Architecture & Design

Discussions of urban density have long been central to theories relating urban form to city life. Both maximum and minimum measures of density have been linked to qualitative aspects of cities including health, safety, creativity, vitality and sustainability. Extensive research has produced a multiplicity of density concepts: densities of building bulk and floorspace; densities of dwellings, people and jobs; measured and perceived densities; interior and exterior; net and gross. From these are derived various density controls: floor area ratios, building envelopes, coverage and open space ratios. Despite research and practice of this kind, the modelling of interconnections between different concepts and measures has proven difficult. This article proposes an integrative approach towards conceptualising urban density that seeks to clarify and to link key concepts within a loose framework of assemblage theory. In this model three fields of density measures – buildings, populations and open space – are integrated and related to questions of scale and urban intensity. Examples of suburban, urban, high-rise and informal morphologies are modelled to show how different density profiles emerge according to different measures. The model provides a basis for rethinking density as a multiplicitous assemblage and in a manner applicable to any urban morphology.

Context discussions occupy a diverse and colorful range of approaches in architectural theory – from Norberg-Schulz’s concept of genius loci to Koolhaas’ infamous dictum “Fuck context,” these various approaches problematize architecture’s relationship to its site.
This graduate seminar will investigate theoretical and practical approaches regarding the notion of site in architecture. Each semester a series of case studies will be discussed in terms of the dynamic relationship between buildings and their sites through various scales and typologies. The course will be in the form of weekly lectures and discussion sessions. The students will be required to follow the course readings and participate in weekly group discussions as well as moderating at least one of these discussions. For the final evaluation of this course students should submit either: (1) a 2000-2500 word essay on a topic to be agreed with the instructor, or (2) a site analysis portfolio with a short essay of 800 words to be agreed upon with the instructor.

Anatolian master stonemasons are anachronistic in today's building practice: relatively autonomous within a practice landscape of specialized contractors, they are relics of a time when the art of the builder encompassed a wide variety of practical constructional skills as well as tacit knowledge of siting, space organisation and material behaviour. Compared to this archaic mode of knowing, it can well be argued that the incorporation of visual representation in the contemporary definition of architectural practice, while enabling designers to test novel ideas through various media nevertheless weakens the ties traditionally established with the construction site. This article on the contemporary practice of Anatolian master stonemasons points to the site as the physical framework that makes deliberate and incidental observation of unfolding events possible, enabling the generation, transmission and preservation of design knowledge. In line with theories of situatedness, it is possible to observe that the interaction between craft-based building practitioners and their immediate environment is conducive to a special type of cognition which makes physical context an active agent in the generation of design knowledge. In this approach, context is not understood as a fixed set of surrounding conditions, but a wider dynamical process of which the cognition of the individual is only a part. Examining the present world of traditional Anatolian master stonemasons reveals important alternatives for design thinking in architecture. In their reciprocal interaction with the building site, traditional Anatolian stonemasons let the site influence their design in three key ways: as a resource of materials and skills; as an observation platform acting as a testing ground through time; and as a repository of design information. This way of relating to the environment, developed through intimate interaction with the site, ensures the mindful use of the site as a valuable asset in accordance with an economy of means characteristic of vernacular building production.

Günümüz inşaat pratiğinde Anadolu taş ustaları anakronik bir yere sahipler: özelleşmiş yüklenicilerin çoğunlukta olduğu bir sektörde hala görece özerkliklerini koruyan bu kişilerin, bugüne değil, bina yapım sanatının geniş bir yelpazeye yayılan çeşitli pratik inşaat becerilerinin yanısıra arazi yerleşimi, mekan organizasyonu ve malzeme davranışı gibi örtülü bilgileri  de kapsadığı bir zamana ait oldukları düşünülebilir. Bu arkaik bilme biçimi ile kıyaslandığında, çağdaş mimarlık pratiğinin bünyesinde içkin olarak yer alan görsel temsil tekniklerinin tasarımcıların yeni fikirleri değişik temsil ortamlarında denemesine olanak sağlasa da, geleneksel olarak inşaat sahasıyla kurulan bağları zayıflattığı öne sürülebilir.

This course aims to provide a critical and socio-technical understanding of making buildings by reexamining the concept of tectonics in architecture. By investigating historical and theoretical underpinnings of the cultural discourse of tectonics, the course will aim to foster an appreciation of the built form from its first inceptions to its final realisation. During the semester, students will encounter a series of themes that underpin the process of translation from the representation of an initial idea to the building itself-like notational systems, materiality, workmanship and the poetics of construction. This thematic structure will be discussed in relation to selected built and unbuilt works as well as in relation to generic documents like construction manuals. In this course, the students are expected to be willing to engage with the theoretical implications of the culture of tectonics and to be able to compare and contrast different formal and constructional strategies that shape buildings beyond practical requirements. The course will be in the form of weekly lectures and discussion sessions. The students will be required to follow the course readings and participate in weekly group discussions as well as moderating at least one of these discussions. For the final evaluation of this course students should submit either: (1) a 4000-4500 word essay on a topic to be agreed with the instructor, or (2) a project analysis portfolio and a 1/50 scale model of a built work to be agreed upon with the instructor.

This article will take a glimpse at the development of this movement, which continues to evolve through the creative work of many Iraqi artists living inside and outside of Iraq, with special attention paid to the discourse of "restoration", which forms a basis for some of the important recurring themes of recent Iraqi art. I will rely on demonstration; examining the work, aims, and cultural and artistic contexts of significant groups who helped to shape the unique direction of contemporary Iraqi art. As well as an introduction to these artists, this article will establish a basis for more in-depth future work.

Practising design in the context of development reflects the design discourse, which emphasises improving the quality of life for the wider communities in developing countries. In keeping with this direction, Interdesign-2005  initiated practices that incorporate the active participation of ‘rural village people’ who know their own needs. The goal is to fulfill these needs by creating sustainable solutions for rural transport vehicles and job creation. This poster is designed based on published conference paper .

The aim of this book is to provide a clear overview of the region that stimulates debate, gives direction to the development of design education, and provides an agenda that would strategically inform practitioners. Respondents to the Expression of Interest are invited to propose a topic for a 5,000-word essay in one of the three parts of the book. Part 1. Looking back on the history of design: tradition, colonialism and modernity The topics invited would all critically reflect upon the relation between the place of design and the pre-modern, modern and contemporary history of the region. Part 2. An evaluation of 'the now': what is the present picture of design practices and education in the region? This question is posed against the backdrop of conflict, political instability, economic circumstances, and socio-cultural problems and possibilities. Part 3. Futuring the Region: How can design education, knowledge and practices contribute to the repair and transformation of the region so that it is better able to meet its challenges and constitute a viable and equitable future for all the societies of the region. Please send a one-page Expression of Interest (12pt double spaced) with the following information:

The expeditions of Malay fishermen who arrived on the Western Australia Northern coast in the 17th century, prior to European settlement, are documented largely through narrative accounts. By contrast, there is archival information documenting all the major Muslim communities which have immigrated to Western Australia since the 1870s.

The shanasheel is an Iraqi name for the mashrbiya, a well-known Islamic architectural element, which appears as an extruded wooden structure from the frontal façade of domestic buildings, and distinguishes the designs of traditional houses in the big cities in many Middle East and North African countries. In Baghdad and the major cities down to the deep south of Iraq, traditional house designs are characterised by one or two storeys, and built of a mix of baked and sun-dried bricks, set out around a courtyard, which functions as a central space of the dwelling's collective living practices. As well, it influences and improves the living conditions by facilitating sunlight and airflow. In these houses, the shanasheel dominates the façade of the second storey, and offers a microclimate based on its unique design of fine joinery that is constructed mainly from teakwood. Through adjustment of its latticework windows, the shanasheel is capable of opening and closing to enhance the recreation and comfortable living conditions during the day in relation to the air ventilation and natural lighting. Moreover, the design of shanasheel offers creative solutions to fulfilling the restricted custom for the occupants' privacy while allowing them to observe the street. At the same time, shanasheel appears as a signifier for high social class in the local society, based on the excessive cost of its construction materials and the skilled craftsmanship required to build it. Shanasheel designs creatively embed the principles of Islamic geometric style, showing through detailed latticework shapes, structuring and covering of both the exterior and interior walls, partitions and the windows. These heavily-ornamented wooden structures are linked aesthetically with the geometric brickwork covering the predominantly solid facade of traditional houses. Specialised craftsmen use their dedicated skills and techniques to construct a shanasheel. They use their ancestral knowledge about materials to protect it against the region's harsh weather. The intense summer heat affects even the best wood through shrinkage, warping and splits. These environmental considerations are associated with the high cost of imported teak wood and available techniques and tools. These considerations are reflected in the shanasheel's structural elements, which utilise small pieces of wood dovetailed one into another without the use of glue or nails, allowing the wood to expand, shrink and adjust itself without upsetting the overall assembly. Building shanasheel requires a close collaboration between the house builder and the joinery craftsmen, who must have extensive knowledge in joinery associated with high-skills in making. The building process relies on hand skills supported by basic tools to cut the wood into hundreds of identical pieces. Hand-operated lathes are used to transform the cut pieces into a variety of smooth shapes as beads and joints. The turned pieces are then assembled through interlacing to create a variety of sizes of screens with different patterns. Such fine joinery demands immense labour and patience, particularly since the craftsmen work with strict geometric patterns to make the assembled screens and windows. The shanasheel's overall dimensions vary, depending on the size the house façade. Most of designs are rectangles with a length of 1.2 to 1.8 metres, and the width covering the distance between the inner house courtyard and its façade.

The Iraqi term for the coppersmith is safar, and the plural is safafeer. It is one of Iraqi's oldest handcrafts, with archaeological evidence that links this craft with the ancient civilisation of Mesopotamia. Also, this craft flourished during the Islamic Abbasid Caliphate in Iraq (750-1258), and developed as form, function, and production techniques, which can be seen in heavily ornamented objects for household items and many other applications. However, the Iraqi traditional safar practices his skills to produce either one of the following. The safar produces cooking utensils and household items. These products draw from traditional designs, and function mainly for cooking. They include a variety of sizes of pots, trays, and other specialised utensils. Many of these products were traditionally used in Iraqi kitchens, then gradually disappeared from the 1970s. Also, many Iraqis are nostalgic about specific copper utensils, such as the traditional Arabic coffee pots, which they collect and present as decorative items in their houses. These products are seen as a signifier for authenticity, family heritage, and traditional hospitality practices. Much cooking ware is produced from sheets of copper with 0.7mm thickness and up. These sheets are then shaped through hammering, and other basic techniques, and then a tin lining is applied to coat the interiors of the final product, to enhance its usability for cooking, as well as to protect the copper from corrosion. The other main category of production is cultural and decorative designed products. Many fine copper pieces use designs based on interpretations of ancient themes and recreated images of icons from ancient Iraqi civilisations, as well as borrowing symbols and images from Islamic icons such as mosques, shrines, compositions of Arabic calligraphy and ornamental illustrations from the Quran or poetry. Specialist, fine skilled safars utilise traditional techniques and tools to produce these items from brass, a yellow copper alloy, that is also known as "poor man's gold", which comes in sheets with a variety of thicknesses. These products are used and sold mainly as interior decorative items and souvenirs that target both the local customers and the tourists. Souk al-Safafeer was the Iraqi coppersmith's market. Known as one of central Baghdad's oldest streets, Souk al-Safafeer is a 500 metre long avenue, linking al-Mustansiriya-the well-known Abbasid Caliphate school, built on the banks of Tigris-and the commercial heart of Baghdad, in al-Rasheed street. Souk al-Safafeer enjoyed a bustling and productive time after the restoration of its buildings in the late 1970s, when it flourished and became known as an important heritage location. The unique experience of Souk al-Safafeer was associated with the process of making the copper products. While shopping in Souk al-Safafeer, people could enjoy hearing the variety of sounds and noises which resulted from hammering the copper sheets to produce a variety of applications by each safar. Tourists and shoppers could also enjoy watching the skilled safars practising the techniques of modifying the copper and brass sheets through hammering, stretching, shrinking, raising, repousse, chiselling and chasing.

Al-mūḍīf (reed house) | The Encyclopedia of Crafts in WCC-Asia Pacific Region (EC-APR) https://encyclocraftsapr.com/al-muḍif/ 1/2 Country: Iraq Al-mūḍīf (reed house) The ancient land of Mesopotamia hosts two great rivers-the Euphrates and Tigris-that flow from the Turkish mountains in the north, through Mesopotamia, and then, at the southern Iraqi alluvial plain, both rivers reduce their flows where the delta areas between Nasiriyah and Amarah provinces shape the marshlands. This land hosts a unique ecosystem of wide lagoons, mudflats and reeds, with a variety of fishes, migrating birds and buffalos, and limited agricultural practices. The reeds have always been copious in the southern marshes of Mesopotamia; "two species most widely employed there today are Phragmites australis and the less common Arundo donax … Together they are used for building shelters, fences, partitions, and many other applications." (Moorey, 1999, p. 361). The tribe is the core structure of the marsh's society, where each tribe identifying by its mūḍ īf; the location of the tribe's social activities. Literally, mūḍ īf is the place of the tribe's collective living practices and hospitality, where the tribe leader, sheikhs, meets with his people and discusses their daily living challenges and agrees on ways to treat issues, such as seasonal flood, constructing and maintaining irrigation canals, solving problems and enhancing the relationships between the tribe's families, hosting the tribe's guests, practising religious ceremonies. Also, the mūḍ īf maintains cultural roles and statutes relating to gender and the social class attendances and practices (Al-Dafar, 2015). As an architectural structure, Al-mūḍ īf is an ancient iconic design, built by reeds only, and furnished later with soft furnishings, mainly local-made rugs and kilims. The construction of Al-mūḍ īf relies on the knowledge and skills of local artisans who have mastered techniques and tools in constructing this ancient unique design. These artisans represent traditional craftsmanship systems, directed by families, where knowledge is passed from fathers to sons, and specific production techniques are protected. However, due to many natural and man-made circumstances, the efficiency of this traditional system is declining. Furthermore, Al-mūḍ īf supports the tribe's socio-cultural norms as an important signifier of its size, power and wealth. Building Al-mūḍ īf is a collective process, where members from each family in the tribe must participate, either in supporting the building work or through financial donation. Al-mūḍ īf structure is based on curved arches, with over five arches, and can be repeated by odd number to 21 arches in a row. These arches are constructed from coniform shaped long and thick bundles of dried reed, with diameters sloping from 2-feet at