Od Nepobjedivog Sunca Do Sunca Pravde (The Archaeological Material of The Early Christian Period in Continental Croatia)
Od Nepobjedivog Sunca Do Sunca Pravde (The Archaeological Material of The Early Christian Period in Continental Croatia)
Od Nepobjedivog Sunca Do Sunca Pravde (The Archaeological Material of The Early Christian Period in Continental Croatia)
I. Introduction
The territory of present-daycontinentalCroatia - borderedon the west by Slovenia,the
north by Hungary,the far eastby Serbiaand the southby Bosniaand Herzegovina- was,
until the end of the 3rd century, the areaof the Roman provincesof Upper and Lower
Pannonia(ParutoniaSuperior andInJbrior) and Dalmatia. This geographicaldivision was
also valid for the period of the 4th century and further, despitethe fact that after 297 the
sectionsof Pannoniain what is now nofthern Croatia were called PannoniaSwia and
Pannlnia Secunda.l
The early Christianperiodbeginsafter 313 in the classicsense,but its first spiritual,
organizationaland symbolicmanifestations
canbe saidto have appearedin the 1stand 2nd
centuries.zI considerthe lower boundaryof eventheoreticalpossibilitiesof recognizingan
early Christian presencein continentalCroatia to be the 2nd century, and the reasonsfor
such an approachwill be explainedfurther in the text. Leaving asidethe protrlemsof the
divisions of archaeologicaland historical periods and the beginning of the early mediaeval
periodin varioussectionsof the RomanEmpire, I considerthe upperboundaryof the early
Christian horizon in this region to be the end of the 6th and beginning of the 7th century, as
the first early mediaevalstatesof the Slavic tribes were createdin this period.r
Researchinto the early Christian religious history of Pannoniahas a long tradition rich
in discoveriesbasedon abundantsourcematerial or modified written material.aImportant
finds of early Christian material remainsdiscoveredby Hungarian archaeologistsbetween
the two warssupplemented
theseresults.5At the sametime]the earlyChristianperiodis
the most poorly researchedarchaeologicalphasein the Croatian part of Pannonia(i.e.
continentalCroatiain its entirety). Systematicexcavationsof early Christian siteswere
never undeftaken,and the only text that discussedthe early Christian finds of northern
Croatia was a generalsurvey that could not encompasseither the breadthor the complexity
of this period.6The resultis as could be expected- a distorledconceptionthat
archaeologicalmaterialfrom the early Christianperiod in continentalCroatiais
exceptionallyscarce.The veracity of such an image canjustifiably be suspected,on the
basis,for instance,of comparisonswith the Hungariansectionof Pannoniaand its richer
archaeologicalmaterial. It is not merely that this is the samenatural,historical, and
geopolitical unit as the Croatiansectionof Pannonia,which was the first to be convertedto
Christianity, but a greateramount of written sourcematerial existsfor the period of early
Christianity here than for Hungary.TThus an at least equalrepresentationin archaeological
material would be the leastthat could be realisticallyexpected.Leaving asidethe natural
decayof archaeologicalremains,their removal from Croatia, and their destructionfor
utilitarianreasons,aboutwhich rvholestudiescould be written, the main reasonfor the
poor representationof early Christian objectsin the archaeologicalmaterial of continental
Croatia remainsthe lack of excavation.Consideringthat argumentsfor such a claim are
required,let one of them be the site of Strbinci at Budrovci, where rescueexcavationsin the
recentperiod have uncoveredtracesof two early Christian cemeteries.8
FRoM THEINVTNCTBLE
S uN ro rue Suu oF JusrrcE
189
and a Latin or Greek text requesting something from a certain deity.zz The tablet from
Vinkovci should not be classifiedirmongordinary tabletsof supplication(tabelae
defixionum), but rather as a Gnostic religious object. This is indicatedby the circumstances
of the find, the material (gold), and the Greek text where in severalplacesthe vowels I, A
and O can be discernedin various combinations.If such an observationis correct,then the
contentwould correspondto the Gnostic philosophic systemof the Basilidians [cf. no. 9].
The fact that the tablet was discoveredin the mouth of a deceasedindividual lessensthe
possibilitiesthat it was placed subsequently,.ls commonly occurredwith magical texts of
supplication.The circumstancesare reminiscentof the text in the Apocalypseof St John
(10, 9-10), where John the Evangelistswallowsthe Book of the Mysteriesof God, as a
symbol of having conqueredits secretmessages.As magical votive texts were regularly
written on papyrus,pottery or lead, the gold on which the Vinkovci tablet was recorded
would indicate a religious-Gnostic nature of its contents.33
3. The Jewish Faith
Although there were certainconflicts with Christianity, the Jewish monotheistic
religion was in fact the most widespreadenvironmentin which the first Christian
communitiesoriginated.ra The presenceof a Jewish community is attestedonly at Mursa
(Ostjek) by finds indicating the existenceof religious structures.An inscription honoring
the emperorSeptimiusSeverus,datedto the beginningof the 3rd century [no. 12], is the
most important evidence.Although various possibilitiesexist for reading and interpreting
this damagedtext, it is difficult to find solid objectionsto the hypothesisthat the remainsof
the word ...seuchamwould representttle expressionproseucha- a term for a Jewish
community but also for a synagogue.r) Another find is a votive altar with the inscription
DEO AETERNO (= Eternal God) [no. 13]. This votive inscription could refer to a
number of deities,and particularly to Mithras, but in this caseit most likely refers to the
Jewish God, as such a^supplicationis also known on an inscription from Dunarijvdros
(Intercisa)in Hungary.ro In fact,^lot a singlereliable inscription to Mithras entitled Eternal
Godis known from this region.r/ Inscriptionsdedicatedto Mithras most often containthe
nameof the go{,^while Jewish religious dogma requiresthat God be addressed
metaphorically.ruThe third Jewish object from Mursa is a brick with the last three Hebrew
lettersof the word (ti)SHRI meaning a specificmonth (September-October)[no. l4].
This might be part of an inscription written on bricks at a synagogueor a grave structure.
The data about the circumstancesof the discoveryof the above objectsare not sufficient to
allow the religious centreof the Jewish community in Mursa to be located,but they indicate
a positionin the areaoutsidethe city walls (Fig. 1, no. I ). 39
4. Objects with Possible Christian Syrirbolism
A discussionof Christian symbolism cannotbe separatedfrom the problem of
archaeologicalcontext.Not a single individual Christian motif, including the cross,was a
creationof Christian artistic-symbolical conceptions.Everything had alreadybeen usedin
the classicalRoman repertory, and the crossmotif itself - the symbol of life and
happiness- was known from the prehibtoricperiod in Oriental milieus.40Thus the
recognitionand classificationof early Christian objects,particularly if the symbolism is not
entirely typical, dependsupon the archaeologicalcontextmore than the material of any
other period. As data about the circumstancesof the finds are mostly lacking, especiallyin
the large cities (Siscia,Mursa, Cibalae),in the choiceand classificationof the material, I felt
free to distinguisha large number of objectsas probable or even possibleearly Christian. I
shall considerthem as an illustration of this period with possiblereligious connotations,in
the hope that future excavationwill resultin comparativematerialthat will then permit them
to be placedin a more reliable archaeologicaland cultural context.Suchcommentsapply to
the conditionally named pre-Christian group of exponentsfrom the 2nd-3rd century, as'
well as to thoseobjectswhich formally and chronologicallybelong to the early Christian
period from the 4th century onwardsbut are insufficiently characteristic.Consideringthat
190
the 3rd century is a transitionalperiod for any formal chronology, individual finds with this
date have been classifiedto the early Christian period, especiallyif a more precisedating is
uncertain.
Disguisedprofessionsof faith appearin Christian art in the 2nd century, and
contemporaneousChristian authorswrite of them, particularly Justin (t165/166 AD) and
Tertullian (ca. 160 to after 220).Tertullian transmitsthe legendthat the emperorTiberius
(14-37 AD) intendedto place Christ among the Roman pantheon,but this was frustratedby
the Senate.4lThe generaldevelopmentof Christianity indicatesthat in the 2nd centurythere
must have been Christiansin Pannonia,although not necessarilyChristian communities,
a2 The silenceof the sourcescan make
which are known only after the mid 3rd centur-y.
certainphenomenaseemmore or lesslikely, but it cannotdocumentthem absolutelyin
either a positive or negativesense.A hyp.othesiswas once suggestedthat Sisciawas an
episcopalseeas early as the 2nd century.43The theory is unlikely, but both the generaland
local historical circumstancesthat createdthe conditionsfor such a mannerof reflection also
stimulatedattemptsto "recognize"tracesin the archaeologicalmaterial of a possibleearly
Christian presencein this region. Other than the previously mentioned solar pendantsI n o s .
2-41,motifs that the Christian authorsconsideredsuitable for the expressionof Christian
messageseither becauseof neutral symbolism or certain other characteristicsare also
included in this group. Theseconsistof pastoralsceneswith a tree and birds [nos.15q
37f, and motifs of fish [nos. 16-19], palm trees [nos. 20a-b], and anchors [nos. 15d,
211,and various geometricalor floral stylized cross or Christogram forms I n o s.
22-361.++
The enamelledfibula in the form of a fish [no. 17] probably did not have an original
Christian purpose,although it could have servedas such. The pendantof thin gilded sheetmetal in the form of a fish [no. L8] was most probably a votive-cult object, but the nature
of this cult cannotbe establishedwithout an archaeologicalcontext. This is also true for the
lead tablet with a motif of two dolphins next to a tripod [no. 19], as this was both a pagan
and Christian symbo1.45A Christiin significanceis more probable in this case,sincethe
staff betweenthe dolphins is formed like a cross,and both a dolphin and a tripod symbolize
Of two anchor-shaped
Christ or rather the faithful in the crypto-Christian language.a6
fibulae, the one from Novadka [no. 15d], conceived as a combination of an anchor and the
letter "S", is particularly interesting.The anchoris a relatively insignificant conceptin pagan
symbolism, but it appearsquite often in that gJ Christianity with various meaningssilvation, reasonand especiallyhope (spes).ai As the word hope (spes)occasionally
appearson Christian tombstoneinscriptionsalongsidean anchor, it can be hypothesized
t6at the fibula from Novadka was conceivedas an object with a double symbolism of
Christian hope. It was found in a cremationgrave togetherwith small glassperfume bottles
lnos. 15b-cl, a sigillata bowl [no. 15a], and a large quantity of various pottery
vessels.48Althoush balsamarii (the small bottles) are known from Christianburial rituals,
and the motifs of i tree and a rosetteon the bowl also fit into Christian symbolical
conceptions,it cannotdefinitely be statedthat this was a Christian grave.49The possibility,
however, should not be excluded.This also provides an opportunity to warn about the error
of consideringthat inhumation (skeletalburial) was the exclusivecharacteristicand
stipulation of Christian burial. It is true that Christiansmostly favored inhumation, but less
becauseof obligationstowards religious convictionsand more under the influence of
generalspiritual trendsand fashionsof the period. Individual Christian writers were
occupiedby the problem of the fate of the deadbody in connectionwith resurrectionand
eternallife (Minucius Felix, Tertullian, Augustine),but Tertullian was alonein his
conviction that the physical integrity of the body (ignoring the processof decay!) was a
condition for the fulfillment of the highest Christian dogma. The other writers supportthe
more reasonableattitudethat the providenceof God will take careof thesedetails.)u Were
Tertullian to be right, what fate would St Pollio, the martyr from Cibalaeburned at the
stake,havefaced?
The symbolism of the palm is similar in pagan,Jewish and Christian_religions,but it is
an almost unavoidablemotif on early Christian tombstoneinscriptions.)l The symbolic
meaningof the palm motifs on rivets from Sisak[no. 20], if symbolism was intended,
cannotbe deciphered.A century or two later this motif, considerablystylized and applied
variouslyon clay lamps [nos. 77a-b, 78b-d, 80, 132-1"33],would much more
t9l
III. The Early Christian Phase (3rd-4th Centuries to the 7th Century)
1. Urb anism an d Architectu re
It is hypothesizedthat every settlementof an urban type (civitas) in Pannoniato the
mid 4th centuryhad a bishopric.)) However, in the region of continentalCroatia, the only
bishopricsmentionedin the literature are Sisak(Siscia),Vinkovci (Cibalae),Osijek
(Mursa) and Ludbreg (Iovia?). The majority of the early Christian material comesfrom the
abovecities, with the exceptionof Ludbreg. Significantfinds were also discotered at Veliki
Bastaji [nos. 170-171],Daruvar [Aquae Balissae, nos. 145-146], VaraZdinske
Toplice[Aquae Iasae,nos. 139*141],and Budrovci near Dakovo [Certissa,nos.
155-1631.The remaining sites had either coins with Christian symbols or mainly
"neutral"finds of the late Roman period, which would only conditionally indicate an early
Christianenvironment.
Although significant early Christian structuresmust have been locatedat leastin the
episcopalcenters(Siscia,Cibalae,Mursa, Iovia), not a single original early Christian
churchhas been discoveredin the region of continentalCroatia.The only elementthat can
presentlybe documented(VaraZdinskeToplice) or suggested(Ludbreg), is the adaptation
of secularpublic buildings into Christian religious structures.Evidence of Christian
churchesis indirectly indicatedby remainsof architectureand furnishings at Kamenica near
Vinkovci, and at Daruvar. With the aid of earlierliterature,recent(mainly rescue)
excavations,and chancefinds, it is possibleto acquirecertainknowledge about the early
Christianurbanism of Pannoniancities in Croatia.Consideringthe lack of researchinto the
early Christian period in this region, it neednot be emphasizedthat this refers primarily to
hypothesesthat require future confirmation and lessto actualdiscoveries.
Roman Siscia(Sisak) is an exampleof an archaeologicalsite in_tolerablyneglectedin
comparisonto its importanceand representationin classicalsources.)o It is nonetheless
possible,with the help of early data and new discoveries,to determinethe certain,probable,
or hypothesizedpositions of early Christian finds. (Fig. 2). Two apsidalstructureswere
discoveredduring constructionwork in the 1950s.One of them, with an apseon the
northernside (Fig. 2:1), was subsequentlyconsideredto be the basilica describedin the
mid 19th century as a "large church" by the historian Kukuljevii.5T This site, however,
remainsquestionable,as it cannotbe establishedreliably whether this refers to the same
building, or whether it was in fact early Christian.The secondof the two mentionedapsidal
structureswas oriented east-west (Fig.2:2), which would make a hypothesisof religious
192
usemore convincing.58I considerthat the most probable location for an early Christian site
within the city would be at its southeasterncorner, in the vicinity of the modern parish
church ("Stari Sisak") [Fig. 2:3]. This was the site where the early Christian sarcophagiof
Severilla [no. 39] and Felicissima (Fig. 3) were found. I would hypothesize that they were
found in the original positionsand had not been brought from elsewhere,as is indicatedby
a paganrur"opliagur'excavatedat the samesite.59A fuxuriously flrnished late Roman
awelling or merchantstructurewas partial_lyexcavatedat the northern edgeof this section
of the ci-ty(hatchedon the plan, Fig. 231.60It thus cannotbe excludedthat in Siscia,like so
many other early Christian cities, the nucleusof the Christian communityprigin4gd around
the first private Luildings that were transformedinto "domusecclesiae".6l A religious
continuify to the presentday can be perceived,as in this part ofthe city the parish church
from the 19th century had been buili at the site of an earlier church, and it was surrounded
by a graveyarduntil iralf a century ago.62
The early Christian topographyof Sisciaoutside of the city is characterizedbya mixture
of paganand Christian burials,or the continuationof a Christian cemeteryat a previously
palanone. AtthenorthwesternRomancemetery(Fig.2:4), wherethebaroquechapelofSt
Quirinus was demolishedduring constructionwork in the 1970s,early Christian gravesof
u-uriourform had been discoverJddu.ing the last century.63In the more recentperiod, a
metal lamp in the shapeof the Lamb of God was discovered there [no. 76]. Christian
burials weie also noted in the northern sectionof the southerncemeteryGig. 2:5). A ring
with a Christogram,subsequentlylost, was discoveredthere.64A late Roman cemeterywas
discoveredat the site of Pogorelec(Fig. 2:6) on the right bank of the Kupa River, and
fragmentsof marble tombsioneinscriptionswere found, some possibly early Christian
.65In terms of the dating (4th-5th cent.)
suih as one with the expression "domus a.eternn"
and the spiritual connotationsof this expression,this was more probably either a Jewish or
Christian, ratherthan paganinscription.oo
Thanks to one exceptionalhistorical document,more is known about the spiritual .
ambianceof early Christian Cibalae(Vinkovci) than any other city. This is an apologia
(speechin defenie), made by the lector of the church there, Pollio, in front of the civil _
in this
auihorities.disclosinsthe dosma and ethicsof the Christiansthen being persecuted
sectionof Pannonia.fr Unfottunately, it doesnot mention the structurein which the
Christian community gathered.A. Ljlman has no doubt that the episcopalcomplex of the
city was locatedapproximatelyin the center,in the vicinity of the presentmain squareand
paiish church.68fhis location should, however, be consideredmerely a "working
hypothesis", as it was derived exclusively on the basisof theoreticalconsiderationsof a
geomorphologicand urban nature,as well as generalhistorical parametersabout the
placementof early Christian structures,and as such is lacking any archaeologicalargument.
My opinion is that two possibleearly Christian sites exist in the city. 9nqit in.the vicinity
ofihe presentOrthodox church (Fig. 5:1), where a fragment of an early thristian tombsioneinscriptionwas excavatedin the mid 19th century [no.97]. The foundationsof
a late Roman structurewere discoveredimmediately within the northern city wall (Fig. 5:2),
with fragmentsof broken statuesof pagangods built into the walls. oeThe destructionof a
temple could be hypothesizedto hav-eoccurredhere, in preparationfor the constructionof a
Christian church.ToThispossibility is also indicated by the regularity of early Christian
urbanism,where eachchurch within a city had a correspondingcemeteryat the nearestor
most suitablelocation outsidethe city.Tl One cemeteryof Cibalae extendsalong the road to
Mursa immediately north of the site of the destroyedtemple (Fig. 5:4), and significantearly
Christian material was discoveredhere - a sarcophagusand a tombstone[nos.95' 96].
The Gnostic tablet with nearly Christian contentsdiscussedpreviously was also discovered
here [no. 7].72
The most important early Christian site at Vinkovci, if not in the entire region of
continentalCroatia,is the memorial*cemeterialcomplex at Kamenica (Fig. 5:3), ca. 1.5 km
from the easternwall of the city along the road to Sirmium (SrijemskaMitrovica). It
continuesin the samedirection as the easterncemeteryof Cibalae,but it is divided or
separatedfrom the latter in terms of finds, although this has not been confirmed
archaeologicallyin a final form. A grave was found within the easterncemeterywith
extremely rich grave goods:three bronze vessels,fragmentsof glass,and two objects
exhibitedhere- a gold ring and a silverfibula [nos. 105a-b], which approximate
193
194
195
1.96
from the lst to the 6th centurieshas been confirmed, religious architecturehasnot been
found.l@ A Christianenvironmentis barely attestedto by small finds [nos. 1.49, 154].
Test excavationsin 1990 confirmed the refugium characterof an otherwise
uninvestigatedprehistorichillfort and late Roman fortification of SvetaMarija at Okii. A
late Roman cemeteryat the baseof this hill, at a site called Popov Dol, from which many
objectswere sentto the ArchaeologicalMuseum rn Zagreb at the beginning of the century
[nos. 175-176],was also sought.rru
Original early Christianarchitecturehas not beenreliably confirmed anywherein
continentalCroatia,and the sameis true of liturgical elements.Other than the disputable
objects from Daruvar [nos. I45-t46], remains of architectural elements and liturgical
fittings have beenfound only at Kamenicanear Vinkovci [nos. 102-104]. The category
of liturgical equipmentcould conditionally include the large marble vesselswith four oval
or rectangularhandles, one of which had a groove or mouth for pouring liquid [nos.41.,
1L9a-bl. Theseobjects, however, are not originally early Christian. They come from 3rd
and 4th centu-rysites,and are consideredto have been used for secularpurposesin ordinary
households.rrrConsideringthe imposingdimensionsand expensivematerial(marble),the
vesselsfrom Sisak [no. 41] and Osijek [nos. L19a-b] could have been used for preChristian cult purposes.At the sametime, such vesselsare extremely common at early
Christian sites,and it is-hypothesizedthat they servedas transportablebaptismalfonts or
vesselsfor holy water.llz They are also abundantat sitesin Dalmatia in the form of
variantswith wo handles.113
ihe completevesselwith four handlesfrom Sisak [no.41]
and anotherfrom an unknown site in Baranja (T. II:1) should probably be used as models
for the reconstructionof the fragmentaryexamplefrom Osijek.
2 . C e m e t e r i e sa n d I n d i v i d u a l G r a v e F i n d s
The specialattitude of Christianstowards questionsof life and death (where a righteous
life would only be achievedafter death),and the legal insecurityin which the first Christian
communitiesevolved,meantthat cemeterieswere always the most popular location for
gatherings,and the cult of burial was the most evident form of early Christianreligious
d1ual.lla The late Roman cemeteriesin continentalCroatia are poorly researchedand
insufficiently studied,and hencethe recognitionof Christian elementsis a toilsome and not
always rewardedlabor. The only definite Christian elementsare the gravesat Kamenica
near Vinkovci (seethe text on Cibalae),and two small cemeteriesat the site of Strbinci at
Budrovci near Dakovo. Late Roman grave vaults were discoveredat this site at the end of
the last century,near a late Roman structuredecoratedwith frescoesand mosaicr.1154n
early Christian tombstoneinscription comesfrom the samesite [no. 155]. Unfortunately,
it is no longer possibleto determineexactly the site of discovery of theseobjectsin relation
to the two early Christian cemeteriesfound more recently. During rescueexcavationsat a
constructionsite in 1966,two gravesfrom the 4th centuiy were investigated.l16The
exhibitedmaterialfrom thesegraves[nos. 156a-b, L57a-b], as well as objects
temporarily inaccessible,have no Christian symbolism. However, the religious attribution
of the deceasedis shown by the plan of both gravesin the form of the Latin cross(Fig. 16).
Consideringthat such an appearancehas no particular technical or constructionreasons,the
director of the excavationsjustifiably concludedthat a Christian symbolic conception
should be seenin this. This was further extendedto the grave goods,jugs of glazedpottery
and small glassperfume bottles.11716ir data provides an opportunity to discussthe
problem of the placementof pottery vessels,usually glazed,and particularly glassvessels
in Christian graves.
Glassvesselsdecoratedwith Christian symbols have not been discoveredin this region.
The closestwould be the baseof a shallow plate, formed from two glasssurfacesenclosing
gold foil bearingthe image of a married couple and the inscription FLORENTES I n o.
1601.A large quantity of such objects. often with Christian inscriptions, has been found at
Roman period cemeteries.I l6 The shallow plate from Strbinci, however, has no particular
Christian characteristics,and it has been suggestedthat it is a find from a
r97
FnonarHg INvtNcrsl-e
SuNro rHBSur{oRJusucn
198
THs AncHReoLocrcALMRrsnrlloF
THEEnnlyCsnrsteNPBnronIN
CoNrrNsNreI-CRoATIA -
hypothesis.Literary sourcesnote the Christian customof burial with the head to the west
131The problem, however,is that it cannotbe reliably proventhat
and a "view" to the
"ns1. that non-Christians, and particularly worshippersof Sol, would
this would be a placement
avoid. CertainHungarianarchaeologistsare convincedthat the position of the body is a
definite elementin the recognitionof a Christianburial. Experiencein^thefield, however,
has shown that this must be further exa.minedin eachspecific case.l32Thus no mistakecan
be made if it is statedthat at the site of Strbinci, in the vicinity of grave vault A, there was a
cemeterywhere Christianswere buried, and along with them individuals who were either
sympatheticor at the leastindifferent to this rdigion. A selectionof material (in general
meager)from severalgraves(1, 6, and 7) would indicate contentscloseto a Christian
ambient.Glazedpottery [no. 163] has already been discussedas a possible symbol of the
Eucharistor Christianburial feasts.The tongueelementfor a belt [no. 161] is decorated
with a cruciform arrangementof circular depressions.The weaving tablet [no. 162l
should be treatedseparately"Suchan object,just like a spindle-whorl, in the senseof
confirming a certainoccupation,would belong exclusively to females.Grave 1, however,
containeda male skeleton,and analysisof the skeletalremainswould not suggestlengthy
periodsspentat a loom, in fact quite the opposite.133Thus I believe that in this casethe
weaving tablet was a symbolic grave good. Objectsrelatedto weaving in Christian
conceptionswould symbolizethe threadsof life, or the celestialattire of immortality,
achievedthrough the sacrificeo16hrir1. 134
A late Roman cemeterywith ca. 100 graveswas systematicallyinvesti gated(!9?6 m2
excavated)from 1972to 1981 at the site of Gradina at Tre5tanovcinear PoZega.rrr A
relatively large quantity of coins with Christian symbolism was found in the areabetween
individual graves[no. 169].The gravesthemselves(grave vaults and simple burials
without structures)containedno material with religious connotations,but a possible
Christiannatureof the cemeteryis nonethelessindicated by severalfacts. A grave chapel
(3.15 x 2.44 meters)stood in its southwesternsection,with an entranceon the eastand a
singlegrave adjacentto the easternwall (Fig. 14).136As this structurelacked an apse,one
can only with great cautionconsiderit a Christian'memoria or chapel.Nonetheless,such
buildines were more characteristicof earlv Christian rather than non-Christian communities
13711" placementof the majorityof the deceased
(with headsto the west)
in Pann-onia.
would supportsuch a suggestion,as well as the fact that somehad crossedarms, and that
the mosf common grave goods were glass vessels[nos. 164b,165a-b, 167,168].138
This cemeterynonethelesshad a different aspect,as expressedby items characteizedwith
the apotropaicmotifs of snakeheadsor the letter "x" [no. 164a].Sincemany objectsin
the exhibition have such decoration[nos. 2c, ll,19, 54,60,62-63,66,70,105b,
l4l, 148-149, I52-I53,164a, 1851,this phenomenon obviously requires further
discussion.
Two obliquely drawn lines may representthe letter "x", but this sign may also be called
by its true iconographicor symbolic name - the crux decussataor the crossof St Andrew.
It would be difficult to say that such a sign would be placedaccidentallyor merely as a
decorationon any of the above objects.This mark was permeatedwith symbolism,first that
of magical-apotropaicbeliefs, and later that of religious faiths, both Jewish and
Christian.tJv 11ls representedon various objectsthat additionally in and of themselveshave
powerful symbolical and protectivesignificance(bracelets,belts, fibulae, rings, keys;. t+o
The most illustrative exampleof the magical symbolism of this sign is the ring from Sisak
lno. 601,where the circular areawithin a serpentineanimal body is filled with the letter
"x". Most similarly marked objectshave no particular Christian denotation,nor do the
circumstancesof their discovery (mostly unknown) indicate such a provenience.The motif
of crossesof St Andrew, however, appearson the frescoesof a religious structureat
VaraZdinskeToplice [no. 141],as well as on the reverseof a pendant [no. 70] with a
Christogramdecorationon the front. In such examplesthe Christian symbolism of the letter
"x" is clear,while elsewhereit probably representsinsufficiently explicatedmagicalapotropaicand religious perceptions.The fact that Orthodox Christianity fought against
superstitionthrough many condemnationsand prohibitions, as witnessedby institutionsfor
exorcism and so forth, but nonethelessfinally included certainpoorly assimilatedor hidden
"magical"elements,would suppoftsucha suggestion.lalIn th^er*n" rnunn"r,the powerful
magical-apotropaicforce of the so-called Christogramof Constantinedid not fade
199
evenafter this symbol "descended"from the labarum and helm not merely into various
objectsof Chrisiian religious ritual but also everydaylife.142 Certaindetailscan alsobe
noted at the cemeteryof Trebtanovcithat indicatethe presenceof paganand magical
elements.One grave good was a nail, obviously without any actualpurpose,and an open
areawith tracesof animal sacrificeand burial feastswas also identified within the
framework of the cemetery.l43The religious authoritiestried to contestagainstChristian
funeral feasts,but they continuedin various mannersand with modified contentsdeep into
the mediaevalperiod, if not further.l4 I would hypothesizethat the site of Gradina at
Trebtanovciwas the cemeteryof a community that knew of and probably partially also
acceptedChristianity, but still had not rejectedpagancustoms.This characteristicwould
entirely fit into the conditions of the late Roman phasein Pannonia,at leastas much as this
refersto gravegoods at cemeteries"l45The samecould be applied to the site of Strbinci
(seeabove),and probably to the cemeteryat Sladojevcinear PodravskaSlatina [no. 205].
At the latter site, a sectionof a cemeteryfrom the mid 4th century was excavatedin
966.M6 Other than the placementof tire deadwith headstowarbsthe west, and large
quantitiesof coins with Christian symbols, there were no items amongthe otherwise
extremelymodestgrave goods that would corroboratethe Christian characterof this
cemetery.
Two late Roman graveswere excavatedat Prozor, but it was not establishedwhether
they belongedto a largercemetery.t47 The exhibited part of the grave goods [no. 173]
would place one of them in a possibleearly Christian environment,l4Ewhile the other was
probably Christian fno. \721. As there are no anthropological data available, the sex of
the individuals buried cannotbe ascertained,but they were probably female. This would be
indicatedby a pair of pins or hair-pins, and a medallion-pendant of a type usually worn by
women in the early Christian period. The third grave good (a spindleJneednot necessarily
havemerelya symbolic,but alsopracticaland illustrativepurpose.taeThe religious
affiliation is more clearly shown by the gilded medallion decoratedwith a swastikamotif
[no.l72a]. This ancientsymbol of life appearedas early as the lst centuryin Roman
civilizetion and in its border regigqq,especiallyamong the Germanicpeoples,as a magical,
apotropaicand religioussymbol.l)u Dependingon the periodand circumstances,
the
swastikawas utilized in early Christian art from the 2nd to 6th centuriesas a replacement,
hidden or stylized, for a sign and symbol of a cross.15111o1h"telementsare mlssing, it is
virtually impossibleto determinethe religious affiliation of an amulet with motifs usedby
both pagansand Christians.r)z I nonethelessbelieve that in this casethe object indicatesa
Christiangrave, asjudging by the shap^e
of the pins or hair pins, a Roman, rather than a
Germanic,woman was buried there.l)r Thus, the swastikawould be a true Christian cross
in this case,but it still had not lost its original magical-apotropaicsymbolism. This is
indicatedby the fact that it decorateda medallion-amulet, in which somekind of relic was
preserved.The Christiansadoptedthe customof wearing apotropaicamuletsfrom
paganism.They did not always ensurethat such objectswere decoratedwith Christian
symbols,rather they often borrowed motifs along with shapeand purpose,simply giving
thema new meanins.154
Sarcophagiaid tombstonesare everywherethe most numerousand most dependable
documentedcategoryof early Christianfinds. They are relatively scarcein continental
Croatia,and the circumstancesof their discoveriesare often either unknown or
insufficiently explained.Only three certainearly Christian sarcophagiare known from this
region, two of which are in museum collections[nos.39r951,while all trace has been
lost of the third,(ALIII3996a; Fig. 3 in this text). An elongatedsarcophagus
of the socalledAsia Minor type [no. 95] comesfrom Vinkovci, with an empty inscription field
betweenansaedecoratedwith rosettes.It was modified secondarilyTorChrisfian 6uri4.155
Motifs of fish, wavily stylized plants or crabs,and schematizedrosettes(Eucharistic
loaves?)were then carvedonto the sides.The unmistakablebut nonethelesssecretChristian
symbolsindicatethat this was a burial prior to 313. The secondsarcophagus
was of the
ChristianSeverillafrom Siscia,as is written in an inscription on the front field between
ansae[no. 39]. It is possiblethat this also was a sarcophaguslater adaptedfor Christian
burial. The sceneswhich fill the availablesectionof the frontal side in the "horror vacui"
style, consistingofvases, grapeleaves,grains,birds, a dog and a rabbit, are characteristic
of mystery cults, and only the expression 'famula Christi" on the
200
20r
FROMTHEINVTNCIBLE
SuNro rHE SUNoF Justcn
2U
entirely on the thresholdof the classicalearly Christian phase,and that finds from the 5th
and 6th centuriesnoted in Christian contextsdo not always have specific religious
characteristics.
Small objectsof utilitarian, decorativeor a combined purposemake up the most
numerousgroup of material exhibited, which is an expressionof the fact that Christianity,
in contrastto all previous faiths, in the majority of phenomenaand eventsof everydayliie
perceiveda correspondingsymbolism. Ardent believerswould apply this with eiaggerated
careto various, mostly secularobjects - fibulae, jewellery, belt fittings, and evenhorse
equipment,vessels,keys, etc.
. Crossbowfibulae, which are datedfrom the end of the 3rd century to the first half of the
5th century,are exceptionallynumerousat late Roman sitesin Pannonia[nos.42,
106-107, 120d, I22-I23, L43, 150-151, 166, 173a, 184, 136-1391.l7l 6n1t
o!9 among the exhibited examplesis decoratedwith christian symbols [no.l2z].
{lthough in Croatianliterature the expression"bulb-shaped fibula" or in German
Zwiebelknoffibel is used,I considerthe previously utilized term - "crossfibula", which
is still sometimesused,to have been more exact, 4though perhapsinsufficiently specific.
unlike the term in English, i.e. "crossbowfibula". 172trlonjol th-eliterature about iuch
material offers any considerationof the symbol representedby its form, although the
recognizableappearanceof a L atin crossprobably containeda correspondingsymbolism.
Although it cannotbe claimed that such an object would derrotea Chhstian owher in every
circumstance,it is likely that the impulse to cr-eatesuch a form was derived from religious
symbolism. Additionalfy, consideringthat this was an elementof attire characteristic-almost
exclusively of membersof the civil administration,eachsuch fibula from the secondhalf of
tlte 4th century would h_avebeen the property of the representativeof an official, thus
Christiangovernment.I 73
_ Christian symbolism on small utilitarian or decorativemetal objects(clasps,belt mounts,
buckles, pendants,keys, etc.) was expressedthrough classicmotifs of crosies and
Christograms
[nos. 49, 52, 55, 67-68, 70-73, 75, l2Z, 124,"!.47, LS2; Fig. 15],
inscriptions[no. 69], or in a hidden or indirect manner.The latter would refer to
zoomorphic objectsor objectsdecoratedwith animal images - eagles,peacocks,doves,
butterflies, horses, and fish [nos. 43-46, 50-51, 56--57,ll,1Zt,'t+41,174 andalio
to those with geometrically stylized cruciform shapes[nos. 47-48, 53,65a-b,l2l,
129,l72al. On certain examples the symbolism was emphasizedby the uniting of two
elements,suchas a swastikaand horse [no. 121], an eagle and depressionsplaced in the
form ofacross [nos.50*51], and a crossand depressionsplaced in the form of a cross
lno. 491.
Fibulae and pins in the forms of eagles,and particularly peacocksand doves,would
theoreticallycontainChristian symbolism in the period encompassingthe 4th-6th centuries,
but the extent ofthis on such objectscan be explainedonly thrbugh archaeologicalcontexts.
Pins with terminalsin the form of birds (doves?)were found at Sisak Jnos.56-s71,
I.udbreg [no. 144] and Vinkov"i.l75 6 similar bronze staff [no. 58] wis interpretedas a
Germaniccult object, and a similar object, but apparentlywithout the grip in the lbwer
section,was shown stuck into a kantharoson an early Christian pluteusflsm 1risr. 176
The cruciform shapeof the Lombard decorativemount from horse equipment [no. 55]
was not coincidentalor a mere technicaldetail, as animalsin generalweie often decorated
with religious symbols in early Christian art and conceptionsl'7'7Themotif of multiple
crossesin a perforatedtechnique[no. 182]is reminiscentof the mediaevalform of the socalledcrossof Jerusalem.178
4 leadpendantwith an imitation of a "cruxgemmata" fno.
681is especiallyinterestingif comparedto a solarpendant[no. 2a], as an almost direct
iconographicand possibly contextualtransition is apparentfrom solar to Christian
s_ymbolism.The pendantwith a Christogramand a butterfly delineatesin a similar manner
the borrowing of paganiconography,but also an almost unchangedsymbolism. Added to
the pagansymbol of the soul and the indestructibility of life qn this o6ject was a symbol of
the resurrectionin Christ as emphasizedby a Christogram.lT916" exceptionaltriangular
pendantof thin silver sheetmetal [no. 67] is included^inthe group of v-otiveobjecti that
are elsewhereusually decoratedwith Christograms.180the eiample from Sisak"isunique
for its anthropomorphicform and impressivedemonstrationof the manner
203
204
examplefrom Sisak [no. 74] is a part of a tin spoon.The handle is missing, and the bowl
is flattenedto an almost level shape.As the decorativemotif of three fishes cannotbe
consideredan actualmark for a certaintype of food, its symbolism is evidently direct, and
most probably was relatedto the Holy Trinity.te+ A lost silver spoon from Vinkovci,
discoveredin a grave at the northern cemeterywhere other early Christian finds were
present,might have sharedsome of thesecharacteristics.tv)
The flame of lamps symbolizeseternallife in Christianity, which makes them, other than
their practicalpurposes,exceptionallycharacteristicobjectsofboth public and private
Christianbuildinss.leb
Clay oil-buriing lamps from continental Croatia [nos. 77-80,108, L3l.-1.33]mainly
belong to specific types, called "African", "Mediterranean"or "Early Christian", classified
either accordingto where they were producedand used or the predominantdecorative
forms. The majority are decoratedwith cruciform or Christogrammotifs, and floral and
geometricimagesfunctioning as Christian symbols. Producedin Africa, they were
exportedthroughoutthe Empire, but they were also imitated in local worksbops,to which
poorly producedexamplesmay be attributed[cf. nos. 78c-d from Sisak].rvl Several
examplesamong the lamps here standout from the otherwiseformally and decoratively
standardizedproductsin that the Christian symbolism is disguised.A lamp from Sisak
lno.77a) has a crossin the form of five little balls, and one from Osijek [no. 131] has a
stylized four-leafed rosette.The brancheson the preservedbasesof lamps from Osdek
[nos. 132-133]could perhapsrepresentsymbolic palms, while the crosson an example
from Sisak [no. 77b] was placed on the underside.
Most of the exhibited clay lamps are datedto the 5th or even 6th centuries.Given the
entirety of problems of the early Christian period in continentalCroatia, this is the most
important datain relation to this categoryol archaeologicalmaterial.198
In contrast,the metal lamps from Zagreb [no. I79l and Sisak [no. 76f are unique
examplesof this type of material. They symbolize the Christologicalmotif of the Lamb of
God, the Redeemerof Sinners,probably derived from the Revelationof St John (2I.23),
where the Lamb (Christ) is called the one that shinesin place of the sun and moon.
Zoomorphic lamps,_butof an entirely different shape,are not rare in early Christian craft
productionin metal.lee The only two analogousexamplesto the onesexhibited here come
lrom Hungary, indicating a production centie in Pannonia(Sisak?;.200Despitegreat
similarities, the four Pannonianlamps in the shapeof the Lamb of God differ in small
details,and were thus perhapsthe creationsof a single author, or were producedaccording
to a single model. A bronzefigurine of a lamb [no. 128] from Osijek approachesthem in
possiblesymbolism, but it could be classifiedas early Christian only if more data were
ivailable about the circumstancesof the 1in6.201The metal lamps aie similar in purposeto a
bronze Christogram from an unknown site [no. 193]. The manner in which it is attached
to its chain is evidencethat it was part of a censeror (more likely) a multiple armed
candelabrum,a find that is fairly rare at early Christian sitesin general,and which would be
exceptionalin continentalCroatia.
Pottery vesselswere also decoratedwith motifs and scenesof clear and direct Christian
symbolism [nos. 81-86, lO9, L34-135,148]. This would refer to so-called African
sigillata producedin severalMediterraneancenter-sand exported throughout the entire
Empire, but simultaneouslyimitated everywhere.zuzA unique exampleof imitation of
African sigillata was found in Osijek [no. 134]. It is decoratedwith a geometrically
stylized cruciform motif in a radial "Christogram"form. The motif on a fragment of African
sigillatafrom Sisak[no. 86] may have beenconceivedin a similar mannerand with
identical symbolism. The most interestingexample among figurally decoratedexamplesof
African pottery has a sceneof Christian martyrdom (datio ad bestias)and comesfrom Sisak
[no. 85]. Suchan image on an object of everydayusein a city where there had been so
well known a martyr as St Quirinus (at the beginning of the 4th century) would certainly
have provoked significantmemoriesevenin the 5th century.zur The remainingexamples
merely belong to the early Christian phasechronologically,but neverthelessall the scenes
and imagespresentedon them have a placein the systemof Christian symbolism. This
would representthe fundamentalidea of Christian civilization in which the world and all
creationoriginatedfrom the thoughts of God the Creator,and thus symbolize His creative
power.2MI-nthis sense,the imale of a fish [no. 83] would representboth Christ and
205
206
137-138, 174, 180-18I, 196,200, 2081,but this has a special purpose. Evidence of
life in this phaseshould be emphasized,as it is often considered(especiallyin comparison
with northern Pannonia)as a period of civilizational stagnationand archaeological
emptiness.213
This is contestedby the numismaticfinds and other types of material (small
metal objects,pottery vessels,clay lamps, and stonemonuments),and also by literary
sourcesabout eventsin the 5th and 6th centuries(data about the conflicts of Byzantium and
the Ostrogothsover Pannoniaand the Gothic rule in this region, about the functioning of
the bishopricof Siscia,aboutJustinian'ssupposeddeedsof donationto the Benedictines
where Ci6alaeis mentioned,and so forth).2f4
Prior to Constantine(306-337) no Roman coin had Christian symbolism. However, it
appearsthat the emperor Gallienus (253-268) showed more than religious toleranceto
Christianswhen after the deathof his wife Saloninahe minted a coin in her name with the
legend AVGVSTA IN PACE [no. 38].21511" religiousvacillationof the emperor
Constantinewas discussedin the chapterabout the cult of the god Sol, as well as the
mixture of paganand Christian elementsin art, including numismatics,and the gradual
introduction oTcoins with Christian symbolis-.216 16i-ost positive act of thii ruler in the
field of early Christian numismatic iconographywas the introduction of the symbol of
Christian victory, the Christogram, onto coins [no. 136]. In the decadesafter Constantine
this symbolism was taken to absurdlengths,as Roman emperorsfought not merely against
the barbariansbut againsteachother under the sign of the Christogram.This region saw
battlesbetweenConstantineand Licinius, and ConstantiusII and the (Christian!)usurpers
Vetranio [nos. 195, 206] and Magnentius [nos. lg4, 213].217ConstantiusII is
rememberedas the ruler who passedlaws in 341 and 342 aboutmeasuresto eradicate
paganism.2l8The period of religious toleration and political cooperationbetween
ConstantiusII in the East and his brother Constansin the West was noted in an honorary
inscription on a marble slab discoverednear Beli Manastir [no. 178].A conflict arose
after 343 betweenthe "Orthodox" Constansand the Arian inclined Constantius.Despite
this, both rulers marked their coins with the victorious motif of the Christogram [nos. 87,
169, 199, 20I,209-210, 2121.A large number of coins of the emperors Valens and
Valentinian I circulatedin the region of continentalCroatia. They are interestingfirst as
brothersborn in Cibalae,and also as the combativerepresentativesof two religious
branches,Arianism (Valens) and Orthodoxy (Valentinian). Despite the fact that Valentinian
is called the most Christian ruler (christianissimusimperator)in the holy actsof the martyr
St Pollio, while his brother in this sensewould be almost a heretic, the reversesof the coins
of both emjlerors are decorated with Christograms [nos. 110-111, 183, t97-198,
203-2041. zte The militancy of Christian rulers is indicated by the legendson the reverses,
suchas: CONCORDIA MILITVM (= concordamong the soldiers) [no. 195]; HOC
SIGNO VICTOR ERIS (= with this sign you will conquer)[no. 199], VIRTVS
EXERCITVM (= the bravery of the army) [no. 206], VICTORIA AVGVSTORVM (=
the victory of the Augusts) [nos. 174, 200,207-208, 2ll], GLORIA EXERCITVS (=
the glory of the army) [no. 209]. I would say that early Christian civilization as expressed
on this group of coins is reflectedin an aestheticallyattractivebut spiritually lessacceptable
light. Luckily, such an impressionis palliated by exampleswith legendsthat in a more
neutral manner,but always in the name of the new religion, expressa hope for the return of
happier times and Roman glory. This is shown by the legendsSALVS REI PVBLICAE
[nos. 89-90], GLORIA NOVI SAECVLI fno.202l, GLORIA ROMANORVM
[nos. 88, 110-111, 137, I83, 198, 203-205], FELICIVM TEMPORVM
REPARATIO
[nos. 87, 169, 194, 2A\ 210).
At the end of this review of the early Christian phasein continentalCroatia, which has
evolved from work on the exhibit on the sametheme,it must be affirmed that the
archaeologicalmaterial is somewhatmore abundantthan had previously been thought, but
insufficient consideringthe archaeologicaland historical facts. Individual placeshave been
shown to be promising early Christian sites(at Dakovo and Daruvar), while the large cities
(Sisak,Osijek, Vinkovci) needno specialcitation. I believe that such a prediction could be
applied to the areaof easternSlavoniaand Baranjaas a whole. The late Roman period is
attestedin this region at many sites (Lug, Popovac,Sotin, Dalj, Ilok, Vukovar, KneZevi
Vinogradi, Beli Manastir) through other finds in addition to early Christian
"oinr.220 in the
However, the political situationhas not permitted clearerknowledge of the conditions
207
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SuNro rHE SUNor Justtce
field and at thesesites,which would supplementthe image of the early Christian period
throughout the entire region of continental Croatia.
According to historical records,Christianity in the Croatian sectionof Pannoniawas
subjecteither in various periods or even contemporaneouslyto influencesfrom the east
(Sirmium), the west (Aquileia), and the south (Salona)- (seemaps 1 and 2 on pages2l
and33).221Consideringthe insufficient quantity of archaeologicalmaterial, and particularly
architecture,it is not advisableto speculateabout areflection ofhistorical conditionsin the
natureof the material remains.Onomasticdatafrom written and epigraphicsources,
however, would indicate that the region of continentalCroatia was mainly under the
influenceof the westernsectionof the Empire in the period of the 4th to 7th centuries.This
and
is indicatedby the narnesof religious authorities- Quirinus, Con_s_tantius,
(bishop
(bishopof
Amantius
Valens
of
Siscia[222
of
Iovia),223
Constantinus
ibirhopr
Mursa),22 Pollio (lector from Cibalaq2zs - and the namesof the faithful - Severilla
[no. 39], Felicissima(Fig. 3), Paulinus,son of Lucerinus [no. 40], Venatorinus and
Martoria [no. 96], and Flavius Maurus [no. 155]. An exceptionwould be the bishop of
Cibalaewith a Greek name,Eusebius.226Consideringthat namesgiven accordingto saints
are universal,it would be difficult to classify onomasticallythe SiscianbishopsMark and
John. especiallvsincea name in and of itself cannotbe consideredan unconditional
indicatoi of origin. 227"yr"fact, however, that all epigraphicmonumentsin this region were
written in the Latin languageand alphabetwould supporta hypothesisthat the Roman
nameslisted above were related to specific origins. It is interestingthat even the Greek
word EVSEBIO or EVSEBEI on the ring from Osijek [no. 125] was written with Latin
letters.
208
209