG. leh

mdiza mere

dihls eht
sdir ser

sdiws see [saves)

sdi (= Lat. crfd) se

The oldest I\ISS. write de or e for this latter sound, which must

therefore have
originally been open, but from the close of the eighth
 I20 VOWEL SYSTEM [pt.ii

century this sound had passed from open to closed e, and the notation

de is no longer found,
272 Special cases. The numerals zwene and hede and the adjective
ivenags arc exceptional.I'he former are Got. hvdi, hdi,and probably
the influence of the monosyllabic forms, *zwe and *"^(?,
where ai was

final,preserved the e in the fuller forms. Wenag is probably cognate

with Got. wdi =
woe^ and as the adjectivewenag in German had the

meaning of '
unfortunate ',in this case the e is again most probablydue
to the analogy of the root.
The writinge for ei is not found
infrequently in MSS., not of any

one district or of any one period,but throughoutOHG. This must be

ascribed to carelessness on the part of the scribes,as the ei was nounced

pro-

e-\-i (not as Mod. ei\ and might easilybe mistaken for the

closed e. With careful writers,such as Otfrid, the error does not

occur. On the other hand, ei for e stands perhaps in eiris (First

Merseburg Charm), and occasionally
in Glosses.

273 II. Pr. Gmc. an (IG. on or ati)also had a twofold development

in OHG.:"

(i) ou the eighth century)

(after ;

(2) 0 before all dental consonants and h ("" Gmc. x)-

(i) Got. hdiibip OHG. hoiihit
dukan ouhhon

ddiipjan toufen
hdug
bitigan, biogan,bong
(2) Got. ddupus OHG. tod
hduhs hoh
stdutan stozfin
tduh
{tiuhan) zbh
{ziohati)
rdus ror

Idun Ion

274 The of contraction of au to 0 began in the opening of the

process
eighth century, through the stage of ao to open 0, but after the

diphthongizationof original0 was complete it became a closed sound.

The is only
virtually found in Bavarian MSS., in which it
stage ao

prevailsuntil the ninth century.

Beside the Pr. Gmc. au another au w^as developed from Pr. Gmc.

aim (Got. ggw) ""au-\-w, which also passedinto ou; e.g. auwja "

ariwia "

ouwa (244). As with the other diphthongs, variations in

writing are occasionallyfound : 0 for ou, and also uo for ou, but

these cases are rare. It should be noted, however, that Williram

writes regularlydi for ou : thus hoibef,irbif. (See Franck, " 35.)
 CH. IV] VOWEL SYSTEIM 121

III. Pr. Gmc. eu. 275

Already in Pr. Gmc. eu had become (257) :

iu by iljmutation in OHG. it became iu also before u.

eo by afo mutation (258).

This eo then passed to io and then to le, but this change is not

carried through systematically,

except in Franconia. In UG. a following
labial or gutturalconsonant, with the exception of //,prevented the

alo mutation, and eu passed here also to iu {PBB, iv. 457).

eu lu :

eu

eu-

In the change from eu to ie the first stage was eo, which held its own 276

until the commencement of the ninth century, when io began to creep

in and soon completely ousted eo. After a century io in its turn gave

way to ie, so that in the tenth century ie was universal and coincided

with the ie obtained from e through ea and ia (265). Otfrid, in

South Rhine Franconian, often writes iu for io, always in the word

liublih,but generallyia, especially

in the verbs of the II. series,biaian,
iiiazfin,
as in the red. pret. rial,stiaz,. Thus, while Franconian had

^'^
maintained two distinct developments of Pr. Gmc. eu -^ according
eo

to whether it was subjectto i/jmutation or to a/o mutation, UG. had

not at first done so. This Franconian distinction is now adopted also

by UG., and is universal after the ninth century, so that common

OHG. of the tenth has beside the earlier forms

century liogan^liugu
UG. Franconian
liugatij liogafi.
In the words and hweo, from Got. diw, hdiw, the
eo
"?, owing to

lack of stress, shortened earlydate, and thus

was at an they became
and hweo ; this coincided with the obtained from
eo eo eo eu through
a/o mutation, and passed like it into io^thus : io,hwio (Otfridia,wia),
and finally
ie and wie.
 122 VOWEL SYSTEM [pt.ii

Short Vowels.

277 Pr. Gmc. /(IG.e or /)remains /in most cases in OHG. : Lat. piscis "

fiscyLai. vidua "

wiiuiva, Got. wilun "

wiz,z}im^but sometimes " " e in
OHG. before an a or o in followingsyllable,
unless protected by
a nasal + consonant or by an ioxj: Lat. vices "
ivehsalow. *nisdos

[Lat.Jiidus] "
" 7ies/,sligutn: s/cga, but sui?ninan,siiintan^rimian.
The a/o mutation, by which alreadyin Pr. Gmc. i tended to pass to

e before a or o, did not throughout Pr. Gmc,

operate consistently
nor does it in OHG. In great part it was cancelled by the new

formations and by levellingout in favour of the form in /. The

exceptions are so numerous and so systematicthat many have denied

the law altogether,

while others are inclined to seek the cause of the

change of i "
"e rather in consonant than in vowel influence,and in

fact the combination of .i-|-

consonant is almost accompanied
invariably
by forms in e : nest, ivessa, "c. It is noteworthy that the whole class
of Graded of the first series show
past participles throughoutan /where

the mutation would necessitate an gis/igan,

e gizigan,giritan^"c. ;
:

and, again,the pronominal forms imo, inaii,ira show an / in place of

an e, Brugmann's statement that analogy and levelling

out cover

almost all exceptions to the rule is hardly satisfactory.In OHG.

doublets repeatedlyoccur, i.e. forms with e or /: ivissa " wiste in UG.

and wcssa " wesia in Franc. Thus ledic "

lidic^kkben "
kliban,lebm "

lernen
libatt, " lirnan. Words taken from Latin in most cases retain
the / : dictare "
" discus
dictoii, "
" Use, but some show e, as pix " "

bech,bicarium"^ behhdri, signum " " segan. PBB. vi. 82, vii. 417.

For another theory cf. Collitz,Mod. Lang. Notes, xx (1905),65-8;

R. Trautmann, Genu. Lautgesch.,no.

Note. "
hypothesis{PBB. xxiii. 84) that all past part, of the
Kock's
firstseries took the suffix -inaz (enos),
originally not -anaz through
{onos),
a kind of vowel harmony, would cancel the objection.

It has been shown that in Pr. Gmc. times alreadye passed to / :

"

(i) Before a nasal in the same syllable:Lat. ventus "

"OHG. wint.

(2) Before an / or j in the Lat,

followingsyllable: medius "
"OHG.

fnitti. To this must now be added in OHG. :

(3) Before u in unless

followingsyllable, the u in its turn is followed

by an 0 or an a. \^2X. pecus, O^Q. fihu,Lat. septein,OHG. sibu7t.

This later marked

operationis particularly in the while
conjugation,
in the nominal inflexion levelling
out has affected uniformity. The
inflectional endings of the sing,present were in OHG.: u, is,it,hence
CH. iv] VOWEL SYSTEM 123

OHG. verbs of the first series such as neman inflect jiimii^

nimis^ ju'mit,
but the plural retains the e : nc?names, ncmct^ nernanl, and so all verbs

with an e in root : beran. gcban, "c.

Hence, too, the majority of the nouns of the /^-declension have an

t in the stem, iis/nWu,s//u,"c. Even when the ti had fallen,as it did

after long stem retained
a the
syllable, / was : e. g. Got. OHG.
skildiis,
Got. qairnus,
sci'll, OHG. (juirn.

The exceptionsare in most cases due to levelling

out : /ehu beside

Jihu. The presence of the double form may be accounted for by the

fact that the gen. and dat. sing,ended in

respectively es and e ; thus the

declension would run : and

fhu,/ches,/ehe.fihi(, it is natural that the e

of the oblique cases should have entered the nominative. As an

example of u failingto effect this change because itself followed

by an a or 0, the large class of nouns with suffix -ihiga retain e

in root because the final a has impeded the change : skeliunga,

siredtuiga.

Note. "
This mutation off to / is most important in OHG. and in 278
NHG. alike : to it are due the numerous cognates in Modern German
with e and / from the same root : thus erde {erdd)and irdisch (^irdi'sc),
rccJit and richtcn,Herde Hirte^ and
largeclass of collective
and in the
nouns the i of the root is due to an / originally following: Feld "

Gcfilde, Berg Gebirge(gabirgi).Again, the second pers. sing,of the

"

present of the Graded verbs ended in -esi,the third in -e/i (291).

IG. e "Gmc.
"
/ (257); thus *gedes/, OHG.
^'gibi'si, g/bis,"SHG. gibs/,
gibt.
_

It is noteworthy that e followed by i or 21 passed to i before all

consonant groups without exception,even those which were able to
resist the OHG. /// mutation of a to e, but that the secondary ii
generated by the sonant liquids had no effect : swehur '^swexroz ""

'^
retains its e beside sivigar " "

swegj-tiz : so also ebiir " "

'^ehroz,
nebul, "c.

Pr. Gmc. a {IG.a or 0) remained unchanged in OHG. except before 279

a following/ or j, which mutated it to e. This is termed the OHG. i/j

mutation.

Got. gast, OHG. OHG.

gasl, but Got. gas/ei's, ges/i,and in OHG.
/a fig : kngi ; faru : feris,ferit
; fasto: festi.
There is no direct proof of other vowel except a being thus
any
mutated during the OHG. period,but there is strong reason to infer

from later developments that u and 0 were earlymodified in tion,

pronuncia-
and it is possiblethat the ibilo of Merigarto (62),7nuilkn of the

Georgslied,and the hiiiie of Notker, are attempts to denote a mutated

vowel.
 i:-.4 VOWEL SYSTEM [PT.II

This ilj mulation was universallychecked by certain consonant

groups, chiefly
those which contained an ^ or a zf :"

(1 ) By /// and hs : mahli,gislahti.

(2) By consonant + iv : fanven^ garwita.
Dialectally
only (UG.):"
(3) By /or r + consonant : fern',elti \ UG.
Yi2i\\Q, giwelli, kiwallit,
/arn\ alii.

(4) By h "" Gnic. x "

Franc. ehi}\slehil)UG. ahir^slahit\cf. PBB.
iv. 540.

(5) By ////,
ch "r" Gmc. k : O. \ UG.
firsechit sachil.

A necessary condition for the operation of this mutation

I'/j was

that the a to be mutated was in an accented and

syllable, the t orj in

an unaccented syllable
immediately following-
upon it. Hence :
"

{a) Mutation could as a rule only take place within the compass of

one word, though in Otfrid the / of enclitics such as t'z,

t'/i, not quently
infre-

effects mutation of the vowel in the preceding word : e. g.

??ieg ih.

(d) The derivative -llh, having

syllables-ftissa,-ni'ssi, a strong
secondary accent, do not effect the mutation in OllG. finslarnisst,
har?tilihho,
langlih.
(";")
In the suffixes -hafti, -sami,the
-scaffi^ a did not bear the chief

accent but only a secondary hence it was left untouched by the

one,

following/. There are, of course, many exceptionsto this i/jmutation,

due to the force of analogy and to the constraint of noun and verb

accidence. Thus in the nom. sing. fern, and nom. pi. neut. the

ended
adjective in -lu and the preceding vowel should be mutated, as

Otfrid elh'u,
ellu,Merigarto eitdrm,but the force of the other cases was

usuallytoo strong and the mutation was levelled out. In the same

way the and dat. sing,of the OHG. weak nouns ended in -in :
gen.
hano "

hanm, and there are a few forms which show mutation, as

scado "

scedifi,
namo "

nemin^ frequent in Isidor and M., but only in

earlytexts, for the root a of the other cases soon penetratedinto the

of the weak verb ended in i\

gen. and dative. The conjunctivepresent
OHG. sanli, zalli, but it never shows mutation. Gradually the

mutating force of the /ory extended to a vowel not immediatelypre-

ceding
first assimilated,and then mutation of
; the mediate vowel was

the root syllable

became possiblealso,though not regularlycarried out

until after the OHG. period:OHG. zaharin and zahirin,MHG. zeheren,

OHG, fr avail 2,ndifravili,MYIG. /revel^OHG. viangi and menigi^
'
framidi and fremidi. The result of this '
younger mutation is a very

open e {a)sound. This OHG. i/jmutation did not begin until shortly
 126 VOWEL SYSTEM [pt. ii

well to premise that the historyof the development of vowels in accented

un-

syllablesis most involved, and, though agreement as to

has
generalprinciples been reached,no law has been formulated which
has met with universal acceptance. It is,however, possibleto observe

the guiding principleunderlying the whole, and also to show certain

definite changes which are beyond all doubt.

The main principleseems to have been that every vowel in accented

un-

syllabletended to be shortened in duration : diphthongs

became monophthongs, vowels with the slurred accent lost some of

their length and took the acute accent, long vowels became short,
short vowels fell. the vowels
Naturally, which suffered most by the
fixingof the accent were those most remote from the root and protected
un-

by a followingconsonant group : the greater the stress laid

on the root, the more the final vowel was weakened. Thus, having no
support, a short final syllable
followingon a lost
long syllable its vowel

more quickly than did a medial syllableunder the same tions.

condi-

The power of resistance offered by the respectivevowels

varied : u and / longer than
persist e and a, while e is more stubborn

than a.

282 In discussingthe fate of IG. unaccented vowels regard must be

had to : "

(i) Their originaldegree of three

duration, for IG. distinguished
degrees of duration: slurred {= extra long),long,and short,which
might representedby ,"", " ^* respectively.BB. xvii,p. io6.
be

(2) Their originalposition,which could be i^d)absolutelyfinal,

{b)before a final consonant, (":) in prefix.
medial, (r/)

{a)and {h),
IG. short vowels in final syllablewhen followed by only one sonant
con-

either in Pr. Gmc. or in W. Gmc. lost this final consonant in

Pr. or W. Gmc. In Gmc. the generaltendency was to lose all such

IG. the Pr. Gmc.

final vowels. 0, a, e (Gmc. a, a, i) fell already in
time : IG. u and i were more : in
persistent the W. Gmc. dialects they
are retained after a short root, but lost after a long or polysyllabic
one,

while Gothic loses / but retains //, e. g. :

Lat. pecus faihii fihii

 CH. iv] VOWEL SYSTEM 127

Diphthongs and long vowels in unaccented syllables

: 283

The IG. diphthongshad undergone already the followingchanges : "

oi, ai had passed to Got. ai, W. Gmc. e (or e),

OH, an
" "
au
"
o (or 0) and the long vowels.
o a 11.
" ,. ,,

? / /.
,. .. /, M

These in their turn underwent modifications :

W. Gmc. ^and 0 from

(arising ^/and au respectively)
were shortened,
unless followed by a consonant which protectedthe length,e. g. :

Got. OHG. OE. Got. OHG.

bairdi here here hv^i hairais Zit'r^"^ before
(i.e. original)
ahtdu ahto eahta ^fripdus frido ,. ,, "
,,

hlinddi hlinte hlitide blind dim blindem "

^^i
,, ,,

W. Gmc. i and w from

(arising IG. z and 0 respectively)
were treated

like the short

originally IG. / and //, viz. they fell after long,remained
after short syllable.
Levellingout, however, soon obscured the originalstate of affairs :

thus in OHG. in the 0 declension the nom. sing,should have retained

ti after a short syllableand lost it after a long,e. g. OHG. *gedu but

/er (OE. pe/zt and Idr),but the ace. form has been adopted for the

nom., e.g. geda, /era. In the pres. ind. the first pers. sing, should
have varied in the same way "
ik nimti but ik ^dind,but levelling
out

has given the ti to both long and short stems. It is important to note

that 0 has a different development if followed

originally by a nant,
conso-

in which case it must be from

distinguished slurred 0 in sim.ilar

position(seebelow).
Vowels bearing the slurred accent were also reduced and eventually
became after
short,falling a long accented unless
syllable the Pr. Gmc.

form had ended in fi or z.

In IG. there existed 0 and 0: and followed by

further,if originally an

;/ or s, r?^ and 0^, 0'^ and 0^.

Pr. Gmc. 0 final yieldsshort

absolutely vowel in W. Gmc, Gk. ^epw,
OHG. biru.

,,
0 absolutelyfinal yieldsshort vowel in OHG. Lat. hojuo,
OHG. go7no, OE. ^uma,
0'*^ and 0^ absolutelyfinal yields short vowel in OHG.
,,

ztmgono, OE. iungeiia.

0^^ and 0- absolutelyfinal yieldsshort vowel in OHG.

zunga, OE. /imje,OHG. geba.

See Brugmann^ " 1029.

{c) Medial vowels are exposed to great variations through the 284
 128 VOWEL SYSTEM [n. h

operationof Syncope and Vowel Harmony : frequentlythey selves

them-
become final owing to the loss of inflectional endings,as in the

nom. pi,of neut. nouns, "c.

Syncope. Brugmann states, as a generallaw, that while short accented

un-

vowels persistin Pr. Gmc, they fall in W. Gmc. after a long

stem syllable.
Got. hausida OHG. horta but Got. nasida OHG. nerita

jtihiza iiingro batiza hez^ro.

Note. "
The most numerous examples of Syncope occur in the terites
pre-
and past participlesof the Non-Graded Verbs, Class I. Eorms
such as hoc/a,salla,zalki,gisall,"c., which appear to contravene the
law that / is retained after a short root syllable,
are in all probability
remains of a Pr. Gmc. pret. formation without i\ cf. Got. bugjan^
haiihta,Jmghjan^puhia. It is true that the forms hugtta,hehi'ia,seh'ta,
giselit
are also found, but these are more recent analogicalformations.
See Sievers, PBB. v. 99, but also Paul, PBB. vi. i.

Only vowels which were completelyunaccented were subjectto Syn-

cope:
consequently such suffixes as OHG. ig, m,od,isc,ohi,
imga^Uh.scaf^
nissa,"c., which bore a secondaryaccent, retain their vowel intact.
ha/fi,
Vowel Harmony. Medial vowels tended to be assimilated to final

vow^els in Gmc. Examples are frequentin

specially OHG. : ^et'sar but

keisereSfoffanbut offonon,
liimgar but hungirita. Such assimilations

are to be observed in
particularly Otfrid. There is tendency in

OHG. to weaken vowels in medial syllableto e : Otfrid, wurzelun^

hitto'o,
manegan, jungero.
285 Secondary Vowels. The frequent loss of IG. final syllablein
Gmc. had of course the result that consonants which had
originally
been medial became final in Gmc.

When a group of consonants, one of which was nasal or thus

liquid,
became the
final, W. Gmc. dialects tended to generate a secondaryvowel
between these consonants which, though not arisingin OHG. when

the group was not final,eventuallyestablished itself even in the in-

flected

forms when the group was medial,e. g. :

Got. fugh OHG. fogal OE. fugol

ihns eban efen
bditrs hiitar bitter
akrs ackar decer

wintrus wintar winter

This secondary vowel in OHG. was usuallya before I,n, r\ a ox m

before m.

In OHG. this generation of secondary vowels was not confined to

groups of final consonants, but even took place mediallybetween rh,

CH. iv] VOWEL SYSTEM 129

M, nu, and Iw. These 'secondary'secondary vowels are not tematically

sys-

developed,and the same MS. often shows forms with and

without them: they do not in

persist ]\IHG.

The vowel generatedwas, in these cases, usuallya, but sometimes

took colour from neighbouringvowels : Q.g.zorht zoraht,forhia
"
"

forahta,garivcr "

garawer, {fnelo)
melwes " vielawes.

UG. is subjectto secondaryvowels, developingthem in

particularly
all /--combinations (though rarelywith dentals),and even between sw^

zzv, sm ; e. g. UG. perac, piirikio^slarach, dunc/i,ivaram, wcrach^

kifuraptm^kafiirihit^ siavimman.
haramscara, zeivei,
(d) Vowels in prefix. 286
The vowel of the prefix,lying as it did immediately before the
accented vowel, was especiallyexposed to weakening. It passed
graduallyto a colourless vowel e, but with unequal progress in the

several dialects : as a rule UG. showed preferencefor a where

a

Eranconian had i. This fact,that the in

dialects varied considerably

their treatment of the prefixvowel, is very useful in determiningthe

age and originof a manuscript.
OHG. had as prefixes
: ad, an/, di,ga, iir, za, zer ; and with these

may be included the prepositions

az, bi, iir, za, as bi and za at any

rate were always proclitic,

and they shared the same treatment as

prefixesin OHG.
As
prefixesto the verb these particleswere always unaccented,
though in the nominal compositionthey had originally the full accent.

A^ (Got. at) is never found in OHG. as a verbal prefix: it is always

or adverb, and
preposition is very soon replacedby zi^zuo. [Itis only
preservedin MHG. as imz "" iint ^^.]
[Ab is very seldom found as a verbal being replacedby
prefix, aba

It occurs occasionally
as ob ox b \ Notker blaz,, Kuhns, Zs. xxvi. 40.]
Ant corresponds to Got. and\ Got. and-beitaw, and supplantsthe
Got. prefixin : m-brannjan. OHG. antbrennan.
a^itbizfin,
In OHG. ant was weakened to int^and when the / fell it became in.

It occasionally
occurs as unt-. untwichan.

Bi preserved the i throughout the ninth century, but then passed

into be. In the oldest UG. MSS. the form ba, pa is found, but
BR. has pi: pidiu, piporgen. The adverbial b'l with fullystressed
vowel established
finally itself. See Wilmanns^, " 328, note.

Far, fur, for. In its oldest form this prefixappears as fur, for.
It was then weakened fir,fir,and/^r. \o The OHG.y"r represents
three Gothic particles-"//-^:,
fair,faur : in OHG. these were not felt
to be distinct and became merely dialectal distinctions. In UG.,

1167 I
 130 VOWEL SYSTEM [pt. ii

namely, the usual form is far^ as also in the Weissenburg K., whereas
Rh. Franconian and
\\2i^fir,/cr, East Franconianyb;',/}^r. This holds

good for the ninth century, after which the {oxm/er became universal.

Bethge (153) quotes :

Hildebrand, /urlel; Tatian, furlazan, forlazan.

Weiss. K. /arlaz, Isidor, firleazssi\
fyrstant.
Otfrid, firlazu,fersagenli, imfarholan.
Notker, ferleiteii; Will, versageji.

Ga (UG. ka, Got. go) passed very soon to gi in Franconian : in

Alemannic the form

ga held until the commencement, in Bavaria until

the middle of the ninth From the end of the the

century. century
form [kt)was universal. Alemannic monuments have mostly ka
gt "

kt, Bavarian at first ca and then ka. Franconian has g only, except
Isidor, who writes cha, chi. The vowel could be assimilated to

the root of the word, as Otfrid's '

ungaviachu' or even suppressed,
as O. gdz,u7t, N. guan. In some of the older texts the vowel is sionally
occa-

suppressed before initial consonant /, 7n, n, r, w^ as Tatian,

glouhit\ and this usage became common in some dialects during the

tenth century, though never universal.

Ur. In OHG. ur (Got. us) is both preposition and prefix. Com-

pounded

with verbs it preserved the ii only in UG. : the predominant

form was ar, and this passed during the ninth century to /r, which

gradually became the universal form by the end of the century. As

with gi^ the i gradually before and by the eleventh century

gave way e^

er is the definitelyfixed form. The preposition ur went through the

same early stages, but fell into disuse during the ninth century, except
as noun prefix,in which capacity it has survived.

Za, zi, ze. This particle was prefix and preposition,but represents
in realitytwo separate words. The preposition za is the weak degree
of zo^ zuo, zua (NHG. zii),while the prefix za has lost original r""z.
Got. /uz, Lat. di's? (Of. her "
/le,theser "
these.) The nouns zurlust^
zurkaiik, Sec, preserve the full form of prefix. See Braune, " 72, and

Paul, PBB. vi. 552.

The UG. form is za until the ninth century, then Alem. adopted zi,

but Bav. kept za through the century. Franc, from the first had only
zi, which in the tenth century became universal, passing eventually
into ze.
 iv] VOWEL SYSTEM ^31
CH.

Development in OHG. of W. Gmc. Vowels in Accented

Syllable.

287

I 2
 133 [PT.II

CHAPTER V

THE VERBAL SYSTEM

288 The IG. verbal system was far more complete than that of Germanic.

It possessed four moods, six tenses, three voices, three numbers ; of

these,Germanic retained three Imperative;

moods. Indicative,Optative,
two voices,Active and Middle; and only two tenses, viz. Present and

Preterite. Furthermore, the INIiddle Voice is only found in Gothic,

and of the three numbers, Singular,Dual, and Plural, the Dual is

retained only in Gothic.

In IG. the tenses served the mode, and

merely to distinguish not the

time of action : thus the Perfect marked not action in the past, as it

does now, but the completed state. The formal distinction of time of

action,such as is made by the modern tense, was in IG. marked, not

by the verbal form itself,

but w'hich
by separate particles, became

affixed to the verb, either as prefixesor suffixes. In the case of action

in the past the Augment e, an independent temporal adverb, was fixed
pre-
to the verbal form which denoted duration, inchoative,iterative
action,"c., and for action in the future the suffix -sie,
-sio was added ;

present time was left undenoted so far as affixes are concerned.

289 IG. verbs were either {a)Thematic, or [h)Athematic.

[a) Thematic verbs are those in which in the Present a so-called
thematic vowel intervened between root and personal ending ; this

thematic vowel was e or 0. The root could have either Strong or

Reduced vowel-grade, but it remained unchanged throughout the

Present, e.g.: IG. ^bhe'r-o^
bher-e-st,hher-e-ti^hher-o-mes^bher-e-the,
bhc'r-o-iiti,

(h) Athematic verbs are those which in the Present added the

personalendings direct to the bare root or to the suffix (295) without

any interveningvowel : the root had in the singularthe Strong grade,
in the pluralthe Reduced grade of vowel, e. g. :

Sk.
Sing, "^es-mt, ds-7nt,Gk. ci-/xt. Got. t-7n, OHG. {b)i-in.
Lat. s-iini^Got.
Plur. ^s-enti^ s-ind^OHG. sint.

Both classes agree in the main in the Personal endings,except that

in the ist person singularthe Athematic verbs added the ending -mi^
 134 THE VERBAL SYSTEM (pt.ii

3rd person.

Primary -;///'. Sk. bhdr-a-nii\(jk. (^ipovTi,

Got. hairand, OHG.
herani.

Secondary -?//. Sk. ahhar-a-n, (jk. "(f)"f)ov,

L^t./ereda?!/,
OHG. kreu.
Sk. and Gk., like Gmc, lose the final -/?

292 I. Thematic Verbs. The Present stem was formed by the addition

to the root of the tliematic vowel e : 0. The ist of all three

person
numbers had the grade 0 (Gmc. a),as had also the 3rd person plural;
all other forms had -e, which, being in unstressed syllable, Gmc. -t.
gave
The I St person is formed without personal ending, but has the

lengthened vowel :

293 According to the place of the accent there were two main divisions

of Thematic Presents :

{a) Those in which the accent lay on the root syllableand which
showed the Strong grade of the root, as Gk. Lat. /ero,
cfiipova-L,
(^epco,
feriint,Got. baira, bazrand, Gk.
a-reixin,
Pr. Gmc. Got. steiga^
*stlgd,
OHG. siigu.
(b) Those in which the thematic vowel bore the stress, and which

showed the reduced or vanishing grade of vowel in the root, as IG.

Sk. tiiddii.
'^ieiideti " tudeti^
"

These latter are called Aorist-Presents,for Presents with stress on

the Thematic vowel, having the same accentuation,had also the same

root vowel as the Aorist: cf. Goi.dtgan with i beside beidan (z),
irudan

294 beside niman^ "c. When the meaning of the root was modified by
the addition of a the
suffix, Thematic vowel was added to this suffix.

Only the chief of such formations which have left traces in OHG. are

here mentioned :"

i. Suffix ne : 710. Gk.

Kajjcvio, cKa/xoi/; Lat. sperfto,sprevi; Got.

frdih7ian^/rah, OHG. spurnan, or(withassimilation of n to preceding

OHG.
consonant), gellan{II" "
hi\ backan (fk"" gg " "
gii).
ii. Suffix ie : to. Gk. KXeTrro),K"KXocf"a; Lat. pkc/o, plexi\ OHG.
jlehtan,brestan.
iii. Suffix nue : nuo^ Gmc. nu~-^nn (98); OHG. wiiinan^hrinnan,

1 Got. bairdina for *bairdin is probably due to the analogy of the ist pers. pi.
bairdima.
CH. v] THE VERBAL SYSTEM 135

iv. With an inset nasal in the root. Lat. rumpo, rupi^Ihiquo^Hqui;

Got. s/andiw, siop,OE. siod.

V. Suffix ie : io. IG. distinguished two classes of ie:io presents:

the first in which ie : io remained unchanged throughoutthe stem ; the

second in which the [e forms showed reduction to/. Only this latter

class is representedin Gmc. The / (in 2nd and 3rd pers. sing,and
2nd plur.)
was followed by the -?",-t'p
of the ending. After a short root-

this /+
syllable / seems to have givenyVin Got.,but after a long it gave z ;
cf. Got. but sokeis] but
bt'djis cf. 127. In W. Gmc. the long and

short roots are not distinguished,

but j is lost before i, and sequently
con-

the 2nd and 3rd pers. show no lengtheningof consonant.

OHG. he/ti,
hevis,hevit . . . heffent) OS. biddean,OHG.
Got. bidjan, bitten,
but OS. bidis,OHG. bitis.

vi. Suffix -eie,-eio. These were causative verbs. As Gmc. stressed

un-

-e gave /,the 2nd pers. -eiesi necessarily

gave Is,and the 3rd -iieti
gave it. They thus coincided with the in zV,io and passed
long syllables
into that category.

II. Athematie Verbs. In these the Present stem consists either 295
of the bare root or is formed with a long vowel or diphthong suffix :

the I St pers. ends in -mi.

i. Verbs with bare root as Present stem have the Strong grade in

the Singular and the Reduced grade in the Plural : e. g. ^es-mi,es-ti,

but *snti\"c.
ii. Verbs with IG. suffix -e or -ei have Reduced vowel-prrade in the

root and Strong in the suffix : these show Gmc. e, e. g. OHG. habe-in.

iii. Verbs with IG. suffix -" and -0 coincided in Gmc. in -o\ these

may be either Primary, OHG. borom (Lat./ordre),or Denominative,

OHG. salbom (Lat.salba).
iv. Verbs in -ndl,which in Gmc. becomes -7td,are mosdy Inchoatives,
e. g. Got. ; ON.
ga-paursnauy ga-staiirtinan slitna^ brotna ; OHG.
hlinen.

Gmc. made considerable changes in this IG. system of Present 296

formation. While in IG. several forms of the same verbal root with

different Present stems denoting different shades of meaning were in

use, Gmc, as a rule,discarded all but one, and generalizedthat one.

If two forms were retained,Gmc. usuallyused them independently

with different meanings ; cf. OHG. spa?ian, to tempt, and spannan, to

stretch. Further, the various suffix consonants, with the exceptionof

j in the -u and -io stems, showed a strong tendency to become part
 F36 THK VKRHAL SYSTEM |i'T.
ii

of the verb stem, and ihciefore to be retained throughout the whole

system of their respectiveverbs, instead of being confined to the

Present only: thus, beside Goi./raihnan,/rah,OE. iorms je-Zr/jnan,
Finally,nearly all Athematic
je-/rdejft. Verbs, with the exception of
the stems with -e and -3, passed into the Thematic class,consequently
in 01 1G. there are but few traces left of any specialPresent form in

distinction to other verbal forms. Of they Present stems apart from

those of Non-Graded Class I (seebelow),Gmc. has still: "

Got. hidjan OHO. hilten

hafjan hejjen
skapjan skepfen
hlahjan hihhen

*siijaii sitan sizzen OE. silfa7i

*Iigjan ligan ^K"'^^^^ Hc^an

Perfect Tense in IG. and Preterite in Gmc.

297 Personal endings, IG. In the Plural these are the same as in

the Present,but in the Sing,are -a^ -iha,-e for the ist, 2nd, 3rd persons
respectively;
cf. Gk. oTSa,oXa-Oa,
oTSe.
In Germanic final a and final e fell ; thus Sk. veda, Gk. otSa,Pr. Gmc.
*zuait,Got. zvdi/,OHG. zuei'z,.In the 2nd pers. -//la should in Gmc.

have become y^ except after/^//,s, when it would have given / (63),and

after dentals,when it would become ss (100): thus Got. OHG.
J"ar//,
dar//,OE. pearft; Got. mag-t "^"'^mah-t,Sec, but the / became

generalized; Got. skal/,not '^'skalp.

298 Reduplication. The originalIG. Perfect was generallyformed
from the root by a specialform of i. e. by
reduplication, the addition of
the initialroot consonant plus-e before the root and the of
suffixing the

personal endings. In the Singular the root was stressed,

originally
having the Strongvowel grade,while the Dual and Plural had stress on

the personalendings and consequentlyReduced vowel grade.

Gk. Got.
TreTTOvOa, band \ Gk. Got.
TriTvoiOa, bdijy; Gk. K"KXo(f"a,
Got. /i/a/.
Roots beginning with double consonants no doubt originallyre-
peated

both consonants, and Gothic has retained reduplication

with

initial s/ and s} : e. g. skdi'dan,skaisMip, {ga)sfaldan,

[ga)sfai-sfald.
In most cases, however, simplification
set in ; cf. Sk. sthd : iislha,Gk.
(j""vyo) Lat. spondeo: spopondi,
: 7r"cf"vya, Got. slepan: saislep,

299 The vowel of the reduplicating syllablewas e (Sk.a). From the

earliest times a certain class of verbs whose root consisted of a single
vowel flanked on each side by a singleconsonant, while reduplicating
normally in the Perfect singular,show in the Plural a curious con-
 CH. v] TITK VERBAL SYSTEM 137

triiction of the prefix^vith

reduplicaling the unaccented form of the

root which results in the vowel e, e.g. Sk. pac, ?Ang. pa-paca,\A\ix.
pectih; cf. Lat. capio,cepi,with long e spread to the Sing.
The Gmc. languages tend to abolish reduplication where
entirely
the difference of tense is marked
sufficiently by internal vowel change,
but in the case of the verbs correspondingto the class justmentioned
the could
reduplication not be lost in the plural,owing to its complete
fusion with the root, and hence arise the anomalous pret. pluralsof
Gmc. gradationseries 4 and 5 (seeWilmanns, iii,
p. 36 ; Brugmann,
K, Vgl. Gr. "" 708, 709; Feist,PBB. xxxii. 462).
300

A parallel
development,perhaps,may be observed in the progress of

Gmc. itself where those verbs which stillretain in Gothic,

reduplication
like hdi'ian,haihdif,"c., appear in ON. and W. Gmc. with a long e
vowel, possiblyproduced by the fusion of the two syllablesin the

plural,
and which then spread to the singular. ON. heita,het\ OE.
hd/an,het ; OHG. hia"^.
hez,(later
heiz,zfin,
It should be stated that this explanationof the unreduplicatedper-
fects
in the later Gmc. dialects,in verbs which show in
reduplication
Gothic, is rejectedby many scholars,who consider that these are

descended direct from IG. and

unreduplicatedperfects, that the duplication
re-

in Gothic was very often an analogicalinnovation and not

an historical survival. P"ist {PBB. xxxii. 458) maintains that Gmc.

from the
beginning possesseda number of verbs with unreduplicated
in which, however, the perfectwas
perfects, sufficiently
distinguished
from the present by its endings,and sometimes also by its root vowel,
but the fall or weakening of the endings and the coincidingof the root
vowels in consequence of various developmentsobliterated the distinction

between present and and

perfect, it became necessary to distinguish
them in some other way. Gothic in many cases adopted reduplication
on analogy with its verbs, while
existingreduplicating N. and W. Gmc.

adopted from such verbs as P. Gmc. *Ideta7i,

'^Ut on the one hand, and

Pr. Gmc. "^dukan,*eai(k on the other, a vowel e {e)or eo to denote

its perfects.
ON. and OE. retain traces of the in isolated
originalreduplication
forms :"

ON, rda, rera; sd, sera; suua, snera.

OE. hdian, hehi (besidehet') ; Idcan, hole (beside
lie).
 138 Till. \'KRBAL SYSTEM [pt.11 }
The above explanationof the anomalous e of Gmc.
pret. plurals in

Classes iv and v leaves unaccounted for the forms of the Pret. Present

verbs, Got. mari, mwmum (iv),

mag^ viagum (v),OIIG. mag, magun
(and where
jniigtni), forms ^merumi (cf. Sk. menuh) and *viegiin
might be expected. The Pret. Present Got. skal, skulmi, though
usually classed as Class iv, more probably should be reckoned to

Class iii,since with double initial consonant it could never have

contracted its perfect

plural.
Gradation in Gmc.

301 In Gmc. the Preterite of

(IG.Perfect) Thematic verbs is character-
ized

by the vowel which

gradation, had arisen in IG. from the different

accentuation of Sing,and Plural,and these verbs are classifiedaccording

to the regularvariation of related vowels.

I. IG. e : o series.

a. With accent on the root in the Present.

These verbs had in the root of the Present e, in the Perfect Singular0,
while in the Perfect Plural and the Past they showed
Participle the

Reduced grade.
Gothic. OHG.
1. stdig,
steigan, stigum,siigans siigan,stetg, gisiigan
stigtim,
2. diugan,bang,hiigum,biigans hiogan,^oug,bugnm^ gibogan
3. hilpan,halp,huJ.pum,
hiilpans helfan,half,hulftwi,
giholfan
4. niman, nam, nemtim, numans neman, nam, ndmum, ginoman
5. giban, gaf,gebum, gibans geban,gab,gdbum, gigeban
These verbal series represent the series of vowels obtained from the
combination of
qualitativevowel gradationwith quantitative (264).
In the Singularthese verbs show the gradatione : 0 {et:oz; ew.ou),
which in Gmc. gave e or z: a (J:at, eu : aii).In the Plural the vanishing
grade occurred ; thus in roots with diphthong the second component i

or u became syllabic: e. g. bhidan^hdiip,biidum.

With roots which contain a liquid/,r or nasal 7n, n, either before

or after the root- vowel, the sonant /,;/2,;/, r are representedin Gmc.

by ul,um, un^ iir, or hi,"c., e. g.

Got. hulpans,niimans, zvaurpans (" *wurpans)}
biindans, "

302 p. The second class of Thematic Presents were those which stressed

the Thematic vowel, the so-called Aorist-Presents. Cf. Sk. tuddti^

Gk. rpi^ii).See above, 293.
This class,though extremely important in IG., is in Gmc. no

* In Class V, where the Past Part, has neither the second element of a diphthong
nor the z/-vowel accompanying the nasals and the
liquids, vowel of the Past Part,

seems to have been lent by the Infinitive.

(.H. "] THE VERBAL SYSTEM
V 139

longer living; it was in the main absorbed by the root-accented

verbs, but a proof that it was once of some extent is afforded by the

fact that in OE. and OS. the 3rd plural of all verbs ends in
person
the voiceless spirant }" (IG. /),which originallycan have belonged by
right only to forms in which the accent lay on the stem-vowel diately
imme-

preceding the IG. -nt, e. *IG. -onh\ Gmc. -an]),OE., OS. a])
g.

[beside Gmc. and, Got. and, OHG. anf\.

Traces of these stem-accented presents surviving in Gmc, and 303

showing therefore in the root of the present the vowel which in Gmc.

is commonly the mark of the Preterite Plural or Past Participle,

are the

followincr : "

Sometimes in Class ii this u has undergone a secondary lengthening.

A certain number of these stem-stressed verbs passed into the weak 304

conjugation, notably those which had an io present and therefore sponded

corre-

closely with the weak verbs having presents; such are Got.
y

namnjan, hropjan, ha/jan, hrukjajt(but OE. hrfuan remains graded),"c.

In some cases Aorist present verbs of the first series which had present
root vowel i like their Past Part, joined the fifth series,and new forms

created in consequence, formed

were e. g. Got. hidjan,'^hheidhfi\. vrei^o),
a preteritebap by analogy to giban, ^^ in place of *bai)",the form to

be expected ; cf. Gk. TreVoi^a. These transferences from one series

to another occur especially frequently verbs with inset nasal,

among

e. g. scindo "
sc'idi,linqiio Uqid, Got. "
siandan " stop. In Gmc. this

nasal of the present has in most cases adhered to the root, and has

become part of it in all forms. Cf \^2X. pango "

panxi, jiingo"junxi^
Got. sigqan, OHG. sinkan, Got. stigqan, OHG. siinkan, but OHG.

dringan beside Q. preihan, and further OHG. stantan siuont ivindan,

kh'mban, swintan^ "c.

 I40 THE VKRHAL SYS'J'EM [pt.ii

11. A-Presents and Reduplicating Verbs.

305 A number of verbs in Gmc. contain an a in the present root which

has never been explained. (Probablya
sufficiently number of verbs

of very different origin have fallen together.) Jt might be of three

origins: (i) arisingfrom IG. o) (2)arisingfrom IG. a) (3) arising

from Gmc. Schwa vowel, if the verb was a stem-accented one.

A largeclass of these ^-presents in Gmc. alternate with a long 0 in

the and
preterite, may perhaps belong to those IG. verbs whose gation
conju-
shows only quantitative
gradation "
0 : 0 or a : a (Gmc. a : 0):
Lat. odw, ddi\ Goi./aran^/or; OY.. far an, for; OHG./arany/uor, "c.

306 i. The Gmc. a:o verbs are commonly classed as the sixth series of

Graded verbs. Their Preterite Plural shows an anomalous 3, which

has apparentlybeen lent by the Singularinstead of the Schwa vowel
which would be expected.
Gothic OHG.
faran^fdr,fdrun,farans far an, fuor,fuonm, gifaran
hafjan,ho/,hofuni,hafans heffen, hnoh, hiiohun,gihaban

ii. A second class of (7-presenls in Gmc. show^ in Gothic cation

redupli-
without vowTl-gradation. The vowel a of the present may occur

before consonant or before / and u, yieldingthe diphthongsai and au

respectively.They fall into the class of non-graded reduplicating

verbs like slepan. Such are : "

Got. haldan, haihald OHG. haldan, hell [htall)

falpan,fdifalp {fiall)
fallan,fell
hditan,haihail heiz^an,hez^ihia^

307 Verbs of this class which in Gmc. have the root-vowel a, se, ai show
contraction to e, but those with root vowel 0 or au in the present (verbs
in OE. \\kQ/eallan,/eoll,
"c., are anomalous)show in all other dialects

except Gothic the diphthong eo.

Got. OHG. OE. ON.
hldupan loufan kof "

hledpan hlFop "

hlaupa "

hliop
Jvopan {ivtiqfla)hwopan hwebp
wuofan "^weqf " "

diikan ouhhon i^ouhhola) auka "

iok

A number of verbs belonging to this class in OHG., walzan,

spallan,
skallan,are denominatives of OHG. origin;see PBB. xxiii. 303.

308 iii. The IG. e : 0 series correspondingto a Gmc. se: 0 series.

Gk. prjyvvfjii, "ppo}ya.
lailot
Got. lelaft, lelans\
\laildtum,
Got. lekan,lailok lekans\.
\taitdhun,
OHG. lazfin,liaz,,
liaz^m,gi-lazfin.
 142 THE VERBAL SYSTEM [pt.n

311 Wrj, Got.

Wrjv,"Or]"s, -da^ -des^ -de. The Perfect form was *dhedho,
Pr. Gmc. *dedo,OIIG. lela, OE. dyde. The Gothic i)lural
termina-
tions

-dedum, -dedup, -dedim, which must closelyrepresent Pr. Gmc,

correspond so exactly to the OHG. perf.of the verb *
to do ',latum,
Idlut,idtun, that they are no doubt identical,
but neither of them have

been entirely
explained. The Gothic inflexion of the weak verbs in

the Preterite would be therefore due to a mixture of Aorist and

Perfect forms.

(2) That it arose in part also from verbal forms in which a -/,-ih
suffix in IG. appeared. In the 2nd person sing,of the perfectthere
existed beside the personalending -/ha also a secondary ending -Ihes,
Sk. -Ihas. This is the Gk. of
-O-q'i the weak Aorist Passive, e. g. Iho-

6r]s,Sk. a, -thas, on the model of which Gk. created i)ersonal

endings for the ist and 3rd person -Oriv, in
-Orj, analogy to rjv, rj";,y.
This IG. -//les would give birth to a Gmc. dental suffix in the 2nd pers.,
and as a form of this originGot. kunpes would coincide with a form

salbodes derived from the periphrasticformation cited above. Gmc,

like Gk., formed a ist pers. and 3rd pers. to match, e. g. Got. kiinpa.
Thus is explained the dental suffix of the Preterite Presents which

was joined immediately to the root without medial vowel.

For the formation of the Weak Preterite in Gmc. see PBB. vii. 457,

xxxiv. 127 ; Wilmanns, iii,

" 38.

Perfect Personal Endings.

312 Singular.

1. -a, Sk. veda^ in Pr. Gmc. '^waita,Got. wait.

2. -tha. Sk. vettha,in Pr. Gmc. thaftery/zs t: darf -t,in
"^ other

cases it should have given/ (^),but the -/ was generalized.

Plural.

1. -um (inGmc). Got. berimi, ON. bgrum, OHG. bdnwi, O'E.dxiron.

2. -up "
Got. herup^ ON. bgriid,
OHG. bdrut.

3. -imd ,,
Got. benm, ON. bpru,OHG. bdrun.

i. The origin of the -u in plural terminations is not clear : it is

common to all Gmc. languages,and is found in the Dual (Got.)as

well as in the Plural.

ii. The 3rd pers. pi. in Pr. Gmc. ended in -und,which *=" IG. -nt

(sonant n)\ probably from this person the tc was adopted for the ist

and 2nd persons also. So much is clear that this u represents the
vanishinggrade of vowel in IG.
CH. V THE VERBAL SYSTEl\r 143

Perfect Indie. Graded (Strong). Non-Graded (Weak).

Sin
o*

Plur.

W. Gmc. only shows the termination -/ of the 2nd pers. in the 313

Preterite Presents, darft,viahi, "c. With other graded verbs it

e. g.
has replacedthe normal 2nd person by a form terminatingin -/,whose
root has the same vowel as the Plural,i.e. in the reduced or vanishing
o^radp r ^ *

OHG. ih bant but du bundi OE. bunde

ih zoh but du zugi tu^e
ih zeh but du zigi ti^e
ih sluoh but du sluogi sld^e
This form in -/is probably the remnant of an augmentless aorist,as
Gk. The
XeiTTco,(")Xi7r"s. IG. termination -es became in Gmc. -iz :

final -z would fall in W. Gmc, while -/ would remain after a short but
be lost after a until
long syllable constraint of system replacedit.
This Aorist-form is foreignboth to Gothic and to ON., though
found in all W. Gmc. dialects,and must thus be a purely W. Gmc.

survival : it forms one of the characteristics

distinguishing of W. Gmc.

as opposed to East and North Gmc.

Conjunctive.

IG. kept distinct the two moods, Optative and Conjunctive; while 314
Gmc. unites the functions of both in its conjunctive(alsovariously
styled Optative and which
Subjunctive), in the main inherits the

terminations of the IG. Optative. This was formed by the addition

of a mood-suffix to the stem, plus the tense-suffix (ifthere was one).

The Optative suffix was -ie : -i, to which were added the secondary
personalendings : thus in the Gk. XvOciyv,Xv is root, 6e tense-suffix,
Lr] mood-suffix,V personal ending. Lat. s-ie-m, s-i-m. In Gmc. the

'ie suffix gave way to -i, though traces of it are preserved in Gothic

sijau,
sijdis,
"c.

Thus the Reduced grade of suffix was generalizedand is found in

Athematic and Thematic verbs alike. Pres. Got. wileis, ivileiina\
OHG. jF, sis, si, "c. ; OE. sle. Got. bereis,
beri,nemeis,mini. OHG.

ndmis, 7idmi,Idits,Idli. OE. bdere,bdere ; nkme, iidemc.

 144 THE VERBAL SYSTEM [it.u

In ihe Themalic verbs the themaiic vowels in ihe Present combined

with the Optativesuffix to form Pr. Gmc.
oi^e. g. Gk. c^cvyoi?,(fievyoi.
*3eraiz (IG. -o" " a),Got. bairdis. W. Gmc. ^/ in unstressed syllable
gave e and was weakened to e when final ; thus Got. bairdis^OS. beres^
OHG. beres,OE. bere.
In the Athematic verbs with suffix -e or -nCi the Optative suffix -/

was added to the stem suffix -e and -nCi and

respectively, as -ei and -di

became in Gmc. -ai^the Optativesof these verbs coincided with those

of the Thematic class : e. g. OHG. habes, habe \ Got. Iiabdis,/mbdi,

hdihhiis,hdilndi.
The verbs in -o should equallyhave -ai^but with them the original
Conjunctive terminations appear to be retained in Gmc. : e.g. Got.

salbo^OHG. salbo.

Imperative.

315 The 2nd person shows the bare stem without any personalending,
whether in Thematic or Athematic verbs : the former had
originally the

termination -e of the Present stem, but IG. final -e was lost every-
where,
cf. Streitberg,
p. 55 (but also Van Helten, PBB. xvii. 567),so
that all graded verbs eventuallyare without it :

Athematic. IG. \/ i, to go : Gk. Lat. {ex)i,Got.

("^)"t, {hir)i.
Thematic. IG. \/ bher, to bear : Lat. y"r^,Pr. Gmc. ^bere^Got. bair"

So Got. gi/,and
steig^/ar, OHG. gib,OE.
slig,/ar, sfij,/ar,
pef.
They-stems varied between */"",
*/,and t, which resulted inyV ( " " i)
in W. Gmc. after a short and t after a long syllable
: Got. bidei for

OS. bidi,OHG.
*bidji\ biti,OE. bide,but Got. ddmei\ OS. domi, OHG.
tuomi. (OE. must have generalized-i in all cases and have lost it

after a long stem, e. g. de/n.)

The 3rd person was formed by the addition of the iod
particle which

gave */^,e.g. Lat. y^r/^, Pr. Gmc. '^dd (Got. dau}\ and to this a 3rd
person pluralwas formed in ferunto (Gmc. -ndo^-ndo).
-ntdd\ cf. \^2Ci.
Gmc. final -o usuallyyields Got. -a, and the forms to be expected
would be Got. '^nimada and '^nimanda. The -au found
actually is still

unexplained: it may stand iox -au d) or -dii\ cf. Bethge, "

{^"=^ 204;
PBB. xxviii. 546 ; IF. Anz. xv. 263. These forms, however, are only
found in Got. and do not occur in OHG.

Got. OHG. OE.

Sing. 2. iiim nim nivi

3. Ill IHilda a

Plur. I. {jiijuaiii) {neinemes)

2. (nimijf) (neme/) {nmaj^)
3. nimandau
 CH. vj THE VERBAL SYSTEM 145

The Infinitive.

Originally
the Infinitive was a noun which expressedthe action of 316

the verb "

the doing,the coming " but it soon was felt to be a part of
the verb. There was no one common form for the Infinitive (Vedic
Sk. had twelve forms): like the noun, it was composed with various

suffixes. Germanic had but one form, the Infinitive Present Active,
with the suffix (IG.-07io : -eno : -no) added to the present stem.

This Infinitive was in all probability

a Neuter Substantive : -no^,
*bherofwm, Sk. ddanam
-ofio'^, = the eating,Pr. Gmc. *e/afiam,Got.
i/au. In Gmc. the usual ending is -an ""-onom, OE. e/a?t,OHG.
ez^zfln ; but in OHG. the -Jan verbs soon weaken the a to e under

influence of /, and their Infinitive ends therefore in -en, e. g. st'zzen,

nen'en, "c.
Athematic verbs have -n in W. Gmc. : OHG. gan, s/dn, habcn^
salbdn,tiion.
In IG. the Infinitive suflix was at first added to the root and not to

any tense or mood stem, but as the initialvowel 0 coincided with the

thematic vowel the Infinitive in Gmc. followed the formation of the

Present tense, and the Infinitive suflfixwas added to the present stem

even when extended, e.g. Got. fraihnan, bidjan,standan, "c., not

fraih-an,bid- an, stad-an.

Participles.
A. Present Participle. In the parent language the stem of the 317

Present which
Participle, was declined like a noun, was formed by the

addition of the suffix -nt to the present stem, e.g. IG. '^'bhe'ro-nt,
Gk. "/)"/oo)v
("" (^epovTs), \^2ii.
(f)"povTo"s, Got.
ferentis,
fevcns{":"f events),
bairands. This suffix had gradation,i. e. could be -ont,-ent, or -nt;
cf. Lat. tens " euntis (" iontis).Gmc, like Gk., generalizedthe de-
"
grade,

while Latin adopted the ^-grade,

but the reduced grade has been
preservedin a few isolated substantives in Gmc, e. g. Got. hulundi

beside OHG. helanti,Pr. Gmc. *durg_undi " " Bnrgund- ; Got. sunjis =

true, io V
*su7idjo es "

to be (cf.Lat. s-ons, ; Got.

sontis) tn7i}msto
^/ ed = eat, Lat. d-ent; ON. tind-r,OE. tind,OHG. zinn; beside Gk.

080VT-,OHG. Zand, OS. tand, OE. tod, ON. tgnn. In the vocalic

athematic verbs the long vowel should have been shortened in OHG.

before double consonance, but constraint of system seems to have

caused its retention,e.g. salbonti,habenti, but Got. habands. In

occasional substantival forms the shortened form is found : Pr. Gmc.

*frl-jdnd- Goi. frijonds,but OE. fre-ond,OHG. friunt\ Pr. Gmc.

" "

*fijend-^"GoLjijands,OHG. /hmt (toOHG. Jieft),

O^./^ond.
I167 K
 146 THE VERBAL SYSTEM [in.ii

The Present Participles

were by their formuiion -;//- stems, and are

declined as such in Gk. and Lat. In Gmc, however, their declension

as consonant-stems is much and
restricted, in fact is only retained in

the few which

present participles are felt to be rather of a nominal

than an adjectivalcharacter ; cf. Got. fijands,"c.

/rtjdfids, (eleven
cases in all). In OHG. these are restricted iofriunland/"w"/; OE.
^odddnd, hel/end,d^end^hdtlend,neriend^ and
h(is/redtid,/ednd, ridend.

In cases where its value

adjectival was felt E. and N. Gmc. declined

it like an ;/-stem, so that in form it coincided with the so-called weak

adjective. The W. Gmc. languages treated this adjectivalPresent

Participle
as ay'^-stem,which might be declined either strong or weak

in OHG. and OE. : e.g. OHG. nemanti or nemanter, OE. nwiende^ "c.

From IG. times the feminine forms of the Present have

Participle been

formed by -ie or -J-suffix (cf.Sk. bhavantl),

and Got. alone retained

this e. g. Masc.
peculiarity, nimanda^ Fem. -ei,Neut. -o.

B. Past Participle.

318 The Past Part, in IG. was formed either "

{a) with suffix '^-ono : -eiio : -no ;

(^) with suffix -to.

(a) The suffix -ono : -eno : -no occurs only with primary graded
verbs, and of these the last is generalizedin Gothic and OHG.

in thematic verbs. The Past Participlehad suffix stress, hence the

root-vowel was in the Reduced or Vanishing grade. In verbs not

belonging to the ^ :^ series (Gmc. i-v) the Schwa of the Past ciple
Parti-

givesGmc. a, which in the case of the ^-presents thus coincides

with the Infinitive. Got. /a?-ati" far a ns, haldan "

haldans, "c.
Verbs of the de : 5 series had in the Preterite PI. vowel o, in common

with the a : o series,and appear to have followed their example in

adopting the same vowel for the Past Participleas they had in the

Present : letan "

leta7is {*/atans),
hopan "
hjopans {^Ivapans).
It is noteworthy that the grade -o?io was not generalizedin OE, or

in ON. These dialects preferredthe suffix -eno,^hence beside Got.

baiirans and OHG. gihoran stand ON. borinn and OE. boren ; beside

Got.fulhans,OHG. stand
gi-/olhan, Got. ON.
fulgins (adj.), folginn,
OY../oljen.
319 The Athematic verbs adopted the grade -no : e. g. OHG. gi-ta-n,
OY.. je-dd-n,and a few isolated forms which, though not actuallyPast
yet belong
Participles, to the verb, show this suffix also; e.g. Got.

^
Such at least seems the generallyaccepted theory, but compare the ingenious
theories of A. Kock, PBB. xxiii. 84.
CH. v] THE VERBAL SYSTEM M7

to lukan, OHG.
us-lTikn-s (adj.) sc'i-n to schian. Got. bar-7t to hairany

Got. liHg-nto lingan,Got. aUs"r" ""alns to ^/^;7.

(;/assimilated)
(^) The IG. suffix -io (Gmc, -d-)was in Gmc. almost restricted to 320

derivative verbs, although in the parent language it appears to have

been used Primary and Secondary alike : e. g. Pr. Gmc. ^salbodaz^

with

Got. OHG.
salbops, gisalhot^ \ Got. nasips,OHG.
OY.. jesealfod gi'nerit,
OE.jenered; Got. habdips,OYiG. gihabei,O'E. gehdefd,
A few Primary verbs in Gmc. also have this suffix -lo in placeof
'Ono : these are the Preterite Presents,as Got. paurftsio par/^mahis to

viag-, Got. -wiss, ON. -vis,OE., OHG. ("" Pr. Gmc.

-Z";/j' ^iiis{s)az
" " IG. and
lat-io-s), some of the Primaryy-Presents,
as Got. bugjan,
waiirkjan, p.p. bauhis,waurhis,pdhis, "c.
pagkjaji, These participial
formations with suffix -to were often used as ; indeed, it
adjectives is

impossibleto draw a dividingline between the two usages in many

cases. It is,however, frequentlythe case that as they had

adjectives
the strong grade of root- vowel and the voiceless spirant/,while as

of course,
participles, theyhad the reduced grade and the voiced spirant
d. In the Gothic kunps "" Pr. Gmc. ^hm-po, ON, kunnr, kudr^ OE.
cud, OS. kud, the root-vowel i^i)
pointsto former suffix stress (vanishing
grade),while the / points to root-stress : it must thus represent a

blending of the two forms "

originally*g-h'io-s and
(adj.) ^g-n-id-s
(p.p.).The true form
participial survives in Got. -hinds : in airpa-
himina-ktinds.
kimds, gbda-ktinds,

Personal Endings in OHG,

Thematic Verb and Non-Graded Verb in -ja (i).

Present.

IG. Got. OHG.

321
Notker
7iimo
nimest
nimet
7ie7ne?i

7iement
7ie7nent

i. The first person singular.

IG. -^,when final, " u in W. Gmc. in unaccented syllable,A root
"

322
vowel e "" i in OHG. before a following -u (277). This ending in -//

was preserveduntil the end of the ninth century, after which it passed
into
regularly -0, but -0 is found already sporadicallyin the ninth

century : K., R^ inhezzo,spano, zisceido,

piuuerbio,
ingi7ino.
K 2
 148 THE VERBAL SYSTEM [n. ii

Before vowel this -n is occasionallyelided,especially

before enclitic
///: T. gih i/i,uuill ih, O. hei\ ih,scrih ih,7Vdn cr, zcll ?"/,"c. After

a long syllable
final -n should have fallen in W. Gmc.,but was retained

by analogy with short syllables(283). K. has once -a for-w,hrwsa

(63.16).
323 ii. Second singular.
person
Pr. Gmc. -si: -zi {s: z) accordingto the placeof accent in IG. O. N.
has the -zi forms
generalized while OHG. shows those"" the voiceless s.

The presence of -s in OHG. is due partlyto confusion between the

two classes of Thematic verbs, those with root and those with stem

(AoristPresents)stress : in which latter [Gmc. */u/iesi'\

-.f would remain.
In part, perhaps,also the -s in OEIG. is due to the fact that the pronoun

when followingthe predicatewas often attached to the verb encliti-

cally: e. g. gihizipu -^ and

gibislUy thus the -s, not being felt to be

final,was preserved. The same explanationappliesto the -s in the

2nd person singularof all tenses; see Wilmanns, i. " 150, iii. " 3;

PBB, xxxiv. 138.

In the ninth century the ending -is Vv^as, in the Indicative,
replaced
by -/"/,at first in Franconian and then in the tenth century in UG.
also: Fr. T2iVi^gQ\,
/orsahhtslu 2iXi^forsahhist thu\ 1l. gisihisithu
beside gisihisthu,qiiidist,
7iimist^
"c. The form 4- / is generallyused
by Notker, though the shorter form lives on into MHG. This
accrescent -/ was of course due to the enclitic adherence of the pro-
noun
/hi to the verb, and was probably not uninfluenced by the 2nd

person of the Preterite Presents which ended in -/ e. g. wet's/,

gi/ars/,
,

"c. See PBB. vi. 549. From the Indicative the extended form

passed graduallyinto the Conjunctive. O., though using the forms in

/ fairlyoften,never does so for the Conjunctive.

324 iii. Third person singular.
Nimit is the regulardevelopment of IG. ^nemeti. The dental passed
from IG. / to Gmc. / -" ^ -^ W. Gmc. ^ -" OHG. /. In both 2nd

and 3rd person singularcontracted forms are found

occasionally : first

with qulsl,qui/ for quidis/^

Otfrid,as qu'is, "c. The form laz (Otfrid,
iv. 24),which has been considered a contracted form for lazis,is plained
ex-

by Erdmann as a clerical error for liaz = liazi. In Notker the

contracted forms of quedan,chis/, chidU

chi/ for chidist, are common : he

also uses the form wir/ for wirdit,to werdan, and fer/ {ox feri/,lofaran.
325 iv. First person plural.
The OHG. ending -mes presents many difficulties. IG. '^nemomes

would give Gmc. and OHG. *7jemam ; cf Got. nimam, Bethge ("211)
 150 THE VERBAL SYSTEM |i"t.
"

in some of the Glosses -inas occurs for -nus : uiiirdhieozamas (i.38. 3),
and there are five instances of -7mis for -vies : Pa. pcrpur-
zaspaltcvius^
ncmus^ and three in the Freis. O. : singetnus, hitlemus,all of
lletnus,
which are probably mere clerical errors. The same may be said of

the frequentforms in -men in the Glosses, as they only occur where

the had
original the shortened notation -m for -mes^ and the copyists
may have mistaken this -ili to stand for -en, the suffix which was

current in their day, and have created the hybrid form -vmi.

In Notker, Will., the final -n often suffers apocope before a

followingpronoun. This also occurs once in O. ii. 6. 32, miege wir.

327 V. Second person plural.

The IG. ending of the 2nd person pluralwas in the Indicative ihe\
cf. Sk. bhdratha, Gk. ^eperc, Lat. vehite, IG. ^bhereie"^ in Gmc.
^hiridi [Paul maintains that the final -e fell before becoming -/, and
that the penultimate -e was retained in Gmc, thus Pr. Gmc. "^lered'.
but this penultimate -e must have become -/ in Gmc, since it was

unaccented],
Got. bairip^ OHG. hirit. (OE. and OS. adopt for the

2nd person the form of the 3rd person bej-ad.)

In OHG. one monument only shows the old forms at all consistently,

viz. the Mons. Frag. Here there are twelve instances of a 2nd person
pluralin -//,and it is important to note that the -i has effected tion,
muta-

z'r ferii iox faret:

quidii,gasihitfor quedit,gasehei, thus they
must be old
historically forms and not due to analogy. In the

Imperative also the ending -// stands. The oldest form of Present
would then be : quedhumes,quedhtl,qiiedhani.
quidhis,quidhtt,
quidhti,
Imperative: quidh, qiiedham,qiddhit. The form, however, which is

more or less universal is not -it but -et,which may be analogy to ist

and 3rd person plural. It has been suggestedthough that this is the

old 2nd person dual, Pr. Gmc. with secondary

"^deredam,Gk. "fi"peTov,
suffix. In it the penultimate-e would not have passed to -z, owing to

the vowel following: the -et form probably

presence of guttural
original
existed in the oldest OHG. side by side with the form in -zL The

adoption of this dual form for the pluralwas favoured by the fact that

constraint of system demanded the same vowel throughout the plural

(cf.
ON./drzp beside Sing.y^rr),
e. g. quedhumes^ quedhant.
quedhef, See

Wilmanns, iii." 28; PBB.'w. 403, viii. 135, ix. 355, xiii. 125 ; Walde,
Auslautsgesetz, The is the general one, but in
p. 119. ending -et

Alemannic (R^ and B.)-ai often occurs, form which to be due

a appears
to the influence exerted by the 3rd person in -ant. In later Alemannic

the 3rd person is adopted bodily into the 2nd person -^"/ or later -ezit,
CH, V THE VERBAL SYSTEM 15'

at first only sporadically,

but with Notker throughout,e.g. Pa. and K.

ir firnemani,dauftenl,haffeni and
(imp.), even in Franconian : Tatian,
ir bn'ngcnt,tiizzeni,uuolenl, "c.
qiiidhent^ ; Otfrid, ii. 12. 56 ir int-

/aketii{\),ii. 19. 8 swerrent. Other forms in Tatian (y)are found in

-unt [uuizzunl,
104. 8 ; gihorlimf,
30. i ; saztimt, 135. 21 ; ingringiml,
87. 8 ; sanlunt, 88. 11) and -anl \ in Sam. 31 sagant.

vi. Third person plural. 328

The regularending is -aiit (fromIG. '^nemonii)

for the strong verb and

-ent for the -jan presents and Non-Graded verbs, i,as the a following/
would " " c. Only a few older MSS., however, observe this distinction

carefully;
Pa., K., R., ]\I. have singant^ miahsant,
regularlyqtiedant,
"c., but dajiche?il,
umment, "c. Soon, however, interchangearises : in

UG. -a;// becomes predominant,-^v// in Franconian for all verbs : varani,

pagant, Musp., but Tatian and Otfrid have regularly-ent. Otfrid has

owce/erant (F. v. 22. i),and once sizzint (F. i. 10. 25). Franconian

has everywhere -cut except with Isidor, who writes always -ant\

e. g. riimaiii, infahani^chiborant,ez^zfint^and only once has -ent, e. g.

sizzent.

Present Conjunctive.
IG. Got. OHG. 329
8th cent. Is. and Tat. O. N.
^netnoi (tiijuau)neme neme neme neme

^nemois nividis ficmes nemesif) nemes nefuest

*
nemol nimdi neme neme neme neme

nemoini- nimdima 7iemem (ames,ernes)nememes {en)nemen nemen

7iemoite nimdip nemet nemet nemet nemet

^nemoint nimdina nemen nemen nenwt nemen

These are old Optative forms. The suffix -i plus the thematic

vowel -0"^ IG. -oi,which in Gmc. "" ai. Thus *nemai, "c. : ai""

-e in which
secondary syllables, preserved its length when tected
pro-

by a consonant, e. g. nemes, ne?}ie?n, but was reduced to -e when

final: e.g. in the ist and 3rd persons singularne??ie. The lengthof
-e is clearlydemonstrated by the older writing-ee, BR., "c., and by
Notker's notation with circumflex.

i. Occasionallythe -e of the ist and 3rd persons singularpasses

into -a in Bavarian : of. the Freis. Pn. uuerda and wesa ; and this is

not infrequentin later Bavarian ; in other dialects it is rare : Sam.

geda^ Isidor bichnda.

Like the -u of the Ind. Pres. the final -e is frequentlyelided before

followingpronouns : O. hctfer^ inbiet "?/',niaz,er, uiierd er.
 iri2 'IIIK VERBAL SYSTEM I'T. II

ii. Tlic final -s of the 2nd j)crson bing., as in Indicative,is not

normal in root-accented verbs (323). OE. preserves in the conjugation

the true j-less form J^u here, }ni nime, "c. As was shown, this

es was towards the end of the ninth century extended to est by

analogy to the Pres. Ind.
iii.For the ending of the ist person pluralsee Indicative (325).
The Conjunctiveending should be and was at first -em with long -"?,
later -ernes, but ernes is the Indicative form which has passed into the

Conjunctive. In the ninth century -en occurs and eventuallybecomes

universal. For Pers. endings of Conj. Present Non-Graded verbs

see 370.
Imperative.
330 In the Imperative 2nd singularin OHG. the final vowel of
person
Thematic verbs -e was lost before the OHG. period,and the double

consonance which would be expected,arisingfrom gemination before

y/ after short stem, was simplified,
e.g. "5///beside bitten (315).

The form in -en for the ist person pluralis originally

an optative.
The originalform was, like that of the 2nd person plural,identical
with the Pres. Ind. Plural,ending in -ames^ -hues : of this there are many
instances in Otfrid (biltemes,
"c., Kelle, p. 37) and Isidor, but very

earlythe Conjunctive was employed for the Imperative,and the endings

-a7nes, -ernes gave way to the conjunctiveform -em, -en : e. g. Murb.

Hymns, singem, duruchuiiachceni,kakan-

petoem, chuuedem, f7'autiem,
laufeem,"c. For Imperativeof Non-Graded verbs see 371.

331

Gothic shows the strong vowel-grade throughout the singular

CH. v] THE VERBAL SYSTEM 153

OHG. only in the isl and 3rd sing. In the 2nd pers. it has the vowel
of the plural.
i. The -/ of Got. in the 2nd has already been referred to,
person
and it is clear that it is regularonly with those stems which terminate

it should show /. OHG. only

in labial,gutturalor -s ; otherwise

shows the -/ with the preteritepresents : in all other graded verbs

OHG. has in the 2nd person singular-t\which has also been already
referred It is augmentless aorist form with final -/
to {313). an

after long roots, by analogy to the verbs with short

preserved, even a

root, as like du/t,"c.

bundi, s/Jgi, Cf. PBB. ii. 155.

ii. Common to all Gmc. languages is the -um, "c., of the dual and 332

It should noted that the OHG. Non-Graded verbs with

plural. be

Isidor and in Alemannic do not show this ending -um^ -un : but -on,

(PBB. ii. the other dialects make difference in

-ot, 'Oil 136); no

this respect between the Graded and Non-Graded verb. Occasionally

in Franc. Bav. the -un is weakened to -on, thus Freis. O. sageton,
bigiinnon,
and sometimes also to -an : irluagelan. Sporadicallycases
occur of a ist person plural in -mes, -ames^ and nnmes (R., R^,
and T.) by analogy to the present, but after the ninth century these no

longer occur and the universal ending is -ten until the days of Notker,
when the weakened -en becomes fixed. For forms in nnmes see 326.

Preterite Conjunctive.
IG. Got. OHG. 333

As was seen in section 314, the Optative suffix was -ie or -l\ in

Pr. Gmc. -I became adopted for the singularand pluralalike,and in

OHG. was shortened to -/ when final in Bavarian and Franconian,

but remained long when protectedby a consonant.

In Alemannic and in the Franconian Isidor the length of final -i is

preserved with the Non-Graded verbs ; hence with Notker these,salbotl,

"c., have the -i still long, but ndiiii is alreadyweakened to ndme.

The pluralhas at first in the ist person only -?;;/, then for a short
time -imes and -in side after
by side; finally the ninth century only-J".
In late Alemannic the 2nd usually ends in -J;//,as in the
person
Indicative -oil, see 328.
 154 'I'HK VERBAL SYSTEM [pt.ii

Prefix ga.

334 In OHG.niost verbs, wlici her (traded or Non-Graded, form their Past

Participle
not only with the suffix -an or -/,V)ut also with the prefixgi-.
This is the Gothic ga, Lat. cuvi (con),
and was used alreadyin Gothic
'
not only with the original
meaning '
together : garinnan, Mk. i. 33 =

to run {gahaira7i-=
together o\ gaqiman
confer sik = to gather themselves
but
together, also in many cases to attribute perfective
meaning to a

verb, which otherwise had only imperfectmeaning, or to convert a

into
preterite a pluperfect{galdusida = he had loosed,l\Ik. v. 4 ; gaha-
hdida = he had taken,John vi. 17, "c.): also slepan = to beside
sleep,
gaslepan = rinnan
to fall asleep, = to rim, beside garinnan = to obtain

by running, i Cor. ix. 24. In this sense it was naturallycombined

more often with the Past than
Participle with other forms of the verb,

and in OHG. graduallyall simplex verbs adopted it save those in

which the perfective

sense was still strong, as to come, to find,"c.,
e.g. queman "

qiioman, fintan"funtan, bringan "

brungan, uuerdan "

uuordan, and those used as adjectives:e.g. trimkan, kund io kenneti,

sculd to sculan, eigan to eigun, in which the adjectival
sense was yet
alive,but gi-noman, gi-loufan,
gi-graban,gi-salbbt,
"c. Verbs pounded
com-

with inseparableprefixessuch as bi,gi, fir, int,zi, ar, did

not take this prefix,

e. g. binoman, firnofnan,"c., but where the prefix
was separable,
as with ab, uz" the ^z- is inserted,
prefix e. g. abaginovian,
uz^inoman.
Forms of the Past without
Participle the prefixin simplex verbs are

rare. Tatian (64. 14)

(13. i),hangan (94. 4),rehtfestigot
heiz,z,an
beside {62.12) ;
girehtfesti'gdt Otloh ; Pa. kepan ;
preitet,frez^en
rihtet,
HI. wuntane {bouga); R. phinot. PBB. xiii. 516 and xv. 70.

Gradation Series I-V.

1. IGr. e : o Series.

All verbs showing the gradationIG. e -.om which the root-vowel e :0

occurred before / belong to series I (301).

i. Verbs with root ending in -h or -w in OHG. have e instead of ei
in the pret. sing.(271).

ii. The verb spiwan has a varietyof forms : Alemannic has as

infinitives spian and spigan: the preteriteoccurs with Otfrid as spe

CH. v] THE VERBAL SYSTEM 155

with fall of the -0 and with Nolker as speh,analogous to leh,Sec: in

the pluralOtfrid has spii/nfor sphviui^and Tatian spiiun by analogy

with bluwun, "c. : and in the Denk?naler (91. 49 and 90. 23) Past

VdiXi.gespuen and ge-spirenbeside gispiiiuafi

are also found. The form

spi'renis probably in analogy to giscriran^ as is sp'iH to giscnii.

Phys. has a form uzsp'igcl.Cf. 231.
Verbs belonffine:to Class 1. a are : "

336

wait
b'ltan^ ^'Udan^go slip
slifan,
bite
blz/in, "^mldan,avoid sUzan, tear

hlichan,shine 111dan, envy smlzfin, smear

to be zealous
fllz/in, rlban, rub ^'smda7i,cut
glitter
glizflu, ridaji,writhe s/tgan, mount
g}nian, rub riman, touch strlchan, stroke
seize
gt'lfan, ^rJsan,rise strltan, struggle
grlnan, grin ;7/"7",ride swlchaJi,weaken
hll/an,open n2/in, tear sichiati,vanish
bow
{h^ntgaii, sdna7i, shine trlban, drive
hnnan^ touch scrlaji,cry wJchan, yield
"^m";/,open (bud) scnban, write wi/an, wind
kllban,cling sigan, conquer wlzflji,punish
remain
/?(^^", slichati,
creep

To Class I. b belong : "

^dlhatiythrive s'lhan,filter ^^wihan,fight

lend
'^llhan, /J"^(7??,
accuse zihan, accuse

r'lhan,order

Of these a number (marked *) show grammatic change : s : r, d : t,

h'.g or ze;, e.g. r/j-Z/t n'nwi
"

] sjildti"sm'tmn] wl/ni "

wigtwi; Vihii "

h'wum .

II. Pr. Gmc. ^/^ ""?"; 11 u '^beugan- "^baug'^bugiim'^buganaz337

Got. (a) /// ^z^ u u biugan bdii^ bugum bugans
(b) Ill ^z^ ail ail iiuhan iduh tauhiim lauhans

OHG. (a) u ^ UG. biugan

boug bugum gibogan
z*^{eo) Fr. biogan
(b) to [eo) 5 ziohan zoh ziigum gizogan

All verbs showing the gradation IG. e\o in which root vowel e\ 0

occurred in front of u belong to II.

In OHG. Pr. Gmc. ^/^ " " ^ before h and dentals: in other cases it

remains a diphthong,hence biofan "

bol,but sliofan slouf. "
Pr. Gmc.

eu "
" OHG. eo before
{lo) a followinga or 0 in Franconian,but in UG.

"^ in before labial or guttural,eo only in other cases (275),hence

Fr. UG.
liogan.^ lingan.
 156 THE VERBAL SYSTEM \VT.II

Verbs belonging to Class II. a arc :"

diogan, bend kn'ochan,creep slip

slio/an,
/h'ogan,fly liogan^lie slioban,rush
lament
hio/cifi, riochan, smell drip
Iriofan,
kliobafh cleave skioba?i,
push iriogan^deceive

338 i. Verbs terminatingin -waft^ as bliuivan^[h)niuwa?t,

kiuivan, have

in the Present -in in all forms, both in UG. and in Franconian : they
also differ from the class in having a long -u in the Pret. Plur. and the

Past Part. Thus : th bliuu "

bloii " bluwum "

gibliiwan; kiwan, kiuuit^

kou " kutin "
gikuuuan. In the Past Part, the w often e. g.gibluan,
falls,
ginuaft. They had in Pr. Gmc, it would seem, ww and u, probably
"r" u + w. Got. bliggwan, "c., belong to III.

ii. OHG. riiavan, to crush, MHG. riiiwen, though probably longing

be-

originally
to reduplicatingverbs like biian, "c., follows the

conjugationof bliuwan.

iii. Hiofan^ to mourn, only occurs in UG. texts Pa., K., therefore
always as hhifan (orhhipan).
339 Verbs belonging to Class II. b are : "

biotan,offer gioz/211, pour jiiosan, use

diozfln,sound \fir)gnoz,an,
crumble rioz/in,
weep
driosajt,fall choose
'^kiosan, '^siodan,seethe
Jizohan,flee lose
far-^liosan, skioz^an,shoot
flow
fliozfin^ ar-liotan,
grow shut
sliozfLH,
freeze
'^/ri'osan, {li)Uo2^an^
draw lots

iv. Fliohan has given up its grammatical change in OHG. and

hxm?"fluhum,gtflohan,
perhaps to avoid falling (a).
togethermih Jli'ogan
v. The verbs sugan, and
siifan, liihhan differ from the rest of the

class in having a long ii throughout the Present, but in the other forms

they agree with biogan,e. louh, luhhinn gilohhan. They are old
g. "

stem-accented Presents (293),and the u represents the weak vowel

grade with secondary lengthening.

To Class III belong verbs showing IG. e : 0 gradation whose root

begins or ends in double consonance : if the root-vowel is followed by

a nasal,the verb follows the example of bindan, if by any other sonant
con-

it belongs to III b.
 in8 THE VERBAL SYSTEM [PT.II

pliir. {jv lost

(liifigit/n before //, 129),but only the older texts like K.

have forms
consistently without iv.

vii. The preterite

ginand used by O. must belong to infin. ^ginindan
1^=. io show courage).
viii. The verb hzver/afi,
hwarf, hwurbutn, gihworban shows levelling
in all directions, so that two verbs arise from it,hwerfcuiand hwerban^
of which the former is preferredin Isid. and Alem., but the latter in

T. and O. f i^)occurs mostly in present in UG. texts, and occasionally

in pret. pluraland past participle.
ix. To hellan the only past part, recorded in OHG. is gehellan,as if

belonging to Class V, but MHG. has gehollett.

X. Verbs like fehtan, in which root- vowel is neither preceded nor
followed by liquidor nasal,should normally have past participle either

with p, Gmc. a (OHG. ""gifahtaii),

or, as in Class V, d assimilated to

vowel of present {*gifehia?i)',

the past part, gifohtanmust be analogical
with verbs of Class IV.

344 IV. Pr. Gmc. e a de u '^'beran- ^bar ^bderum ^hiranaz

Got. (a) i a e u niman nam iiemum numans

(b) ai a e aii bairan bar bertuii baurans

OHG. e a a 0 beran bar barum giboran

To this class only graded

belong historically verbs e : "?, whose root

originallycontained only single consonants, one of which must be

liquidor nasal. Thus : beran, helan, lehhan (hh " " Gmc. /^),
fiejuan,

qnelan,qneman, qiieran, rehhan (" k),zeman,

"
zeran.

A number of other verbs have crept into this class in OHG. :

brehhan, breman, diveran, skerati,sprehhan^ stehhan,swehhan, trepan,

irehhan, Iwelan.
345 Queman is inflected throughout according to this class only in

Isidor, H., and M. Beside the present forms founded on the root
'*kwem (Got.qiman) others occur very early,and in Tatian,
especially
which are founded on an aorist present root "^ktwi. Thus : kumu,
kumist, kumit, conj.home, pres. part,komenti, past part, kumen ; cf. OE.

cu?7ian, ON. koma. These forms graduallydisplaced the older ones

from '^kwem in the present, and are the only ones used by Notker, so
that qneman had fallen from use by the twelfth century. The preterite
remained regular: quani, qudmtim, though in late OHG. the labial -u

tended to turn the following-a into -0, chom, chomen. The past part,
is regularlyqueman as if from Class V in all older MSS. : with Notker
it becomes chomen.
CH. v] THE VERBAL SYSTEM 159

V. Pr. Gmc. e a de e '^gitaji- *_ga3 ''"^detum"^getuviaz

346
Got. (a) t a e i gihan gaf gebum gihans
(b) ai a e at saiJvan saJv seJviwi saiJvans
OHG. e a a e geban gab gdbuin gigeban

To this class belong those graded e : 0 verbs whose consonants are

other than those mentioned in Classes III and IV, thus :

"

rejoice y'^Am,weed
fitoneself,
"^/3/v7/(7;/,
5
*sehati,%te
gi-fe2,zfjfi("" /),fall knetan, knead webaii, weave
fiiefum^breathe "^lesan,read ^^wegan, move
gez^zfin ("" /),get *gi-7iesan, recover ivehan, contend
*
yt'ha?ijsay "^quedan,say '^wesan,to be

yesan,foam ^redan, speak ivelan, bind

and the three /-presentverbs: Uggen, sizzen.

bitkrt,
A number of other verbs from Classes III and IV have joined this
class in OHG. :
"

klenati,
smear mez^an^ measure gi-skehan,hasten
kresan,creep pjlegan,wait upon, stredan, gush
to be wont Iretan, tread

i. Verb roots ending in s, d, and k should show grammatic change : 347

of these, those in s do show the change s : r with some regularity

:

/as "
idru/,gmas "

gmdrum, wesaii " wdrum. Of quedan the forms

qudtun and giqiietan

are common at but
first, soon succumb to levelling.
Those in h rarelyhave the change to^ oxiv, though Notker writes always
gejegenand often geseuuen. Ez^zfin2iXi6. differ
frez^zfin from the rest in

having long vowel in the preteritesingular: dz,^/rdz,) cf. Got.,frel,

OE. dei,but it is curious that twice with Otfrid this dz, should rhyme
with gi'saz:iii. 6. 35 and v. 14. 24. Williram writes az: Zs./dA.
44. 12, "c.

ii. Contracted forms occur in the present of quedan, qtiis, quit \

N. chis,chit. In late Bavarian a past part, choden occurs according
to Class IV.
iii. In bitten,
h'ggen,sizzen the old present formation with -/- suffix 348

yieldedthe same result in present tense as in the weak /-presents; it

caused also gemination of consonant, except in 2nd and 3rd person,

e. g. bittu,bitIS, bitit,
^bittemes, bittent, but of
biitet, course only in the

present: Hggen, liggu,sizzen,sizzu, but iag^ saz^, "c. By degrees the

form from singleconsonant prevailedin most cases and penetratedinto
the whole present alreadywith Tatian, while Notker has only the forms
 i6o THE VERBAL SYSTEM [pt.ii

bitm and li)^en,

Sec. ( )ii ihc other hand the zz ("" //)of s?zzen Sec.

prevailed.
iv. The OIIG. verb tretan^ OE, /redan, is in Got. an aorist present,

irudati,and has there joined Class IV.

2. Pr. Gmc. a : 6 Series.

349 VI. Pr. Gmc. a o da ^/aran- ""for "^/orum */aranaz

Got. a 0 0 a faran for forum faratis
OHG. a tie no a faran fuor fuortim gifaran
The originof the verbs which belong to this class has already been
discussed (305). They are :
"

hahhan, bake vialan,grind stantan, stand

dwahan, wash naga7i, gnaw tragan^ carry
galan, sing,charm sahhan, quarrel gi'-wahan, call
graban, bury, dig skaban, scrape wahsan^ grow
hladan, load slahan, hit waskan^ wash
laffan,lick,lap snahhan^ creep walan, wade
lahan, blame spanan, entice

andy'-presents skepfen,
: heffen, swerie^i.

350 i. Grammatic change is shown regularlyby those whose root ends

in /z,but the consonant of the preteritepluralhas passed into the

singular: divahan, divag,gidwagan, slahan, shiog,sliwgum ; so also

luog^giwuog, "c.

To *giwahan "

giwuog Otfrid forms a present giwahinen and a past

giwahinit (i.9. i).
participle In older texts the dental change is

shown in the past participle, kilatanan

kthlalafi, to hladan,but Monsee
Fr. has alwaysgiladan, and O. and T. always d. A curious form is

kihliad (Ra, Graff. 4. 11 13),which, however, Kogel explains as a

clerical error for kihluad.

ii. Stanian should of course have the in-fixed nasal only in the

present, but it forms regularlystuoni "

gistantan,nevertheless there is,

in
especially (Wk.),aearly texts second form without the nasal,s/tiai,
stuot (Got.stop,ON. stod,OE. stod).T. has vorstotun^ O. gisiuai(ii.
6.

40),gistuaim (i.9. 23 ; 20. 5).

351 iii. OHG. has two present forms for bahhan (" " Pr. Gmc. /')
:

Gl. i. 274, za pahanne, and ii. 252, but

ungipahafii'u, i. 713 zi bakkane

and ^ oiktx' ^ pacchet ("" Pr. Gmc. kk). PBB. ix. 583. To this

class belong also several verbs withy-suffixin present, e. g. heffen,

and
skepfen,swerien, *ints/"ffen hlahhen^ which last,however, passed
into the third weak class,as Notker writes lachetofi :
lachen,preterite
it only occurs as a strong verb in R. hloh. To heffenthe Present
at first runs: heffu^hevis^ hevii, heff
ernes, "c. (127), but soon
 CH. v] THE VERBAL SYSTEM i6i

single/jwritten v, spreadsover the whole tense. Grammalic change

is showny: 1/ with the "5extended to the singular: /luod
/u'ff'u "
"
huobum,
Notker levels out in favour
of/" in past part, er haven.
iv. In skepfcn(Got. ga-skapjaii) the j has caused in the present
W. Gmc. gemination, and in OHG. the fricative persists
throughout
thesingular,though properlyit should alternate with ^ ( ^- W. Gmc.

single/))
in 2nd and 3rd person. The is regular:skuof-
preterite "

skuofum giskaffan. "

OHG. formed another present, skaffan,and Otfrid has a weak

form sca/Un (i.9. 8). The infinitive to mlsuab, msuabtin, Otfrid,and
insefit,
ettsebbett,
must have been ^intseffen.

V. The past participle

io swerien is alwaysgisworan (for'^gisivanvi).

Keduplicating Verbs.

Pr. Gmc. had two classes of verbs with reduplicated {a)those

perfects: 352

in which the showed

preterite a vowel different from the present ;
(1))
those which had the same vowel in present and preterite,
e. g. :

{a) Got. greian, gatgrdl,gatgrohwi, gretans,

("5)Got. hdi tan, haihdit; stdutan^slaistdut)haldan,haihald] hdhaUy
haihCih ; flokan^/aifldk.
In OHG. these verbs have no but
reduplication, show an apparent
vowel gradationof a different type from that alreadydiscussed (305),
accordingto which they are divided into two classes : "

{a) Those with vowel, W.

preterite Gmc. e, OHG. ea, la (thepresent
a, a, or ei).
(b) Those with vowel, W.
preterite Gmc. co, OHG. eo and w (the
present 3, oti, tio).E.g.
(cz)
fallan fial fialun" " "
gifallan
; sld/an "
sliaf sUafiin gi-
" "

sldfan; heiyin hiaz, hiaz}in giheiyxn.

" " "

Such verbs are : bdgati^bannan, blantan, bldsan, brdtan^fdhan,

faldaji,
fallan,gangan, hdhan, haltan, heizfin,Idzfin,met\an, rdtan,
int-rdtan,salzan,skaltan, '^skeidan, spannan, sivcifan,
sld/an,spaltan,
walkan, walzan, fir-wdzfin^
zeisan, and the /-presenterien {erreii).
i. Isidor and Tatian write short e before ng in placeof /'"^
: e.g. gene, 353

infenCyarhenc, and the same is the case in the Monsee Fr. {PBB, i.

507). To fdhan a without

preterite nasal sporadically
occurs : e.g.
T. intjiegiin,
phiegin,"c. ; see PBB. vi. 544, note.

ii. Noteworthy is the short imperativeto Idzfin, Ps. 138. 35, la.
Syncopated forms of the present, as Idt^"c., are not uncommon, and

a pret. Ue, in which, perhaps,analogy with gdn and hdn is to be

seen.

1167 L
 i62 illK VERBAL SYSTEM [pt.ii

iii. Of the verbs wiih ^-presents which formerlyalso had a cated

redupli-
perfect,
one strong past part, is still preservedin K. : zipldhanmr
(63. 18),Pa. R'^ zipldner^inbldhencn
zapld/iiuitier, to hldan.

{6) hoiuian " ///// {Jiio)hiuuiun "

{slez) "

gihouuan^ stoym "stia"^ "

siiayim "

(Got.au)',
gisioz/in wuo/cui wiof- ivio/um ivuofan(Got.ci). " "
"

i. In UG. these verbs whose roots ended in a labial have of course

ill instead o{ io (275): T. N. liiif.

liof,
ii. To hruofcm and ivuofan there are also /-presents,hniofen
" "

htopjan and ivuo/en " " which

ivopjan, occur side by side with the

form without/ inFranconian,but in UG. are alone used,and have weak

and past part, rtiofta,
preterite (ana)niophtun.
354 Very curious,and possiblya remnant of the old reduplicating
perfect,
are certain forms with r, which occur in verbs of this class : e. g.
To siozfin'. stcroz, sliriz,sterozuu) to skrdtan\ kiskrerol] to

plozfitt'. \ io dtian {O.): hiruim^hiruuuis. The

pleruzzun,capkrtizzi r,

however, is more probably not etymological,but rather a consonant

glide.
See PBB. viii. 551, ix. 525, xv. 350, xxxii. 488 ff.;J. Schmidt:
Kuhne, Zs. xxv ; Wilmanns, iii,
p. 38.
The weak verb fluohhon replacesJluohhan,of which only past part.
i^far)fluahhan
is recorded.

Similarlybiian forms gibuartjpreserved

preteritebuia^but past ip2iYU
til MHG. {gebuwen).

The Non-Graded (Weak) Verb.

355 The weak verb is characterized by the absence of Gradation and the

formation of and past part, by dental suffix.

preterite
In Pr. Gmc. there were thefollowingclasses : "

(i) Verbs which were causatives (asGoU

originally lagjan = to lay)
or denominatives (as Got. wenjati,to hope "" wens, hdiljan "" hails)
Got.
withy-suffix. lagjan,lagida,lagips,and with these were joinedalso
some primary verbs with /-presents,G. waurkjan, OHG. {wirkati)
wurkcn. These yieldGot. and OHG., Class I.

(2) Denominatives from feminine (Pr.Gmc. -o) stems with athematic

Got. salbon,OHG. salbon. Got. and OHG., Class II.

present :

(3) Primary verbs with athematic suffix i:io or eio (cf.

iaceo "
iacere)
"r-ei. Got. and OHG., Class III. Goi. haban, OHG. haben. Wilmanns,
iii,
" 47-
(4) Inchoatives with suffix -nan. Got., Class IV. Got. full-nan,in
OHG. lost or absorbed into other classes.
CH. v] THE VERBAL SYSTEM 163

In OIIG. ihere survive ihe first three classes: (i) verbs whose 356

infinitive ends in -en (^- jan),pret.-ila,

-la ; (2)-on, pret. ola ; (3)-en,
pret. e/a.
(ii)The verbs with infinitive in -en
I. are a very numerous class,
of causatives,e.g. sezzen
chiefly leggen,and denominatives
consisting "

fi-om nouns, adjectives,and adverbs, and also some originally

strong

verbs, e. g. buan, slfien,"c.

This class is divided accordingto the stem into "

(i) Verbs which had

originally a short stem.

(2) Verbs which had

originally a long or polysyllabic
stem.

(i) Short-Syllabled Stems.

the W. Gmc. law of geminationof consonants the final consonant

By
was geminated in the i st pers. sing,and in the pluralbefore y, but not
in 2nd 3rd sing,wherey was absent: ihws zellu,zelts,
and zelii^zellemes,
zellent^
zellet, but very soon levelling
out began,usually in favour of the

singleconsonant; thus zelu^zelemes,zekfit. This is not consistently

carried through until the tenth to eleventh century, except b; Tatian,
who writes regularlyzelen,"c., while Otfrid still uses the geminated
forms. It is rare that the double consonance ousts the single.
i. Verbs with affricata zz, pf, ck ("" //,pp, kk) extend these to the 357
whole present, instead of with
alternating z,2,,ff,hh ("" /,/",k),e. g.

stzzen, sizzit,sizzemes for sizze?nes.

sizzen,siz^zjit,
ii. Verbs with w have double forms : ww developswith vowel ceding
pre-
to a diphthong auw-^ouiv not subject to mutation, while

before singlew the a was mutated. An interchangewould thus be

expected: Pr. Gmc. OHG.

^/raivjan, ih/rouwu, dufrewis^er/rewi/,
wir /rouwemes, "c., but levelling
soon disturbs the normal course of

development. Bavarian prefersthe former, the w/z";-forms " "

ww,
Franconian the "fZ";-forms
" "

w : e. g. ^2iV.frouwen,strouwen, toiiwen ;
Franc, frewen, slrewen, teuwen, and the forms with mutated a passed
also into the preterite.Such verbs are: bewen, dewen, drewett,flewen,
zewen; see PBB, ix. 528.
iii. Verbs in which r precedes/ These mostly retain the/ without

geminating the r : nerieii, nerigan, nergan ; the writing with ig is

frequentin
particularly Bavarian up to the twelfth century. On the

other hand, Alem. and Franc, favour forms with geminated r : nerren.

Otfrid uses either,

more or less but
indifferently, seems to preferto
retain the i with singler.

L 2
 i64 THE VERBAL SYSTEM [pt.ii

(2) Long ok Polysyllabic Stems.

358 After long vowel the consonant in these stems should remain single,
and it does so in Franconian (saveT. 57. 5, but
hdrreime)^ in UG.

geminated forms are frequentin

fairly the older texts, in B.,
especially
where even h and g are geminated: keauckan (ii.51),kelaubpames^
erlauppe. With /, r, /, J, m^ n gemination occurs most often and is

retained longest: horran, lerran, wlssan, leitlan\ the Muspilli has

many instances: wissant, arteillan ; see PBB. vii. no.

L Verbs with root-vowel,

Gmc. 0 (" " OHO. tio, tia),
as imioen^ bluoen,
dnioen,gluoen,{h)luoen,
spuoen, were conjugatedquiteregularlyso long
as the vowel remained not diphthongized,but when 0 "" uo(ua)they
mostly drop the second component of the diphthong and lengthen the
" : e. g. gluent in place
dlui'f, of bluoit^
gbioeftt.At the same time
these other forms occur also,as do forms in which it is the diphthong
which is kept intact and the flexional vowel which falls : e. g. hluonii
for bluoenti. PBB. xi. 61. Occasionallyalso these verbs develop
an h- or^-glide: bluohen^ viuogen', rarelya : bluowen.
z";-glide
Verbs with the root-vowel a, which were formerlyincluded in the

Reduplicatingverbs,such as saen, bden, naen, (fee,also belong to this

class. They frequently have an ^-glide: e. g. bldhen, bdhen, and

sometimes a/: e.g. sdjen. E.

bldjen^ Franc, prefersa w. bldwen,
sdiven, T. PBB. xi. 51.

859 IL Verbs with Infin. in -on.

These are mostly denominatives and rarelyiteratives.

i. Sporadicallyu is written in place of o, e. g. Tatian 89. i salu?nes,

97.5 goiimwnes. Isidor once (4.3) has the 0 diphthongizedin ddhmuot.

ii. When these verbs are derived from a nominal /-stem they show
in the oldest texts they stillpreserved(mostlyas e),e. g. enteon^ minneon ;

is this the
especially case in Pa., K., R^'^: hienteod.
ungaanleot,kieniidt,
Tatian, 88. 5, has sunteon beside sunton^ and Otfrid tedioii beside

redon elsewhere.

360 IIL Verbs with Infin. in -en.

These are intransitives expressingcondition

chiefly or "
as derivatives

from adjectives enteringinto

" a condition,aralten = Lat. invelerasco,

rl/en = to grow ripe.

Not and
infrequently, especiallyin Bavarian texts, a is found for

e. Otfrid has many instances (see Kelle, 74), and Tatian: sagant,
sporadicallyin Alemannic, to which
wuonanit, fas tank ; this also occurs

dialect also the double forms in the Optative are restricted.

virtually
 i66 THE VRRT^AI. SYSTEM [pt.ii

change of ck to h before /, though usual, is not invariable : thus OHG.

deckefi forms preteritedah/a or dackta. The latter seems to be ferred
pre-
in Bavarian and Franconian, while Alcm. prefers ///,and O.

consistentlyhas kt^ and T. only once ht {wah/a).

364 It should be noted that certain changes of the stem are brought
about by the dental suffix :
"

(a) Verbs in Gmc. -wjan vocalize the zf to o in the preteritewhen

they syncopate the t, e. g. garoia (Hild.garntun) or garwiia.
{V) k in the combination skt often falls,mista to viiskan^wtinsta to

ivunsken ; this is frequent with Notker.

("r)Assimilation takes place and -ta of suffix unvoices a final voiced

consonant of root : ougen "

oucta, gilouhen giloupia. "
This change,
which no doubt always took place in pronunciation, is not always
denoted in writing; the forms otigta,giloiihiaare more frequent than
the others in Franc, but UG. prefersthe forms with k [c)and /.
(d) Other changes are purely orthographical, e.g. gemination is

simplifiedand /+ /,d-\-1 after consonant are reduced to / : hungarran "

hungarfa, Ulan " ilta,ah Ien "

ahta.

365 The originalconjugation of the verbs in -en seems to have coincided in

some details with that of the verbs in -jan^hence to hahen, lebm, sagen.
Sing.Pres. forms occur : hebis,hebit ; kbis, kbit ; segit,and
segt's, further

the Preterites hebtta,lebita,

segtta,more especiallyin UG. (M.),but also

occasionally in Isidor, who has the form hapta (cf.OS. hatdd). For

these three verbs a pre-OHG. syncopated Preterite must be assumed :

"^habda, '^sagda,'^libda) or a Gmc. formation without linking vowel.

PBB. ix. 520.

Past Participle.

366 The Past Participleusually follows the form of the Preterite : those

verbs which have only -ita forms have only a form -it in the participle,
and where the preterite
was formed in -ta,e. g. sazta^ the inflected forms

of the participleare similar : gisazter; but uninflected have -it,and,

where possible,mutation : e. g. gisezzit gisazter,
gihorit gihorter,"c.
" "

The uninflected forms without -i are very rare. Otfrid has ginant,
bikndt,and T. also a few instances: giruort (11. 71),
giwant (67.oj),
and erduompt (172. 5). The short stems in -/ have occasionallyforms
without -z',
as far salt,kasalt.
gizalt,
The Past Part, of Non-Graded Verbs has of course the prefixgi- in
OHG., see 334.
CH. v] THE VKRBAT. SYSTEM 167

Nox-Gradfd Verb. Class I.

367
 t68 TTTF. VERBA!. SYSTEM PT. II

868

2. satbotisi habetist

3. satbdti [Alem. and Is. -7] habeti [Alem. and Is. -?]
PI. I. satbdttm, -in habetim, -in

2. satbdti t, -hit habeti t

3. satbdtin habetin

Imperative.
Sg. 2. satbo habe
PI. I. sathdm, satbdmes, -dn habem, habemes, -en

2. satbdt {-dnt) habet {-ent)

Infinitive.

satbdti haben, -een, -an, -on

satbdmies habennes
satbdnne habenne

Participles.
satbdnti,gisatbdt habenti,gihabet
 CH. v] THE VERBAL SYSTEM 169

Non-Graded Verb. Personal Endings.

of the Non-Graded verb in the main 369

The inflexional endings are

identical with those of the Graded verb (321): only the few cases

in which they differ are here mentioned.

Indicative Present.

-jan verbs ended in -iu, e.g.

originally
The I St pers. sing, of the

zvdniii,that of the -on and -eti verbs in -dm {salbom)and -ef?i {/labem)
respectively.The ending -m was reduced to -u {wdnu) by analogy to
Graded verbs,and to -en in the ninth century. Late
-ovi, -em pass -im,

Rh. Fr. Williram the form all the the

conjugations,
spread -n to -i

and
only remaining sporadically after -r in short syllables.Gl. heri'o,
O. nerru] Will, often ascribes the -0 form to verbs in -en, "c. : habon,
slafon.

Conjunctive Present.

The verbs of the First Class (those in -jan)agree entirelyin the 370

personal endings with the Graded verbs; but those of the Second

and Third differ. These form the Conjunctiveeither with long 0 or e,

alone or plus an inflexional vowel, e. g. salbo "

habe
salboe, " habee. The

short forms only are used in Franconian (one exception,Is. 3. 5 blii-

chisoe),
and the long occur in
consistently Alem. In Bavarian the long
forms of verbs in -on are common, salboge;
salbogesi,
sa//boge, but of

verbs in -m they are rare. Wilmanns, iii," 85, derives these forms

from an original-oja oje. Brugmann "

considers them new formations.

Notker uses only the long forms, and does not mark the length of
the vowel preceding: e. danchoen, choi'oen,showing that the 0, e
g.
of the stem had been shortened. See PBB, ix. 506. The lengthened
forms often develop consonant glide(236).

Indicative Preterite.

The 0 of the 2nd person sing,i^-os) replacedby

is occasionally a 371

and by u in Tatian (cf.Sievers,47. 8, gilonbtus\21.4, sageius) 81.4,

zuehoius ; 2'^'^.^, giloublas
; Z'^S,4,woI/as). Isidor h2iS cki'mmnerodes.

In the pluralthe dialects differ : Bavarian and Franconian have -/nm.

-tut, -tun in Graded and Non-Graded verbs alike,but Alemannic has

forms in u only with the Graded verbs (332),and with the Non-Graded

always has -tdm, -tot,-ton. This practiceis followed by Isidor alone

of non-Alem. writers,e.g. salbdtom, habetom, but griffiim,

"c. In

Notker the distinction is stillclearlymarked.

 I70 THE VERBAL SYSTEM [pt.ii

Conjunctive Preterite.

The / is long when followed by a consonant : c. g. in 2n(l pers. sing,

and ist, 2nd, 3rd pi.: in ist and 3rd sing,it is short when final,
j-^/(^"?//,
except in Isidor and in Alemannic, where the old lengthis preserved
even when final.

Imperative.
In contrast to the Imperativeof the Graded verbs,the Non-Graded
verbs form theirs with vocalic ending, ?',0, or e. The verbs with

y-Presentsform it in -/,ligi,
"c. ; those with double consonance, ze//en,
reduce this to singleconsonant, ze/t. Cf. PBB. vii. 112, 161, and

note that this / in Class I is often elided before followingvowel :

e. g. O. gizelU7io^ ker t\,giscieri\, "c.

Anomalous Verbs.

A. Preterite Presents. B. Verbs in -vii.

372 Gmc. has a considerable number of anomalous verbs, of which

the forms which express present meaning have the vowel gradation
and inflexions of a preterite.Such verbs were rot unknown to IG.,
and seem to have arisen by a natural development of meaning. The

completion of one action is often the of another

starting-point or the
of
justification a statement, and so the perfecttense of one verb may
become,
logically as it were, the present of another,with due tion
modifica-

of meaning. The IG. Vwid = to see, but the perfect: Sk. veda,
Gk. oTSa, Got. wait, OHG. wei\ OE. wdt, has become equivalent
to

I know ',though the original

meaning is preservedby other parts. Cf.
'

Gk. iSctv and Lat. video,vidi.

Greek has of such verbs oTSa, Latin a few more; novi:=l have

recognized,therefore know, odi, viemini, Gmc. shows many more of

such verbs: Got. wail, Idis^ddug, ka7jn,par/,gadars,skal,

man, binah,
mag, gamoi, og, dih. OE. wdt, dedj,canii, dearf,
dearr, sceal,an, ma7i,

mdej, mot, dj. These are commonly known as "

373 Preterite Presents. As a consequence of their origin^ the

inflection in the present of these
existing verbs in OHG. is that of the

Strong Pret., with the exception that the 2nd pers. sing,retains the
original Gmc. ending -/ (313). A new preteriteis formed which

^
Klnge and Wilmanns claim that a certain number of Gmc. Pret. Pres. (Got./,'(7wr,
an, Jiarf,"c.) arise from old -mi presents through analogicalformations. Gr. i.

440; Wilmanns, iii," 57. 3. The point,however, is still obscure, but whatever

their originthese verbs in Gmc. have perfectinflexions of graded verbs in the

present tense. These they retain in OHG., as also the -/ of the originalGmc. in

the 2nd pers. sing.

CFi. v] THE VERBAL SYSTEM 171

inflects like the of

preterite the Non-Graded verb, but is formed without
mediate vowel. OHG. has preserved eleven such verbs which, cording
ac-

to the vowel of their originalperfect,can be assignedto the

gradationseries :"

374

Fret. Ind. Pret. Conj.

Sing, wt'ssa,wisfa, wessa, westa. Sing, wissi^wessi,wesH^ wissisjSec.
wi'ssosi,
"c.

Imperative. Pres. Part. Past Part.

wtzjz^e, wiz,2^et {-ent) ivtz,z,a77t2\

-enti giwiz,zfi7t

Thus in Gmc. to the weak grade of the root were formed a new

preterite,
an and
infinitive, present and past part.
i. The is only UG.
z";/i'"r(7
preterite ; wessa and westa are Franconian.

(For originof double forms see loi.)

ii. The old of
participle wiz,zfi7i is gawis^ ghvis, gwi's,but in OHG.

it has become adjective.

Series II. toug = it befits. 3rd pers. sing. It is in OHG. an 375

impersonal verb to which an Infinitive form does not occur.

3rd pers. sing.: /oiig,

taoc io7ik.
ijoik), Plur. iugu77,-en. Opt. tuge.
Pret. tohta {dohta). Plur. tohiu7i {dohiim\ Opt. tohti. Pres. Part.

iogaTiH.

Series III. {a) darf = I am allowed, I venture. 376

Pres. dar/t,darf,dtir-
darf., Conj. durfiie)
fu7i
Pret. dorfia^dorfton dorfti

{d)skal = I owe, I am obliged,I must. 377

Pres. sal,sol
sl'a/, Conj. shih',sule Pres. Part, skulmii
skali,salt^soil,solsl sulist shdtaiiter

skal,sal, sol skuli,sule Infin. skolan.,

stihi
skulumes, -U77, suhn, skuhm, sulm
suht
skulul,skull,sulel,-e7tl^ skiih'l,
sulirit Past Part, kiskolel
-7it (Gl.ii. 223. 26)
skulu7i,
suhm, -077, -in, skuhn. S7ili7i
suhi
Pret. skolla,skolda,sella skoldi,solli
 172 THK VERHAL SYSTP:M [pt.ii

The forms without c [k) prevail after the tenth century : they are

regular with Notker; the c {seal)remains longest in Bavaiian ; sal in

Franconian. In Tatian are forms without c : solla,sal, stiltit. In late

Alem. a contracted form staid "" sulenl for
{^l.^l.) the 2nd pers. plural.

378 {c) an = I grant.

3rd pers. pi.iintmvi, -en. Opt. umii(e),

tinnin.

Pret. onda, ondun. Conj. ondi. Infin. tmna?i. And with -gi-.
3rd pers. \A.gtitmeii. Fret, geondosl,gions/a. Con], gions/i.

{d) kan = I know, I am (mentally)able.

Pres. ^an, karist,kan. PI. hmnu7t, -en. Conj. hinni,

Pret. konda. Conj. kondi. Infin. hmtian. Pres. Part, himianti.

Olfrid has, as with umian^ a secondary preteriteform in -sta,

originallykonsta^ and there is a rare Bavarian form kunda. The old

Past Part, kiind has become an adjective.

{e) gi-tar = I dare. PI. gihirrun. P.p.gitorran,

379 Series V. {a) ginag = *it suffices '

only occurs in this one form.

("^)mag = I am able (physically).

Pres. mag, maht, mag, magiin, magut, magun. Conj. megi.
Pret. mahta. Pres. Part, maganii. Infin. magan.
Beside these forms, which are the oldest,others are developed with

root-vowel u in the Plural : first in Franconian with T. and O. Thus :

inuguji, mugut, miigtin{en().Similarly, in the Preterite the form

mohtai^:scolici)
creeps in beside mahta. These new forms then pass
into Alemannic and are all regularly used by Notker except mohta.

Otfrid retained the older Conjunctive form megi beside mugi, and in

Bavarian these older forms magen^ "c., lasted till the close of the

eleventh century. PBB. xv. 210.

380 Series VI. muo:^ = I may.

Pres. miwz^ {inua^^,

moaz,, mo2^, muost, muoz^, vitwz^in, mnozfnt (Alem.),
viiwz^n. Conj. muoz}.

Pret. miiosa, muosun {inuoson,Alem.). Conj. niuosL

Williram has a Preterite miiosta,

eigun = we possess. Of eigun (Got.dih),eigut,eigun there is in

OHG. no singular. Conj. eigi. Imperative eigint. The Participle

eigan is an adjective.
The verb is comparatively rarelyused and disappears in the eleventh

century, when it is replaced in its functions by hahen.

 174 THE VERBAL SYSTEM |"pt.
ii

ii. The 2nd peis. sing,of the indicative rarelyoccurs without /: List

is found aheady in the earhest texts, which in other verbs have only
forms in -j, uimis^ iieris,
"c. : it may have been lent by the pret. pres.

o; by 3rd p3rs. I'sl. When bis is found in T. (and R'^)it is possibly

not original,but merely false resolution of hist + iu into bis-iu ;

yet bis occuis regularlyin the Bavarian poem Daz^ himilriche of

about 1 185.
Siniiin (M.), sindini (Is.),
which adds a secondary ending to a

primary form, probably arose through analogy to the preterite

presents,
helped perhaps by the endings of biriim^bind.
preterite
iii. For the imper. wis a form bis occurs once in OHG. (R'^Gl. i.

425//J).
384 (2) tuon. Normal forms. (Tatian.)
Pres. Ind. Sg. iuon Conj. tuo, tiioe Imper. Sg. tuo
iuos{i) tues(t),
tuoest PI. tuomes
tuoi tuo, tuoe iuoi
,,

PI. iuomes {-on) {tuem^tuoeni)

tuoi iuet,tuoet{-eni)
tuonl tuen, tuoen Pres. Part, tuonti
Past "
f^ita7i
6

Pret. Ind. Sg. ieta Conj. tdti

tdti tdtis{t)
ieta tdti
PJ. tdtu?n (-ufues) tdtim (-i??ies)
tdtut tdtit
tdtun tdtln

385 There is great confusion of forms within the system of this verb :

how great may be seen from the various forms for the 2nd pers. sing.:
tuos, duas, iuas^ toos,toas, duost,tois,duis, ducst,tues/,deist. Braune

claims that all these derive from the one IG. root d/ie : dho (Gk.
: that
TiOrjiJii) the forms in which 3 appears not diphthongized,
e. g. torn,

"c., are the oldest, and that then the o"^oa, ua, uo, and also the

influence of the Graded verb made itselffelt in adding an inflectional

vowel, before which the diphthong usually occurs as H. Thus

Pa., K. toam, toat, B.H. tuam, Musp. tuo, while the influence of the
Graded verb shows itself in such forms as R. toit,Is. duoe, N. tHen,
tuoemes, "c., when the root to, tuo is given thematic inflections. Wil-

manns, on the other hand, claims that the various forms which occur

in OHG. point to varying stems in Gmc. Thus :"

1. The usual Pres. Ind. tuon, Opt. tuo, Imper. tuo, must derive from

a Gmc. stem do, possiblyIG. d/io in gradationrelation with d/ie.

2. In Alemannic forms occur of the Optative as if derived not from
CH. v] THE VERBAL SYSTEM 175

a form do bul from an extended form in -bio. Notker (Psalms)writes

Conj. Pres. tuoie,tuoicst,"c., but mostly does not mark the /, writing
ttioc,tuoest. Sec. Elsewhere also the form tuogc is found.
Rh. Franconian (O.)the forms which derived
3. In South occur are

from a form dti. O. has for the Plural Pres. Ind. duen, duet,duent, and
for the Sing,duas, duat beside duit.
diiis., This id = tie is a diphthong,
not ti + i or u + e.

4. In ]\Iid. Franc, forms deist,deit must derive either from the root

dhi + thematic endings or from an extended stem dhew. See Braune,

" 380 ; PBB. ix. 508-9 ; Wilmanns, iii,
" 33.
^""
(3) gan and stan.

Beside the usual forms of the verbs gangan and stantan, the verbs
gdn and stdn -mi verbs, perhaps from
(originally same root) are found,
which are frequentlyerroneously explained as contracted forms of

gangan and stantan. They appear either as gdn, stdn, or as gen, sten.
The former prevailin Alem., while Bavarian and Franconian have

mostly -e.

gant gent gen Infin. gdn, gen

Stdn, sten is inflected in preciselysimilar fashion. 387

i. For an explanationof the twofold vowel see Wilmanns, iii,

" 35,
and PBB. xi. 41.

ii. Although the forms in -e are only Franconian and Bavarian, both
Otfrid and Tatian have the infin. stdn, the ist pers. sing, stdn,
and the part, stdnti. Further,the 3rd pers. sing,gdt, stdt appears less

often stet (Tatian).

\h2inget,
iii. Otfrid has the 2nd and 3rd pers. sing, geist,steist,geit,
steit.

iv. In Alem. only -d forms are found.

V. Very late in OHG. a form gie (cf.lie 353) appears for the ist and

3rd pers. sing.pret. Merig. has this twice. Brg. ii ; PBB, xxiii.

315; I.F. xii. 197.

(4) wellan. 388

The verb wellan {wollen)

presents a medley of old forms with others

analogous to the preterite

presents and the Non-Graded verbs in -en.
 176 THE VERBAL SYSTEM [in. n

It is derived from *uel, the of which

root Optative already in Pr.Gmc.

liad the functions of Indicative cf. Got. I

an ; wiljdu = will, "c. A

Conj. was formed to this, and a

Non-Graded preterite, Got. wilda,
ON. 7"i7da, OHG. wel/a, formed from of OHG.
strong grade root. we//a

is and the usual zvol/a to have been formed from reduced

rare, seems

grade Hvlda-^^^vidda^ and by ^-mutation wolia^ OE. wolde.

Pres. Ind. willu (e, o), wella, wih\ wile, mil

a,

ivili ivile, wil, will's, wilt

ivili wile, willi, wilit, wil

we Hemes wol levies wellen, wollen

^

wellet wollet, wolleni, wellent

wellent wellant, wollent, woleni

389 i. In the older B., O.,

texts willu is the regular form, Is., K., but O.

has also iville and Tatian willa {PBB. iv. and vi. 258) the other
379 ;

forms are
late OHG.

ii. For the 2nd and 3rd wilii?, the normal form : will occurs
pers.

in Williram and wilii in O. {willi in Pa. and K.), after the analogy
once

of the -Jan verbs.

iii. The e
of the other plural forms is probably borrowed from

OHG. wellen, to choose, Got. waljan, 3,nd is certainly mutated

a-^"e,

not Gmc. as was formerly assumed. PBB. ix. 563.

e,

iv. The plural and the preterite have only in Franconian.

present 0

O. and T. both write wollemes (en), "c. In UG. the e

forms remain

prevalent, both in the and in the preterite welta elsewhere

present : ;

wolia is usual.
 CHAPTER VI

NOMINAL AND PRONOMINAL SYSTEM

NOUNS

In IG. nouns and adjectives

were declined in the same way, but the 390

pronoun had different and

inflection, this distinction in inflection is

reflected in all Gmc. languages. In Germanic the substantive serves

pre-
in the main the originalnominal the
inflection, pronoun the

originalpronominal, while the adjectivedeclension has become a

compound of both.

IG. had three genders : Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter, and three

Numbers : Singular,Dual,,and Plural ; of these Germanic retained the

three genders and two numbers "

Singular and Plural,but it lost the

Dual almost entirely.

IG. had eight cases : Nominative, Vocative, Accusative, Genitive,
Dative, Ablative,Locative, and Instrumental.
Of these Gmc. has preserved the first four, though in W. Gmc. the 391

Vocative coincided with the Nominative. To do duty for the maining

re-

four,Gmc, in the main, retains but one, termed the Dative,

which may in form be the descendant of any one of the four, though
in the pluralit has usuallydescended from the IG. Instrumental, and
in the singular from either the Locative or the Instrumental. A

separate case with Instrumental function occurs in Gothic only in a few

fossilized forms: pe, Ive; and in OPIG. only in the a- and /-stems of

nouns and adjectives. Traces of a separate case for the Locative are

still more rare.

According to the ending of the stem, nominal inflexion is either 392

vocalic,if the stem ended in a vowel, or consonantal, if it ended in

a consonant.

Noun declension in OHG. varied, as in all other Gmc. languages,

according to the nature of the stem-suffix which had been added to the

root. The case-suffixes were identical

originally in all declensions,
masculine, feminine, and
distinguishing neuter in the Nominative and

Accusative, and the later diff"erences arose solelyfrom the diff"erence

in stem-ending,and the fusion of these with the case-suffix.

1 167 M
 i;.^ NOMINAL AND PRONOMINAL SYSTEM fn. ii

According to the originalstem-endingthe followingclasses of nouns

are in
distinguished OIIG. stems : A stems -iva);
{-j\i, O stems (;-jo)',
I stems ; V stems, and Consonant stems.

It is at first sightnot an easy matter to determine to which class the

nouns belong, as, owing

respectively to the fall of final vowels and

consonants, many IG. and even Pr. Gmc. distinctions,notably that

between masculine and feminine noun-stems, have vanished, and the

Nom. Sing, of various stems are left identical in appearance : e. g.

Ia?nb,wort, tag, anst, while the Plural shows that they differ from one

another : e. g. lembir^wort, taga, ensti.

393 The originalcase-endingsof IG. (omittingthose which have left no

trace in OHG.) were: "

Sg. Nom. -s, or without an ending. PI. Nom. -es

-m (neuter)
Ace. 'in

Gen. -so, sio,-s (pronominal form)

Dat. -ai
Inst. -{o,e) -0, -711

{a)-a, -fn

Loc. -/,or without ending.

A. Vocalic (Strong Declension).

I. A Declension.

894 This declension comprised those nouns. Masculine and Neuter,

whose stem in Pr. Gmc. ended in -a : it corresponds to the Greek and

Latin (^-declension,
and is thus from the IG. standpointoften termed
the ^-declension.

395 i. Nom. Sg. The IG. case termination was -s, which was added to

the stem ending -o. IG. Gk.

^ektios, itttto?, Lat. equo-s. This -os in

Gmc. became az. The -z fell alreadyin W. Gmc. and the -a becoming
final fell also : e. g. W. Gmc. '^daga " " OHG. tag.
CH. vi] NOUNS 179

ii. Ace. Sg. The IG. case termination was -w, '^ehw-m^Gk. i'tttto-i',
396
Lat. equo-m. In Pr. Gmc. this -w became -//, then fell,leavingthe
vowel and
unprotected, this fell also.

It should be noted that Proper nouns ending in a consonant, which

are declined by this declension,sometimes show in OHG. an tive

Accusa-

in -an, as do also certain other words frequentlyused as tives

Appella-
: e.g. iruhtinan,faieran,maiwan^ and (once)co/a7t{=^Gotf)in
BR. (Otfrid,v. 17. 62 Polonan, Ace. to Polofii Sfella Polaris).
=

This -a?! is the termination

adjectival for the Accusative, and is natural

with Gmc. Proper names which were, to start with, compounds with

adjectival
meaning. Their influence affected foreignnames, and there

were Termed Petnisan,Zachariasan^ Christan, Sec, on the analogy of

Harbnuofa^i
Hluduigan (battle-famous), (boldheart),
Wermprahtan, "c.
iii. Gen. Sg. The normal OHG. form is -es : tages, formed from 397

the pronominal ending -so in IG. Got./^j-)

{^pe-so, with vowel-gradation

of stem eso : oso, but this IG. -e, being in unaccented syllable, i in "
"

Pr. Gmc. and was weakened in OHG. to a colourless -e. The

OHG. form in -as is not, as might at first sight appear, the original
-as from IG. -oso (whichwould giveGmc. -as, but a later dialect varia-
tion

which occurs especiallyin Bavarian after the close of the ninth

century. This -as for -es is extremelyrare in Franc, but masas occurs

in the Stein Gl. 602 ; of. Franck, Altb. Gr., " 131.
The ending -es of W. Gmc. Genitive OS. dagas,OHG.
(OE. ddejes,
/ages)presents m.any difficulties. When the accent lay on the root of

the noun (as it is assumed to have done in Gmc.) Pr. Gmc. -es would

become -?'zand the final -0 would fall in W. Gmc. Two possibilities

would account for the retention of -s: (i) there may have been a

fluctuation of accent in some nouns and the Gen. have had the accent

on the stem and not the root, in which case Pr. Gmc. -es would remain

W. Gmc. -es ; or (2)the noun may have borrowed the ending from the

Genitive of the demonstrative pronoun which, being monosyllabic,

was

stressed,and therefore Pr. Gmc. became

'^J^e'so *W, Gmc. /^es,OHG.
des,whence by analogy OHG. /ages.
iv. Dat. Sing. The normal form is -e : /age. The case-endingin 398

IG. was -ai, which with the -0 of the stem became -oi ; cf. Gk. tWo),
Lat. equoi. This in N. and W. Gmc. "
^ -at which, being unaccented,
passedfirst to -e, and then,being final,
to -e. In OHG. -a for -e in the
Dative is found in UG. monuments and three times in T.
Got. daga is probablyin originan Instrumental from dagd(c{.OHG.
/agu ^" Pr. Gmc. ^ag-o or -e, cf. Got. be, pe, bamfueh),as the
Normal Dative would have been dagai.
M 2
 I So NOMINAL AND PRONOMINAL SYSTEM [pt.ii

399 V. Inslriimental. Tlie Jnstrumenlal is in OHO. only found in the

Singular of the o- and /-stems, and ends in ^u ( "" Gmc. -o\ In the

earliest monuments itis used for

indifTerently the Dative or Instrumental,
then it is restricted to use with the prepositionsmit, ze, hi, and finally
it is replacedby the Dative in all its functions. The -wis preservedin
OHG, iagii, OS. dagti^and was weakened to -o at the close of the
ninth century. (But see VValde, Germ. AusL, p. 77.)
400 vi, Nom. PI. The Nominative termination was in IG. -es, which
combined with the stem termination -0, giving in IG. -os, in Gmc,
Got. -OS : dagos, ON. dagar. The quantity of final -a in OHG,
is doubtful : the Nom. form to be expected would be taga (283).
Notker marks the -a occasionally
as long (nine times in all); but the

evidence of the Nom. PI. of (ja"^e)

theyVz-stems goes also to prove

that it was short,or at any rate had very earlybecome short (before
the development of -jato -e). It may be that the Accusative had planted
sup-
the Nominative.^ See PBB. ii. 135.

vii. Ace. PI. The Accusative form to be expected is taga with loss
in W. Gmc. U.G.
oi-nz\ Streitberg, " 172.
401 viii. Gen, PI. The termination in IG. of the Genitive was -dm,
which with the stem-ending -o gave -i?w, Gk. Ziv (this-0 was

apparentlythen extended to all stems, whether originally

^-stems or

not): OHG. iago.

The Gothic -e is unparalleled
in any other IG. language : it may be

a purely Gothic innovation, or perhaps vowel gradation\ e \ d\ oS..

PBB, xvii. 570.

402 ix. Dat. PI. The Dative, as has been stated,at an early period
was replacedby the Instrumental in its functions. The case- ending
was in IG. -mis (this
-mis appears as -ms in W. Gmc. Datives of names

in Latin inscriptions,
as Aflims^ Vatvims U.G,
) cf. Streitberg, " 172).
The OHG. form admits of two : either [a)the ending
interpretations
-mis was added to the vanishinggrade of the stem ; -s in unaccented

syllable " "

-z, which fell in W.Gmc, and sonant -m yielded-?^, hence
dag-um ; or {h)-ms was added to the IG.
(^-grade, -0 remained before

-7n (Pr.Gmc. ^^ago?fi),and then before -m became in all dialects -u :

OE. dapim, OS. dagiim^ OHG. iaguvi\ Brugmann ^," 269.

Of the double forms 'tin and -on for the Dative PI. the prevailing
one

is -tm in Isidor and UG. and -on in Franconian.

^
OS. dagos (Hild. 6 helidos),OE. dajas, are explained,as final
insufficiently -s

would have fallen in W. generallyassumed

Gmc. : they are to base upon an IG.
extended form os : es, from which possiblyGot. -os and O. Fris. -ar {fiskar')also
derive, Cf. Wilmanns, iii," 160, and Bethge," 318,
 1^2 NOMINAL AND rROKOxMlKAL SYSTEM [n. ii

405

406 i. For case terminations see above. In the Nominative and sative
Accu-

Singular,as in lag, the bare root "\-j stands, case-suffix and

stem-vowel have fallen,leaving^ final: "^hirlj,

and final -j is vocalized
to -i.

In the Nominative and Accusative Plural IMasc. final -jain the earliest

period becomes -e (279),so that the oldest form of Nominative Plural

is hirk, which is found in Pa. and Ka. without exception. In the

ninth century they-stems began to be confused with the pure ^-stems,

and the Nominative hirta was formed.
ii. The oldest form of Dative Singularis -ie (Ps. 138 and R* entie,
O. herie,Lw. chunnie). Otfrid has forms
occasionally in -i: einwigi,
anagengi,heri. The ending -e is of later date.

407 iii. The Nominative and Accusative Plural Neuter is normally the
bare root +/, kumii, without final -ti, but Franconian (T.)has forms
in -iu and, with loss of -?',
in -u : e. g. nezziu,giwatiu, beru, cuniiu,
gibirgu,"c.
iv. The Dative Plural has -um {-iin, like
-o?i) "7-stem, or -im {-in).
The latter is probably the regulardevelopment of the older -iom, -ieni
and not an analogicalformation from the /-stems [PBB.\\. 221 and

vii. 113). Masculine nouns prefer -im in Franconian and -um in

CH. Vl] NOUNS I S3

UG., while Nculcrs in UG. generally,and nearlyalways in Franconian,

lia\e -iin.

Words declined like hirti are : " 408

asni, hireling puzzi,Lat. puteus

robber
{lant)den\ ////,dill
hirsiy millet luctzi,wheal
hrucki, back wiari, ordinator
lahhi, leech wini^ friend

and the nouns nomina

in -Ciri, agentis,as beiari,hel/ari,
"c., to which

should be added the foreignwords allari and karkari.

V. Words with w before the -J show double forms : goiavi,gewi.

Note. "
suffix -dri-x suffix -^r/also appears
Beside frequently; thus,
although it is clear from Notker's accentuation that the -a in -dri was

long, the presence of in -dri must forms also be assumed, since in

Franconian (Is.and Otf.) such forms as skahcn\ dn'agen\ sanghcri,
Stephen',salteri,".C.,occur, showing mutation. In Alemannic the fall
of they'frequentlycaused gemination of the /' in these nouns ending
in -an': betdri "
betdrres.

3. WA stems.

These differ from the ^-sterns only in the Nominative and Accusa- 409

live Singularand the Neuter, Nominative, and Accusative Plural,where

the final -w is vocalized to -o.

tin, -on

i. Already in the ninth century z^y^-stems with precedinglong vowel, 410

as hleo,seo, sneo, eo, "c., lost their final -o: thus hie,se, sne, "c. This

fall of the w in the Nominative seems to have influenced occasionally

the oblique cases, as in these also the zv is now and then absent : rees,

sees, es, "c.

ii. W^hen the iv followed on a consonant, a secondary vowel, mostly
a, but sometimes o or e, was often developed: e. g. skato, genitive
skatwes or skatawes^ dative skatwe or skatawe.

iii. The words bu, spriuyson, ton, seem never to have had a final o :

they appear to have had -wiv in Pr. Gmc. and thus show final -u.
 i84 NOMINAL AND PRONOMINAL SYSTEM [pt.ii

Oiher words declined like kmo arc :

horo, dirt melo, dust Ireso, treason

hreo, corpse stru, straw zeso, right

II. O declension.

411 This declension includes Feminine nouns only,and forms the plement
com-

to the ^-declension of ]\Iasculine and Neuter nouns. It

corresponds to the Gk. and Lat. and

^^-declension, is therefore times
some-

termed the a-declension.

It also is subdivided into J-stems and yJ-stems : the zc;J-stems
pure
arc treated in the same as the pure J-stems.
way

O stems.

Pr. Gmc. Got. OHG.

Sg. Norn, -^-d PI. *-J2 giba gihos geba gebd
Ace. -on -oz giba gibos gcba geba
Gen. -oz -on gibos gibo geba {-u,-o) gebbno
Dat. -bi -biniz gibdi gibom gebu, -0 gebom,-on, -un

412 JO stems.

OHG.

(^)Sg. Norn, -ea^ -ia,siinta

siinie, PI. sunie, -ed, -ia,suntd
Ace
vjcn.
,, ,, ,, ,,
sunteono, suntono
Dat. sunt in,sun In sunieom, -dm, -on.

(b)Sg. Nom. kuningin PI. kuninginnd

Ace. kuninqinna {-iu) kuningijuid
Gen. hminginna kuningi7indno
Dat. kuninginnu kuninginndni, -on.

413 i. Nominative Singular. In IG. the nominative singularended in -a

without suffix : Skr. kdntd, Gk. Oea,Lat. dea. This IG. -^gave Pr. Gmc.
-3"^ a in Gothic when final (unlesspreservedby enclitics,
or in syllables,
mono-

e. g. in aino-hun (= Lat. sd, "c.).

7iulla), In W. Gmc. the

final -5 became -//, which was syncopated after a long syllableand in

polysyllabic
nouns. Thus in OHG. the nominative should end in -u

after a short and be without a final vowel after a ; cf.

long syllable
OE. jie/u beside Idr (283). The OHG. nominative form in -a is

that of the accusative which has passed into the nominative. There

are, however, in some of the oldest monuments, B., R., Is.,Monsee

Fr.,instances of the regularnominative form without final vowel after

long syllable
: e. g. Isidor,chimeinidh (= ginuinitJi),
and in the Ker.

Gl. several words in -unc, as kisamanunc festinunc^uuerdmic. To

,
CH. vi] NOUNS 185

these may be reckoned a number of ^T-stems which show, beside the

usual nominative in -a, a nominative without final vowel : these are

duoz,,halb, JiuuJl,uu'is, stun/ : they are used in formulae and standing

expressions,such as afidcr halb^ thiu siiinl,ander wis. The regular
nominative is further found in the proper names declined like theyJ-
stems and in words ending in -/;/ and -//;/,as hiirdin,
wiirzun, "c. The

nouns with had

terminal ion -/;/ originally only the nominative without

final vowel ; gradually the accusative form -injia sometimes found

ado})tionas nominative, while, on the other hand, the uninflected

nom. form extended over the whole the

singular; finally two forms

existed side by side,givingrise to the double form in J\IHG. kiinigin

and kumgimie. See PBB. v. 142.
ii. Accusative Singular. Pr. Gmc. -dm yielded Got., OHG., and

OS. a, but OE. e.

iii. Genitive Singular. The case termination was added to -d^ e. g. 414
-a + -so, giving-aso (Gmc. -oz) (cf.Gk. Qm%^ \.2^i. Got.
pater-familids,
gi'dos),
whence in OHG. -a should be expected (withW. Gmc. loss of

-z "" s),and possiblythe -a was long in the earliest OHG., though

the older Genitive form of the /J-stems ending in -e "" -Ja is an

argument against this (cf.above, tagd, 400). A strong tendency

existed to level out the and
genitive dadve cases : the -a of the Genitive

is found sporadically
in the Dative. Olfrid uses it in se/a,ak/a,/dra,"c.,

probably for the sake of the acrostic,but it occurs more o'^ten in B. :

on the other hand the -h {-id),-0 of the Dative penetratedinto the

Genitive. Isidor BR.

rchinisstc, leru,Tat. tcuzsungii, sahhu, spahtdu,"c.
Otfrid,again,probably for the sake of the rhyme, has /hera redinn.

Notker only -0.

uses Most texts after the tenth century show -u and

-0 indifferently
in both cases.

iv. Dative Singular. IG. ~d + -ai"^ Gmc. -di, Got. -ai. Got. 415

gibdi^OE. ^iefe,
OHG. gebu,OS. gebu, are old instrumentals "" " 0 "" d.

This 'U should fall after a long syllable,

but in most cases is restored ;
cf ,
however, the formula '
ze dero selbiin uuis
'

{PBB. xii. 553).

v. Nom. and Ace. PI. For the Nominative the regularform would 416
be -a, gebd, as IG. -d + -^.y yields-as, Gmc. W. Gmc. -oz, OHG.
-os, -^7.

For the Ace. IG. -d + -71s, with loss of -", would yield-ds, "
^ OHG. -a.

There would therefore be distinction made in the

a to be qualityof the
-a between the Nom. and Ace. in OHG., w hich,however, was levelled

out; see van Helten, PBB. xvii. 273. The usual -a is accented

long by Notker, and thus was presumably still long in his day, but
it is curious find that again the older
to y^^-stemshave -e (414). In
Bavarian the ending is -a for Nom. and Ace. alike,but in the mid-
 i86 NOMINAL AND PRONOMINAL SYSTEM [pt.ii

elevcnlh century this frcciuently

-u gives way to -e ; cf. Schatz, A//d.
Gr., " 1 lo ^/. Some older Alem. texts show Nom. and Ace. PI. in -o ;
ilius in the BR. and in the Interl. Hymns Mjo, firhw. Isidor once

lias miliutsso.

417 vi. Gen. PI. Pr. Gmc. should

-y'" yield OHG. -a; gebo (likeiago
above); cf. OS. geto, OE. jie/a,but the feminine J-stems in OHG.
borrow their Genitive PI. form from the feminine "-stems thus
;
gebono. [If,however, an IG. ending -nd"r"ndm be assumed, this
would yield regularly-cmo cf. Wilmanns, iii, later
; " 159. 3.] At a

date the Gen. ending passed in UG. from -uno through -dne to -on :

which form is used by Notker. In Franc, however, instead of the

second being weakened, the first is shortened and
-0 to -0, giving-otw
then weakened to -e?io,

418 vii. For the Dative,-u?n in placeof -d??iis rare : B. has it a few times,
Isidor once, dheodum^ and Tatian in the three texts /^,y, in which u
a,

often stands for 0.

The declined like geba form

nouns a very largeclass,includingthe
numerous derivatives from weak verbs,i.e. those ending in -iinga ; the
abstract nouns in -nissa and -ida,and further,after the ninth century,
the feminine nouns formed from masculines with W. Gmc. derivative,
suffix -innjb,lose the -jo forms and inflect like burdtn,
geba, e.g.
lenlin,"c.
Nouns of the 6?-declension have several forms in common with the

nouns of the w-declension of feminines (cf.the Nominative Sing,

and Dative and
Plural), it is very natural that considerable intermingling
should have taken place: from the earliest times the Gen. Plural is

borrowed from the //-stems. Nearly all writers use both vocalic

(strong)and ;/-stem (weak) forms of the same noun: Braune (" 208)
gives a list of seventeen such nouns used in double form by Otfrid
alone. The y'l^-stems,
on the other hand, had with the
strong affinity
feminine /-stems, and most of those
them, especially in -fiissa,have
a secondary form in -/', beside /b/m'ssa.
e. g./bhiissi

419 The Nom. and Ace. Sing,in -e is of course the normal development
of y + a. The -ea, -I'a,
-a are later analogicalformations. Before
the -ono of the Gen. PI./ is most often written e\ cf. 240.

yj-stems show mutation of the root-vowel where it is ^, and tion

gemina-
of consonant after a short vowel.

Jo feminine stems show a strong tendency to be confused with the

feminine -/ formations, and in many cases the same word shows two

alternatives: e.g. viinnea beside minnl, ".C.. "c.

The OHG. //////,
di'u,
a maiden, OS. histori-
Got. /?iwi\J^iujos,
//////,
CH. Vl] NOUNS 187

callybelongs to this deelension, but in the main it has gone over to the

feminine /-stems {PBB. ix. 538), and the y'J-inflections

original are

rare (cf.Notker, gen. pi.iJiiwon).

III. I Declension.

This declension contains only masculine and feminine nouns. 420

a. jMasculine.

Pr. Gmc. Got.

Instr. gastiu, -ti,ges/iu,gas/u

i. With nouns of short whether
root-syllable, masculine or feminine,421
the Nominative and Accusative should end in -/ OE.
(283)(cf. zevW

beside jics/)
; but alreadyin the earlyperiod of OHG. the distinction

between short and long had been effaced,and there are but few instances

of -/ being preservedafter a short syllable

: wim, n'si,and the verbal

abstracts kuh', and

(/ui/t, (incompounds) bif?ii. Kogel, p. 157.
ii. It will be seen that the Gen. Sing, should have yieldedOHG.
gas/e {ai"" e "" e when final),
but in Pr. Gmc. already the analogy
with the ^-stems affected the and
singular, a Genitive was formed in

-es ; cf. Got. gas/is,ON. ges/s, OE. jies/es.

iii. The Dative Masculine both in Got. and OHG. is also formed

by analogy with the "/-stems. The usual OHG. Instr. gas/u is

probably formed by analogy with the w-stems. Cf. Biugmann,

ii. 386.
iv. The Nom. PI. in -z is regularlyformed from IG. ei-es, Gmc. -Jz,422
Got. eis.

V. The Dative Plurals IMasculine and Feminine usually remain

-wi, -in, tillthe end of the tenth century, when the weakened form -efi

regularlysupplants them. Sporadically-e/n, -en are found in early

texts.

vi. The pluralof nouns with root-vowel -a shows mutation, except

of course in the oldest texts, but, as certain consonant combinations
 i88 NOMINAL AND PRONOMINAL SYSTEM [rt.it

impeded mutation in UG. and not in Franc., so UG. shows forms such

"^'i palgt,pachm,/alli\ In^i./alliu,

while Franc, has bel^n^
Scc.
423 A largenumber of nouns are declined like ^ifus/. The /-declension

coincided in OHG. with the ^z-declension in the and with

singular, the

/^-declension in the Nominative and Accusative plural: as a result,

nearly all the nouns of the latter passed into the /-declension,and
there are many transfers from the ^-declension to the /- and vice

versa. The /-declension is also reinforced from originalconsonant

stems, y}/^^,"c. Hence a considerable varietyof forms is found : many
/-stems have a pluralas if from an rt-stem, and double forms both of

a- and of/- abound : e.g. ivinta"winti, scilt " scilta "

scilU\ in fact it
is needful to refer largelyto other Gmc. languages in order to be

able to assign a noun to its rightfuldeclension, unless by chance the

Instrumental or the i)lural

happens to have been preserved. With the

change of declension came often a change of gender.

424

Got. OHG.

i. Here, too, the distinction between long and short in

syllable the

Nom. Sing,has been effaced,except in the case of turi,kuti,and a few

obtains in the
others (421). As regards mutation the same rule

pluralas with the Masculine nouns,

ii. The OHG. Gen. in -/,ensti,has been explained: some

variously
see in it agradationchange, Got. anstdis,OHG. ensti'. others analogy
to the Dative form. See Wilmanns, iii," 165, and literature there

quoted.
iii. The -/ of the Dative is of equallydubious origin. Brugmann
derives it from an Instrumental in -i, van Helten {PBB. xxviii. 539)

from an originaleii\ possiblyboth Got. anstdi and OHG. ^//j//derive

from the same form ei,which in E. Gmc. "

" di, in W. Gmc. "
" ei"^t.

in OHG.
Very occasionally a Gen. or Dat. Sing,is found without any

ending,e. g. Fr. Pn. ;;///diner a anst (^4),Ps. 138 viit dinero {22).
giivalt
It is old Instrumental, in which -/ has fallen after long
possiblyan
stem.

iv. The Feminines have no Instrumental in regularuse, but a couple

of earlytexts have forms in -eo, -in,with an apparent locative meaning:
 lOo NOMINAL AND PRONOMINAL SYSTEM [it.n

in ihe oldest monuments: Ls. 3. 10, sitniu ; "". 16, sidin ; O./ridiii;
'M./'noz,c,w beside hui^iu,
(on foot), sii^in. This Dative form coincided
wiili the Instrumental of the /-stems, and when the /^-sterns passed
into the z-declension it took Instrumental function, while the
up
Dative in -c of die /-declension replacedit as Dative : e. g. smie^ siie,
"c.

See, however, also van Helten, PBB. xxviii. 539 (alreadyreferred to for

the Dat. Sing,of z'-stem),

in which he derives this Dative from a form

to Dat.
in -eui,parallel in -/ of the /-stems from -eii.

428 iv. The only feminine noun of this class,hant^is declined like an /-

stem in all cases except the Dative plural,which it forms in -um, -on,

-iin. Notker writes handen without mutation, though in late OHG. the

form hen Iin had already appeared. The only Neuter noun is fihu,
which, apart from the Nom. and Ace. ~u, is irregular.
v. Otfrid,iv. 5. 59, has an Ace. Plur, in -n : situ Goihic
(cf. sununs),
Isidor has once a Dative sum {d. PBB. ix. 549, for nom. sunn "

sun).

B. Consonant Declension (Weak).

I. N stems.

429 This declension comprises Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter nouns.

Masculine ; stem IG. -on, -en, -n.

Gmc. -an, -in,-n.

Pr. Gmc. Nom. Sg. -0, Gen. -inzo Nom. PI. -aniz,Gen. -non

Ace. Sfif.
-anm Ace. PI. -nnz, -nunz ; ^aniiz, -anunz

Dat. Sg. -ini Dat. PI. -miz, -nmiz

Feminine and Neuter Nom. Sing,-on ; other cases as the Masc.

430 Got. OHG.

CH. vi] NOUNS 191

The stems which in K). ended in -;/ could have as the full stem: 431

-o?i, -en, -11, or -n, and in certain cases the lengthened grade -on. -en, so

that the historyof their Germanic development is not simple.

i. Nom. Sing.Masc. and Neut. The Nom. Masc. in IG. consists

of stem without sufllx,

but with lengthenedgrade of vowel : by the side

of -on and
(cf.rjye/xMv) -en (iroLfjLrjv)
were also Nom. forms in -0 without

possiblywith a slurred accent, cf. Ca/o "" Cairn. In the Nom.

-;/,

W. Gmc. OHG. -0 Neuters only differ from the Masc.

0 gave : ginno.
in the Nom. and Ace. Sing,and PL The Neut. and Fem. Sing,ended
in IG. -w/ "
" Pr. Gmc. -on (not like the Masc. in -o); Got. hairtb,

tiiggd\ OHG. herzay zunga. The quantity of the -a is uncertain

(cf.Schatz, Alfb. Gr.,^ 112, A).

ii. Ace. Sg. Masc. IG. -on + -w (Catonem), Gmc. -amim : Got. 432

hanan, OE. hanan. OHG. has two forms, hanun, hanon (OS. hanoii).
Of these the first possiblyrepresents the vanishingvowel-grade in the

stem, though it is frequentlyaccepted as the weakening of -0 to -ti

before nasal + -u, Hke the -iim of the Dative PI. (402),thus : Pr. Gmc.
''^
^anonn{vi)
gave OHG. haniin. The second form hanon is more cult
diffi-

to explain,and no entirely
satisfactory
attempt has yet been made.

It is possible(i) that IG. 0 was preserved in OHG. and OS., and

never passed into a in these dialects,because the following u, veloped

de-

before n in Gmc, preserved it (cf.the retention of IG. 0

before -vi in ^dago?n, Dat. Plur. (2) That IG. 0 passed into

a in OHG. and OS. as in Gothic, but under the influence of the

Gmc. -n?n followingsuffered mutation to 0 parallelto the mutation

caused by t in verbal forms : diti^esi,

bindis. Van Helten's attempt
to account for the OHG, -ten forms as u mutation of -on forms is not

convincing; cf for the whole question Streitberg,U, G., " 180;

PBB. XV. 460 and the literature there cited.

In OHG. Isidor and the earliest UG. texts show preferencefor the

form hanun, while Franc, favours the form hanon.

iii. Gen. and Dat. Sg. Masc. and Neut. As stated above, the;/ -stems 433
had in their stem-forming suffix partlythe grade -en and partlythat
of -on (264). The IG. -en form is one which survives in the Gen.
and Dat. Sing.(Gmc. -iri)
in Got. and W. Gmc. ; cf. Got. hanins,hanin,
OHG. henin [whileIG. -on (Gmc. -an)is preserved in the Ace. Sing,
and Nom. PI.]. OHG. weakens Pr. Gmc. -in frequentlyto -en, and
Isidor and UG. show a preferencefor -in,Franc, for -en.

iv. Nom. PI. Masc. IG. *-ones,Gmc. ""-aniz,

yieldedGot. -ans and
in OHG. would -^ -an (cf.OE. hanan),but the termination in OHG.
is -on, -mi. This has been explained as the Accusative form which
 192 NOMINAL AND PRONOMINAL SYSTEM [it.ii

lias penetratedinto the Nominative, but this is hardly satisfactory,

and
it is most probable that the -o?i, -wi is due to the influence of the

followingnasal (432).
Ace. PI. Masc. The Ace. PI. in Cjuic. would have either
V. (i)
vanishinggrade -;/ + -ns, or (2)-0 grade,-cm + -71s. The former is

perhaps preserved in Got. auhmins {PBB. viii. 115) and in the

OHG. hamm form. OHG. and OS. revert to the -0 grade, Gmc.

aminz (or onunz\^\\\\ retained IG. -^)yield-on in OHG. like the Ace.

Sing. (432).
434 vi. Nom. and Ace. PI. Neuter. The Neuter PI. seems originally
to have been connected
intimately with the Feminine abstract and
sing.,
to have had in IG. the feminine suffix -a added either to the vanishing
grade or to the lengthened -b grade of the stem. This IG. vanishing
stem -nd appears in Lat. 7iomma, and is preserved in Got. namna^

ahna, and in OHG. herzim ; while Got. hairiona is the regularde-

scendant

of the lengthenedstem -otid. The OHG. herzun sometimes

in later texts appears as -on through confusion with the masculine or

through mere weakening, and is of course by Notker's time reduced to

-en. Forms like herza for Nom. and Ace. PI. {pugaB.,herza B. and O.)
are probably and
singular, are used as plural on the analogy of the

Neuter a-stems, where the two forms are the same. See J. Schmidt,
IG. Neutra, but also Brugmann^, " 480.
vii. Gen. PI. The stem had only vanishingvowel-grade-n
originally
before -om, Sk. rdjndin,Got. alme^ manne, auhsne {PBB. xii. 543).
Got. hanane\%2i new formation in analogy with the -an cases. OHG.,
like the other W. Gmc. borrows
dialects, the Masc. and Neuter Gen. from
the Pr. Gmc. '^-onom OHG.
(Got.iiiggdno), hanono, herzbno, ztmgono,
OE. hanena, heoriena hm^ena. For the development in OHG.
(f.), of

Pr. Gmc. -onom see 417.

435 viii. Dat. PI. The stem here had

originally the reduced grade -n

or -n before consonant which

suffix, should yield Pr. Gmc. '^-nviiz,
Got. -nwn (OE. rare oxnuni). Got. abnain, watnam retain the stem -",

thousfh their -am seems to have been borrowed from the "2-stems.

^"""iHHHpiiBiHnj. Otherwise in Gothic and in all Germanic

languages the -n of the stem has entirelydisappeared,and the Dat.

PI. OHG. hanbni, herzbm, zungbm has been adopted from some other

declension.

436 Note. " Of the varyingforms : -?/;z,-on for Ace. Sing,and Nom. PI.,
-in,-en for Gen. Sing.,those in -tin and -in
Dat. are the older,and are

those used by Isidor. They are preservedin UG., but later Franconian

uses the -on and -en forms. In the Gen. and Dat. Sing, the older texts
CH. vi] NOUNS 193

duly have the mutated root-vowel,as henui^ nemin, from hatio,namo,

but of system soon
constraint levelled out the mutated forms in favour
of the unmutated forms like the Nom. Notker uses the weakened form
-en in all cases except the Nom. Sing,and the Gen. PI. ; cf PBB. iv.
358 and 408.
A very large number of Masculine nouns belong to this class : the

many w-stem words expressiveof agency formed from verbs, as gebo^ .

forasago,"c., see Kluge, " 15, and PBB. iii.i.

]\IanyMasculine nouns in Gmc. had formerly a j preceding the 437

i.e. were
suffix, -jan^-jinstems, but as they had vanished,as everywhere
before an /, and ja had become e^ its former presence can, after the
ninth century, only be recognizedby the
geminationin words X'XkQgisello ^

or by the mutated vowel, as crho, kempho,feiiro^

and in a few nouns

with -rj,as after r the j maintained itself longer,e. g. ferio^burio,

skario, "c. See Braune, " 223.

Femiuine.

i. The Nom. Sing,is the same as that of the Neuters. 438

ii. Oblique cases. Sing,and Nom. Ace. PI. : the -uii of these cases

in OHG., OS. -//;/,ON. -u, is not explained.(Brugmann'^ " 271.) OE.

has levelled -an throughout to match the Masc. ; cf. PBB. xv. 463.
In OHG. the Gen. and Dat. PI. of the Feminine nouns have been

adopted for the Masc. and Neuter (see above),and the Gen. PI. has

also been taken over into the feminine stems.

Note. "
There are but few Neuter nouns following
herzUy only ouga,
ora^ ivanga. Otfrid uses a Dat. Sing,herzen as Dat. PI. ; cf. Kelle,249.
There are many nouns declined like znnga : here too there were former

-jan,-jinstems, as kevia,redia,briinia,
and what has been said about
the jNIasc. appliesto them also. To the Nomina agentisin -dri there
were also Feminines in -aria^ -arra, and -ani] cf Braune. " 226.

II. Abstract Nouns in -i.

This declension in OHG. abstract

comprises{a)adjectival nouns in 439

such
-/', as helli, tiuri,ziori,"c.,
viilti, and {b)verbal abstracts,as mendi,
diki,"c. The former were in OHG. a very largeclass,as they could
be formed from any the
adjective, latter were few.
comparatively The

abstracts
adjectival had as stem-ending originally Got.
-ht (//-stem).

; the
managei, vianageins verbal nouns had -ini Got. ddupcins,
(z-stem).
ddtipeindis.Confusion between the two declensions and subsequent
levelling
out have caused a in the OHG.
great simplification inflections

of such feminine nouns, and the two fall togetherin the one OHG.

paradigm.
1167 N
 194 NOMINAL AND PRONOMINAL SYSTEIM [vt.u

440 i. The forms with -/;/ in the Nom. and Ace. PI. are used consistently
only by Isidor and in the IMons. Fr., M.: elsewhere they are sporadic.
The Dat. PI. in -/;/ is replacedin Alem. occasionally
by the extended

forms "'inom^-hiu?n, e. g. hohinum, Notker forms a Nom. and Ace. PI.

hohina, so that the whole plural is as if formed with the suffix -Ini'.

e.g. hei/tna,hetlino,heilinon. The Gen. PI. is rare: O. once has resio,

Gen. PJ. from resti, instead o\ resilno. {PBB. ix. 319.)
ii. A number of nouns with suffix which
-///, strictly
belong to the

yj-stems, have virtually

joined this class : e. g. hurdin, lugin,kntiji,
harim, hiitin^
hingin {-un). At least they waver between the yJ-class
and this,but tend to adopt the -I forms. Thus in the singularthey
ha\e forms in -J, and throughout the plural show the -In forms, as

Notker does. Mons. Fr. has beside a Nom. biirdi 2l Dat. PI. burdinuin ;
Nom. lugin,Gen. PI. lugi'no,
T. lugina.

III. {a) E, stems, {b) ND stems, [c] Monosyllabic

Consonant stems, [d) S stems.

{a) R stems.

441 These are nouns denoting relationship,

e. g. fater, bruoder, muoier,

which
sivesfer, tohier, have preservedconsonantal inflection throughout
the earlier monuments, but show a strong tendency to be influenced
by other declensions.

442 IG. r-stems in the main are words denoting relationshipand

Nomina agentis: as in the case of the //-stems the r is preceded by
a vowel which may occur in the e : 0 grade, the vanishing or the

lengthenedgrade e: 0. For the alternation of full vowel and vanishing

vowel grade before r cf. Gk. -rrarpi
-n-aripa,
The only r-stems which survive in OHG. are and
Masculineya/"'/'
bruoder, Fem. muoier^ swester, tohier.
i. Nom. Sing. In IG. this case is formed as in the "-stems without
CH. vil NOUNS 195

but wiihcompensatorylengtheningof
suflix, stem- vowel; cf. Gk.
Traryp,

"f)paTU}p.
In Gmc. the long vowel is shortened before /' : in K. Gmc, -er

and -or yield -ar (Got.fadar, bropar); in OHG. both result in -er,

fatcr,bruodcr (a form like bruodar is PBB.

quite exceptional, ii. 141,

iv. 419); while in OE. the fnial vowel is coloured by that which

precedes: fdtder,but brodor,

ii. Ace. Sing.: the stem -e or -0, cf. Gk. Trare'/ott, thus
pr'jTopa; -tv 443

+ -/// : -(^r + -^/i- Final w was lost in Gmc, and also the distinction

between -er and -^r. Got. /adar, bropar \ OHG. bruodcr.

/cifer,
iii.The Gen. Sing,has the vanishinggrade stem-vowel and the

usual suffix {^oso

: -eso : -so : Gk. Trarpo?,
Lat. patris,Pr. Gmc. *brdpriz,
Got. broprs). Final z falls in W. Gmc, and OHG. and OE. develop
a secondary vowel between / and r : OHG. bruoder,OE. brbdor (later
brddrcs\
iv. Dat. Sing. This is an old Locative in -/,cf. l^^i. palri ; stem in

the vanishinggrade : Got. bropr. In OHG. bnioder has a secondary

vowel as in the Gen.

v. Nom. Plur. Pr.Gmc. '^faderiz

as in Greek had the full grade
of stem; cf. Trare/acs. OHG, fater, OY.. fdeder.
vi. Ace. Plur. IG. had the vanishing grade-stem + -ns, Lat. 444

patres {""*pat reus),

Pr. Gmc. '^fadr-nz,
Goi. fadruns, OHG. and the

other dialects use the Nom. as Ace.

vii. Gen. Plur. The stem was in the vanishinggrade ; cf. Gk. TrarpCjv,
Lat. pa/rmn, Got. fadre. The other dialects adopt forms with full

grade stem from the other cases : OHG. briiodero,/atero,

OY../dedera.
viii.Dat. Plur. The stem was in Gmc. vanishinggrade + -?iiiz ; Pr.
Gmc ^'fadnniz,
Got. /adrum. The W. Gmc. dialects carry through the
stem-vowel from the other cases : O'AG./aferum, OY.. fdederum.
In OHG. the Feminines preserve more than
faithfully the IMasc. 445

their declension.
original Not tillvery late do they show the analogy
with the ^-declension,and then only in the Plural. Notker, Gen.
Sing, tohkr, Nom., Ace PI. tohiera,Dat. tohteron. A Dat. PI. from

the ^-declension is also found in Notker, tohtenm. The Fern, form

nviger = a mother-in-law is historically

an J-stem, and usuallyretains
its inflection as such (T. and O. always),
but in N. shows a Gen. sivigtr
by analogy wiih the r-stems.

Of the Masculine bruodcr is more faithful to its old declension than

fakr. Falcr has in no singleinstance in OHG. its true plural,

/aicr,
but ahva}s appears as fakra like an tz-stcm, while, except in B.,
bruodcr a does not occur before Notker.

N 2
 196 NOMINAL AND PRONOMINAL SYSTEM [pt.ii

On llic other hand, in the singuhirgen. of/^/Ar,yi//"/Yj',

(^A\../aler
exist side by
"A.\\"\faiL're side in earlytexts. A Dative PI. in -on is found
for both words in T. and in 0.,/atoron,
/jruodoron,
even -an : bruadaran,
with sympatheticcolouringof the slem-vowel ; cf. PBB. vi. 252.
The Accusativey^?/^/v7;/
(H.) is dealt with above, 396.

448 {b) ND stems.

These are participial

stems : IG. ent : out : ;//. Of Gmc. Participles
Present in -7id^those which had lost all participial
meaning and had
become true substantives retained their true consonantal declension :

of these only two remain in OHG., fritmt,flant^ and these are

stronglycontaminated by the inflection of the rt:-stems.

Got. OHG.

447 i. The inflection in OHG., except for the Nom. Sing,and PI.,is that

of the ^-sterns. Friunt is the usual form for the Nom. PI.,while of

f'lantthe form in -a is more general. Only Isidor and BR. have Nom.
and Ace. V\. flant. A Dative Sing.y/7"w/ occurs once in Gl. i. 705.

The PI. lanlpuant =z indigenosVoc. 453 is the only other consonant

pluralin OHG.

ii. OHG. has a certain number of other substantival in

participles
-(/;//,
as skepfant,
ivallani,heilanl, helfimi,
wigant, "c., but these show

no trace of consonantal inflection except for the Nom. Sing,(which is

without the -i of the Present and
Participleivaltanti), in the main

a in OHG.,
present participle even when used as a noun, keeps the

adjectival-ja stem-inflection in contrast to the other dialects : OS.

OHG.
7icria?id, nerrendco (Is.)(weak -ja inflection)
; OS. waldand,
OHG. zvaltanto (wk.),or ivaltanti (str.).

{c) Monosyllabic Consonant Stems.

448 (a) Masculine. The nouns belonging to this class show few

traces of consonantal inflection : they have in part adopted that of the

II- and z-stems.

Fuo2^ (Lat.pcd-, Gk. has passed

ttoS-) into the z-declension,only
retainingthe -urn ending of the Dat. Y\. fuoz,z}im(ON. Nom. Wf^tr,
OE./^/ show stillconsonantal The
inflection). one noun which in early
OHG. had pure consonantal inflection was man.
 loS XOMIXAL AND PK^)X()^TI^^\T. SVSTKM [pt.ii ^

451 {(/)S stems.

These neuter nouns are frequentlyincluded in the ^-declension in

OIIG. grammars because their inflexion in the singular is identical

with that ofzfwV. They are, however, consonant stems in which the

siem-forming suffix has been treated as a case ending.

The stem in IG. was of the ^.9 :fs:s gradation,corresponding to the

Lat. opus, oper-is class, Gk. yeVo?,yeVcm?. These ^-stcms originally

had in the Nom. and Ace. the mere stem -os ; the -os of the stem in

Gmc. became -as, -az, and fell in W. Gmc, leaving,so far as the Nom.

and Ace. were concerned, no distinguishingmark between the j-stems

and the neuter ^-stems, OHG. /a7?il/,

.9-stem, OHG. war/, a-stem

[as in the latter the IG. suffix -om had fallen]

: in the oblique cases the es-

stem was protectedby the ca^e-ending following,and therefore should

have been retained in W. Gmc. but

-?'r, owing to the Nom. and Ace.

forms most of the j-stems passed into the rt'-stems in the singular,
while retainingin the pluralthe -I'r "" es stem (Pr.Gmc. -iz = W. Gmc.

-?"-). In the oblique cases of the singular -ir was retained in a few

forms, as chalhires,hrindires for ahi'r

hrindares, ivestir^ with -I'r levelled

back into the Nom. and Ace, and doublets (cf.OE. sige "
and
si'gor),
in the names of places,as Kelbin'shach ; cf. PBB. iv. 415.

452 The number of words rightlybelonging to the ^--stems in Gmc. was

at first small, but as the -ir was soon adopted as a plural-formingsuffix

they were soon reinforced already in OHG. by the inclusion of neuter

nouns originallybelonging to other declensions : e.g. holz, huo?i,chrut,

cj\ hdr, rad, hris^ hriiid, loh^ lojib,noz,, hatii,href,/arh, hlai, and
occasionallysum, tal,kar.
Otfrid has iii. 14.
ditifilir, 53 ; ; and
Phys. ze*/////;' see Teg. QxX.fieorgics,
iv. 309, Aen. ix. 224.

The rool-vowel was mutated by the following -i\ thus halb "
kelhir,

grab "

grebir, "c. Where the root-vowel was 0 arisingfrom P. Gmc.

//,
the plural sometimes retains the originalw, as loh "
hMir, abgot "

though levellingout
ahgiitir, soon took place in favour of the root-vowel

of the singular.

So-. Nom. lamh PI. hmbir

Ace. lainb hmbir

Gen. laiJihes lemhiro
Pat. laiJibe lemhiriim, -im, -on

Inst, hwibii, -0
CFI. Vl] 199

PRONOUNS

Personal Pronouns.

Ii is nol possibleto speak of an actual declension of pronouns in 453

IG., as the pronominal forms show no trace of case inflection : they

appear to have been merely roots originallycombined with enclitic

which
particles, latter took the function of case suffixes ; cf. Gk.
c/xc-yc,
Gmc. Got.
^fiiek,
*?ticke, 7uik,OHG. 7nih. Owing to the presence in the

parent language of unaccented forms beside accented (cf.OE. I'c,ON.

ek, Lat. ego),it is not always possibleto state the originalform with

accuracy, but in OHG. the largemajority of pronominal forms derive

from the Pr. Gmc. unaccented forms.

i. Nom. Sing. Sk. Gk. "yw(r),Gmc.

^//^';//, ik.
*^/', In the Glosses, 454
i. 30, 39, the form ihha^ ihcha occurs, Lat. egomet. The form ih quently
fre-

is used with verbal forms in which

enclitically, case Otfrid

often elides the vowel, e.g. zelluh = zellu ih.

ii. Ace. Sing. Sk. miim, ma, Grk. 6/jte + the particle
-ye = l\xiye
(Gk. y" = Pr. Gmc. '^ke), hence
'^ineke, Pr. Gmc. ^mek^ mik.
iii. Gen. Sing. For the genitiveof the personalpronouns the forms

of the possessiveadjectivewere used. The process has been explained

as follows : at first the ordinary use of the genitive(possessive)
was

marked by the case-ending(cf. father's '

house '),or by a specialword,
as vwi \ when, however, verbs and governing
adjectives the genitive
were introduced it became necessary to have a genitiveform, and this

was suppliedby the which

possessive, then was generallyadopted as

the genitiveof the pronoun (see464).

iv. Dat. Sing. \Q,'^me, to which was added in Gmc. *-0. Pr. Gmc. 455

accented '^mez,unaccented ^miz ; Got. mis, OHG. mir,

v. Nom. PI. IG. '^tiei(Sk. vaymii) with s in Gmc, the sign of the

plural.Got. iveis,OHG. wir unaccented (earlyAlem., Pa. wer, an

accented form).
vi. Ace. PI, IG. -ns (reduced grade to *wi'),Sk. nas^ Lat. nos,

Gmc. ^tins. OHG. tmsih, in analogy with the Sing, viih ; Got. tmsis

in analogy with the Dative Sing,mis^ or possiblywith the Plural of the

2nd person : izwis.
 200 XOMINAT. ANT) PROXOMTNAL SYSTEM [pt.h
456 Second Person. Pr. Gmc. ///,Gk. Lat. /u, Gmc.
tv, *///.

Got. OHO.
Sg. /// PI. j'/Ls- Sg. (//} PI. ?r

{^ Jnik izwis dih hiwih

peina izwara din iiiwer
pus izwis dir in

457 i. The Nominative when used enclitically

was shortened. Ace. :

with the the particle-ge added (cf.

as ist pers., was to tu\ '^tii-ge
Gk. givingGot. puk
cTv-y^), ; OK. thee "" : ""lue:
fe.-\-ge tu : te. To this

ie the Dative added -s, Pr. Gmc. V'/^,OHG. dir (though QiQ"\.pmsafter
Ace. piik). Tlie Got. Nom. Pkn-. is formed from the originalroot in

(Sk.yt1yd??i)
+ the -s of the plural: the other Gmc. languages have

adopted a form in analogy to the ist pers. 7(n'r: ON. per, OY^. je{r),
OHG. //' ("" yer, yir),old Alem. Ps. ier,Is. and INI. er, aer. De Ilein

14 gJ, with fall of final r. Braune, " 282. 3.

ii. The forms in the Ace. and Dat. PI. mis and wisi/i,in and iuivih

are generallyquiteclearlydistinguished
in use, but there was in OHG.

already a tendency to confuse them, which is indicated in several

passages. Thus the Ludwigslied has four cases oi iu for the Ace. PI.,
and the Augsb. Gebet has uns as Ace. PI. (37. i), MM. 3. 130.
Graphicallythere were variations in the oblique cases. Otfrid writes

a singlev for iiw : iiih,Sec,

iiier, where others use two and sometimes

three 7/'s: i?mer,iuiiuer. Isidor has occasionallyforms with e instead

of;': cii, euui/i,B. once euuih, Al. Ps. eutmih, and towards the close

of the eleventh century a contracted form inch, iich makes its

appearance. Braune, " 282. 6.

iii. The Genitive forms were, as has been said,derived from the

Possessive adjective.IG. ^meios., Lat.

ieiios (cf. mens, tuus)had for some

reason fallen into disuse, and were replaced by Pr. Gmc. ^7?ihto-z,
phto-z, shio-z, derived either from *;;/^,te (Gmc. /^), se with the

suffix
adjectival -hw Got. gulpeins^L,d.t.
(cf. /aglfius), or from the Dat.-

Loc. *w^/, tei^sei sJ)with suffix *-7/^. Otfrid,in several

(Gmc. *??i7,pJ,
instances, uses a form mhies for the Genitive when it is combined with

setd: thus iv. 31. 25 ??iJnes selhen imisi,and once v, 7. 61 /am in sines

selh but
gisiliti, he never uses this extended form in connexion with

a feminine noun. Bethge, " 322. 2.

458 iv. The Plural of the Possessives was formed by the suffix -ero

(possiblythe comparative suffix,cf. -tero,which is used in Lat. noster,

"c.),*unsero-z,Got. misara, OHG. iinser, "c. The length of -e in

these forms, tmse)', "c., is marked by Nolker, and is also proved by the
CH. Vl] PRONOUNS 201

double -ee in B. and St. Gall. Pn., probably in analogy with the Norn.

Masc. of the which

adjective, also ended in -cr) but see Ym%^\,PBB.
ii. 140 and viii. 128.

V. Dual. The Dual, which in Got. is stillextant, has left hardlyany 459

traces in OHG. : Oifrid has a form -linker zuei'o (iii.

22. 32) as Gen.

PI. of the I St pers., and Nom. git, Ace. ink, for the 2nd pers. occur ;

moreover, the forms in Mod. Bav. os and cfik beside a possessive

"?jker must derive from an originaldual and show that such a form did

exist in German. The stem of this Dual was the same as that of the
Plural: ist pers. Nom. -ije + -^/" "Gmc. "^wet,OS. ivil,OE. wit]
Ace. -;/ + the article -/"""
= Got. ngk, OS. //;//', 2nd pers. Nom. -in

+ Gmc. -t-^ Got. *////.In W. Gmc. analogy to wif caused the form

OHG. ^?/, OS. gi/, OE. j//: the Ace. vie has yet to be explained.

Reflexive Pronoun.
Stem *se (njc),cf. Lat. si\ Got. sik " seina " sis for all numbers and 460

persons, In
sik":"'^se-\-ge. OHG. the Reflexive has but two cases,
the Gen. sJn and the Ace. si/i : the remainder are supplied from the

pers. pronoun, si/i was not used for the Dative until late. Muspilli,28,
is the earliest instance.

The pronoun of the 3rd person in Gmc. is derived from three 461

distinct roots, from the IG. demonstratives (i) *.v"?,

sa {sio, (2)from
sia),
ei with the reduced grade /, and (3) from eio : eia, cf. Lat. is,ea, id.
i, IMasc. Nom. ir,or, er. Got. is,Lat. is " " root /.

Neut. iz, iia id.

" ,, "

In OHG. Isidor uses for the Nom. Sg. always /r,the Mons. Er. show

forms er, aer. Occasionallythe LG. form he occurs in the HI., Lw.,
and Mers. Sp.,seven times in Tatian, which, with the prevailingform
her of Franc, monuments, is the descendant of IG. *ki,Lat. r/j,citra.
Got. hina.
*///!?, The Neuter iz^becomes es in later OHG.
 202 NOMINAL AND PRONO^^INAL SYSTF.M \vt.u

ii. Masc. Ace. 7?ki;/ is the regularform until the eleventh century.
/;/ is the only form in Notker, and occurs occasionallyin earlier

writers,e.g. Musp. 19, and in

frequently Tatian beside wan.

iii. Genitive. The genitiveof the Masculine should be the same

as that of the Neuter, viz. is, es, but these forms were lost very early
in OHG. and replacedby the reflexive sJn. The oldest form of the
Neuter Gen. is 7S, which begins to be replacedby es as earlyas the

eighthcentury, and occurs with T. and O. always. Sfn for the Neuter
Gen. is also found.

iv. Dative. To the root i was added

originally the stem *sm (cf.
Sk. Pr. Gmc.
tiumai, tas??n'?i), *ww, to which was joined the mental
instru-

ending e : 0, Got. -a, OHG. -7i{o).

(Got. im?na ; OHG. hmi,
with singlein owing to the want of stress.) In OHG. tinu is the

regularform ; this passed into ijtioin the ninth century, in Franc, first,
and later in UG. (But see Jellinek,PBB., who derives -0 in all

monuments which do not weaken -ti to -0 from IG. Abl. in -od^

462 V. Feminine. Nom. sin, st. The root was IG. "^sid,Gmc. sm,
which unstressed would give siu, OF. seo. This sin is in OHG. the

usual form : the secondary forms st and "' occur at later times and are

equivalentto Got. si, from ^sie " "sl. The alternatingquantityof

OHG. -I in st and si is due to the change from stressed to unstressed

positionin the sentence (cf.

dU and dii).Notker marks it by circum-
flex

as long,but when used it is

enclitically short. Otfrid frequently
writes ^7. In the ninth century si is rare. (Muspilli,
3.)
Ace. sia,sie. Sia is regularuntil the end of the ninth century, and
then begins to pass into sie : in T. the form sie occurs.

Gen. Dat.
?"'"7, irti. The weakened
initial i is rarely to ^, K., Merseb.
31. I, and Otfrid. The final vowel n "
0 varies as in the "?-stems, and

at an earlydate the distinction between the Genitive and Dative was

levelled out and the u of the Dative penetratedinto the Genitive, but
rarelythe a of the Genitive into the Dative.

463 Plural. The Nom. Ace. sio represent

sie,siti, the originalroot with

the adjectival
endings. Otfrid has frequentlythe
fairly Masc. form sie

for the Neuter sin,and replacesthe Fem. sio hy sie [sia). Notker has

only sie for all three genders. Gen. plur.reg. form iro. Tatian once

writes for the Gen. PI. ei'o, and very rarelythe forms irii and ira are

found (foriro). In the paradigms the pronominal forms are given in

their i. e. independentshape, but
full, after stressed words the pronoun

lost its stress and was joined to them as an enclitic. The changes
which this usage occasioned are clearlyseen in O. With him the

monosyllabic forms with initial vowel lose this vowel after vocalic
CH. vi] PRONOUNS 20-

ending,e. g. 7(.'ior = U'w er, zaltaz, = zalta i\,mztaz, = sazia i\ though

in the case of er it is generallythe preceding vowel which falls,
e. g.

i^iloub/
er. The forms
disyllabic as a rule lose their initial vowel

after a voca'ic or a consonantal ending alike : e.g.er??i antwiirli = er

mo anhvurti. Thus are obtained the forms: nan, mo^ sa-^r-sia,

se " "
si'e,
ses """ sies,siiiz = si in 2\. Si2inreim\si'eouh. sa is rare ; cf.

Lw. 24 heigun sa, (Unaccentedsia, sa, se^ seo, sie or so.^

Possessives.

As was stated in 454, the OHG. possessivepronoun was a new 464

formation in Pr. Gmc. : ^?mjio-z,Got. meins, OHG. mm, "c. The

Pr. Gmc. sJno-z was used for all genders and numbers like Gothic sews ;

but OHG. restricted sin to the Masc. and Neuter Sg., the Fem. and

Plural used the Gen. of the Pers. pronoun 7'ra,iro, /r, of course

indeclinable [inflected
forms, as iren, belong
//yj-, to the iith-i2lh

century].Min, dm, sin had the inflexion of the strong adj.(cf.

viiner,
vunaz,, vi'iniu,"c.),but in the Nom. as a rule the uninflected form

stood when precedingthe noun and varied with the inflexional form

when Weak
follov^'ing. inflexion occurs twice in Otfrid,i. 2. 20 and

iii. 7. 53 : m'lno. Franconian, lyingbetween L. and UG., had a special

form of declension of the possessivesbased on the OS. form, except in

the Nom. IMasc. It treated them as if the stem were uns, in,"c.,
declined: Nom. nnser, unsaz^, unsu, Ace. unsan, unsaz,, unsu,
e.g.
Gen. nnses "
unsera, Dat. unse?)io " imseru ; but these shortened forms

were not so much in use as the regularones, and Tatian restricts his

use of those of inner to those cases in which two syllables

commencing
with an r would follow upon each other : inner em " while Otfrid
iuiiern,
writes iues, iiie,iuo, iuen, "c. In UG. sporadic forms occur which

apparentlyindicate the shortened stem, but they are all forms in which

an er is suppressedthrough dissimilation : nnserero "

" nnsero ; Notker's

imserro shows the intermediate stage. Syncope of the e in the older

OHG. is very rare, and is only met with in Bavarian (Freis.Pn.
nnsro, nnsrem),although it becomes frequentafter the earlyeleventh
century ; cf. PBB. v. 94. Occasionallya has replacede (oftenwith
Tatian): H., R^\ M. imsariu, nnsaran, innarem.

Demonstratives.

In Gmc. the demonstrative pronouns (Got.sa, so, J"afa)

are derived 465

from
respectively the roots */o.
*so,{^sd), Gothic forms from root *so,
while OHG. has lost the *.f^ " sii roots as demonstratives, and tained
re-

the to : /e roots.
 _"04

^g.

PI.

[deavi,dien)

466 In IG. the two stems "^-soand */^ supplemented each other in such

a way that from the former were taken the Nom. Sg. Masc. and Fern.,
and all other cases from the latter. In placeof '^so,
*sii IG. could use

"^sioand and
'^sid, for */^, */"2 also and
"Vz'tf *//a : hence OHG. Nom.

Sg. Fem. siu and Nom. PI. din.

Nom. Masc. Sg. IG. *so was used as bare stem as in Sk. sa, Gk. 6,
Got. sa, sdi. OHG. se represents this j^-stem + -/ (cf.Lat. qo-i
" " qui),Got. sdi OHG.
{= ecce), se. OHG. der (y"e + the -r of Nom.)
is anew formation which replacesj'-roots. LG. and MG. de, the show
loss of r and compensation lengthening. Franc, uses /he and even

diphthongizesthis e to in T.,
ie,frequently thie. Other HG. variants

are de Pa., dee and

R'*^, dhe Is.
{se/do)
Accusative. IG. */"?-;;/,
Sk. /dm, Gk. t6v,Lat. is-/um^OS. /hen,OHG.
den, in which the e is derived from analogy to the other cases.

Neuter Sg. Nom., Ace. IG Sk. /dd, Gk.

""/o-d, to,
Lat. is-/ud,
ON.

pa/, OS. /ha/,OHG. daz^. Got. pa/a has an adjoinedparticle

-a.

Instrumental. OHG. diu "" IG. ""/id,

as Got. pe ^- IG. /e. It

appears behind des before comparatives (Otfrid/hes /hiu min), as de

weakened to /e with Will, and Notker, Notker des te spd/or.

467 Dative. In Gothic hjammeh the vowel e shows that this case must

have been an Instrumental, which in IG. ended in a lengthened e.

Beside -e the vowel -d occurred "
"West Gmc. u the
(cf.OS. /hemti): a

(IG.o) of root varies in gradationto e, Got. pamma : OHG. demu. The

7nm, \n OHG. simplified

to ;;/, derives from IG. -sm ] cf. Sk. Dat.

iasmai, to which OHG. (late)

demo with o "
u corresponds. In OHG.
the earliest form is demu (dhemii)Is.,B.,but Pa., K., H. have already
demo beside demu, and demo becomes universal in the ninth century.
 2o6 NOMINAL AND PRONOMINAL SYSTEM [pi.ii

After se the article is shortened : zeru, zer, zen. Isolated is ubar iz,

(= (/(12,)
ivaz.zfr^ Tat. 89. 4.
469 Dese, deser. This compound pronoun is Gmc.
specifically : it is

composed of the IG. root *j-(9

*/"?, *^/ (cf.I'sdem,eadem^
+ ihe particle

"c.),and appears fust in NGmc. : old Norse Runic Nom. sasi^

siisi. Originallyonly the pronominal part was inflected,as pausi,
past; then, when the sense of composition was lost,the inflection was

transferred to the : peser,pases,

particle on the lines of the Strong
Adjectivedeclension, OHG. dcse,desiu,Sec. In OHG. the forms of

the pronoun vary considerablyaccording to dialect and scribe ; some

show the inflection of the pronoun, others that of the particle.

470 (^) Is.,Tat., Otfrid.

M. N. F.

Sg. Nom. O.
//hse,//leser, therer thiz thisiu,O. Ihisu
Ace. Iliesan, these n thiz thesa
Cjen. theses,thesses thesses therra, -o, O. therera
Dat. theseinu,-0 thesemu, -0 therra,-0, 0. thereru
PI. Nom. these thisiu,O. thisu theso
Ace. these
,, ,, ,,

Gen. (desero) thcrro

thesero, O. therero
Dat. these HI, -en

Is. has same forms with dh : dhese^dhiz, dhcsiu.

{b) Notker.

471

The e of the root passed in the ninth century to / in those forms

which had final with
syllable /, and then gave way to i in all cases,
 CH. vi] PRONOUNS 207

owing to levelling;by the eleventh century this process is complete,

as will be seen by reference to the paradigm of Notker's forms.

Nominative. The Nom. Ace. Sing, diz^ dhiz, with the affricata z 472

(not ^, as proved by Isidor's spellingdhiz, not d/iizs),

corresponds to

OS. /////(//////),
and possibly represents the ON. rune /^a/s/\in which
/s "
" tt,paisi "
"pa//i "^y"ci/i} In UG. such forms as dezzi, dizzi,
or dezioQoyxx sporadically. The Nominative Feminine deisu only occurs
in Alem. (See below\)
Genitive. The regularform would be descs. In the Muspilli(103)
is found the old form desse, showing inflection of the pronominal ponent
com-

only : the form descs^ showing inflection of the particleonly, is

very infrequentin OHG.

Plural Neuter. Deisu, deiso (see dei above) are found in old UG.

monuments only : hence probably the use of the same form for the

Nom. Sing. Fern., as these forms are identical in the declension

of der.

lener (""
{Go\.,jdifis) ""io + Suffix UG.
-no), cner, is virtuallyonly
used by Olfrid and Notker. It is inflected as a strong adjective.
Selb = ipse,Gmc. *sc/3d,Got. shows
si/l/a, both strong and weak

inflection in OHG.: selber, az,, iu; after the article it is equivalent

lo Lat. idem and has weak
exclusively inflection,
e. g. der selbo, O. selbo,

uninflected form.

Samo. IG. *soino,Got. sama, is only preserved in a few traces found

in the Ker. Gl. : den saviiin, daz, sania, der selposamo.

The root hi (IG. /v, Lat. cis, "c.) is not extant as an independent 473

one in OHG. It is preserved in such words as hiulic,hiiiru,hiar,

hina, the old superlative
hitamum, and probably in her for er (cf.above).
Pr. Gmc. had formed the comparative pronoun '^swaUk=.\u2X. talis

w^iich
(Got. swaleiks), was preserved as solih in OHG. The noun Ilk

lost iis secondary accent, k""hh, then was simplifiedto //,and in

Alem. often fell entirely. ^ was shortened to /(weakened to ^and also

fell).OHG. stilih in Tatian and Isidor generally, but UG. solih.

Secondary forms are solemo.

solihcher,sidiches,solehes,solees,

OHG. had no relative pronoun : the functions of the relative were

performed by the demonstrative der, daz,,din.

^
Bui US. tint and UllG. f//^correspond in pointing to a I'rononiimil form io-d

in conjunction with a particlebeginning with d or a consonant. Cf. Gk. o5f,

7y8e,To5f.
 2o8 NOMINAL AND PRONOMINAL SYSTEM [pt.ii

Interrogatives.

474 The only substantival is Jiwcr, Jnvaz,,which

interrogative has no

specialform for the feminine.

IG. Sk. Lat. Got.

k^o^ k^ a kas kdd
(kd), quod has
k^i cid quid hi {leiks)
OIIG. hwer with e in analogy to the pronoun er :

For the Nominative Masculine Talian has once ivie, cf. /hie for
Iher. In Otfrid occasional contraction takes place: uueih =
uuaz^ ih ;

uueist =
uuaz, is/,cf. //leis/for /haz,is/,"c.
Accusative. The normal form is hivenan : Tatian has twice uuen,
but this form only prevailsin the tenth century ; cf. inan, in. The old
instrumental of the interrogative
wuo is used adverbiallyby Tatian

by the side of uuio^ but generallyuueo, uuio,Got. hdiwa, is used in this

function. Hiviu, wiu is a recent formation in analogy to /hiu.

Tatian, 59. 3, twice writes uuie (cf.OS. hwie),altered into uuer, and

his dative pluraluuen for wuen (93. 2) is probably due to the influence

of the Lat. original: a quibus.

Adjectivalinterrogatives
are {h)wedar = u/er^ {hfivelih quis,and =

kuueo/ih,uuiolih = qualis. Hwelih = Pr. Gmc. ^'ywalik,

not = Got.

hi/eiks.

The same process took place with hwelih as wiih to which

sol'ih^ it

forms the thus

correlative, ivelihher,weliher,weleher,we/ her, or Alem.

lueleer,
iveler. From these latter forms a stem welovwolwdi^ deduced,
which was then inflected iveler,
-iu,-az" Sec; cf. PBB, ii. 135.

ADJECTIVES

475 The declension of adjectivesin Gmc. differs in two important

from
particulars that of the parent IG., and from that of all other IG.

languages "

(i) By adopting in a largenumber of cases pronominalfor nominal

inflections.

(2) By the creation of a new system of inflection.

CH. Vl] ADJECTIVES 209

The IG. nominal declension had always shown some tendency

to be aftected by the entling of the demonstrative pronoun (of.Sk.
kCintena^kCinianya,Lat. -ariun, -drum, Sic),but Gmc. was the first to

adopt the pronominal endings to any great extent, and to differentiate

in this way from

adjective noun.

The pronominal inflections first spread to adj.0-, ^z-stems,which, like

the pronoun, clearlymarked the three genders,and this was facilitated

by the fact that the two methods of declension coincided in some cases.

The mixture of forms in Gothic is alreadystronglymarked [inthe

neuter sing.nom. and ace. the alternative forms exist side by side],
but is carried even further in the later dialects (see accompanying
tables).
The mixture of nominal and pronominal forms is perhaps most

satisfactorily
seen by comparing the actual paradigms. In each case

the is
adjective in the central column.

4:76

1167
 2 10 NOMINAL AND PRONOMINAL SYSTEM [pt.ii

Plural.

477 In Gmc. the consonant adjectival

stems perished,and of the vowel-

stems only a-, i-,/^-stems were left,which virtually

all adopted the

inflectional system of the (theold i- and ?^-stems becoming in

"-stems

Gmc. Masc. ia-,Fem./"?-stems).

In addition to these ^-sterns,which re-
tained

the whole system of their original

inflection,
a secondaryadjectival

form arose through extending the root by means of the sufiix -7t : -en :

-on^ and thus forming an ;/-stem with a substantival,

or rather vidualizing
indi-

meaning when not actuallyin appositionto a noun. As

Gk. o-T/aa/^ossquinting,o-rpd/Suivthe
= = man who squints,or Latin
Cdlus = sly,Calo -mis = the sly fellow,so Gmc. '^blindaz = blind,
but bli?idd= the blind one. This definitive sense of the adjectiveled to

its being most often used with the Demonstrative (Got.manna sa blinda

= the man, the blind blind man, Q.{.puis sunns meins,sa liuba),
and the distinction grew up between the adjectiveform in -s (declined
 CH. vi] ADJECTIVES 211

as^-stem)and thai in-;/ (as;/-stem), that the latter was always used as
marking a specialindividual with the definite article, while the former,

being quitegeneral in application,

stood with the substantive without

the article. This distinction again rendered necessary the formation of

Feminine and Neuter forms for these new in

adjectives -;;, and, as this

"-stem JNIasc. adj. was identical with the 7^-stem noun, so for the

correspondingfeminine and neuter adjective

were adopted the endings
of the 71- nominal stems.

It will in the declension

ordinaryadjectival (Strong)be noted that 478

OHG. alone among Gmc. dialects has spread the pronominal form over

the Nom. sing.Masculine and Feminine and Neuter, in which OE. and

OS. retain the nominal endings. The old nominal inflection remained

in use especially : thus

predicatively there are in OHG. apparentlythree
inflectional systems for the Nominative case Masculine and Neuter :"

{a) The nominal, usuallymiscalled the uninflected form.^

{h) The strong, usuallywithout accompanying pronoun and used as

attribute or predicate.
(r) The weak, usuallyused after a demonstrative pronoun.

The Strong Adjectival Declension.

The strong declension of is

adjective divided into pure a-, ^-stems, 479
ja-yyj-stems,and iva-, zc^-stems, as are the nouns, but there is no

diff'erencein their inflection except in the nominal, i. e. the flectionless

form. This in the case of ja-^ yJ-stems ends in ?' e. g. festi,
hremi\ in the case of wa-, 2C'"?-stems it ends in -0 after a short

vowel or a consonant, cf. falo,garo, frao, and after a long vowel the
final -0 fallsalreadyin the ninth century, cf. grd, bid,"c. ; see 189.
^-sterns. Nom. singularMasculine and Neuter. The -e of the 480

pronominal termination -er was long,for which a tion

explana-
satisfactory
has not yet been found (cf.Wilmanns ^ " 427); this is proved by
double and by Notker's
spelling accentuation ; see PBB. ii.98 and viii.

127. In Bavarian (and once in Talian leobar)this -er is weakened

to -jr, but otherwise it is universal. In the tenth century -az, of the

Neuter became e2^ (/^),

about the same time that the weakening begins
of -an to -en in the Ace.

The Genitive in -es has in late Bavarian a variant in -as, sponding

corre-

to the Gen. of the substantive (above).The Dative singular

was originally
-amii, -amo, which is found in the UG. texts of the eighth
century by the side of -emn, -emo : from the ninth century on -emu is

* The use of the flectionless adjective

spreadsfrom the nominative to other cases,
and even to the in
feminine,especially predicative use.

0 2
 212 NOIMIXAI. AND rRONY)MINAL SVSTKINI [n. ii

the form generallyin use, until Kotker, who ehdes the r after /, r in

words,
})ol}'S}ilabic e. g. liizzehiw,ajulcnno.
481 Feminine. In the Nominative singularUG. divergesfrom Franconian,
in that UG. preserves the diphthong /// (Notkerplacesthe accent on

the / = while P"anconian

ill), at an earlydate converts iu into 21 (the
/ in this in was not here but =/,
syllabic and falls thus according
to rule). With Tatian the forms in u are the more numerous,

while Otfrid rarelyhas any other (see Kelle, 271, 273); ?"Qt PBB.

ii. 165.

The case termination -in should cause z-mutation of the preceding

vowel ; but this is only regularlythe case in one word, "?/, in
Franconian : ellu
elh'Uy is regularwith Isidor,Tatian, and Otfrid,while
UG. nearlyalways has olliu. Other instances are rare " endriu occurs

in Merigarto,2.20. Cases occur of

sporadically a feminine singular
accusative in -e in place of -^, e. g. alle,sine ; these are found in the

older MSS., apparentlyin analogy to theyJ-stems.

482 Plural. The nominative masculine is often written with -a in later

Bavarian, and occasionallyso in Franc, and Alem. ; cf. K. andhra,

Is. mhia^ dhhia.
Notker uses the Masculine form for the Feminine [hlinde is with him
Nominative and Accusative plural Masculine and Feminine),as he

does with the weak declension

adjective (486). The Nominative plural
Neuter ending in -/// is treated in the
identically same manner as the

Nominative singularFeminine in -iu,e. g. Alem. -///,Franc, chiefly

-ii.

Variations of the Dative Plural (normallyem^ en) occur in late Bavarian

monuments, but also once in Tatian, 89. i, and in the Lw. : minan

1. 23, sinan 1. 43.

483 /(?-
stems. Of these it has been said above that they differ from the

pure a- and iJ-stems only in the flectionless form, which with them ends

in whereas
-?', the former always have a consonant ending. Only in

the oldest texts, and then do

rarely, forms occur which show the older

formation in the oblique cases with -j^-?',

-e before the inflection : R^

O. redie
kaumantian^farlikantian, for redi.

Words with short root-vowel show the originalpresence of y'-suffix

by gemination "
and where possiblez-mutation : such forms as viiiiiy
higgiynuzzi point unmistakably to an Got. viidjis^
original"^midjiz^ "c.

Gemination after a long syllableexists in Alem. with

(occasionally
-n and -/,cf. and
{h)remnan,spdttiu\ is frequentin UG. with -r : thus

vidri^mdrrer, mdrrm, mdrraz^^ "c.

484 The wa-, 7";J-stems are few in number. It w^as stated that in

the flectionless forms they end in -o, but otherwise coincide with the
 214 NOMINAL AND PRONOMINAL SYSTEM [pt.ii

Plural of ihe noun end in -on, but that of the adjectivein -un : and

only once uses the form -duo for the Genitive PI. Tatian also seems

inclined to the -un form. Notker, on the other hand, as in the other

instances (482),uses the Masculine ending -oji for the Feminine also,
and it is noteworthy that for the Dative pluralhe invariably
writes the

strong adjectiveinflection -en in place of the weak -on : thus blinten

{PBB. ii. 136). Thcy'z- and iva- ;/-slcms inflect regularlyas above,
only occasionally
showing traces of the /as
original -e and -i\ Wess.

7nareo\ \^.nerre)ideo,waUkndco\
^l.fesicdvi.

Participles.

487 In OHG. both the

participles, Present ending in -enti as well as the
Perfect ending in -an or -/, may show the tripledeclension like other

adjectives:(i) The nominal (uninflected).

(2) The strong.
(3) The weak.
The Present in
Participle -enti is treated as a /c?-stem(479),and
thus has its Nominative in -z'for the so-called uninflected form nemanli.

The inflected forms nemanier "

az," in have no trace of the ;y*.The

Past Participleof both graded and non-graded verbs is inflected

exactlylike Hint, strong and weak.

It should be noted that, in place of the ending in -an in inflected

forms, Franconian texts often allow the ending to be coloured to -en,

-in, -on by neighbouring sounds : thus O. einhoronon,giscribene,

gihaltenera, eiginaz,eigenen,"c.
giborgenero, In UG. the ending -an

is consistent. See PBB. vi. 239.

Comparison of Adjectives.

488 IG. marked the comparative and superlative

degreesby means of

various suffixes which were added direct to the root of the adjective,
and not to the positivestem.
{a) The comparativewas formed by the addition of the suffix -ws

and -us to the root, and the superlative

by the addition of -isto (i.e.the
comp. suffix -is and -to). Cf. altior^iXaxto-ros,
KpaTi(TTo"s : nparvs.
This suffix appears in the lengthened degree as -ids (cf.
maior " "

^maids), and in the reduced degree (which in Gmc. is the generalone)

as -iz (Got.-is,OHG. -ir); cf. magis. If a vowel preceded,the -i of

the suffix formed with it a diphthong; cf. root *//^, Gk. ttAcW,
TrXetCTOS.

To the comparativestem -iz Gmc. added the formative suffix -;/ : -en :

-on (cf.Gk. ; and

ri^'usiv^^Sto-cov-)
"" thus the total stem of the Gmc.
 CH. vi] ADJECTIVES 215

comparative became -izen and was declined like any ether ;^-stem in

Gmc, as Got. inanagiza^Gen. managizws, "c. ; alpeis,comp. aJpiza,

Gen. alpizms, while the stem-suflix
superlative -isto was treated like an

ordinaryadjective
and subjectto double inflection as in Got. hduhists "

hduhista. OHG., however, adopts exclusivelythe "-stem declension

for the : hdhisio,
superlative as for the comparative.
Beside the -isto Gmc.
suffix -I'z, used also a formation, -oz^
parallel
-Oslo, to mark the degree of comparison ; e. g. Got. sivi'nps,
swinpdza^
OHG. hohoro, hohosto,beside hohiro,"c. This form was in Gothic

and OHG. confined

chiefly to the rt:-stems. The form is due to the

existence in the parent IG. language of many adjectiveswith a -jo

suflix in the : when
positive these formed their comparative with the
ids suffix (cf.\.2X.juniorei)i)
the / was not felt to be part of the comp.
suffix,but was taken to be the ?'of the positive;e.g. in IG. ^neti "
ids,
comp. 7ieu "

ids,-on, the / seemed to belong to the first component,

as if neid "
os "

071, thus the suffix -oz became acceptedas comparative

and
suffix, to it in analogy with -isto was formed -osio.

This new formation was no doubt helped considerablyby the fact

that a largeclass of adverbs in -0 existed with which the comparative
ending -0 agreed, but it is not possibleyet to prove, as some have

assumed, that the comparative in -0 arose from the comparative of

these adverbs. See PBB. xvii. 552.

(^) The IG. suffix -ero or -tero (cf.Gk. did

TraXat- repos) not live on

into OHG. productively,though such forms as aytar,ijinaro,uzfiro^

fordaro, "c., preserve it. In OHG. it appears only in adverbial forms,
and perhaps in the Possessive Pronoun imsar, "c. (464).
ic) The IG. suffixes -Ptno and t9?no (cf.Lat. have perished489
ultij?ius)
without leavingany traces except OY.. forma, O^. forma, Got. fr-uma,
inn-uma, af-iuma. The formation of double superlativessuch as

aftumistsis a proof that the force

superlative of -ma was no longer
felt.

In OHG. the only livingmode of comparison is that with suffixes

-iro,-isto ; -bro, -osto. While in the older language the forms in -oro,

-osto were mainly confined to the ^-sterns, OHG. knew no such tinction.
dis-

Many adjectives the

have, especially ^-stems, double forms,
as hoh, hohisto,-osto,"c. ; they"2-stems
almost have
exclusively forms in

while compound
-/,eng, engiro,eiigisto, words and composed
adjectives
with a derivative suffix always have -oro, -osto : salig,saligdro,
saligosto.
Dialectal peculiarities
are earlymanifested, as Otfrid's liaber for the 490

more generalliobor,and not the comparative and

infrequently lative
super-

are formed with different vowels : e. g. the comp. altiro is

 2i6 NOMINAL AM) PRONOMINAL SYSTEM [I'T. II

U(
universal,but for the superlalive j.
Tatian
lias altist, altosto. Mutation

caused by the -/ is checked by the usual consonant combinations, and

in U(i. by combinations with -;-, armi'ro, altiro,while in Franc, in the

latter case ittakes place: eldirbn (279). In Franc, often there is found
in place of -iro the weakened form -ero, in Otfrid,but
esi)ecially in

UG. the -era does not until

i)revail the times of Notker. Otfrid also

has forms in -ere, -ara, -oro {a/lere?t,

ziarara, "c.),but always under

the influence of a followingvowel, viz. always due to vowel harmony.

[Paul explains these vowels e, a, 0 as secondary developments
before r.]
Tojimg, comp. J is also
u;ig/ro, found a second form Jugiro (BR. once,
Tat. three times),which must represent an older Pr. Gmc. "^jim^izb
"
" Goi.jiihiza. Tatian's
7/^X^2^' g instead of h must be analogical.
491 To syncope is due the form of the substantival herro. Jimgbro
(Otfrid)
is not a comp. in -or, but probably another case of syncope
(" "
yuiigro)with secondary vowel
disyllabic meiri gralid. Possiblyin
both cases the substantival use would account for the shortening.
Other cases are errbn (Is.)for erirni, and allhrdtn, Gl. i. 96. 16 =

aUeroju, Pa. ; cf. OS. aldroin,"c., PBB.

herro,jinigro, vi. 154.

In OHG., as in OE. and ON., both the comparativeand superlalive

have only weak inflection (whereas Got. could
superlative have both

strong and \\Tak): lengirom., Icngiraf.,gen. lengirm, -iin,lengisio,

-a, "c.
Whatever exceptions are found are in Otfrid, ii. 6. 45 : beziremo

dat. pi.,rehieren,stiazeren, There

merenjungisiemo,eristeni,fnrisien.
is one example of the so-called un inflected form of superlativein
Musp. 22, Salanas aJtist.

Sporadically(in Pa., K., R^ O.) forms ending in -a for Nom. Sg.

Masc. are found both of comparative and \ fiirira^furisla.
superlative
This is the neuter form used for the masc.

Irregular Comparison.
492 As in all IG. languages,so in OHG. some adjectives
are defective,
i. e. have no regular comparative and but
superlative, supply these

forms from other roots.

Got. OHG.
((?)
gops haiiza haiists guot hez^zfro bez,z,isto
lihils wairsiza "
-
ubil wirsiro wirsisto

Imere [ me isto
viikih mdiza vidists mihhil
\7nerir0 \inerdro
(UG.)
{minnisto
kliih vn'nniza niiuiu'sls Iiizzil viiiiniro
\kz^sio
 CH. vi| ADJECTIVES 217

(d) To adverbial positives the following adjectival comparative forms

have been brought into use : "

The comparative forms were clearly not felt to be such after a time,

for in UG. a number of comparatives existed with an

extended suffix

-oro^
thus : af/roro, crroro, /or{c)rdro, furiroro, hiHl{e)rdro, innaroro,

oberoro, tmderoro whereas fiidari had become purely positive with

;

strong forms lu'darcr, and a comparative tiidaroro, superlative

-az,,

itidaros/o.

Sidero the late adj. to s'ld, stands entirely alone, does

= one, as

cnirosto the last, superlative to cnlero and enli (Otfrid, i.

"=
3. 7

V. 8. 55).
 2l8 [pT.II

CHAPTER VII

NUMERALS

493 The IG. system of counting was the decimal system : this was in

prehistoric
times combined with the Babylonian sexagesimalsystem,
which has left traces of its presence in Gmc. languages down to the

present day. These are : "

(i) The specialform of word adopted for ii and 12.

(2) The check made in the tens at 60.

(3) The continuance of counting by tens up to 120. Cf. ON.

tolfrdedr 120, Mod. Germ. Grosshundert.

"
(Itwas this counting by
tens up to 120 which necessitated the adoption in Gmc. of separate
units for 11 and 12 in place of the compounds + 2 -f- 10, as
i 10,
in Latin tmdeci?n,"c.)

The Cardinal Numbers.

494 (i) The numbers i, 2, 3 are regularlyinflected and distinguish

a masculine and feminine form. Ein as a numeral has strong adjec-
tival
inflection,
but generallyremains uninflected in the Nom. Sing,and
Ace. Sing. neut. ; cases of the inflected form are rare : einaz^,ski/T.,
hus
einaz^, O., einer^ ei'niu,
ehiaz,,or ein^em, ein. Already in OHG. ein is

used as indefinite article,but not at all frequently: in such cases it

can be used in the plural,also with a plural noun : i7t einen buachon,
foil eifien osioron, zi einen gihUgiin,
(2) Zwene inflects :

Masc. Neut. Fem.

zwene zwei zwd, zwo

zweio
ziveim,-ein
The Nom. -Ace. Fem. is in some UG. glosseszuo, zivd, zo. Isidor

has twice as Gen. zweiio, Tatian zweiero. (For quei in Ker. Gl.

cf. 148.)
(3) Drl inflects drt,drJo,drin, Gen. drio,Dat. drim, drin,
regularly,
but the influence of the strong adj.declension is shown in the Nom.-

Acc. Masc. of late OHG. drle (Isidoronce dhne), and in the Gen.

dr'iero (cf.zweiero). Otfrid has a form Ace. Fem. ihrlu beside IhrJo,
CH. Ml] NUMERALS 219

and Notker, as usual, does not distinguishbetween masculine and

feminine.

(4) The numerals from 4 to 14 are either " 495

(a) uninflected when used before

adjectivally a noun, or

(d) inflected when used and

substantivally after a noun.

In the latter case they are treated as z-stems, while the neuter ends in

iu, 11 as with the e. g. masculine

strong adjectives, and feminine fiort,
-t7i,Gtr\.
fioriu {Y YTiWC. fioru),T"^\..fiori?n, Jioreo,
fioro.
Olfrid writes once sibait in place of sibiin, niuiimi for niun^ and

Notker often zeeti^ zen. It should be also noted that in sihiin and zehan

the final is
syllable often assimilated to the inflectional ending : sibtm\
zeht?im,

Isidor's schse appears to be formed according to the adj.dec!.,as

elsewhere schst is found. Of ahlo the Nom. ahtoivi occurs in Gl. i.

742. 62, and a Dat. ahtowen is found in N.

(5) The numbers 13-19 are formed by prefixingthe respectiveunit

to zehafi,e. g. dnzehaii,Jiorzehan,"c. Drlzehan may be inflected in
both numbers, viz. N. drin zmin, the others only in -zi'han.

(6) From 20 to 100 the tens are, in the ninth century, formed by 496

composition with -ziig (Got.figus) : zweinzug,drizzug (and dn\2^ug)^

"c. ; but from 70 to 100 the older language (Mons. and Gl.)used com-
pounds

with -zo : sihunzo^ahtozo,'^niunzo^ which

'^zehanzo, no doubt were

originallycontinued to 120: "^einli/zo, The

"^zwelifzo. compounds
with -ztig and -zo are indeclinable,
and are used as substantives (as
ziig decade)with the genitive,
=
feorzuc wehhono, but adj.use is rare :

Tatian,however, has zweinzug ihusufttm. -ztig is often found as -zog^

also as -zee, -zech,-zigbefore Notker's time.

Drlz,z}ig
is usuallyfound with the spirant^^, not the fricative z. The 497

reason is perhaps that the word was not felt to be a compound of ^pri
and ^iipiz,and the / was therefore shifted to ;^^ as if intervocal and not

initial. The fricative is found sporadically

by analogy to zweinzug^"c.
(7) For 100 the older language has only the forms zehatizo,
zehaiizug,
498
and more than 100 can be expressed by multiplication,
e.g. ^00 fin/
stiintcenzig,
200 zwiro zehanzug : usually,however, 200-900 are pressed
ex-

by htmi, used as a neuter substantive,

e. g. zwei hunt phendingo,
Hundert, hunder only enter the language in the twelfth century
through LG.

(8) Dusiinly iusent is originallya feminine substantive, and is

generallytreated as such, but since dusunt is used uninflected,even in

the pluraland obliquecases "

vianago thusuntO. v. 23. 223, ihusuntfilu

managa (ford) iv. 17. 17, Kelle 313, N. driu tiisent " it is also treated as
 2 20 NUMERALS [pt.ii

a neuter. On ilie oiher hand Talian uses a pluralform after the o

declension, Z2vd Ihusunla,and a Dative thusuntin^ where O. and Will,

write thusanton,-un. The noun after diiscnt stands in the Gen. when

duscnt is in the Nom. or Ace., but when in the Gen. or Dat. dusent is

used : zehen
attributively thusimtd ta knibno^ hM\fiarthusuntbn inannbn.

(9) Units were joined to tens by mli\ drtz}iifinti ahio. When the

unit comes next the noun the latter is in apposition; if,however, the

ten comes next the noun the latter must be in the ( jenitive : dnz}ig
i)iti ahlo icir but idro inti ahio.
drtz^tig Occasionally 8 and 9 are

expressedby subtraction : cinesmin dhanne fimfziiciaaro = by one less

than 50, and Otfrid is fond of multiplication:

zwiro sehs idro =12,

ciiilif
slundon sibini =1
77, ihria stuntbii finfzug oiih Ihri = 153.

Ordinal Numbers.

499 The ordinals 'first,

second, third' are not formed from their respective
cardinal numbers. '
First' is expressedby the old erislo
superlatives and
'

fiD'isto. Second '

is given by mider with inflection
strong adjectival
'
until Notker, when it acc^uires
also weak inflection. *
Third "" ^pri +
ieriius,Goi.pridja,OE.
-i'lp^ dridda^ OS. thriddio,OHG. dritlo.

The remainder are all formed as with

superlatives -bsto : fiorzug-
bsto,Slc.

Other Numerals.

500 (i)Distributives. In OHG. there are but few instances : ciniuzze

= ziviske
singulis = bini,driske = ierni^feoriske
^^qtiaterni
2Xt formed

with the suffix '^ko. In Sing,they have not distributive meaning,

actually
but rather multiplicative
: einazem, einzen, to zwene inti zwene^ unless

perhaps N. Lib. i. 41 under ziiisken is distributive in force.

(2) Multiplicative numeral adjectives are formed with the

suffix -fait
: this can be added to any cardinal number : zivifait^
drifaii,
"c. ; and then again are often extended by the suffixes -ilh,
-ig,-ici'ih.
Traces of other formations are left in einiih ; viorzuhllh = quadra-
genarius; zwinal, zwiniling,
gazwineil = geminus ; fioritig quaternio
; =

"c.
zehatiing,
501 (3) Multiplicative numeral adverbs. These are usuallyformed
with stunt^ an adverbial form to stunia, which follows the adjectival
cardinal numbers : dribstuntyviorstunt, zen(zehe?t)siu?it,
"c. Beside

these there is also cines (Notkereinest)

zwiro "
bis,zwirbr (Old Bav.),
zwiron which
(Tat.), Notker makes into zivironi,driror (H.). Instead of
 222 ADVKRBS

c.
Motion from. -//"/:
Xoikev -Tif/J/i /ima, /iniafin, //nnui, /ini/ian,
:

(/. Time. -7i/i^ : rhfim', (fejttu\ ivafuie.

e.
Manner. sus (/i)/a/eo,sa?na.
so,

/. Cause. danta^ therefore, {h)iiu(i)iia, wherefore.

{b) Comparison of Adverbs.

504 The comparaiive form of all adverbs is formed with -Jr, whether the

corresponding adjective has -ir or -or : e. g. rei7ti\ reim'ro, adv. reinor ;

/estt,/estiro, 2idw./asidr ; angor, "c. (the other adverbs show an r

from

analogy with adjectives where Pr. Gmc. z was not final). In the
lative
super-

the form -os/ largely predominates, though forms in -/"/ also

occur : langost, /asiost, "c., but en'st, ndhist,juugist, and a

few others.

Irregular forms are: baz^, /m%2JsI', ivirs, ivirsisl) mer, meisl\ min,

minnist.

In W. Gmc. min, baz,, ivirs (Got. ;;//;/j, baits, wairs), Pr, Gmc.

^viiiiniz, bath, wirsiz, the -iz has fallen (131), as

also in
er, s'ld, halt,

which in early OHG, have no comparative and superlative. In later

days er,
sld develop new forms, eror, en'sl, and slddr.

In Got. 7udis, the -;'

has been retained as
in the
vier, pronouns

vii'r, "c., 132.

 TABLE OF OHG. VERBS

GRADED VERBS

I. a. With Pret. vowel ei.

505
507
226 '1 ABLK OF OHG. VERBS
GRADED VERBS 227

509

510

p 2
 228 TABLE OF OIIG. VKRBS

REDUPLICATING VERBS

511 (a) Pret. Vowel e "

" ea, ia.

gi-bdgan to fight
'bannan to ban
-blanlan to blend
-bldsan to blow
-brdlan to roast

fang an to seize

-fallan{d) to fold

-fallan to fall

-ganga/i to go
-hangan to hang
-haltan to hold

-heizfin to call
'Idzfln to let

-ineizfin to cut
int-rdlan to fear
gi-salzan to salt
-skallan to push
'skeidan to part
'Sldfan to sleep
-spaltan to cleave
-spannan to span
-sweifan to twist
-walk an to full
-walzan to roll

fir-wdzfin to curse
ifi-zeisan to pluck

gi-aran to plough
 I'AHLK OF OIIG. VKRl^S
230

Polysyllabic.

houhhancn houhhanta {houhhmid) i(i-l"oiihh{i)m'f lo sign

gariveji garwita (garofa) -gar{a)wii lo

prepare
heilazen heikzta (or -ita) -hcilizit lo greet

"c.

II. Pret. suffix -ota.

diwkon ilankbtd gi-danhbl lo lliank

dionon dionoia -diumt to serve

richisbn richisbta 72'chisfl/ to rule

"c.

III. Pret. suffix -eta.

folgen folgeta gi-folget to follow

haven harela -harel to call

S07'gen so?'ge/a -sorget to sorrow

"c.
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

BB. =
Beitriige zur Kiimk dcr mdo-german.Sprachen. Bezzenbergei'.
Bechtel.* Hauptprobleme der mdo-german. Laiiilehre,
Bernhardi. Philologische Studicn.

Betlige : Dieter. Altgcrmanische Dialecte.

Bohme. Zur Kenntniss des Oherfriinkischen.
AHD. Gr. = Braune. AUhochdcutsche Granwiatik.
''
Briigmann = Brugmann. Griindriss der Graviviatik
verglekhenden der

indo-gerinan,
Sprachen.
^
,, ,, ,,
Kiirze vergleichende
Grammaiik der indo-

gernian. Sprachen.
Collilz. Modern Language Notes.
Franz. LaL-roin. Eh'niente im A.H.D.
Germania. Vierteljahresschn'/t
fiirdeu/sche Alfertumshmde.
Gr.^ = Grundriss der germanischen
Philologie. Paul.
Graff. Althochdeuischer Sprachschaiz.

Grimm. Deutsche GrammatiJi.

Hench. The Man

Fragments. see

Hirt. Ahtaut.
Indo-german.
Handhuch der Laut-
griech. und Formenlehre.
Holtzmann. Attdeutschc GrammatiJi.
I.F. = Forschungen
Indo'germanische : with Anzeigerfiir indo-germ.
Sprachliunde,
Kauffmann. Geschichte der schwdhischen Mundart.
Kelle. Otfrids Fvangeiienbuch.
Kluge. Nominale SiammJjildungsiehre der altgerman.
Diaiecte.

Etymologisehes Worlerbuch.

Kogel. Kogel.
= Das lieronischeGlossar.

Kuhn. ZeitschriftfUr vergleichendeSprachforschung,

Litteralurhlattfiirgerman. und roman. Philologie.
Macdonell. Sanskrit Grammar.
A.E.O. = IMahlow. Die langen Vokale A. E.G. in den europdischen
Sprachen.
Osthoff.
Untersuchungen.
Morphologische
Denkm. = jMullenhoff und Scherer. Denkindler der Poesie und Prosa.
 2.32
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Napier. O.K. Glosses.

Norcen, U.G. =
Norcen. Ahn'ss der iirgcrmanischen Lautlehre.

A.I. =
Noreen. AUisUindische Grammatik.

PBB. = Beitrdge ziir

Geschichte der deutschett Sprache nnd Litteratur.

Paul und Braunc.

Pielscb. Der oherfrcinhsche Lautsla7id.

Q.F. = Quellen iind Forschwigen zur Sprach- nnd Cullurgesch. der

german.

Vo/ker,

Schatz. AUhairische Gramviaiik.

Scherer. Zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache.

Schmidt, J. Indo-german. Neufra.

Sievers, E. Angelslichsische Grammatik.

Sievers, P. Akzente im Althochdeutschen.

Sommer. Handbuch der latein. Laut- und Formenlehre.

Streiibei'g. Urgermaiiische Grammatik.

Goihisches Elementarhuch.

Zur germanischen Sprachgeschichte.

Trautmann. Germanische Lautgesetze.

Walde. Auslautsgeselze.

Weinhold. Alemannische Grammatik.

JMittelhochdeutsche Grammatik.

Wilmanns. Deutsche Grammatik.

Wiillner. Das Hrabanische Glossar.

Zs.fdA. = Zeitschrift fiir deutsches Alter lum.

Zupitza. Die germanischen Gutturale.

 INDEXES

(The numbers refer to the sections. ;/ = note or notes.)

I. SANSKRIT

248
234 INDKX I

s/iusd 86 Idniisrd 1 1 1 ///^ 168

spas- 72 Idiwini 73 w/""^//7
168
sphatali6 2 /"7//""f 73
iray a a 75 tasmai 461, 467
iru- 75 iasyai 468 vahCimi 68
//-^//-75 /^" 467 vaydin 455
sthagayati8 r //v///" 298 z'/rt'^79, 297,312,372
stighnomi69 irdyas 56, 73, 108 vettha 3 1 2
/z'^775 trtfyas85 vidhdvCi 67
svdsr- III tuddti 293, 302 vittha 63
svairus 86, 170 ////- 73 7;rX'^.f90
sv a suras 75, 170 /?w;/ 73

/"?"/105, 466 ?^"/105 yuvan- 103

/rtw, A?V 466, 468 //d/(i"-79, 102 _"'"^v?w 457

II. GREEK

aypo? 80 SeSopKa264 ipv6p6^67

ay;^t
68 SitKVVfXL
75, 79, 257 eorri 74, 147
56 SeVa 75, 170, 250
ayxw
86 ScKtt? 170
airet
^CVKTO? 95
ttKovw 251 Se^io979 ^vyw95, 258, 282
d/xeXyoj80 SipKOfxaL264
dvSpo? 110 8ei}/)0
503
T^ye/xwi/
431
dvei/^ios
7^ Svor- 79
-^Sc471 ;/
d/OKTO?250 Sojfxa
79
r]Si(x)V
488
a(TKr)Oy"S63
rjL0"O"s
67
dcTTrjp
147 eyw 104
^Xto? 102, 103
drra 145 ^' eS66r]^
311
^Av^oi/264^
eSojxac
56 1 1 0
rjixepa
ySatVco82 eSos 79
/3aLT7]78 e'8o)79
"9ea 413-14
^60? 82 "^171/
310
Op^iofxai
63
/JXcTTCO78 etAr/Xov^a
264
a/xt'
289
Ovydr-qp67
ySovs8t, 167
cKaroV 56, 73, 75 ^vpa 67
yeVo?80, 451 CKVpOS 75
488 iSeiv 372
yew? 98 eXa^tcTTO?
80 264
eXevcro/xat ITTTTOV 396
yevo)
8 1 e/xeye 453, 454 iTTTTos 77, 394, 398
yrjpvoi
^O ivvefa 108 L(TTr}p.L 74, 147
ytyvojCKOj 56}
yo/x.(^os80 "^"1315
82
yvv'rj iTTifSSaL
95 Kafivit) 294
56
iTTLO-KOTTO'^I KapSt'a
75
SaKpv 75 eTTTCi85, 107 KCKAoc^a 294, 298
SajJidui
79 eppoiya 308 KXeTTT-qf;
99
 INDEX II : GREEK 235

kXlvm 7o TraAatVe/xx?
488 irvfjifSoXor
96
k\x'(o)
75 TraTra? 1 56 (rvvip)("(r6(u
96
KjxiXcOpov
102 7raT"OfxaL lOI

KoAwros 97 56, 71, 85, 1 5 3,

Trarrjp Tttvafos73
4^^
Kp(XTi(TTO"i 248, 260, 261, 440, ravvw 98
Kparvs 85, 153 442-3 T"lV(073
Kpca? 76 TTC/XTre96 Teorcrapcs 73
78
KVfjLf3o"; 7r"v^"/)09
67 Ti'^ry/xi
56,67,385
Ki'wi'75 TTcVrc 71, 90, 96, 282 rA^i'at
73
KOiTTT)7^ I7r"7roiOa
298, 304 To8c 471 ?^

I TriiTOvda298
rpa? 56, 73
AaVo) 77, 262, 264, 298
irecfivya 166
Tpifxoi
66
TT^X^'^
313 TpeTTiti166
TrAeto-TO?488 63
XvOeLTjv
314 Tp")((ii
ttAcojv488
Ai'K'os
00 rptpM302
TTO^CV 77 166
TpOjxio)
TroiKt'Aos
75 rpoireo) 166
fxdTrjp251
TroLfxrjv431 TV 73
^eyaAos
1 02
TToAv 7 I
jLCcSo/xai
79
TToAi-g264, 488
^e/x^Ao)Ka
1 10 vSwp79, 10 2

7rO/)K09 7 1
372
fxefxvqfxai V7r"/a 168
TToi's 71, 79, 95 168
fji"ai]fx^pia
1 1 0 t-TTO
TTTVOi 72, 147
/xc(T09 67
7rv^i"S
156
/xrjv
252
TTW? 261 (f"ay6"s
251
/x";t";p85 (fiepoL
105
98
IXlvvOm ^epw56,66, 260, 283,
p-qyvv/xL308
/xoAeiv
110
p^Topa443 291-3, 317; 327
262,2^8,^14
cl)"vy(jig2,
/Jtta
79
66
rav? Ill (f"Y]y6"s
66 260
cfiopo^
ve(f"e\7] (Ttva/oo? 1 1 o
62
(fipdt,(x)
n't^
74 o-tv8po9
1 10
^paTwp66,
86
)'('("s 73, 251,442
(TK".TTTOpai147
o-Kta 75, 147
(j^i-o)
382
6, "/, TO 466-7 72, 147
^cop260
105, (TTratpix)
oSc 471 o-T"yo) 8 I
o3ov9 73, 317 0-T"tX^) 69, 257, 270, ^avSaiw69
68
(OoT8a63, 79, 251, 293 ^ew
282, 297, 372 (TTt^Oi
147 ^r/v 68
oKToj 74" 251 (TTpa^os
477 X^"968
o/xaAo?TC2 (TTpdfSoiV
477 xAwpo?68
ovv^65 166
(TTpi(fi(ii X0pT09 68
68 166
(TTpOcfiioi
0^09
261 261
cji/^
Ol//l9 o-i-yc457
236 INDKX III

III. LATIN

ahdo 95 dacruma 75 garrio 81

ad 105 ^A////j-261, 262 ^'^""s-257
aes 86 r/^^ 413 genuinus 98
aevum 86 decejH 75, 250 genus 80

ager 80 "'/6';/j'
73, 262, 317 g 56, 80
fiasco

r?//z'(9r
488 dexter 79 80, 258
^/^i-/^
ango 56 diahohis 177, 258
^;/j-^r 68 ^^'^^ 75, 79. 257 habere 64
aperio95 dictdre 277 /MJ-Za 95
"^//^ 77, 86 "//" 79 helvus 68
-trix
^j'j'd'i'j'^/", loi discus 277 //m 68
fl'/A? 145 " ^^wo 79 ^Jj-tro68
doinus 79 //^wo 68, 283
"^//rt:
267 dondre 261 hortus 68
hicdriwn 277 (7?/f^ 75 ^^j-//j"69, 251, 282
^^j- 81
(^rc-z'^
267
/^"?w, ?j-^^w 104, 469
eadem 469 /";/J, euntis 317
calumnia 102 ^^^ 56, 79; 252
msti'go147
r""/j 75 257, 453
^^"?104, z^j-^468
cannabis 78 ejus464
^^, ?*(c/
zif, 461
f"wd? 76 electuarium 238
?j///"/,
w/"?;i 105, 466
ra/2b71, 76, 299 ^/72^, emptus no
76
f"2/)/^/ 396, 398
f^/^z/j"77,384,
Cato ^j-/ 74, 257
""^^ 95, 304
431, 432, 477
catiis 477 eundem 96
jwiiorem 488
r"w" exdmen 261 juvefii's
103
239
celare 264 ^^7315
juventa 103
census 178
lacrima 75
f^"/"w 56, 73, 75
/^r/^^j-
69
m 461,473 fdcere 56, 67
^////^ 75 fagimis 457 //"/^/^(?
77, 294, 304
clocca 156 fdgus 66, 251 longus 69
lubricus 78
f/z/^^ 75 i^pater-^
familids 414
chio 75 fere.ferto315
c^///" 97 /^r^ 56, 66, 291, 293, magnus 80, 102

"r^" 153 ;/, 334 317 waz'Jr 488

confer
0 334 figere68 ;;/J/^r 85, 251
cor 75 66
^;/"/(? meditor 79
CT?";"?r 76 fordre 295 medius 67, 257, 277
ctwi^6, 153 '^ 334 yj^r^j"
67 memmi 372
cinmnuni 102 /rJ/^r 66,73,251,264 viensa 253
cupru7Ji 116, 258, 280 fructus 251 mensi's 252
curtus 203 ////382 mentha 257
rwj/t^j 95 fun do 68 W(?^ 267
 INDEX IV
238

rV. GOTHIC

abna "5"//272 r/(i/'/j"

271
434
afar 168 bairan 56, 66, 105, ddtig372
168 261, dauhlar 67, i
ajlifnan 114, 151, 209, 114, ,-32

oflass, us/ass
s 101 344 ddupeiiis439
489
a/tunia bdiirs 120, 285 ddupjan 273
56, 68 barn 319 "/("//"67
aggwiis
agis 124 ^^r/ 63 ddiips 169
ahs 171 (^^//j"504 ddupus 169, 273
ahtau 74, 283 batiza 139, 284, 492 -dedum 3 1 1
251,
aha 77, 86, 171, 242 batian 251 deigan 68
dih, digum 160,372 beidan loi, 122, 150, ^/^w^ 293, 303
"f//z/j271 293 (t'/W 126

aiJva iimdi 77, 169 "^"^f//^

298 domjan^domei 119,315
dinohun "^^//^;/66, 178
413
rw/j251, 271 beriisjos
261
eisarn 171
airpa kunds 320 ^/^aw 118, 152, 294, ^///w 265
air Zeis 185 296, 304, 316
aippdu 2 1 O5 231 bap 304
rt/zy 276 bidei 315 /z^/t//'
56, 71, 85, 248,
rt/s 86 bigitan69 442-4

t7/('
280 bileiban 168 fahan 259
rt:/(TJ
80, 285 "5/;/(2//
372 fdihs 75
bindan faihu 72, 282
alls 319 67, 1 14, 152,
alpiza 169, 488
alpeis^ 264, 340 /^//r286
ana-busns 10 1 biudaii 1 01, 150, 301 fairgtini170
286
rt:^/^'- ^^"^, biidum 160, 301 fairhjus 171
and-heilan 286 bdust 10 1 falpan 306
rt^wj/j'424 biugan 273, 301 "''3i5
bugum 262, 264
"^a//^, /"rrt" 264, 305, 306,
^^^0/120
arbdips 124
biutan 275 318, 349
rt:/'"^^'
124 bliggwan 103,244,338 y2?/^r286
d'JrtWJ 171 ^//Wj- 283, 476, 485 fawdi 171
rt/ 105, 286 blotan^blostreis loi fidivor73, 91
alia 145 66, 251, 268
"5t^X'rt: fy'ands^^^
diigjan109 "5^/(Z139 filhan 160, 318
(^f/^-^J
109, 150 brinnan,b runs la 98 filleins97

auhns 90 "^/-^ar 66, 73, 251, _/?//";

72

atihsan, aHhsne 264, 264, 267, 441,442, "// 71, 90, 91, 96,
282
433, 434 443
^

diikan 140, 273, 306, bnikjan 304 ^j^'^72, 147

307 284, 363
"5//^^/?;^ Jlodus 268
^

ff^j-^?
125, 126, 171 bailhis 320 flokan 352
fodjan 10 r
/?///j71, 79, 139, 261
hadi 152 ^-^^"f
131, 394-400

bagJUS 109 ddigs 68 //Yz 286

 GOTHIC 239

fraihnan 294, 296, 316 ^rt ivigan68 halp

hilpati, 143, 264,
frah 294, 296 gaiviss loi, 320 301
^rt^^Av himinakmids 320
frdisiuhni102, 160 95
^V^^7 124, 411-15 him ins 102, 234
/ra?naldrs169
frapjan 169 gtbajK)^,99, 124, 149, /7/;-/3i5
264, 301, 346 hiiihma 170
fnnvairpan 166 i53"
frawardjan 166 ^rt/?63, 99 hlaf 2()'^
//-^7252, 347 ^^/"3i5 hlahjan 228, 296
frijbn103 ^z//^-
95, 99 -^/^'?/j
271
hldins
frijoiids317, -14 6 gistra-68 75

frodei 169 Ian 68,

gill 139 hidupan 307
hlifills99
fnuna 489 glaggwo 103, 244,484
///^/"r
285 gbdakunds 320 ////"/'
75

fidgins 160, 318 ^rT/'j

122, 268, 492 ////7//\v
75, 12 0, 148
hneiwati
fullnan 355 greipan 138, 262 109

/////j97, 253, 262 grdip,gripum 262 hrbpjan 304

^/-^7^;/
352 hugjan 118
gulpeins457 hiihrus
i^rt- 86, 286 259
68 hiilundi 3 1 7
gabairan 334 ^//;/M
hind ^(i, 73, 75, 253
ga-haurps 253
//rt^^^z;/
64, 317, hiinds 75
gadars 372 355
/m"^^/ 314 -^//^^ 95, 126
ga-daiirsta309
habdips /z;(277, 106
gad dps 56, 67 320
ha/jan 76, 296, hair ban 168
gadigis 68 71,
306 /i;"izk;
276
^'"rt^^rtW69 304,
/wte hjdiwa 474
gahahdida 334 259, 352
ga-lvidjanloi haihdit 267, 300 hjammeh 398, 467
hat ha Id 266 /y"7" 104
galdiisida334
^77/^7//3i4" hjarbon 168
ga-hiks 140 355
//rtZ/j- /^w 474
ga-lukan 140, 303 271 132,

gamwpi 107 hdirdeis 405 h)assaba loi

/z^z"7"? 75, 144, 430, /z;^ 398

gavioi 372
gamimds 169 435 ^'677"z 77
hditan 306, Ivi-leiks 474
gaqiman 334 139, 300,
ga-qiss 1 01 352 hjdpan 307, 318
gards 68, 124 haldan 306, 318, 352
//(7^rt 8 /"5"^ 102, 285
garimian 334 I 1

hallus ?"/;104, 453

gaslepan 334 97
gas dpjail 169 ^a/M 76, 264, 430-5 7"y/289, 291, 382, 383
gastaurkfian295 hardiis 85, 108 //7- 286

o^rtj/j69,
131, 1.53'251, hdiibip 76, 122, 124, in-brannjan286
282, 420, 421 149, 209, 273 innuma 489
108
ga-swulta7is 170, 273, 488
//^77//7J z", z"/^ 132, 460, 461
gatamjan 79 hdusjan 119, 251, 284 7.9/ 74, 147, 257, 291

gateihan 75, 79, 257 //azc;/103 //a;7 56, 79, 139, 178,
gaiivb 130 hazjan 126 316
gaparban 168 /^/r 253

gapaHrsnan 295 ^ /"/;-(?

253 y^^ 280
cawidafi 1 01 /^//wj 264 ya7;/j"
472
 240 INDEX IV

juggs 109, 259 mauagei 439 "/"", niunda 104, 108

jiihiza109, 259, 284, managiza 488 uiulan 139
490 manaseps 98 numaus 301
jtik 140, 282 ?nanna 98, 434, 448
jus 132, 456 viarzjan185 ^^ 372
;//a/"f 181, 282
katui ^^, 80, 372 maiirgins 124 pdida 78, 142
kdurn 145 niaivi 109
kdust 63 rneins 464 qdirnus 277
ki)mus 98 meipan loi yrtj-/
10 1

ki'usan 80, 125, 126 ;//^';/^106, 252, 265 !/"://',

qepun 300
km'u 409 metiops 106 82, 345
qi7nan
-kimds 320 w/rj- 265 yzwJ,"7(?"/j
82, 261
Xv^wz' 80, 405 w^j- 253 82
^/'wj-
kunpa 309, 31 1 viidjis
67, 257
kioips 320 miduma 205
/{'/^j-A^
258 mikils 80, 492 r^fz/j-171, 273
miluks 80, 140 r^/z/j-
67, 251
/rt-^o-i-
69 minniza 98, 492 razda 126

lagjan,lagips118, 355 7;/ ///J 504 /'^V^;/ 265

/^Vj" 125, 166, 372 ;;"" 132, 453, 455 m-^?' 140

Idisjaii
125, 126 w/jj-a 10 1 rinna?i 98
/"w"^ 114 ///z'/^;/
139 r/^zlf
120

lats 308 7)11 laps 106 r^w^ 270

Jdtihmiini 170 ""'/(?" 79 rwwj 98
/J/^;/ 273 mizdo 266
leibmi85 w5/ 260

leiJvan^lailv 77, 228, viuJda 260 j-^z 465, 466

242, 271 munda 309 j^/ 271, 466
/f////j 144, 492 saihjan 171, 228,242,
///"?" 139, 264, 265, ;/f?/2/j
74, 251, 450 346
308, 318 naiima 434 "y^'/r271
A?//^/ 264 namnjaii 304 sdiivala 242

ligan 69, 128, 296 naqaps 82, 120 ^(^Vzt'j'

86, 271
//w^//319 nasjan,nasjis119,122, W(^(? 314
Ikihaps 275 128 salbon 310-12, 320,
liuhtjan275 nasida, nasips 122, 355
lusans 126 284, 320 salipwa 130
;/"7/z*
144 j'rt'Wrt: 472
^^^"^ 95. 99' 3005 361, ndudi-bandi 169 samana 102

372 ndupjan 169 sandjan 169

magapi 169 ;/^^' 242 satjau144
magus 109 ne/videdun 228 j-^/j"
169
mahts 95, 320 ;z/7;zrt"293, 301, 315, ^"(72///
102

maihstus 226 321, 329-31^ 333; j^/;/^ 464

;"";" 132, 504 j-^/z/w 252, 254
344
mdiza 126, 271, 492 /z^/;^/ 63 "" 460, 462, 464
malan 260 ;/^;;"'314 jz'"^'cz
118, 151
z/z"" 372 nimanda 317 J/(^/^"85, 104, 107, 149
300,
 GOTHIC 241

s id lis 122 257, 264, 270, 293, paiirban i6o, 168, 198,
siggwan 70, 115, 130, 30i" 335 309
T rL'^ slibna 98, 102 paurfls 320
sigqan 130, 304 j//^^rtw
130, 304 /^//r/.
56, 78
sijdu314 slikan 147 A' 398, 465-6
sik 459 stojan108 /(?/106
silba 151, 472 j?/^//
103 peihan 259
sind 262, 289 sunns 425-8 peina 456
sin})S107, 169, 257 sundus 251 piuda 150
sitaji 79, 128, 144, sunjis107, 317 /zk;/419
257, 296 siinno 102 p rag]an 63
siiikci 275 swaihra 75, 170 preihan 259, 304
shirks 99, 140 sivaleiks 472 /m" 56, 73, 1 08
j/z^A/i"
171 sivaran 128 /rzV//rt;
85, 499
skaiskdip205,
skdidaji, siveiban 90 /*" 73, 132, 456, 457
298 siveins 270 pugkjan 270, 284
skaKi^, 300, 372 swinps 488 pulan 73
j/'rt-//
297 sivislr III

skiilda 309 /z^^/Zi"

149, 492
skama 96 ^^.^^"f
75" i44j 170 -//"^;^?/
102, 1 60
skanda 96 laihsiva 79, 226 /z/J/z/^r 168
skapjan 118, 142, 296 taihun 75, 104, 170 -/z/9z/
102, 160
j/'iiZ/j'
144 Idikns 140, 144, 271 uf-rakjan145
skapjan 63 /"i/^/^
273 /"^^'
459
skeinan 75, 147 /(iz//^/
63 /Z/^259
skildus 277, 282 /^'/^rt:"
308 uhlwo 130
j-Xv)^
138 A^/zj-170, 496 /zj-- 286

skiiggiva
103, 244 lij7i(b)rjan
79, ii i usbeisns loi

slepan 138, 298 ///^/^^" 75, 144, 273, uslukns 319

saisUp 298 275"337 nsslass 10 1

sliupan78, 138 Irauan 251 us-wakjan 145

sndiws 409 Iriggivaba103 uswiss 10 1

sniumundos 132 //'//rt'a//

293, 303, 348 ??/ 105
snhvan 103 ///^ro-J
144, 430-5
snutrs 120 ///;///zj"
73, 144, 253, waddjus 103
j^ 413, 465, 468 262, 317 Z";a/ 272
jJ/^m 294 ///0- 79, 286 ztwz);'^
78
sokjan140 /zf;^'/272 wairpan 143, 301
speiwan 72, 147 Iwaddje 103, 236 504
ze/^z/'j-

spilda62 twalif 168 wairsiza 492

stairno 147, 185 Iwcifls
148 ivatrpan 340
staldan 298 pagJijan99, 259, 363 wdi'l^^,139, 251,282,
slats laid 298 pdhls 320 297,312,372
slandan 74, loi, 147, /a/. See Jrt: waldufni 102, 160
294, 304, 316 /(7;/104 ivaljan389
j/(?"294, 304, 350 /a//a 104 warmjan 90, 91
sldulan 273, 352 panjan 73 wald^c), 102,107,435
j/f/jn^
315 par/, parfl 160, 168, waurd 404
sleigan69, 124, 150, 297,372 waurhls 320

1167 Q
242 INDEX IV: GOTHIC

waiirkjan 355, 361 luigam 170 Zf^/jjrt 101

ivaiirslu 107 IV iIda 388 ze;//rt;/

loi, 277
ivafirts 79 z"^/7f
/" 131, 291, 314 zf;//'/j
189
iveihan 76, 109, 170, 7"7y/ 105, 257, 291 wrikaji 189
259 wiljdu 388 ivrbhjan189
wcis 1 01, 132, 453-8 winds 257 zi;//^90
ivenjan355 win if us 148, 285 ze'/^Z/rt'
97
wepiia 138 wisan 382-3 wuUan 303
widiavo 67

V. OLD NORSE

hair 106
/^a;;//-106
hani 76
hanpr 78
//(zr^r 85

;/^y5^'.rz
71, 76
/^f//tz300

hifne(dat.)102

hjarta75
hlaupa 307
htjSd^c^
hniga 109
^^A^ 76
//^^^z;^
103, 244
/^^/^r
106
i^;'rt/"
98
^r"ir 76
himd'ii, 75
htindr 75
/zz'(?/
77, 105, 106
/^z'77(^
77
hyggja 118

z^aer68

J"^^ 457
y^v 77

kambr 80
X'";/" 80
^7"/" 98
kjosa80
yt(?wa 82, 303, 345
INDEX V: OLD NORSE 243

Q 2
244 INDEX VI

VI. OLD SAXON AND LOW FRANCONIAN

 246 INDKX VII

fllmd 3 1 7 ^/i'j/69, 131, 153, ////;/^/73, 75, 253

feorh 171 251, 282, 421 /;7/;ae/77, 105
///"71, 282 ^ietan69 ^ze;// 77

fir^"71 170 finmi 68 hwopan 307

fisc 71 ^leaw 103 hwosta 241
fleam 109 ^^a'122 hycjan 1 1 8

fleo^an109 ^oddoTid317 //"////

90
y?^" 163 J(9.968
foljen 318 ^ripan 138
y^w 259 ^ww^ 68, 283 '^ 257, 453
for-lebsan165 7"r/^124
for-loren126 ?r^?7 171
fostor 10 1 habba7i,yhdefd
6^, 320 /v9 (wesaii)
257
/"?'/71, 79" 139, 257, hdelend 317
261, 448 hdele^p)
106
freond 317 hdetiep
78 lacan,lec,leolc 300
frebsan 165 ^^w" 106 Idedan 166
yO'Jfl?
62 /m;/^ 76, 430-5 /ser^;/ 125, 126, 166
y"j(?/285 ^^r" 171 /ae/^" 139
/"///97, 253 hatan^hehi^het139, 300 /d:"z"^114

{inid^fyrivc
171 heafod 76, 122, 124, /^//^69
^/^;-73 149 /^ 283, 413
//^^j170 /^"?;/77,
164
^^^ 170 lic^an 69, 127 128,
^aii^an 69 i53j 296
i^,i'"457, 459 /?^^r"/ 85 llcuma 226

jf- 86 hehhan 71, 76 /z?j170

jeard 68, 124 /;^// 118 /?^^;/
162, 166

j^/5yr^
253 helpan 143 /wra;/ 140

^ecoren 125, 126 heinepe106 lunyr 70

^^^c?;/
319 heofon 102 /jV^/144
yfri^nan 296 //^^r/"?75, 144, 283
j"?/?":
140 heortena 434
ynesan 166 y^^r 253 ;;z5e^372
258, 282 heri'an 126 md"^den169
j^cr 140,
y ofoil 102 I:e fiend 317 w^;/ 372
yoyp 103 hieran 119, 251 ;"5r"2 126

j^^/^68 hlaford 242 ;"^""? 128

yostra 68 hleapan 307 ;"^"7/r80, 140

febian68, 139 hleSpor75 niebwle 109

y-sceaft99 hliehhan 227 ;;/^/ 106

ysealfod320 hlinian 75 w^/"jzw 79, 139

ypimyn 259 hint tor 75, 120 w^/c*^ 106

ywis 320 hni^an 109 ?;/z'^(fl''(?

67, 257
jz"/a;/123, 124, 149, ^^" 259 ?;^z"//^
257
153 hopian 90, 91 modor 85, 251
i^"/3i5 hrdefn98, 121, 232 ;;/"9;m 106

^?V/}/
124, 283, 413- h'demvi 98, 232 monap 106

17 hredw 76 moryn 124

 OLD ENGLISH 247

mot 372 J^rt'A* 76 temian 79

7}iur?ian 303 j""?":"7;/
140 /^^" (dicer
e) 75, 79,
Diycel80 j-^'A/130
_257
/^'^w {dueere) 75, 144,
7iaca III send an 169 163
tiacod 82, 120. T29 i-t^ 462, 468 //^" 75
nde^l65 j'^t' 140 //" 313
"?^^ 169 i-t^^;/
85, 104, 149 timbrian 79
;/^ 71, 105 j-^/z164 /z"/rt^
3 1 7
nTotayi 139 sebpan 162 ^^V-'
73. 144, 3^7
(^e)nered
320 j^fZ/rzw 144 tredan 348
nerian 119, 122, 166 j/"^((^)
118, 151 triewe 103
neriend 317 sidu 122 /z^^^313
w^/ 144 "^^ j/j^r451 Z^/;/^^144, 283, 434
w?-^/ 74, 251 sincan 130 168
/z^^^//"
iiiman 315-317 sinjan 70, 115, 130,
"/;;/(?329 153 /^^":81
noivend 1 1 1 j//Am 79, 128, 144, /^Z 105
257 /(7r^ 467
ofen 90, 91 sip 169 /;ear/\pear/t 297, 372
(^/^r168 sldepan138 porfte309
open 138 j~/^c7/z, 163
"r/(?^^ pencean 99, 259, 363
ox mini 435 slupan 78, 138 penian 73
snipan 162 /^^^ 150
/"J"/
78, 142 jwcT/^ 86 /^" 163, 259
penijing 175 snottor 120 polian 73
/w;;^ 142, 175 j'^'/102 /^;? 104
116, 142
;Vj'// specan 231 /(9r/ 78
rmd 67, 251 sphvan 72 pridda 85, 499
r^cr"/ 126 spurnan 72, 303 //'/^73
rice 140 Stan dan, stod 74, 294, prin^an 130
ridend 3 1 7 350 M A^ 73, 457
O'^i^ 153 j"/f/"102 pivean 163
;;y^^ 121 steorra 185 pynne 73
"f/?j
315
sde, 86 stijan 69, 124, 150 7?/^/^:130
(stton)254
j-5e/"?;^ sti'ncan 130
sannian 102 str'eam 1 1 1 Wdepen 138
scddan 205 sugan 303 Wdeter 79, 102

JT^^/ 65, 372 sweor, szvejer 75, 170 zew/ 79, 139, 251, 282,
sceolde 309 siveostor 1 1 1 372
scearp 2 1 8 swerian 128 ivecc{e)an
145
jTM// 144 j-r^^f?//
241 7veja?i 68
sceppan 63 .5"7^/
103 z";^(?r"r 145
scieppan 99, 118, 142 symbel 102 weorpan 143
jf?7^ 282 weorpan 162
,ff/]^
138 /^"r^;/ 140, 144 ivesan 165, 382
scripan 162 /"?^j^r170 ivtdtrwe 67
siuwa 103 ^'"7r 75, 144, 170 iv/jan 76
'4" INDKX VII: OLD KNGLISH

7vili'257 7Voldc 388 wrj/;-/79

ivhid 257 wrecan 189 wyrt-walu 130, 242
7vmc 421 zf^/zM' 97
ivinttr 285 wyrccan 99 ^/r/ 149
wit 459

VIII. OLD HIGH GERMAN

(For r^, "7, see under /'; for v undery"; for //// under zt*.)
f,

ah- 286 ^;;/^" 235 rt'M^r (= ///)

227
aha- 286 378
"?;/ "7//0 145 ?^

ahali 168 anagengi 406 "///;;/ 205

dhand 107 anaivert 503 rt'w 424

"7/"'^^/
452 ander 208, 279, 480, {ke)auckan
358
ahguiir452 481, 482, 499, 501 angan, see oiigan
rti^^z/r
168, 198 565 68, 489
aw^^'z' aughidoju, see ougan
^r/'rtr 80, 214, 285 rt;7^"?502, 504 auwa, see t?"zf;d!

achis 120, 242 annimo (= ";/ /;;/(?)

234 "2z;"7r 168, 198, 199
ddhmot 205, 359 annua, see antluzzi rzzf;^, see ^//zt*^

461 anst,{}i)ensti
224, 234, awi-zoraht 109
rt-^r 457,
a/ald?i168 424 fl^^j'^ 200

affol/ra, (7;^/- 286 rt-^ 105, 286

120, 190
^^r 199, 488, 492 antluzzi 189, 202 ^7^ 252, 265, 347
r7///r199 antseidon 222 azzasi 200

agana 226 apanstohem 225

"'//":77, 86, 242 apful 120, 190, 404
ahha 242 ^r- 286
^y^/r 171, 279, 451 ^7r 86 /"- 286
"$(7-,
ahta 414 araheit 124 "5^"^^j-
156
ahten aralten 360 ^^^^7/ 351
364 294, 349,
(5(2"r^"?
rt/^^74,251, 279,283, "7/'rt'// 171 212

araiighit
220 "^^^;/ 358
495
ahtowen 495 {gi^arhiiite
363 "^rt^a"
352
ahiozo 496 archa 214 hahhan, pahanne 351
fl'X'ar214 ardampte 191 hahho 212

"/ 141, 481 arhenc 353 hannan 352

^//^j- 503 arleskan 341 (^^z^^*90
almahticun 221 arJiotan 339 "^"?;7/
452
r?// 169, "?rw 186, 403, 490 hatihminc 214, 220
205, 490,
491 arouge 234 ^^^ 504
{gi-)alinissi
226 {ai')prahastim
225 "5^^^ 272
aliar 205 aruueraner 383 (5^/^156,193,213,277,
altar I 408 arivechu 214 404
atterom hehhdri 277
491 arworpanan 191
althrom 205, 491 aserho 437 heinherga 233
(7/// 279 rtjw/ 408 helgan 341
altteri 206 (jj-/,
see "7;/j"/ (5^4^2'
422
amhahtita 363 "7M^;',see ^(7r hellan 341
INDEX VIII: OLD HIGH GERMAN 249
a.f^o INDEX VIII

(lar anna 234 dors tuner 234 ^'236, 452

(farhen 168, 209 drankla 214 ^'^^'^334, 380
ihir/2^^,313, 376 dreskan 341 ^z" 236
^7^'"?;;,
dorfta309 drewen 357 eigenen487
daz, 105, 141, 201, d{H)rie
r//7, 56, 73, 108, eiginaz 487
465, 466 494 [h)eigu7i224, 380,
dec ken 146, 203, 362, driageri 408 486
363 drlfalt500 "'^ 424
dehein 228 drigil63 f/"/ 201, 251, 271,
deisino 226 i/n'w spur tint 501 494
^/i'//,
fl'////,
dual,see ///^" dringan 130,259,304, einazzem, einzen 500
fl'-fw^;?
73 340 ember t 404
denhn 99, 259, 328, driozfin 339 einboronon 487
363 driror 501 ^z';/^;?/
494
der 132, 397, 464-8 drisiuuit 203 etnes{t)
501
dhese^diser 469"
r/^j^^r, driske 500 einizm 202, 503
472 rt'r///^?
85, 499 einfolto
280
^/f'i'j'^^
181, 471, 472 drlzehan 495 ^?"zzV 219, 220

deiven 357 driz,2,ug

496-7 einigeru234
dez 211 druhdiln, 203 ^z";z;z503
dezeinon 205 ^?^,Mw, 73, 207, 456 eining 500
dheodwn 418 dugidi 204 einlif(s/untd7i)
501
d{K)raio drddo 204, ^?7"^/rt:
229, 270, 363 f?w/?72 500
,

208 {^pi^dungan208, 241, einluzzi 500

dhuahal 207 243 ^/"ze;/^2'4o6
dicanne 220 dunguni 343 ^//'/^ 272

dlhan, dlan 163, 226, dunni 73, 98 eiscon 217

259, 336 (er)duo?npt
366 ^///rtr 148
dihton 205, 277 durfan 168, 198 eittarghehon 220

6*';'/^/
439 durfdige203 eldiron 205, 490
dikkames 325 duruftti^
dunift^ ihurfteo el/a["=hel/a)226
^f", ^i^Jwrt 482 203, 237, 285 ^///(!7;2
237
dins an 340 duruh, dure, durg 226, ^///i?/!
279, 481
dinsiar iii 227 ^/^ 484
(7/(9/"150 {duruh)siunUhc
213 f //z*279
dioyin 339 dwahan 163, 241, 349, emeiztgaz 201

^^'^ 132, 456, 457 350 emezzihic 225

fl'/irrd?,
see (T^fj^^r diver an 344 ige)endidt
237
rt'//141, 202 endriu 279, 481
^/V^ 419 ^a, ^y^^,
^'zrrz86, 243 "?w^r 235, 472
rt^(?j
"/z"/, /^ 465-8 ^(5";? 102, 285, 502 ^"^/ 68, 489
^////^ 168, 199 (?(5^;/^
195 ^w*-^"r222

diufilir452 ^"^//'r
278 ensebhejt 351

^z*z^/"
275 ^rt'^i?
210 en Ieon 359
rt^zj^
202 edilink (=g) 219 ^;?/^r^ 492
rt'^/(?"
73 egesUhc{ = /f)213 ^"//' 237, 406, 492
(^orf^6, 78, 143, 19T, ^^z^^?
124 {ki)entidt 35
402 ^^/r 279 ^(? (/(9)
242, 246, 276
dorr en 280 f/7/ 271 ^(?,^410
 OLD HIGH GERMAN 251

eocaUhc 213, 223 fanva 189 fiordung 501

eogihiiar
225 farwen 279 fioring500
eoman 449 fasten 234, 360 fioriske
500
e on aid 7'e 205 y^j"/^279, 502 werha
z;/(97' 501
eowih 203 fastos {^=st)203 /r- 286

epfitin
404 /"/^r 56,71^85, 153 ", 7?/7"w (/"/.)
416
er 132,277,460,461-4 204,248,396,441-5 firstannissi187, 233
^'' 457 faterlos204 /x^ 217
er- 286 /^/z75 /j/i'
71, 147, 217, 277,
/r 492, 499, 501,504 {gi)fehan346 403
erahhar 130 /t'/2/"w
341, 343 j/fg/zj"
200

f;'"5/,
erve 124, 176 y?^/^,_/?////
71, 277, flanzon 192
"f;'rt^^7
278 282, 425, 426, 428 y7"^?.9
227
erdo^ erdho 210, 231 /'/97 fi^gen190
erdrihes 213 felhan 318, 341 flehtan294, 341
eririn^ en- on 491 (gi)folhan
318, 341 fleisc,fieisg214, 217
erlauppe196, 358 feozug(:=feor-)
496 fleisges 217
^rw (= ^r z";w)463 /tv--286 fleislich ( skt)218
=

err en, erien 352 fera,fiara266 flewen 357

^/^^j- 210 t^^r^^* 238 //(?^o-a7z
337
^//?^ 210 /m'^ 238, 437 /^/?r7;/ 163, 339
euangelio 177 fesa 168 ^zb^rt'w339
eivtkemo 221 festeom 486 /zV;/ 336
^;^ 461 festi2*i(),479 {gi)flohan163, 339
^^^"" 56,795 139. 146, festiminc413 flohat(afloat) 225
178, 316, 328, 347 fethdhahha 210 fioscans 201

ezzen 146 /^//r^ 437 (^/ar)fli(ahhan

354
fettah 210 ftucyfluic219
{gi)fez,zan
346 fiuochon 354
y^rt?190 /f^/z/ 236, 317, 446, 268
y7z/c"/
fd/mn 219, 234, 259, 447 fnehan 346
352, 353 ^"r"?(9/
202 /(?,y^/^171, 245, 484
falenza 190 ^m^ 200 foalaccit202
faUan 62, 352 ficislicho 200 /^^"/ 131, 285, 403
y^///422 /zY;z317 "/, z^^// 97, 253, 280
/?/(?479, 484 viffoldamo283 folc.folh
214, 215
faltan 306, 352 vigandum 236 y^//^;2
503
{gi)/ank {z=zg) 219, filleol237 folnissa418
221 fillorane 231 folwassan { = /^s)227
yi?^484 //z^71, 503 280
y2?;z(?
/ar- 286 fimf^\, 232, 282 fonne (^"fone)234
y"7r^ 414 findan 162, 208, 209, y^r- 286
/ar(ayi 71, 452 3345 340, 342 for a ha 170
"r^;/ 234, 279, 305, finfstiintcenzig 498 forahlihhun 203
306, 324, 327, 328, fingar 403 forahta 285
349 finstar1 1 1 forasago 436
farra 190 {ghi)finstrit
220 fordro 488, 492
/arn\/erri 279 /^/-,/6W-495,496,499, forlazseno201
/art 424 500, 501 forna 492
254 INDEX VIII

lji\mu/"an
223 {h)ruo/a/i
353 Z/^, //", //fd/^,132,
'?;i,^
{hyilgan
109, 336 (h)rusli225 213, 257, 453-5
i^h)niuwati
338 (//)j^^
225 ikaruta 242
hocia 284 [h)tiaszcmo
2 1 1 2 1emus 326
ho/ 16% ///7rz^ 224 //A?",?7rt" 364
hoffen90 (^)"t'
229 ?/"9;//(?
502
hoh^ ho 170, 229, 273, hu(g)gen,hiickan 118, z;;/*^/";^
187, 233
488, 489 220, 223, 284 /";/(^^/
233
(^ki)hdhhu
228 /^z/^zV^
427 /;/-,z"/- 286
hbhina 440 .
/////'/
421 /"/y?"?/
320
hohuhit 225 [gi)hukka223 [m)bldhenen353
^"?/"226 hiildtn 208 z"/"^"?/
233
hoihct 274 hundert498 {i?i)ginno322
-"^o/"/226 liungar284 (z'")grtngunli^
ir)327
{ge)hollen
343 himgarran 284, 364 inhezzo 322
W^w 280 {h)uns224 /"/' 459
/z(?/2280, 402, 452 ^?/?//56, 73, 75, 253, innaro 488, 492
honigh 219 498 innenwendiun 219
{cht)hordon
363 i^"(?" 452 insiandemes 325
//^/rw 119, 237, 251, hues to 241 226
zVz/^z';^
284, 327^ 332, 363* hurolob 224 intluchhante 213
366 i^i/j-
402 intphdhan 197, 221,
horendo 205 [h)wanne503 327-8, 353
{gi)hdrie
237 {Ji)wanta503 intprennent194
horo 410 {h)wdr 503 intrdtan 352
horran 119, 185, 239, {h)warb 501 intrihhen 228

358 (/^jze/rt^
77, 105, 474 intrinnan 340
houbit 76, 122, 124, {h)weder 474 intseffen
351

149, 194, 209, 273 [h)weijdn

236 intstupta191
houg 170 {h)welih474 intsuab 351
hoiiwi 246
245, {Ji)weOf{h)wio 242, /(? 242, 276
[h)raban98, 232 246, 276, 503 zr 132, 456, 457,
{h)ramm 98, 232 (/^)ze;^r
132, 189, 474 460-4
{^h)rao,
ro 245, 484 hiverdar 210, 225 ?r- 286

\}i)regilo
225 hwerfan 161, 168, 198, irdisc{h)
217, 278
{fi)reini
479 341, 343 irhuggu 220

483
{h)reinnan {h)wU 413 irleidda 206

{h)reo, hro 76, 410 {Ji)wila77 irlikent 223

{h)respan341 {h)wiolih
474 irquigken214
{li)witte irrechen
{h)reime199 225 214
{h)rman 336 {h)wl2,
189 zm' 185
(/^nW 225, 451, 452 irruophent190
{h)ringd225 Jj^;-" 171

{Ji)rinnit
225 z"7, ?'(?,
eo 2']6 zj/74, 147, 257, 291
(^)/7!$"
452 iah 235 // 141

{hyiusa 322 z'a^^z^r235 italingun503

(h)ros225 z'^r 188 itniugiu243
{h)rucca220 /M^ 279 2W 244, 456, 457, 464
(h)ruckt
408 -^":/(^z
418 //7,y"235
 OLD HIGH GERMAN 255

iiaig188 kleban277 kiuinan 1 1 1, 187, 233,

iungundi 234 kledda,kleita 210 309, 378
/^ 460, 461, 468 kleipta194 kunni, 80, 187, 188,
klenan 346 233' 237' 405-7
klelati 346 Xv/z/j-/III

y, see also / kltban 277, 336 X'w^ 81, 424

{gi)jegefi
347 klimban 304, 340 kiipfar1 16, 120, 258,
jchan,gehan 229, 235, klingan 280
340
322, 346, 347 kliobaii 337 "rw/7'280

(bi)iehames
235 {bi)chnda 329= bichnde curtilachchan ( = ////)
jener 235, 472 kjiabo,knappo 121 213
yW^" 235, 346 {bi)chndd'i
363, 366 chiirtiiassi 203

jetan,geian 235, 346 /^;"'(9

/(7/6'(?, 189, 246,409 X?^;'2,X'///-/
203
joh 140, 258, 280, 282 kneian 346 chiissi 404

jugund 103, 208 X7/(?M ( = "^/)

227 X7/!j/258

y"//^ 109, 259, 284, knussen 181 X7/// 424

490, 491 chone, conela 241 (ge)kmman 338

jimgist 504 konsta 1 1 1
,
378 "7/^(?"r82, 2i2j 214,
":{?/-"" 280 215, 241
{gi)koran 125, 126, quedan, cheden 162,
Xy?, see
^(Z- 165 189, 241, 346, 347
X'"z/"^,
chalp451, 452 Xw'" 145. 231 {(jtiedan)
"ry^rt/ 241
^"(^/(^
484 choroen 370 r"^^^215, 241
kamh 80 kortar169 qiiegkez214
X'";;//"
191 chosoge 236 {er)chichii
241
kan(ti)56, 80, 378 kostd7i 221, 258 choat i^quedait)
241
Xar 452 chraft214 choden ((quedan) 241,
karkari 408 kresan 346 347
kaumanlihi 483 kretan 346 (zwei)202,
"7//f^/ 494
keisar 284 Knacky Chreh 266 cheleri
qiielan, 241, 344
Kelbirisbach 451 krinunan 340 quellan 341
kempfo^ken/o191, 215, krimpfan 340 queman [comeri)
82,111,
232, 437 kriochan 337 189, 241, 326,334,
X'^r,":"^^r^214, 371 krippea176 344' 345
kerran 81 Christan 396 quhdmi 214
XY'zv'a239, 438 christidiiiiin 237 quhonum 2 1 4
chilichd 230 crucez 211 (quedait)
^^/Jj 323, 324,
khorunka 215, 221 {gi)kruinpti
194 327' 347
Xvw^w 336 "r^r/?/ 452 n^w;^, 241, 345
/(7"/^/,
i:-^///^205, 208, kiimflIII qiiena {qtienald)
82, 241
214, 257 cumfiichem 223 queran 344
kindilhi 404 -kiimi 421 qul/aldn,
iwt/alon148
/"/"/;//
98 hnnin
ctcfm'l, 102, 234 ^z///7z277
kiosan 80, 165, 339 X'?^;/^,
f/^//;//208, 334, ^////'C'
202

Xv]^,
see geban 378 chime dan 330
chirichun 214, 215 kimigy khuninc 215,
chirihha 230 234, 403 /", see /a^"2"
A'zrj/ 231 kunmch 222 /^/"^w349
kiuwan 338 kunmgin 412 /^^iz" 349
2f;6 INDEX VIII

lahhi 408 licehetifan Itiggi,luki

223 219, 220,
lavib^lembir 114, 131, {fir)liche,(.faryich 223, 483
451. 452 227, 228 lugill 440
laug 69, 279, 491 liehie era 202 luhhan 140, 303, 339
langosl504 Ucuma (
= llchama)226 luhhir 452
lanideri408 //V(?w 161, 162, 166 /"/// 199

hviipuant 4^"] ^/" 353 i^gi')lmnplih

191
lantscheffi
217 Hellen 229 Inn gar 70
Aw 484 //f^// 229 lii{z)cila
202

las tar 226 //tVz 201 luzzigem 503

A7/rt 243 //^^^;/69,- 127, 128, ///20z7 144, 480, 492,
{gi)hwbi7i
188, 237 153, 219, 220, 223, 503
^kakan)laiiffeem
330 296, 346,3 ^/ 371
///"//
/rt; 194 //;^/37i
{chi)latip7iissa
194 -lih 279 {gi)macchdsl213
A^s 324 (^^-/?^)140,
(^/)/z/^ {gi)mahchaz213
/rz:^^?;/
139, 265, 308, 213 ;//^^, ^;m^^ 155, 184,
325, 352, 353 lihan 77, 164, 229, 219-22, 300, 313,
lazcende 202 242, 246, 271, 336 379
146
laz,z,en {bi)li7?ip/an
191, 340 7;z^^403
//"^rt:"155,
/t'^^", 277, igi)liiiga?i
340 magaczogo 202

365 {bi)linnan
340 magafin 169
lecgende223 Hog an 276, 337 mahti 279
lecisio, kz,zjslr 200, //(9"^/227, 275 malan 349
492 liosan 165, 339 mdlon 229
//(r//"r
/^r^;^/(f, 277 liotfaz,
227 ?w^;z(7z)
187, 233, 396,
lefs403 /zbM, /z(?M 227 448, 449
356
^^^''^^^^ /J/)"^ manake 221, 284, 439
194
hhhan lippanti196 mandhendi 205
344
leidezen 202 Hrnan 277 Wi7;z"? 106, 252, 265
leidhor 208 liublih276 mdnod 106

/^/.^403 liugilom 202 manslecken 223

/^z'/209 -^"^353 viareo 486
/t//^" 166, 179, 358 Huhten 257, 275 wrtrz, ?;/ar(? 188, 265,
Z^;;^/279 //z///^206 483
lentin 418, 440 /c*/^452 ?"^rc 484
leobar 479 /^/z^ 170 martolon 230
leotkar 227 /t'/'J??
214 martyr 403
{gi)lepphes
192 /^;/ 273 masas 397
/^"r^:283, 414 /{?;zJ/204 ;7/(7/^227

lerran
7^/'^;^, 126, /"?j"165 meddila 206
125,
166, 239,358 lossan 181, 225 ?iieghin220
/^i'"2;'Z
165, 346-7 /(9/izr203 ;7Z(?o- Z;^ 279

/^ZJ^/^155, 176 ^wi^ 452 Mein- 222

lezzen 146, 362 (gi)loiiben

194, 196, {chi)nieim
220

liaber,liober 490 364, 371, wm/ 503* 504

220,
/z(^ 195, 196 463 me isto 492

{bi-)lzban85, 168, loufan306, 334 meizfin 352

long 170, 237 w^X7"z 221
194
 OLD HIGH GERMAN "57

melhm 777 7/^^77, 7nnos^en 229, 777r/403

341
melo 189, 260, 28;-), nlda7i 336
77/77(9j- I 8 I nidari 492
410
mend 10 1 77?'-^
203
en 205 muosa

viendi 439 7nuoter 85, 204,. 251, {gi)nindan340, 343

7iiosan
w^7/7^7279, 439 441-5 339
menni 128 7777/r?:^10 [, i8r, 380 7iioz,an139
mctinisgo217 77777777 27O -711
777i'^"7, SSI 279, 418
7;/^" 504 77UU'7nU7'd7l 230 niunto 108

r 671 77777 J 424 niuuan 495

me 491
w^r^ 126, 271, nohcin 228
492
nol/as,noles 280
7)167' ren 185
vie tamo205 nackoi,nahhut 82, 120, 77^7/ 169, 204

7/7 (?/(?, 426

7;77"/6" 129, 212, 242 77^/^77 503

7;/f:??^" 79, 139, 346 358, 363

;7r7^;7 77^^ 452

vi6z,2j-sahs^ 7?iessfres 7iagal65 7777207"

483
181 77":7/7
242
7777*(7J', 253, 77/^^ J 267 7idhd7\7iaher 229
77ii(7/a,
7neta 266 7iahho III, 129
mldan ndhist ^/^- 286
loi, 162, 336 504
he helm 77^/^/,77^-^ 74, 227, ^(5"^168, 492
7711 213
mihhil 80, 213, 251, 450 (?Z'(27'6"
492
492,
503
226
7ia7naaftosto 0dalghe7'223
W77/7' 439 77rt:777(? 279 ^^(9 210
().'//7"?,
viilinisso 416 77^-77 463 (9/r777
90
7;77'/7//^
80, 140 77(7^ 146 ^"777138, 190, 284
777777 98, 492, 504 nazscent {z,^201 ojfferunc 193
mm 453, 457, 464, 77d'(^77/
66, 278 off
0 71071 284
482 77^ 71, 105 ofphano 190
neieina 219 6)/^280
m 1717160 n 359
min7ii\vimnea 107,188, 7ieigta
219 "9/(^^280

7ieman, Pres.
186, 240, ^77^^^:280
419
mi'nza 257 277,283,314,323-9 opferon 193
{pi)s7?ucit
202 Past 325,487 ^r"? 125, 126, 171, 438
miskan Part. 317,334,487 crrt'^7'
210
364
mi'ssen ne7men 232, (9r7'(?77 226
211 ne??i7ijaji,
w/j/ 226 366 280
07'tfor7na
w?'/ 399 Otahhai' 130
7ieo77ia7i 449
77iitho7ii210 7ieonaldre 205 ^//7 208

7;77y/7"67, 257, 277, nenm, 7iet\i)ga7i

1 1 9, ^77^ 2.13
483 122, 166, 185, 188, ^77^^ 150, 434, 438
777^ 463 238, 240, 284, 316, ougen 109, 219, 222,
mohta 99, 280, 379 320, 357, 361,367, 223, 325, 364
447, 486 ouhhon 140, 273, 307
morgen 124
77iiicca 223
166.
{gi)7iesan 346-7 ^777f^^ 86, 171, 244

mucgim 220 77^^-/277

viuille7i 279 7iezze7i 146
mundii 205 77(?227'
144, 407 P.ph.pf
{hi)7iumui7i
222 7iiazpn 276, 329 1 pacchel 351

1167
2o8 INDEX \JII

pachim 422 /"(/")//;//,

phunt 14?, rijinant 328
pCiganl '",2'6,
352 192 rioilian 337
pul^i 422 /v//r^vo237, 450 riozfln 339
pech^ see heh /'Z/Z2i,phuzzi116. 142 r//'//I 2 8

peit^see p/c// ;7iY/;/ 336

penilhic191, 192, 2 _]4 r/j-/ 4 2 I

perac 285 ;y7"5^,

rappo i 2 i r/V^;/ 204, 277, 336
perahinissi194 rrt"/ 1 01, 107 riiimda 205
perpunieviiis 326 r^/'Az I 2C riuivan 244, 338
peioeni 330 r^j/' 1 01, 107 ;7^"7" 336
Pelnisan 396 r^7/ 403 rt'^r,rc^^ 227
peziriino234 ;77Az// 265, 267, 352 roggo, rokko 1 2 1

^y^^ 192 recchan 145 171, 273

;y
pfarra 192 rechaii 344 rorreuno 239
pfdwo 142 recken 145 r"?/ 67, 251

^y^zV78, 142 ;Wa 239 I'otlendit 206

pfennig 192, 234 r^rt'^;/346 ruaha 198

//"^^;/ 78, 190, 192, ;W/"2 237, 239, 438 (^^^/)
rtiaviptin232
346 redinii 414 ^'^c-^''^^^'
i53" 223
//^?"^?"/
353 red{i)d7t
359 r unit a 186

phlnon 192, 334 regan 403 ;77/M 270

phlanzon 192 [gi)reh/esligdl203, rz/^? 168

/z 195, 286 334 ruogen 189

picrapan, see grahan rehhan 189 rz/^/i 229

pilignvi 230 rehhita 362 ruomgerni 232

/?;/(? 175 rehlihhu^ retUche 203, {gi)riioi'/
366
piporgen 286 227
/"?"(toivesmi)
383 re[c)ht
184, 203, 227
piscaiiivohe 225 rehteren 491
piscluoc(tos/ahaii)
2 1 1 r^i^/"?j'
503 -fa, J^, j-zla:
463
piiiuerhio322 rehtiu 237 sachit 279
{cd)pleru2,z,i354 rehinissu 414 j-^/a;/ 224,
^"(7^;/, 236,
//^/^191 i?^z"z 222 243" 358
//J^"" 354 reinor 504 ^a^^;z 220, 227, 327,
pliihhendi 228 {ary'ekita
362 360, 365
Polonan 396 r^j"/z 440 sage ills 371
predigon156, 175,193, rlchisoia 236 j-a^, ^"?(r/z 164, 184,
222 n'lfw^ 267 228, 229
/);-^//^/
334 rJ/i?;/
360 sdhen,sawen 229, 243,
priesda 203 ;7^^" 336 358
priestar175 rihces 213 sahhan 349
prinit 234 {ar)rihctit
(=///)227 sahhu 414
prooth 205 r/-^z'140, 213 Wz^ 76
prucge 223 ;7*^/^/ 334 j'rt'/,
j^^/,
see j/'^/

prtikhumes 213 rhnan 336 salboge236, 370

prunno 195 rimp/ati340 salbon 236, 289, 295,

{p)saI?no
193 ringan 340 312, 314, 316,317,
{p)si/ic7i
193 rinnari 98 ;/, 187, 233, 320, 333, 334*355,
/?/"/;213, 450 277, 340 361, 368-71
 OLD HIGH GERMAN 259

s(7//[q-
489 [gc)-sc
riven 155 sigehaf2 o 3
sa/o 484 scnha 229, 270 siginiifl
233
{/(ir)sa//,
{k(i)siill
284, .vr/z/rt'
214, 334 j/f,'-/"
427
366 scIIIdie 219, 221 j-//i459
salieri 408 sciiola 268 .9j//"z;/
336
salvon 155 j-J^271, 466 (ga)si/ii/
323, 327
salzaii 352 jm// 226 [ki)siil
226

sama 472 seech ia 214, 237 "9///, 382, 383,

j-^wc^;/

samanaflic 226 seckil 2 I 2 460, 461, 464,

457.
samfto 502 segan 277 481, 482
-savii 279 "r"7/"?" 164, 184, 229, j/W, sinthes 208, 257,
sanghcri 408 242, 346 403
santunt {//')
327 sehhan 228, 241 sindun 383
6-r//-503 j-^//.?*;^
495 singan 70, 114, 130,
sarpf,sarf 2 1 8 j-^/vA? 212 1535 219, 221, 326,
{gi)sdsznissi 201 6-^/"^246, 414 328, 33O5 340
saiumes 359 jt/"^,jr/z'(? 151, 155, sinkan, see sifigan
[gi)sazler 366 176,
194, 472 sinkan 130, 304, 340
sbrchan, see sprehhan "yf//(r/cz
130 sinnan 107, 340
scaaf, scdph 190 j^//t7/ sellien 238, 284, siodan 162, 339
,

scadOj scedin 279 366 "y/(9/2

140, 275
-sea/2^^,
j-^rz^, 424 (^/)"y^//^
437 sibbia 118,
sippia^ 151,
scaftin351 senifti
232 188
j-a///^212, 214, 215 "r^;/229 j/^ 209,
j-J/, 504
scallan 307 sen' d)wa 242 j//?^,6-?W/^ 12 2, 277,
scar 10 437 {2)or)senehit
{=-k) 214 427, 428
sceffan191 sendcn 169 J-Z/i! 277, 460, 462,
scefmanna 449 jifb 86, 189, 242, 271, 463 466
scepheri408 410 siuhhi 275
scepphion 192, 237 J-fcT 271 simien 246
scheffidhes
214 j^v'^ 410 j/z7/;^ 149
{bi)schem217 j-^/zA?242, 246 sizcenti 202
{gi;sder371 {gi)seivan164. 229. sizzen, Pres. 79, 128,
jrJ^z 217, 319 246, 347 144, 240, 257,
set nan 336 sex tun 227 296, 316, 328,
j"":7W;/217 {Jm)sezcida
202 346, 348, 357
j-":7"2/"
211 sezzen 144, 279, 327, Past 146,252, 254
sclahan 211 356, 362; 366,463 skaban 349
sddphim 190, 211 sgalfo 217 skadon 63
sclecter 211 217
j'^'-tv'^ skaffan^skaffon 146,
screiph194 j-/"(rz,
j/(9,j-/ 460-3 351. 364
{Jii)screrot
354 j/f^i^^,
siphea176 {gi)-ska/l
99
scrlan 231, 236, 336 sibiin,siban 85, 104, skahari {eri)213, 408
scrlban 194, 214, 322, 149. 153' 277, 495 j'^rt'/
j^/i'rt/, 65, 214, 218,
336, 486 sibiinzo 496 280, 377, 379
scngil (zz^scTii/)
236 s'ldero 492 ska IIa? I 352
serin /an 340 j-^f^/if?
229 skaina 96
{ge)seriphle
199 j/^/rt:241 skanla 96
scrirnn 231 j/^w/ 336 (rtZC/i^S')
J"/^rt/(? 4 1o
 INDEX Vlli
26o

j//i//6"502 V^/^'''^335
s/cauzuo/i
244
jv/tNy, j7/c^ 189, 409, 410 slafla362
.d'az144, 40_^)
slaimborlchludmi 233
ske/uin346 S7icrfan341
snerhan
j/^//
"i'Ai;/, 316,
147,
skiiddfi205, 352 341
336 350, 381, 386, 387
skellan 3 4 1
snidan 162, 209,
slantan 74, 205, 304,
skellati341 {(iljci)s?iil
209
sniuvio 349, 350, 387
234
skellun^a277
snottar 120 stapot 191
skepfanl
447
starach 215, 285
86 slar/i^
skepfcn99, 118, 142, snura
slehho
503
stecko, 212

146, 198, 296, 349, j(?

j-61 (Pron.)463 j/^^^'rt

277
351, 364 sti'hchaler 213
sohken 213
skeran 344
218
j(?/(f?w
stehhan 146, 147, 344
skerian 238 slehho 212
266 solemo
sole{h)es, 472
skero,skiaro j/tV^/(f225
skerran J6I///2212, 472
341
j't^Wiz 280 stepfen362
j/'//'i38 "s-/m/ 387
J-/'///204, 277, 282, sorc-ha/l,
-scim 222

slerban 194, 341

423 j"(?r^^ 241
slerno, slerro 147, 185
sklmbare j-i??^ 410
233
slerozun 354
sklfiatt 75, 147 spahidii414
326, j/^f/fi?424
skioban 337 spaltan 62, 307,
352
"y% 315
skiozfin339
shgan 69, 124, 150,
skirmda 205 spamhette233
220, 257, 270, 277,
skrotcDi 354 spanan 296, 349
296, 352 293) 30I) 335, 336
-lid 179, 362
sktilila, spannan
sliinma 98, 102, 186,
skuwo 103 j/c?;z(?
322
spatliu483 232
jA?/""" 138, 175, 190,
stinkan 130, 304
306, 352 spechan 231
slioban 337
slia/26^, 352 spehdn 72, 147
j"/zW2 354
"9/^7z
j-^t",
j-/^"(9, 189, 335
sldfon 369 353, 354
j/^^"" 273,
slahan^ sldn 163, 229, spiagal 267
j'/rrt^,j/rJ 245, 246,
313. 349.350 335
j/J^o-a;/
279'
spihiri213 410
{gi)slahii 279
strauwen 357
slecler {=^hi)227 spinnan 340
stredan 346
j-/^"
j'/d^(9, 484 {ge)spiren
335
spl[w)att
72, 147, 189, slredunga 277
sllchan336
242, 243, 246, 335 strengi 220
sUfan 336
sir ewe fi 357
slihttl 203 sporno7i 72
slrichafi 336
s lintan 340 spotton 210
slritan 336
j//^^" 78, 138, 337 sprdha, sprdkha 213
j//'^w III
sliozfin339 sprehhan 1 93) 215,344
j-/^^;/ 356
sliiimo^s liemo 234 sprikhit213
^"/^^"/ 413
slizfln336 sprincuurc 202
springan 175, 340 {sehs)slunld?n
501
sluogi313 suannan 187, 233
smalihhem 503 sprinet234
410
j-Zit^r 241
smelzan 341 j^m^ 244,
suaz^eren 491
smerzan 341 ^///r/501
suazzi 241
336 spurnan 147, 294,303,
smlzfln
j-z/^r 229
snahhafi 349 343
262 INDEX VIII

uchy inch 457 ivachar 2 1 4 wedar 225, 474

ucze 201 {diiriu7i)uuac7ieem
330 ivcgan 68, 326, 346
uhta 130 zf^fZrt'c
129 wehan 346
iilaghi197 Zfrt^;/ 224 tmchrihc 213
it/nma/il,luunaht 233 wafaji 138 wehsalon 277
iimmet 233 I {gi)ivahan
349, 350 ////^/^ 474
un 234 ; ivdhi'fi 224 Zfw';^
79, 1 01, 139, 181,
////- 233 {gi)ivahnien
350 201, 225, 251, 277,
unbigihtic2 1 9 ivahsan, wassen 181. 282, 297, 323,327.
tmchuschida 2 1 7 226, 227, 328, 372,
349 374
tindar, zwiskcn 500 ivaldendeo 486 zt'tv'js/
408
under or 0 492 z";"/^j 225 zt^^A/,
w;c"Az 502

-imga 418 ivalkaii 352 welcher^ weler 474

iingaanteot 359 -zt'j// 242 zw//// 212, 474
iingamacJm 286 waltant 188, 447 ive/lan, wollen 131,
ungipahaniii 351 ivalth 206 204, 257, 291, 322,
unhreinitha 225 {ki)waltit
279 327. 370.388,389
//"X'^/'459 ivalzan 307, 352 wellan 341
link ihigiter 243 z"'^",wdmi 369 we lien 389
322,
umnezhaft 224 wdnda 205 (gi)wellt
279
unolda 226 ivanga 438 wenag 272
unrehdtes 203 ivdniu 237, 328, 369 zfzb 474, 503
7"^^(9,
unrehllchon 203 waiine 503 zf^r 455
unsemphti 199 {gi)ivant
366 z",'^/' {hwer) 189, 474
wiser, -az, -u 46^ ivanta 225, 503 iverach 285
unsic 213, 453-7 {bi)wdppo 196 werdan 162, 208, 209,
unsipberon176 zf^r 503 324, 329, 334. 340,
//;//- 286 ivarain 285 341
untar 492 warch 222 iiuerdiinc 413
untarinerchi 2 1 4 wdrra 239 iverfan^werban 161,
unihurf 203 irarza, tiarca 202 198
tintwichan 286 ivaskan 107, 349 werhlinte 215
unwirdic 219 wasmo (= ivaxsino) iven'en ,
werihan 225,
//;/2^z234 226, 227 238
/^(^//^197 zf;^/ 141 iverinprahian396
?/6?r 197 watan 349 zc'^v'^,
zi;^;r^ 145, 214,
//r 286 uuatih 234 215
urhepphantiu 198 {gi)watin407 iveroltti 206
urtruhllcho 203 waxsanne 227 iverp/an,werfan 143,
/7^ 105, 488, 492 ivaxsmo 227 191, 198, 341
iizscrom 201 Z(yc7:^,zfyaj" 201, 225, we r ran 341
iizsplgel,
tisplget243, 474 uuervan 199
335 ivazhan 211 zwj- 503
uzsunwian 241 zvaz^z^ar, waz^ssar 79, ze^^j-rt: 329
uz,z,enwetidiiu)i
219 102, 178 wesan 165, 234, 240,
ivehan 346 346, 382, 383
zt'^r/^222 z";rtj- 165, 347, 383
wecken ivecchan 145, ^/"^j^ 234
,

z^'rt 231 214, 362-3 weslen{=- wehslen)226

 OLD HIGH GERMAN 26

ivestir 451 uu'isungu 414 zchiniu 495

{ki)uiszida zeihan 213
ivetan 346 201

ztvAT 426 Zi'i/ihaii140, 144. 212,

ivetar 203
ivexsal 227 witiiwa 67, 277 271
iv'iari408 iv'izfin336 zeisan 352
wiari 243
ivodan 1 3 1 ZL'l{l)en
279, 284, 322,
nnchaii 336 ivolar 231 35^"=3^"i.366, 367,
ividaron 210 -zr^//"242 371

ividerort,widarot 2 ";i
zf.'"?//i?
97 (-/"-/(= 2f//)37i
//"/(?276, 474 womha 280 2;"?//z/^(= 0^'////,
77^)
ze'/V,
It;//" wonanti 360 454
155
ivl/an336 Zd't^r/ 231, 404 zeinan in, 344
ivrekko 146 zemman 79
ivigant 170, 447
iviilpa
119 St";;,
s"'f;; 229, 495
w'ihaji 76, wiinsgendo 217 zeiistiini 501
109, 170,
336 wunsken 364 s"f;'(?;;
344
259,
zfv/tf 222 ivunsla 364 s^r/ 266

zi;///^203 wuntan 334 s:^jo 410, 484

wihtir 452 wiiniar, ivunder 203 s^j-zf'^ 79, 226, 242
IVilIcon 188, 237, 238 tiuiintarRhc 213 Si?zw;; 357
ivinheri 233 {gi)wunxii 217 ziagal 178, 266, 267
windan z";z/^ 474 s/"2;'/266, 490
304
Zf/V;//408, 421 7t7/^i?;/
307, 353 sJ^/; 209

ivurfum 258 2;/^^;; 75, 79, 87, 257,

ivitn\g)a
239
wurken, ivirkan 214, 277, 313^335, 336
ivnifian 294, 340
{g)mnmien 241 355, 363 zimhron {zmharoii)
79,
ze;/;//257, III
277, 423 z";^/r0 79
wintari wurzala 242, 284 s/;;;; 317
340 130,
s/;;j'178
IV 171 la r 147, 203, 285 mirzini, tiiir^iin 202,
ziohan 75, 163,
z";/b/'353 413 144,
wiolih 474 229, 258, 273, 275,
z";/(9r(= ^r) 463
^^'^'(? 313. 337
s;'(9;7'
wipfil7 8 439
zc;/r 132, 455 zisamene 102

uuirche 214 0^-, 2"?-, 0/- 286 zisceido 322

wirdar 210 0(2, 0//6" 286 zJ 494

wirdlc, wirdlh 155,
Zachariasan 396 sJ (= 2^^) 227
219, 222 0^/^^r 75, 144, 170, zor\a)hl
285
iiiiirdmeozamas 326 279 zueholus 371
wirdrota 210 {c)zala
202 -s;/^ 170, 496
wu'dria 210 zaltaz^[=izilta i^ 463 js"^// 229
0;/^;'/,
wirouh 226 zajid ^'^, 144, 3^7 ziihhim 228

Z";/W 492, 504 zaplahaimer 353 ziimft, ziinftIII, 232

wirpar 210 2^ gunste ( jtmgis/i') s//;;^'7?144, 283,
= 430,
z^^'-f 413, 415 235 434, 435
wiscia, wista 218 0^^/^^;/75, 170, 493 zunon 234
ztv-f/C'
90 zchmimg 500 zFip/ieji
233
zi;/ji"aloi, 277, 374 zehanzo 498 2;/;- 79
wissan 181, 358 {Jje)zehi7iel
213 ziirkank 286
264 INDEX VIII

zitrlust 286 zivei?izt4g, ctmeinaig zwt/alt500

zwd 494 202, 496 szf/Ji,'-
155, 219
zwehlhiin 344 zivelif1 68 zwtnal 500
{^= Z7vei)285,
z'^t^wei ";zftw 189, 272, 494 zwJnehnc 500
494 zwiecchem 223 zwir(J(?')
132, 501
ziveiero 494 zwJ/al, zowlval 199, zwiro zehanzug 498
zweiio 103 241 zwiske 500
ziveijo
236 148
zwi/alofi

Oxford : Printed at the Clarendon Press by Horace Hart, M.A.

/\"
-"f.age, L. PF

3835
An introduction to the study "A7
of Old High German

59 Q,j_
Toronto 5, Can ADA