Community Mobilisation

SNEHA, a non-profit organisation, implements a program on prevention of gender
based violence in informal urban settlements of Mumbai. This article highlights the strategies
adopted to carry out prevention work on gender-based violence in a complex urban setting. It
puts forth a rationale for a comprehensive service delivery and a pragmatic approach to community
mobilization for prevention of gender-based violence. It delves on ethical concerns of
executing programs on gender based violence and adds to the discourse of developing measures
and indicators of success of the program. The impact of the prevention strategies is realised
through the extent and number of cases of gender based violence being referred from the community.
It aims to share lessons learned that could be contextualised in other settings where
non- profit or governmental organisations propose to implement programs on prevention of
gender based violence. The review concludes that convergence approach is crucial for communities,
non-government organisations and public systems to synergise together to prevent
gender based violence.

Community mobilisation (CM) is a transformative approach used to create social change on complex issues. CM has been used in practice for many years; however, until recently, had little presence in the academic literature. Increasing interest from academics and practitioners in CM has led to questions about definition, the domains of CM and how best to measure it. There are a number of challenges to measuring CM due to the lack of consensus on definition, the complexity of the construct, and the lack of available literature and measurement tools specific to CM. The need to develop quantitative tools to assess CM has been articulated in the literature and in the field. A new tool to measure CM in the context of family violence prevention and healthy relationship promotion is the key contribution of this thesis. Aims: The aims of the study were to define the concept of CM, to identify the domains of CM and to develop a quantitative tool to measure CM in the context of preventing family violence and promoting healthy relationships. Further, the study aims included assessment of the ability of the tool to measure CM, investigation of the relationship between measurement of CM and community readiness (CR) and investigation of the impact of social context on CM. Methods The Aotearoa Community Mobilisation Questionnaire (ACMQ) was developed using the literature and a practice example. The methods used in the development process are presented in detail. Case study methodology was used to test the utility and validity of the ACMQ, to assess CM and the relationship between measurement of CM and CR and the impact of social context on CM in two urban communities in Auckland, Aotearoa New Zealand. Results The domains of CM were identified in the literature and used to develop the ACMQ. The statistical analysis of the ACMQ showed the tool has high internal consistency. The results from the ACMQ assessment showed that Ranui had significantly higher agreement than Glen Innes on all scales. The CR assessment results showed that readiness increased in both communities between the 2014 and 2016 assessments. Glen Innes had higher readiness scores to prevent family violence and promote healthy relationships than Ranui at both assessments. Conclusion: The study began to establish the utility and validity of the ACMQ to measure CM to prevent family violence and promote healthy relationships in the Aotearoa New Zealand context. The tool can now be validated with different population groups and in different contexts. Results of the ACMQ assessment suggested that Ranui had higher CM than Glen Innes. The results of the CR assessment indicated that Glen Innes had higher CR than Ranui. These results were not expected. It was expected that the community with the highest CM scores would also have the highest CR scores. Initially, it appeared that these results conflicted; however, further analysis showed that the results can be explained by the type of participants used in each tool (community members or key informants), the ability of the tools to assess formal and informal community efforts to address an issue, and the importance and impacts of social context on CM.

Ce mémoire explore le rôle du logement dans l'expérience migratoire des nouveaux et nouvelles arrivantes à Montréal et l'impact de celui-ci sur les premières années d'installation, en fonction des caractéristiques socioculturelles des individus. Pour ce faire, une étude collaborative a été menée sur le cas spécifique du quartier de Norgate, situé en plein cœur de l'arrondissement Saint-Laurent. Norgate est un quartier où se produit un renouvellement constant de locataires d'origine immigrante en provenance des quatre coins du monde, et où subsistent d'importants problèmes de pauvreté. En se penchant sur ce milieu de vie et sur les conditions d'habitat de ses résident-e-s, nous avons constaté à quel point un nombre important de locataires vivaient dans des logements en mauvais état, et parfois même dans de graves conditions d'insalubrité. Nous avons cherché à comprendre comment un tel espace urbain pouvait en venir à être aussi dégradé et quels étaient les rôles et responsabilités des différents paliers étatiques face à une telle situation. À travers ce processus, nous avons exploré l'ensemble des possibilités d'action proposées par les différents acteurs (institutionnels, communautaires, résidentiels) ayant un potentiel pouvoir d'agir dans le quartier. Ce mémoire montre comment la problématique des logements dans l'espace urbain est liée à une multitude de facteurs interreliés et qui s'influencent mutuellement, d'où la nécessité d'une approche systémique dans l'analyse du champ de l'anthropologie urbaine. Il cherche également à montrer en quoi un mouvement urbain efficient nécessite un partenariat rigoureux entre les différents acteurs agissant sur le territoire, dans une logique de compréhension et de respect de la diversité des tactiques.

This thesis explores the role that housing plays in the migratory experience of newcomers in Montreal as well as its impact on the first years of settling, taking into account their social and cultural characteristics. To accomplish this, a collaborative study has been conducted on the specific case of the neighborhood "Norgate", situated in the heart of the Saint-Laurent bourrough. Norgate is a neighborhood in which we can observe a constant renewal of immigrant tenents from around the world, as well as persisting problems of poverty. Taking a closer look at this social environment and the living conditions of its residents, we have ascertained the extent to which poor, and sometimes even unsanitary housing is the norm. We sought to comprehend how an urban space could come to be so degraded, and to determine the roles and responsibilities of various levels of government in the face of such a situation. Through this process, we have explored the ensemble of possible actions proposed by different actors (institutional, community organizations, and residents) that potentially have influence within the neighborhood. This thesis shows how the problem of housing in urban spaces is related to a multitude of inter-linked factors that are mutually influencing each other, and that thus a systemic analysis and approach in the field of urban anthropology is necessary. It also seeks to show that an effective urban movement necessitates a rigourous partnership between the different actors operating within a given territory, in the perspective of understanding and respecting diversity of tactics.

The findings of an empirical study entitled ‘Meeting the challenge of poverty and inequality in the Cape Metropole: Factors impacting the mobilisation of congregations in their response to poverty and injustice’ reaffirm that the majority of congregations are still largely operating within a ‘relief and welfare’ paradigm with regard to poverty. In attempting to analyse the hindrances to churches’ mobilisation in addressing poverty from a holistic perspective, it became clear that, while there were common challenges (such as lack of capacity and feeling overwhelmed in view of the enormity of the task), several other intersectional issues (e.g. race, class and theological convictions) also play a role with regard to engagement. This article, therefore, analyses and discusses how these factors have an impact on the mobilisation of local congregations in their response to the twin challenge of poverty and inequality.

კვლევით-საგანმანათლებლო პროექტი „ინიციატივა ვლილებისათვის“
განხორციელდა1 2015-2016 წლებში. პროექტი მიზნად ისახავდა, შეესწავლა საქართველოში თემის თვითორგანიზების კულტურა და გამოცდილება2 1921 წლის საბჭოთა ოკუპაციამდე. ასევე, წინ წამოეწია წარმატებული გამოცდილება; გაეანალიზებინა იმ ეპოქისათვის დამახასიათებელი პრობლემები, შეედარებინა მაშინდელი ვითარება
დღევანდელთან; წამოეწყო აღნიშნულ საკითხებზე საზოგადოებრივი
დისკუსია.
2015 წელს პროექტის ფარგლებში გამოიცა წიგნი „ინიციატივა
ცვლილებისათვის“, რომელმაც საზოგადოების დიდი დაინტერესება გამოიწვია. პუბლიკაციაში აღწერილია 1921 წლის საბჭოთა ოკუპაციამდე საქართველოში თემის თვითორგანიზების ათი მაგალითი.
პუბლიკაცია „ინიციატივა ცვლილებისათვის“,
წიგნი
მეორე, აღწერს იმავე პერიოდის საქართველოში კერძო ინიციატივებისა თუ ჯგუფური ძალისხმევის შედეგად თემის მობილიზებისა და განვითარების მაგალითებს: დაბრკოლებებს,
წარუმატებლობას, წარმატებას; ეს მაგალითები ნათლად აჩვენებს, როგორ ცდილობენ ადამიანები შეცვალონ პირადი და საზოგადო მდგომარეობა, როგორ თავდაუზოგავად შრომობენ ქვეყნის უკეთესი მომავლისათვის, როგორ ავლენენ შემოქმედებით უნარს. გარდა თემატური მაგალითებისა, გამოცემაში შესულია საქართველოში შრომითი გაერთიანებებისა და ურთიერთდახმარების ისტორიული ანალიზი.
ISBN: 978-9941-0-8802-5

Since 2004 South Africa has experienced a significant number of local protests in poor urban areas. These protests are often referred to as ‘service delivery’ protests as they are frequently related to the inadequate socio-economic conditions of poor communities. In many respects, these protests can be viewed as a claim for the realisation of socio-economic rights by poor communities. The week-long protest in Thembelihle, near Lenasia, Johannesburg in September 2011, was such a case. Frustrated by an unaccountable and unresponsive local government that frequently disregarded the community’s on-going demands for access to adequate basic services, Thembelihle residents took to the streets. Their demands, however, were dismissed by local and provincial government and met with a forceful police clamp-down. In the aftermath of the protest, arrest and criminal prosecution (often on frivolous charges) was used to harass and intimidate community members and to target community leaders, marking an alarming trend in which the criminal justice system is used by the government to suppress popular dissent. This report seeks to understand the protest in Thembelihle specifically, and rising dissent in South Africa more generally. The report highlights the growing trend of state repression of popular protests in poor urban areas and details how the state employs the criminal justice system to vilify, criminalise and suppress local communities advocating for socio-economic development. This resport was been produced by the Socio-Economic Rights Institute of South Africa (SERI).

Most of the contemporary work pertaining religious-sectarian conflict is focused on insurgents driven by socio-economic and political grievances. In Politics and Economics of the Insurgence in Bahrain, Vladimir Remmer analyzes the political economy of religious-sectarian intra-state conflict in connection to contemporary theory of Instruments of National Power. This approach provides valuable insight on legitimization, mobilization, and operationalization of the indigenous surrogate force where nation-states and non-state actors compete for influence over target audiences for the opportunity to advance ideological and economic interests.
In search for answers to nature and persistence of the conflict, Remmer reviews organizational structure and legitimacy. He dissects pertinent economic, political, and ethno-anthropological causes.
Throughout the process, the author strongly emphasizes the Shiite community as an innocent victim of predation by an agent engaged in a political-ideological act of state-capture. The conflict mitigation recommendations evolve from discussion of select instruments of national power as a case appropriate artifice targeting root-cause of the insurgence.

Grassroots migrant organizations, especially schools serving migrant children, function as centers of collective action which address the needs of the community and counter the deficit notions of migrant students and their families, by illuminating the powerful ways that migrant teachers and students utilize various forms of community cultural wealth. Situating in the context of migrant communities’ social and political struggles in urban cities, this article aims to demonstrate the mobilization in China’s migrant communities as teachers and activists work to provide educational opportunities for migrant children and to explore the ways in which their actions changed community members’ perceptions of who they are, what they can do, and how they can do it.

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is experienced by one-third of women globally, yet few programs attempt to shift men's IPV perpetration. Community mobilization is a potential strategy for reducing men's IPV perpetration, but this has rarely been examined globally. We conducted a mixed-methods process evaluation alongside a trial testing community mobilization in peri-urban South Africa. We used in-depth interviews (n=114), participant observation (160 h), and monitoring and evaluation data to assess program delivery. Qualitative data (verbatim transcripts and observation notes) were managed in Dedoose using thematic coding and quantitative data were descriptively analyzed using Stata13. We learned that outreach elements of community mobilization were implemented with high fidelity, but that critical reflection and local advocacy were difficult to achieve. The context of a peri-urban settlement (characterized by poor infrastructure, migrancy, low education, social margin-alization, and high levels of violence) severely limited intervention delivery, as did lack of institutional support for staff and activist volunteers. That community mobilization was poorly implemented may explain null trial findings; in the larger trial, the intervention failed to measurably reduce men's IPV perpetration. Designing community mobilization for resource-constrained settings may require additional financial, infrastructural, organizational , or political support to effectively engage community members and reduce IPV.

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Bonne chance à tous ceux qui l'utiliseront

“Ramdarbar”, a rehabilitated colony of
Chandigarh, experienced degeneration in its
civic services, which was further aggravated in
1980s due to rapid growth of population. ere
was no participation of local citizens in
management of sanitation, parks, protection of
urban forestry/ environment in the
neighbourhoods of Ramdarbar. e situation
started changing aer 1997 when the local
elected councillor mobilized the people and
started to involve them in the maintenance of
basic facilities and civic services. e citizens
voluntarily demolished extended boundaries of
their houses, removed animal shelters/other
encroachments from about 90 parks and
contributed labour and money for developing
parks. Today, environmental infrastructure of
the colony has improved considerably and
isolated human settlement of the past has been
integrated with mainstream settlements of the
city. In this context, the major objective of the
paper is to study the dynamics of people’s
participation in environmental revitalization of
Ramdarbar, with a view to see its necessity for
urban regeneration and replication of good
initiatives for sustainable development of urban
human settlements.

When demonstrations swept the Anatolian heartland in 2013, social media played a key role in disseminating drawings, songs, stories and physical protest practices in a virtual sphere. From a material culture and performativity perspective, this article explores the mobilisation of individuals and unpacks how mobilisation took place in a dialectical process in parallel
with the creation of a cultural genre. This genre became a common denominator for the involved, and the article will describe how the different visual, virtual, humorous and physical manifestations as techniques
had capacities that mobilised and sustained engagement in the protests.

La géographie de la colère abordée ici est celle du mouvement des « Gilets jaunes » installés sur les sites inhospitalier des ronds-points. L'article qui repose sur une enquête menée pendant plusieurs mois sur celui du Rafour au Nord-Est de Grenoble (Isère), s'intéresse à l'émergence de ces lieux de résistance aux nouvelles épreuves démocratiques. Les Gilets jaunes qui rejettent toutes formes de hiérarchie, font du rond-point un nouvel espace public, lieu de débats, de dialogues et d'écoute, qui se donne à voir depuis la route et où l'on cherche autant à destituer les normes d'activité dominantes qu'à en instituer de nouvelles. On y parle redistribution des richesses ou démocratie tandis que les actes de solidarité internes se multiplient. L'objet technique ainsi approprié fait office de « dispositif apprenant » qui invalide l'hypothèse de « non lieu ». La transformation progressive du rond-point en « lieu » et celle de ses occupants en acteurs politiques, dessinent une « géographie en actes », discontinue, faite d'agencements temporaires intenses. Elle oblige à dépasser la notion de territoire pour celle de scène « associant à la fois un groupe de personnes qui bougent de place en place, les places sur lesquelles elles bougent et le mouvement lui-même ». Elle nécessite de s'intéresser aux pratiques spatiales et aux interactions spatio-temporelles entre individus, et contribue à l'émergence d'une « géographie situationnelle » intéressée à documenter et analyser ce qui « surgit ». Abstract : The geography of anger discussed here concerns the "Gilets Jaunes" (Yellow Vests) movement installed on the inhospitable roundabouts sites. The article, which is based on a survey carried out over several months on the Rafour roundabout, NorthEast of Grenoble (Isère), is interested in the emergence of these places of resistance to the new democratic challenges. The Gilets Jaunes, which reject all forms of hierarchy, turn the roundabout into a new public space, a place for debate, dialogue and listening, which can be seen from the road and where people are seeking as much to remove the dominant norms of activity as to institute new ones. Discussions revolve around the redistribution of wealth or democracy, while acts of internal solidarity are on the increase. The technical object thus appropriated serves as a "learning device" that invalidates the hypothesis of "no place". The gradual transformation of the roundabout into a " site" and its occupants' transformation into political actors, creates a discontinuous " geography in action", made of intense temporary arrangements. It forces us to go beyond the notion of territory to a concept of a stage "associating at the same time a group of people moving from place to place, the places on which they move and the movement itself". It requires an interest in spatial practices and spatio-temporal interactions between individuals, and contributes to the emergence of a "situational geography" interested in documenting and analyzing what "emerges".

Indian economy can reach to the pinnacle of a $5 trillion GDP with the application of proper models of agriculture and food management, robust industrial production and infrastructure development, promotion of private investment and foreign direct investment (FDI), analysis of demographic trends and generation of employment, minimum wage system, promotion of micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs), skill development, sustainable energy, basic hygiene and sanitation, sustainable management of natural resources, all in the line of the devised Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 2030 Agenda.

Comment interroger « l’art de gouverner » aujourd’hui, sinon en problématisant la dimension éthique et politique de dispositifs censés renforcer le pouvoir de décision des citoyens ? Le croisement effectif des rationalités et des tensions propres à un Conseil de Quartier et à une Accession sociale à la propriété à gestion coopérative nous conduit à
nous intéresser plus particulièrement au rapport gouvernants/gouvernés en tant que ces derniers deviennent aptes à se gouverner eux-mêmes et nous donne aussi l’occasion de montrer en quoi la dimension publique d’une pratique de coopération peut intervenir à la fois comme critique de gouvernement et gouvernement critique. Celle-ci repose en effet sur une éthique politique qui lie soi et les autres dans un rapport pragmatique à la décision donnant un tout autre sens au moment délibératif.

"The polio campaign...sets a precedent for women's participation in large-scale action within Syria, and provides a citable example with which women can more confidently deny claims that the present circumstances do not permit them a role in supporting their people."

This article from doctoral student Thomas McGee explores the participation of women in a 6-round polio vaccination campaign, launched in January 2014 in an effort to vaccinate 2 million children under 5 years of age in Syria's opposition-controlled areas. McGee declares that it "has proved a success against all the odds."

The complexity of the events of December 2001 in Argentina makes difficult to achieve a balanced evaluation between structural, historical and conjunctural issues, between external and domestic, international, regional and local factors that intervened in the crisis. December 2001 can be seen in fact as the final eruption of a series of medium and long term volcanic processes of diverse kind with some short-term loose elements.

The Gilets Jaunes movement has done more for the fluorescent yellow vest than even Karl Lagerfeld, who a decade ago declared, “It’s yellow, ugly, and doesn’t go with anything, but might just save your life.”  Reading between the lines of fear and hope, who and what are the Gilets Jaunes? Before the camps that have sprung up around French roundabouts are bulldozed into oblivion, and before curiosity can be replaced by rejection, I set out to discover the reality and seek out “the unexpected.”  Rather like Julio Cortázar in his exploration of the Paris-Marseille freeway,  or my walk with Gilles Rabin around Paris at the time of the 2005 riots,  it was as an “open-air geographer” that I decided to tackle this phenomenon, by going on an—as-yet incomplete—journey of discovery to a handful of roundabouts in eastern France.

Alison J. Bruey’s Bread, Justice, and Liberty: Grassroots Activism and Human Rights in Pinochet’s Chile is a wonderfully researched and written book. For those interested in the social history of human rights in Chile, popular resistance against the country’s 1973-1990 military regime, as well as the peculiarly Chilean elite consensus politics that consolidated over the course of the 1990s, this book will be indispensable reading. But to this reviewer at least, Bruey’s social history of grassroots activism in Chile also sheds new light on and makes important contributions to ongoing debates on the origins, historical evolution and future of human rights.

Gender is well recognised as a critical consideration for HIV/AIDS organisations. Since the 1990s, HIV/AIDS policy-makers, donors, non-governmental organisations and transnational corporations have adopted gender mainstreaming as the process for integrating gender into development programmes and institutions. There is an increasing body of literature on the successes and challenges of practicing gender mainstreaming within organisational environments, however, little has been said about this practice within HIV/AIDS-specific organisational environments. As a contribution to this gap, this reflective paper aims to generate debate about some of the considerations for gender mainstreaming practice in HIV/AIDS organisations. It draws on the author’s experience conducting a gender mainstreaming review with a southern African HIV/AIDS capacity- strengthening organisation, as well as a review of the development literature on gender mainstreaming. The paper looks at three key issues facing gender mainstreaming: (1) donor requirements on disaggregating data by sex; (2) connecting gender mainstreaming with the priorities of community HIV/AIDS organisations; and (3) the role of resistance to gender mainstreaming as neo-colonial. Preliminary understandings of these issues suggest that current approaches to gender mainstreaming may not be flexible enough to consider the multiple ways gender and HIV/AIDS interact in different sociocultural contexts. There is an urgent need for further debate and in- depth research into these issues, given the challenge they pose for HIV/AIDS organisations and donors that have chosen to make gender mainstreaming a criterion for HIV/AIDS funding.