Civil disobedience

Resumen Defiendo en este trabajo que la libertad de conciencia otorga protección a la objeción de conciencia con carácter general, por lo que en principio se puede invocar objeción frente a un deber jurídico sin que sea imprescindible que esta goce de expreso reconocimiento legal. Dicha protección es obviamente prima facie o condicionada, y la protección definitiva dependerá de que se cumplan ciertos requisitos. En la segunda parte examino esos requisitos (relativos fundamentalmente a la seriedad y veracidad de las convicciones y creencias, y a que en todo caso queden tutelados los bienes públicos y los derechos de los demás protegidos por el deber objetado) y finalmente sostengo la conveniencia de regular los tipos de objeción más relevantes. Palabras clave Libertad de conciencia, libertad de pensamiento, conciencia y religión, objeción de conciencia, derechos humanos, orden público. Abstract I advocate here the thesis that there is a general right to conscientious objection based on the freedom of conscience, which means it is possible for a person to invoke conscientious objection to avoid performing a legal obligation even though there is no legal provision expressly recognizing to do so. A general right to conscientious objection cannot be interpreted in absolute terms. Conscientious objection in a particular case can only be accepted if certain requirements are met. I also examine those requirements: particularly the need to hold genuine convictions or religious beliefs and protect public order and the rights of others. Finally, I claim it would be convenient to regulate the most relevant forms of conscientious objection, and some suggestions on the matter will be proposed. Keywords Freedom of conscience, freedom of thought, conscience and religion, conscientious objection, human rights, public order. * Trabajo realizado en el marco del Proyecto de investigación " Crisis del derecho penal del estado de derecho " , financiado por la JJCC de Castilla-la Mancha. Ref. SBPLY/17/180501/000223.

This essay discusses whether civil disobedience is an option for Christians in light of Paul's teaching in Romans 13. Using canonical and rhetorical criticism, and including a very brief section noting some important examples in the history of interpretation, the essay concludes that Romans 13 does not preclude the possibility of civil disobedience for Christians. The essay does not discuss the conditions under which civil disobedience might be right or necessary, though it does outline some theological and moral boundaries that mark faithful Christian civil disobedience.

Cross-border solidarity has captured the interest and imagination of scholars, activists and a range of political actors in such contested areas as the US-Mexico border and Guantanamo Bay. Chandra Russo examines how justice-seeking solidarity drives activist communities contesting US torture, militarism and immigration policies. Through compelling and fresh ethnographic accounts, Russo follows these activists as they engage in unusual and high risk forms of activism (fasting, pilgrimage, civil disobedience). She explores their ideas of solidarity and witnessing, which are central to how the activists explain their activities. This book adds to our understanding of solidarity activism under new global arrangements, and illuminates the features of movement activity that deepen activists' commitment by helping their lives feel more humane, just and meaningful. Based on participant observation, interviews, surveys and hundreds of courtroom statements, Russo develops a new theorization of solidarity that will take a central place in social movement studies.

This dissertation is the first major academic analysis of the Danish refugee solidarity movement that mobilized more than 100,000 citizens in the fall 2015 when the European refugee crisis reached Denmark. The dissertation makes four main contribution to the two questions of differential recruitment—what accounts for activists’ involvement in different activities—and the question of social movement outcome in the form of changes to the activists’ political perceptions. First, it argues that in solidarity activism an ethical demand to care for the unfortunate is a central driver that may lead to involvement in high-risk activism. This ethical demand is mediated by values of altruism. Second, such basic human values are argued to be important for how we react emotionally to major events which, together with effects of network and socialization, influence our propensity to engage in activism of varying risk. Third, values are also expressed in variation between the style group interaction. No matter prior experience with activism, activists in groups with a style that focuses on the immediate compassion and care for the refugees engage to a lesser degree in political protest, than do activists in a group culture that focuses on the political and contentious dimension of the matter. Fourth and finally, for activists engaged in the legal cases of refugees, experiencing an immigration-bureaucracy with little or no care for the human beings behind the dossiers combined with an experience of systematic bias against the refugee, results in a loss of institutional trust. Given the fact that the activists also prior to their involvement in the movement had a high level of participation in democratic civil society, the operation of the institutions causing loss of trust, may pose a unintended threat to Danish democracy by alienating key actors in civil society from the institutionalized political process.

In this essay I want to figure out in which ways the Squat Group Kinderen van Mokum fit into what we know about contemporary problems in Amsterdam, especially concerning the youth. In analysing literature and comparing that to the characteristics of the activist group, I want to know in what way the activism of Kinderen van Mokum is a response to the problems that young people face in Amsterdam.

Retracing the steps of London's history through the lenses and medium of its body of waters -  this paper investigate the roles of waterways, canals and docklands as essential aspects of the making for the city we know now. Through artist intervention examples, fictional narrative, discourses around political philosophy and capitalism, the paper aim to give a better understanding of how the current system influences our life in the city and our attitude towards it. While getting closer to the present, it also questions the role of citizenship and the urge in activating public spaces connected to the element of water. Almost a manifesto, the paper contain a suggestion for a performative civil disobedience that can create the space to imagine an alternative to the seemingly inescapable passivity of the 'flaneur'.

Trad. en italien en 2014 (http://www.edizioniets.com/scheda.asp?n=9788846738288)


Les raisons de se révolter ne manquent pas. Mais en démocratie, s'engager dans un combat contre l'injustice, l'inégalité ou la domination est un geste qui doit s'exprimer sous une forme d'action politique acceptable. Parmi ces formes se trouve la désobéissance civile : elle consiste, pour le citoyen, à refuser, de façon non-violente, collective et publique, de remplir une obligation légale ou réglementaire parce qu'il la juge indigne ou illégitime, et parce qu'il ne s'y reconnaît pas. Cette forme d'action est souvent considérée avec méfiance : pour certains, elle ne serait que la réaction d'une conscience froissée, puisqu'elle n'est pas articulée à un projet de changement politique ; pour d'autres, elle mettrait la démocratie en danger en rendant légitime un type d'action dont l'objet pourrait être d'en finir avec l'État de droit.
Ce livre original, écrit par un sociologue et une philosophe, analyse le sens politique de la désobéissance, en l'articulant à une analyse approfondie des actes de désobéissance civile qui prolifèrent dans la France d'aujourd'hui - à l'école, à l'hôpital, à l'université, dans des entreprises, etc. Il montre comment ces actes s'ancrent avant tout dans un refus de la logique du résultat et de la performance qui s'impose aujourd'hui comme un mode de gouvernement. À la dépossession qui le menace - de son métier, de sa langue, de sa voix -, le citoyen ne peut alors répondre que par la désobéissance, dont le sens politique doit être pensé.

Society progresses not through acceptance of injustices, in contrary, it progresses through
the courage of few men and women who oppose discrimination and challenge hateful bureaucracies. In the following analysis, three distinctive leaders will be used to understand the difference between non-violent civil disobedience and violent resistance. Following this, they will be used to determine, if ever, an individual faced with an unjust law in moving from non- violent disobedience to violent action is deemed justifiable. Martin Luther King, Malcolm X, and Captain John Brown all share the fundamental experience of being an African American in the United States. Malcolm X and Martin Luther King’s fight for liberty was to not only end the racial segregation in everyday life, but to eliminate the systemic disadvantages the African American community experienced. In contrast, Captain John Brown’s advocacy, justified by leading transcendentalist Henry David Thoreau, relied solely on portraying the “willful and wicked” (Thoreau, 1859) violent oppression against African Americans in the United States. This paper will reveal that there is a difference in degree between non-violent civil disobedience and violent resistance. Moreover, that in moving from non-violent to violent action is not a question “about the weapon, but the spirit [and situation] in which you use it” (Thoreau, 1859). Through comparing Martin Luther King’s diplomatic approach for justice with Captain John Brown’s violent resistance, it will become clear that Brown’s violence was required and unavoidable. Revealing that Martin Luther King’s philosophy was not applicable within the society Brown was in. This paper will then compare Malcolm X’s Ballots or the Bullets with Thoreau’s Plea for Captain John Brown. Through using A Theory of Justice by John Rawls, it will become clear that violent resistance was not justifiable in Malcolm X’s case, and that the degree of injustice and consequences of violent action must first be evaluated.

This work aims to write about civil disobedience, defending an interpretation, based chiefly on an analysis of Martin Luther King Jr’s philosophical contributions, whereby this form of political claim has as one of its distinctive features, perhaps its core feature, the repair of injustices through evoking certain political (or moral) emotions in the target public, raising in him an emotional transformation or awakening. First, I resume the early evolution of civil disobedience concept and practice carried out by Mohandas K. Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr in the XX century. Secondly, I sketch an comparison between some elements of John Rawls’ approach and King’s, detaching the emotional emphasis given by the latter in his defence of the principles which ought to guide civil disobedience. Last, following this interpretation, and to give more clarity for the consequences arising from the suggested focus shift on the understanding of the concept, I make appointments towards some recent critics adressed by Robin Celikates against John Rawls’ liberal civil disobedience.

ENG
In the master thesis Towards a Better Future. Activist practices of grassroots movements for
Climate, I discuss the activities of new social movements acting for the climate in Poland
(Obóz dla Klimatu), the Czech Republic (Limity jsme my) and Germany (Ende Gelände).
These are organizations that undertake environmental activities, as well as feminist, pacifist,
anti-nuclear activities and defend rights, including righteousness. My main motivation to take
up the topic was a proceeding climate catastrophe. This text is also offered as a political
manifesto, while in my research my partners and I had the same goal - to strive for a better
future.
The method used during the two-year research was activist anthropology, which is a type of
engaged participant observation (see Graeber 2009; Hummel 2017). By engaging with
activists, I was able to better understand their motivations and decisions. Joint activities
fostered mutual trust, and following partners broadened my research area, which took on the
features of multisited ethnography, about which George Marcus wrote (1995). My role in the
community that I decided to explore was changing and oscillated between observer, friend
and group leader.
The research ethics turned out to be a significant problem while writing the thesis. Research
partners are exposed to attacks by the right-wing and legal consequences of their acts. I tried
to write in such a way as to reduce dangers while simultaneously showing the widest possible
image of the activists' work.
In the first chapter, I outline the history of two actants that accompanied me throughout my
research - water and coal. The fate of coal is inextricably linked with water, it was necessary
for its creation, and currently, opencast coal mining is having a disastrous effect on the water
resources of the regions surrounding the mines. In this chapter, I outline the practices of
social groups in defense of water bodies and anti-carbon organizations.

The second chapter describes the structures of the groups I study and the motivations of their
members. I also raise the issue of the network of connections between collectives and the
local people, which is transnational.
The third part of this work is devoted to the practices of the slogan proclaimed by activists,
"Solidarity Our Arms". In it, I describe members' teamwork and how activism permeates
their different fields of life. I also introduce here the concepts of resistance and infrapolitics,
which we will consider in terms of activist activities, primarily civil disobedience.
The last chapter is all devoted to the action of civil disobedience taking place in the area of
the mine Vereinigtes Schleenhain on November 30, 2019. This is the most ethnographic part
of my work. Here I describe my own experiences and emotions connected with my
engagement to field research.
Instead of conclusions, I decided to finish my thesis with a bunch of advice for candidates for
activists who want to start a collective activity, thus emphasizing the practical side of the text
and postulating of making anthropology a science of a significant social impact.

PLN
W pracy magisterskiej Ku lepszej przyszłości. Praktyki aktywistyczne oddolnych ruchów na rzecz Klimatu omawiam działania nowych ruchów społecznych działających na rzecz klimatu na terenie Polski (Obóz dla Klimatu), Czech (Limity jsme my) oraz Niemiec (Ende Gelände). Są to organizacje, które podejmują działania ekologiczne, ale również feministyczne, pacyfistyczne, antynuklearne oraz bronią praw człowieka w tym praw mniejszości. Moją główną motywacją do podjęcia tego tematu była postępująca katastrofa klimatyczna. Tekst ten jest również swego rodzaju manifestem politycznym, gdyż podczas badań moim partnerom i mnie przyświecał ten sam cel - dążenie ku lepszej przyszłości.
Metodą stosowaną podczas dwuletnich badań była antropologia aktywistyczna, czyli rodzaj zaangażowanej obserwacji uczestniczącej (zob. Graeber 2009; Hummel 2017). Angażując się wraz z aktywistami mogłem lepiej zrozumieć ich motywacje i podejmowane przez nich decyzje. Wspólnie podejmowane działania sprzyjały wzajemnemu zaufaniu, a podążanie za partnerami poszerzało mój teren badawczy, który nabrał cech etnografii wielostanowiskowej, o której pisał George Marcus (1995). Moja rola w społeczności, którą postanowiłem zbadać, była zmienna i oscylowała pomiędzy byciem obserwatorem, przyjacielem czy liderem grupy.
Istotnym problemem podczas pisania pracy okazała się etyka badań. Partnerzy badawczy narażeni są na napaści ze stron środowisk prawicowych oraz konsekwencji prawnych swoich czynów. Starałem się tworzyć tekst w taki sposób, by zredukować zagrożenia, przy jednoczesnym ukazaniu jak najszerszego obrazu działań aktywistycznych.
W pierwszym rozdziale nakreślam historię dwóch aktantów towarzyszących mi przez cały czas prowadzenia badań - wodę i węgiel. Los węgla jest nierozłącznie związany z wodą, była ona niezbędna do jego powstania, a obecnie wydobycie odkrywkowe węgla wpływa katastrofalnie na zasoby wodne regionów otaczających kopalnie. W tym rozdziale nakreślam praktyki grup działających w obronie akwenów wodnych oraz organizacji antywęglowych.
Rozdział drugi jest opisem struktur badanych przeze mnie grup i motywacji ich członków. Poruszam tam również kwestię sieci połączeń między kolektywami oraz lokalną ludnością, która przyjmuje charakter ponadnarodowy.
Trzecia część tej pracy poświęcona jest wprowadzeniu w praktykę hasła głoszonego przez aktywistów “Solidarność Naszą Bronią”. Opisuję w nim współpracę członków oraz to, jak aktywizm przenika przez różne dziedziny ich życia. Wprowadzam tu również pojęcia oporu i infrapolityki, które rozpatruję pod kątem praktyk aktywistycznych, przede wszystkim obywatelskiego nieposłuszeństwa.
Ostatni rozdział w całości poświęcony jest akcji obywatelskiego nieposłuszeństwa odbywającej się na terenie kopalni Vereinigtes Schleenhain 30 listopada 2019 roku. To najbardziej etnograficzny ze wszystkich elementów mojej pracy. Opisuję tu moje własne doświadczenia i emocje związane z zaangażowaniem w teren moich badań.
Zamiast wnioskami zdecydowałem się zakończyć pracę zbiorem rad dla potencjalnych aktywistów chcących rozpocząć kolektywną działalność, podkreślającym tym samym praktyczny charakter tekstu i postulat uczynienia antropologii nauką o istotnym wpływie społecznym (social impact).

Recent years have seen renewed interest in the study of revolution. Spurred by events like the 2011 uprisings in North Africa and the Middle East, the rise of Islamic State, and the emergence of populism, a new age of revolution has generated considerable interest. Yet, even as empirical studies of revolutions are thriving, there has been a stall in theories of revolution. Anatomies of Revolution offers a novel account of how revolutions begin, unfold and end. By combining insights from international relations, sociology, and global history, it outlines the benefits of a 'global historical sociology' of revolutionary change, one in which international processes take centre stage. Featuring a wide range of cases from across modern world history, this is a comprehensive account of one of the world's most important processes. It will interest students and scholars studying revolutions, political conflict and contentious politics in sociology, politics and international relations.

For as long as we know, it is always stated that disobedience is a vice, yet in many cases obedience has been the underpinning of many destruction’s towards humanity. This study presented by me in 2009 at a conference, uproot some vital questions regarding disobedience broadening horizon on what we learned on disobedience to be re-questioned

Does the Leviathan —the state— have the absolute and unlimited authority? Can the population fight against the authority of the state? Are they allowed to resist? Are they able to rebel? The aim of this final paper is to answer those and more questions about the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes and, most of all, how the English philosopher understands the civil disobedience, or the resistance, and which are the following consequences of disobeying for those individuals who decide to do it.

Neste trabalho, tem-se por objetivo estudar a definição de desobediência civil apresentada por John Rawls na sua obra Uma Teoria da Justiça. Pretende-se investigar as possibilidades para que, segundo Rawls, em uma sociedade democrática, mais ou menos justa e bem-ordenada, os cidadãos e as cidadãs possam desobedecer às leis, que anteriormente foram instituídas de forma legitima e respeitando os procedimentos constitucionais e democráticos. Para realizar tal propósito investiga-se se a definição de desobediência civil apresentada por Rawls acaba por ser um conceito excessivamente normativo (ou formalista), assim como questiona-se se o conceito de desobediência civil cunhado pelo autor é logicamente compatível com o pensamento filosófico apresentado em TJ, ou se o conceito constitucional de desobediência civil apresentado pelo autor representa a maneira de Rawls admitir, ainda que nas entrelinhas, que não conseguiu ter êxito em seu empreendimento de apresentar uma teoria da justiça. Tendo esses pontos de investigação em vista, neste trabalho defende-se a perspectiva de que a desobediência civil formulada por Rawls não é a afirmação da impossibilidade de um sistema político justo, ou qualquer coisa nesse sentido, mas sim que deve ser vista enquanto mecanismo de luta contra as possíveis opressões e injustiças, que até mesmo em uma sociedade bem-ordenada, no seu todo, pode ocorrer, i.e., defende-se que a desobediência civil representa, no pensamento rawlsiano, um mecanismo de estabilização da sociedade quase-justa, que tem por objetivo uma sociedade cada vez mais justa.

Outlines the main features of direct action. It covers its links to radical ideologies and its intersections and differences with civil disobedience, constitutional action and symbolic action. It addresses criticisms of direct action from liberal constitutionalists like John Plamenatz and Sidney Hook and more instrumentalobjections from green thinkers like  Avner de Shalit and the utilitarian environmental philosopher, Peter Singer. This is a slightly longer version than the final published version.

This article is about the behavior patterns that challenge the legitimacy of the law. The analysis focuses on the basic forms of questioning the legitimacy of such rights namely the right to resistance, civil disobedience and revolution. The considerations made in this article are designed to synthetic analysis of the issues related to the questioning of state power by the citizens. The questions which are the subject of the following scientic reection of an academic nature can be examined from the point of view of dierent branches of science. They are intensely analyzed on the ground of philosophy of history, political and economic history, political science, and many others. What seems obvious, in this paper emphasis is put on the subject of study of the law. e rights to resistance, civil disobedience and revolution as forms of challenging the legitimacy of the law are insuciently elaborated on in the science of the law and constitute a research area which few representatives of jurisprudence have the courage to step into. Typically, the aforementioned issues are raised in the science of the constitutional law however in a clearly insucient way. For centuries, problems related to challenging the legitimacy of the law have been the subject of interest of the philosophy of the law and it is mainly there where we can nd both questions and answers related to the binding force of the law as a system of norms of behaviour of particular importance. The following considerations are aimed at indicating basic theses to be coped with by a modern researcher focused on these socio-legal phenomena. Secondly, the following scientic reections onto the forms of challenging the legitimacy of the law stimulate further research onto the area which should denitely be carried out due to its importance and nature, as well as meaning in the context of problems we face in modern times.

This paper argues that non-violent acts of civil disobedience on public land must be accommodated to facilitate the larger right of freedom of peaceful assembly and freedom of expression to raise awareness of social justice issues.  On private land, police should not tolerate extended physical obstructions by demonstrators.

The intensifying speed-up of contemporary economic, social and political life troubles democratic theorists because they assume that democracy depends on patience. This article turns to Martin Luther King, Jr. to challenge democratic theory’s temporal bias. I argue that King demonstrates that impatience, too, is a democratic virtue. Building on impatient knowledge, democratic impatience aides in overcoming undemocratic legacies, fosters democratic subjectivity and agency, ensures political accountability, and creates a more inclusive practice of democratic belonging. I fur- thermore show that King reveals the temporal sophistication of democratic impatience, thereby contradicting the prevailing interpretation of self-defeating instantaneousness. In particular, democratic impatience’s temporal origins of centuries of injustice, human mortality, and the context of social acceleration provide a mature impetus for demo- cratic action. Moreover, democratic impatience persists over time. On the one hand, it does so because injustice persists. On the other hand, democratic impatience contains within itself a subordinate operational patience. In other words, democratic impatience is always already somewhat ‘patient.’ King’s democratic impatience therefore not only redresses democratic theory’s shortcomings, but it also generates a renewed sense of democratic possibility in our age, as democratic impatience is well suited to help us in redressing the crises and injustices deepened or generated by social acceleration.

Gerechtigkeit sollte die Grundlage allen politischen Handelns sein. Doch was, wenn staatliche Maßnahmen und Gesetze dieser Norm widersprechen? Können dann auch in Demokratien Akte des zivilen Ungehorsams gerechtfertigt sein? Und wenn ja, unter welchen Bedingungen? Dieser Band versammelt erstmals die zentralen Positionen einer Debatte, die von Thoreau über Gandhi und Martin Luther King, über John Rawls, Hannah Arendt und Jürgen Habermas bis zur Occupy-Bewegung führt. Auch kritische Stimmen kommen zu Wort, denen ziviler Ungehorsam mal zu viel, mal zu wenig Widerstand bedeutet.

Political and social movements in South Africa, the United States of America, Germany, Myanmar, India, and elsewhere, have drawn inspiration from the non-violent political techniques advocated by Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi during his leadership of the anti-colonial struggle for Indian freedom from British colonial rule. This course charts a global history of Gandhi's thought about non-violence and its expression in civil disobedience and resistance movements both in India and the world. Organized in three modules, the first situates Gandhi through consideration of the diverse sources of his own historical and ideological formation; the second examines the historical contexts and practices through which non-violence acquired meaning for him and considers important critiques; the third explores the various afterlives of Gandhian politics in movements throughout the world. We will examine autobiography and biography, Gandhi's collected works, various types of primary source, political, social, and intellectual history, and audiovisual materials. In addition to widely disseminated narratives of Gandhi as a symbol of non-violence, the course will closely attend to the deep contradictions concerning race, caste, gender, and class that characterized his thought and action. By unsettling conventional accounts of his significance, we will grapple with the problem of how to make sense of his troubled legacy.

Taking Rights Seriously is concerned above all with due process, both in law and politics. In this respect, his theory of law and critique of legal positivism frames his theory of politics. He conceives both law and politics in terms of a "right to equality," the aim being to show individuals equal concern and respect. However, whereas he regards legal process as a matter of principle, orientated toward viewing our relations with others in terms of justice, he treats political process as dealing only with policy and focused on promoting the general welfare. The result is an account of law and politics that is original yet idiosyncratic. Though he sees rights-based judicial review as legitimately trumping utilitarian democratic decisions, his account of legal deliberation is in its way democratic, as his view of civil disobedience illustrates, and could apply as much-if not more-to legislatures as to courts.

This work analyses the public perception of the role of privateers and their transition to pirates and examines both negative and positive outcomes in various areas like diplomacy, international trade, legal, racial and gender issues. The entire topic is examined through various cases of pirates including Bartholomew Roberts, Sir Henry Morgan, Thomas Tew, William Kid, Jack Rackham, Stede Bonnet, Edward Teach, Samuel Bellamy, Mary Read, Anne Bony or Henry Avery as well as historical records including letters, trials and pamphlets. Further, this essay discusses an interesting development of piracy from state-funded expeditions into utterly illegal activity driven by various reasons. Particularly the transition between legal, semi-legal and illicit separates England and Great Britain (from 1707 onwards) from other colonial powers such as France, Spain or Dutch. Despite the fact that they all issued privateering licenses and therefore they had to face similar problems connected to privateering, the outburst of piracy in the case of England was so dangerous that England (Great Britain) during the late 17th and early 18th century was called a “nation of pirates”. Hence, this work analyses both legal and practical actions against pirates in British colonies and their effectiveness after 1715. The last part of this essay is dedicated to piracy regarding an alternative way of life for disadvantaged social groups in the 17th and 18th century and contemporary negative or positive portrayal of piracy. The role of liberated “Negroe” and “Mullato” slaves is also examined throu

Civil disobedience has a tattered history in the American story. Described by Martin Luther King Jr. as both moral reflection and political act, the performance of civil disobedience in the face of unjust laws is also, Patrice Rankine argues, a deeply artistic practice. Modern parallels to King’s civil disobedience can be found in black theater, where the black body challenges the normative assumptions of classical texts and modes of creation. This is a theater of civil disobedience.

Utilizing Aristotle’s Poetics, Rankine ably invokes the six aspects of Aristotelian drama - character, story, thought, spectacle, song, and diction. He demonstrates the re-appropriation and rejection of these themes by black playwrights August Wilson, Adrienne Kennedy, and Eugene O’Neill. Aristotle and Black Drama frames the theater of civil disobedience to challenge the hostility that still exists between theater and black identity.