Godinjak/Jahrbuch 2013,42:71-88

DOI: 10.5644/Godisnjak.CBI.ANUBiH-40.22

Romanization of the western Illyricum from religious point of view

Nenad Cambi
Split

The Romans likely regarded all of the peoples

of Illyricum as belonging to a culturally coherent ethnic group, which they obviously did not.1
Since their anthroponomy and toponymy show
only small differences between them, it is only
possible to differentiate several personal onomastic formulae belonging to northern, middle
or southern Illyrian ethnic groups.2 However,
much bigger differences reveal religious systems
and cults among the Illyrian peoples which leads
to the conclusion that considerable differences
existed on the Balkans area that later belonged to
the Roman province of Dalmatia.
The religious aspect is much more important
than anything else among cultural phenomena.
This is why the Romans tried to absorb the local cults into their religion. Unfortunately, we
can only draw conclusions about the indigenous
religions on the basis of Latin inscriptions which
reveal the phenomenon of Roman interpretation
(interpretatio romana3), since pre-Roman strata
1 As

far as I am concerned, this is the reason why this name

was given to such a huge region for administrative and
practical purposes in the period when the Romans did not
precisely know the ethnic and cultural structure of these people. The general name Illyrians could not be attributed to
all of them that inhabited this large area.
2 Rendi-Mioevi 1948; Rendi-Mioevi 1989, 711-728;
Katii 1962, 95-120; Katii 1963, 255-293; Katii 1963,
255-293; Katii 1964, 23-33; Katii 1976; Kurili 2002,
123-148.
3 Tacitus, De origine et situ Germanorum, 43. Tacitus passage
was many times the subject of scholarly studies. This passage reads as follows: Apud Nahanarvalos antiquae religionis
lucus ostenditur. Praesidet sacerdos muliebri ornatu: sed deos,
interpretatione Romana, Castorem Pollucemque memorant:
ea vis numini; nomen Alcis. Nulla simulacra, nullum peregrinae superstitionis vestigium: ut fratres tamen, ut juvenes, venerantur. English translation (N. Cambi): Nahanarvali had

are almost nontransparent. Only archaeological

findings can hint at such conclusions. It is possible to trace the continuity of the god-mother
religion in the northern Adriatic area from prehistoric to historical times.4
As far as I understand the term, Romanization was a process which covers conveying the
local peoples of a province to the Roman way of
life. This process is not covered by the term acculturation since the latter does not encompass the
political aspect of the process, which is extremely
important. The huge Roman Empire was inhaba sacred place in their old religion where a priest dressed in
womans robes presides, but in the Roman way (interpretatio
romana) they performed the cult of Castor and Pollux there
known as Alcis who show the same gods nature (numen).
There are no traces of foreign superstitions, they were honored as youths and as brothers. Cfr. Wissowa 1918, 1-49.
Wissowa commented this passage so that these German
divinities were of the same character. The only difference
between German and Roman numina is the difference in
names, but the divine nature is in essence the same. Thus
Romans everywhere applied a kind of interpretatio Romana. That means that Tacitus, more or less rightly so, recognized some similarities between the religion and essence
(numina) of the foreign gods. Tacitus gave them Roman names which the provincial peoples adopted and thus joined
them to Roman culture. Sometimes they preserved the local
name as a suffix, and sometimes this suffix disappeared over
the course of time. This does not matter if for example a
certain god was revered in Britain as deus Cocidius, as deus
Mars Cocidius, or finally only as Mars, as it is the same god
and the difference only serves to reveal three different stages
of romanisation. About interpretatio romana cfr. Ferri 1976,
125-133. Ferris approch to the problem is slightly different
since the cults had the same Indo-European roots what was
remarked by Romans. Ando 2002, 41-51. The paper of Heinzmann 2012, 117-142.
4 About this cults in generally Gimbutas 1982 (rep. 2007),
152-196.

71

ited by a large number of peoples with different

scales of indigenous cultures which were not easy
to amalgamate on a sustainable level. This process
was encouraged by the Roman central power. The
interpretatio was not easy in the beginning, but
resistance to the process, particularly in imperial
times, diminished and gradually grew into a desire to accept the Roman way of life. The provincial elite were the bearers of these processes and
their bilateral progress in local society.
A unique religious system did not exist on the
territory of Illyricum before the Romans. Many
ethnic entities developed different simple or even
complex religious systems demonstrating the
different character of their essence. Religion was
one of the most important components of their
cultures. Typical example of such phenomenon
can be noticed among the Histrians, Liburni,
Delmatae and indigenous people that lived south
of the river Neretva.
Local goddesses bearing different names were
revered among the Liburni. Every community
had its own, unique goddess (for example Ica,
Avitica, Jutossica, Sentona, Latra, Ansotica, etc).5
Masculine gods seem to be almost unknown.
The same characteristics can be observed among
Histrian communities. There were other female
goddesses such as Boria, Eia, Iria, Histria, Nebres,
Seixomnia, Trita, with analogous religious characteristics to the Liburni.6 A common feature is
that all of them were female divinities differing in
their cult properties and competences (numina).
Unfortunately, only a small number of monuments show depictions of these goddesses. They
reveal some differences in their iconographic
manifestations. Avitica from Albona (Labin) is
represented as a seated goddess in a long garment
with what is likely a cornu copiae (City Museum
in Labin7). The goddess is to the right of the altar, which is decorated by a garland, as in Roman liturgy (Fig. 1). Symmetry would demand
another figure to the left of the altar, but this side
is not preserved. The inscription does not mention which figure could be there. Under the relief
5 About that compare Medini 1972, 34-36; Medini 1984a,
7-32; ael Kos 1999, 75-80.
6 Jurki 2005, 39-47; ael Kos 1999, 63-67.
7 Jurki 2005, 121, 1. 1. The depiction is too small so the
object is hard to accurately describe, but it is wider on the
top and it comes to the hip of the seated figure. So the horn
of plenty is almost certain.

72

Fig. 1. The relief of Avitica from Labin

panel there is partially preserved inscription: Aviticae Avg(ustae)/. . . . T(iti) Gavili(orum) (servus)
Voltimes. Significantly, the monument was dedicated by the servus of the city elite Gavilii who
still had the Liburnian name Voltimes(is), which
points to his Liburnian origin.8 The Gavilii were
an autochthonous Liburnian family that was romanized early.9
Latra from Nedinum was represented as a
standing figure in long robes with a scarf on her
head, covering her hair (Fig. 2). In front of her
is an altar bearing the letters: L(ibens)Lat(rae)
M(erito).10 The relief is very primitive, as is
the epigraph, but the iconographic idea is clear
enough.
So there are two iconographic variants of
Liburnian goddesses. The first is depicted as a
seated goddess on her throne, dressed in long
garments (Auitica), and the second standing (Latra) in the same type of dress. Their difference
in posture does not matter in terms of religion.
Both of them are mother goddesses that grant
agricultural fertility.
However, Auiticas and Latras iconographic
features are completely different compared to
Anzotica, the Aenona goddess represented as the
very well known Roman Venus, revealing nude
breasts and small, bearded effigy of Priapus (Fig
3), now in the Archaeological Museum of Split.
11 It is clear that Anzotica is more important than
her son Priapus whose Liburnian name is unknown. It is quite uncommon that Priapus did

8 Mayer

1957, 362-363; ael Kos 1999, 75-76.

Wilkes 1969, 312 Gavilii probably were colonists from
Aquileia. Those bearing local names were obviously slaves
or freedmen.
10 CIL III 15042, Medini 1984b, 223-243, Pl. II, 1.
11 Cambi 1980, 273-278.
9 Cfr.

Fig. 2. Latras relief from Nadin

not develop cult in Liburnia later.12 One of two

epigraphs reveals that the iconographic characteristics of the goddess were adopted for the
local Anzotica.13 The first epigraph records the
name, the pronunciation of which was obviously different (Andzotica). Over several decades,
Anzotica became Ansotica.14 The first inscrip12 As far as I know, there is no epigraph dedicated to Priapus

or his image in Liburnia. But there is evidence of Priapus in

Dalmatia, in the form of a fragmented statue in the Archaeological Museum of Split (Fig. 4).
13 Anne pigraphique 1938, 31; Sui 1969, 26, Pl. XXI,
1. The inscription is as follows: T(itus) Appvleivs T(iti)
l(iberti) l(ibertus) Antigonvs
Anzoticae
V(otvm) S(olvit)
14 This inscription (Anne pigraphique 1940, 6) runs as
follows:
Veneri Ansotic(ae)
Sacrvm
Baebia C(ai) F(ilia) Maximil
la ex testament(o)
L(uci) Corneli Bassi fecit

Fig. 3. Venera Anzotika Archaeological Museum

Split (AMS)

tion shows that T. Apulleius Antigonus, a libertus

of a certain Titus, was also a freedman. All the
mentioned names bore cognomina and belonged
to the modest social stratum. One of the liberti
had the oriental cognomen Anticonus. However,
it was not unusual that foreign people would
adopt local cults, particularly belonging to the
creed of their patrons. This first epigraph should
be earlier than the second (the first decades of
the 1st century AD or the second quarter of the
same century). On the other hand, the second in73

Fig. 4. Priapus statue from AMS

scription is dedicated by local highly Romanized

people who were already Roman citizens, having their tria nomina onomastic form. The statue
belonged the second inscription, although both
were found on the same site where there should
have been a small temple (outside the town).15
The identification of Ansotica and the Roman Venus is linked with the Histrian Iria from Jasenovik (near Pula), since both divinities syncretized
with the same Roman goddess.16 Obviously, this
goddess was similar in character and iconography with the Liburnian Ansotica, despite their
different names. Priapus, the god of fertility, together with Venus, shows their common agricultural character which is symbolized by the fruits
in his robes.
Although the Liburnian pantheon was composed primarily of female characters, its very
likely that these goddesses, except Anzotica,
were more or less of the same religious character and had not developed into a religious sys15 Abrami 1940, 174. The building was not excavated although the remains of architecture were found.
16 Jurki 2005, 128, 1. 6.

74

tem, according to preserved archaeological evidence. They were supreme goddesses, acting like
mothers of the civitas and the surrounding terrain which were recorded in several inscriptions
among the Histrians (Histria Terra).17 Given the
close relations between the Histrian and Liburnian religions, it is strange that there were no dedications to the goddess Terra (for example Liburnia terra). Obviously, the Histrians had a higher
sense of national consciousness and identity than
the Liburnians, who were developing along more
communal lines (Aenona, Asseria, Nedinum
etc). Unlike the Liburnians, the Histrians had a
kind of local Histrian federation of communities,
the center of which was in Nesactium, which was
crushed by the Romans.18 Their last king, Epulo,
committed suicide in 171 BC. Such a federation
never existed on the Liburnian territory. This is
the consequence of their higher range of ethnic
development.19 An altar from Bigeste, in what
is Herzegovina today, is dedicated as an altar of
Terra Hillyrica (not Delmatica), which is more
precise in terms of Roman administration.20 It
is very significant to note that the inscription on
this altar also mentions Jupiter, so it is very likely
that Terra Hillyrica is rather divinized administrative, and not ethnic, term.
The Japodes in the western Illyrian hinterland
(on the northern side of the mountain Velebit
and the border of Pannonia) were not transparent enough in their original religious essence.21
The only Japodian known to us is Bindus, the god
of water and fountains, who was assimilated with
Roman Neptunus. The cult centre of this divinity was discovered in the valley of the river Una,
near Biha (Privilica).22 Bindus, according to
current evidence, was not known in other parts
of Japudia. This altar was dedicated by Proculus
Parmanicus (Fig. 5).23 Another altar is of Titus
17 Cfr.

Jurki 2005, 125, 1. 5; 126, 1. 5. 2 (Histria Terra) 126,

1. 5. 3 (Histria); 127, 1. 5. 4 (Istria); This godess about cfr.
ael Kos 1999, 68-69.
18 Matijai 2009, 99-113.
19 About this process Matijai 2009, 41-47.
20 Iscriptiones Latinae 1963, 1915; ael Kos 1999, 67.
21 About Japodes their religion and arts cfr. Raunig 2004;
Oluji 2007.
22 There are several inscriptions. About these altars cfr. Raunig 1972; Cambi LIMC VIII, 1, s. v. Neptunus-Bindus 500;
Katii, 1995, 157-160; Kuko 2009, 235-248 figs 359-362.
23 The inscription (CIL III 14325) runs as follows: Bindo
Neptuno

Fig. 5. Altar dedicated to Bindus Neptunus by Proculus

Parmanicus

Fig. 6. Altar probably dedicated to Bindus Neptunus

by Loantius Rufus

Loantius Rufus praepositus Japodum (Fig. 6). Votum is surely dedicated to Bindus, although the
epigraph does not mention that, since it was discovered on the same site.24 All of the mentioned
inscriptions fortunately complete each other, and
the three people were praepositi of the Japodes (a
kind of local chieftain). The first praepositus had
an anomalous name: Proculus Parmanicus. Both
of them are cognomina, and while Proculus is Latin, Parmanicus is obviously an epichoric name.

The other altar was also dedicated by a praepositus who had Latin tria nomina T(itus) Loantius
Rufus. Although it was not specified whose praepositus the person was, he was undoubtedly Japodian. This might mean that Bindus had already
become Neptunus, but we cannot say for certain.
The third altar clearly depicts the iconography of
Neptune on one and Triton on other side. Obviously, Neptunes iconography (attributes: fish
and a scepter) was also well suited to Bindus (Fig.
7).25 On the other hand, the iconography of Triton (mixed creature of fish and man) belongs to
Neptunes religious world. The male goats represented on both sides of the altar in the gable, and
another below the inscription, are a hint to the
very popular practice of sacrificing this animal in
the long centuries of the ancient periods.26 This

Sacrum
Proculus Parma
nicvs praeps(itus)
v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito
24 This epigraph (CIL III 14328) is as follows: T(itus) Loantius
Rufus
Praepositus
Japodum
V(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

25 Cfr.

the inscription CIL III 14324.

21, 132, 23, 146, Oudyssea, 11, 727.

26 Iliad,

75

Fig. 7. Altar of Bindus Neptunus

indicates that a more or less complete water pantheon existed with the Japodians. A Roman iconographic influence is evident, but it corresponds
to the Japodian notions of the god. The process
of the Romanization of the Bindus religion lasted
through the 1st century AD.27 A very important
question arises: was the main sanctuary of the
Japodes located at Privilica? The three dedications of the praepositi Japodum or praepositi and
principes, would hint to such a supposition, but
it is far cry from proof since the proper role of
these two functions is not quite clear. Were they
chieftains of a larger Japodian territory or only
of the community at Privilica in the vicinity of
Biha? According to parallels among other Illyrian peoples, similar titles belonged to the high
functionaries of smaller communities.28 Bindus
was likely not the only Japodian god, but this water god, like the Roman Neptune, had his own
thiasos. The existence of other water sanctuaries
is very probable, but unsupported. The sanctuary
at Privilica was certainly very important since it
was built into a temple.29
On the contrary, the Delmatae, the southeastern neighbors of the Liburni and Japodes had
quite a different religious system, in which Silvanus and Diana were the main divinities. The
names Silvanus and Diana prevailed after the
end of the process of Romanization (interpreta27 The

inscription CIL III 14324 mentions a donation to Titus Flavius . . . . . ditanus of the emperor Vespasian (6979
AD).
28 For example princeps municipii Riditarum Cfr. RendiMioevi 1989, 872-890.
29 Cfr. CIL III 14327.

76

tio Romana).30 Unfortunately, their indigenous

names are unknown, but many sources speak in
favor of their original Dalmatian provenience.
The main god was Silvanus,31 and his female
pair (not wife) was Diana.32 The constituent part
of this system were the Nymphae (Silvanae, Fontanae, Salutares, etc.), which were the bearers of
natural forces, abundance, and health. Together
they formed part of a more developed religious
system of nature (woods, fountains, fauna,
growth, agriculture etc). The main problem is
whether Silvanus is an indigenous Delmatian
god or the Italic Silvanus.33 On the other hand,
all Croatian scholars are of the opinion that Silvanus was an autochthonous god that was syncretized with the Italic Silvanus.34 This discussion remains unfinished, but in my opinion, the
Roman Silvanus had no influence in the religious
content or iconographic features of the Silvanus
known in central Dalmatia. The Romans offered
only the name to the god (not the iconography).
In my opinion, the case of Silvanus is an instructive example of Tacitus interpretatio Romana,
and also of its reversible process, interpretatio
indigena.35
The iconography of Silvanus, Diana and the
Nymphae developed in Dalmatia under Greek,
not Roman, influence. When the Delmatae came
to the littoral (the area between Tragurium and
Epetium), Salona soon became the main port of
this area for commerce and communication to
the inland. The Delmatae were the closest neigh30

Cfr. note 3. In Croatian archaeological literature this

term was used very often. Cfr. Rendi Mioevi 1989, 432;
Rendi-Mioevi 1989, 461-465; Rendi-Mioevi / egvi
1998, 7-11; Rendi-Mioevi 2003, 408-419. These problems also were studied by other authors.
31 About the iconographic repertory of Silvanus, Diana and
Nymphs cfr. von Schneider 1885, 37-46; Schneiders system
was elaborated by Rendi-Mioevi 1989, 469-479 (Silvanus
alone), 479-488 (Silvanus and Nymphs), 488-496 (Silvanus
with other gods), 496-501 (Silvanus and Nymphs and other
gods).
32 Diana was depicted alone, together with Silvanus and the
Nymphs, and with official Roman gods. Diana alone never
appeared with Nymphs. Nymphs are always followers of Silvanus.
33 Some scholars do not share the opinion of the indigenous origin of Silvanus in Dalmatia. Cfr. Dorcey 1992, 68-70;
Nagy 1994, 763-773.
34 Cfr. note 33.
35 Ferguson 1974, 214-220. The author calls such a process
interpretatio Celtica. The indigenous peoples gladly accepted the Roman interpretation after a certain period.

bors of the Greek settlements on the islands (Issa

and Faros), and on the coast (Tragourion and
Epetion). The Greek merchants had trade relations with the hinterland. In such contacts, the
iconography of the Delmatae main god with
mixed features (of a man and male goat) borrowed the image of the Greek Pan, although the
latter was not a direct religious pair.36 This identification with Silvanus occurred after the interpretatio graeca of the Delmatean god, who logically had his Dalmatian (unknown) name.37 The
Greek name Pan was not clear enough for Italic
settlers, soldiers and merchants who inhabited
these parts of Illyricum a century or so later. Salona, as the main port of the Delmatae, was in the
close vicinity of the Greek settlements, unlike the
other parts of Illyricum.38 The syncretistic process developed there over several centuries. From
there the iconography expanded into other parts
of the Delmatae territory, even more deeply inland, where the indigenous religion was also very
popular. That is the reason why the Greek Pan
became the artistic model for the Dalmatian Silvanus, even before Roman penetration. The Italic
Slivanus was completely different, and his image
was unknown in Dalmatia in the early period of
Roman penetration.39 So, Silvanus, together with
Diana and the Nymphae Fontanae, Silvestres or
Silvanae, is depicted on many reliefs from the 1st
century AD. The mixing of the peoples caused an
acculturation process which was not limited to
the local population, since it also became popular among newcomers of various kinds. All of
the above mentioned confirms the role of Salona,
which is evident from the presence of the largest
number of Silvanus, Diana and Nymphae epigraphic and other (sculptural) monuments.
Sometimes Silvanus was depicted alone. Such
an example is a fine relief from Libovac near Salona (in Archaeological Museum Split).40 The
image is almost a copy of Pans image (the human torso and arms, bearded head, male goatlegs and an erect penis). Behind him there is a
36

About Pan Herbig 1949; Borgeau 1979; N. Marquardt

1995. The Pan iconography stems from Greek influence,
while the interpretatio Romana renamed Pan into Silvanus
without changing the religious essence and the iconography.
37 Cfr. Rendi-Mioevi, Silvan 1989, 466-468.
38 Cfr. Strabo VIII, 5, 5.
39 About Italic Silvanus Simon 1990, 200-205 (s. v. Silvanus).
40 Bull. Dalm. XXXIX, 1916, 25; Rendi-Mioevi Silvan
1989, 471, Pl. LXXIX.

large figure of a male goat (Fig. 8). This figure, as

well as a Silvanus relief from Salona that was built
in (the destroyed) house Mikeli, are artistically
fine reliefs (Fig. 9).41 A high-quality limestone
relief of Diana hunting (in the movement of taking an arrow from the quiver), known for its classical iconography but unfortunately fragmented,
is also from Salona (Fig. 10).42 These reliefs are
on the same level as, or are even much better
than, other Roman cult images. They were probably executed in the same Salonitan workshop.
The reliefs of Silvanus and Diana are evidence
of their own cult, though they might be images
dedicated in the same sanctuary.
However, Silvanus and Diana were rather often shown together indicating that they belonged
to the same religious complex. A fine example
of the cult unity is a relief executed in the rock
near the Roman colony Aequum, now taken out
from the rock, which is kept in the Archaeological Museum of the Franciscan monastery in Sinj
(Fig. 11).43 Many reliefs depict Silvanus and the
Nymphs. The iconography of the Nymphs shows
their character, function and service in the same
religious system: one group shows an oak leaf or
a small tree (Nymphae Silvanae or Silvestrae) in
their hands (Fig. 12), while the other group holds
reeds (Fig. 13) or some other water objects such
as shells (Nymphae Fontanae, Fig. 14).44
Silvanus and the Nymphs constituted a religious unity together. Silvanus was on the top of
this system. The Nymphs dance to Silvanus music (syrinx) as is depicted on a very instructive
relief from Klis (Fig. 15). The Nymphs obviously
had their own divine essence (numen), but they
acted on Silvanus music. Diana was also added
to this entity, as is shown on some reliefs.45 The
influence of Silvanus expanded as far as the Pannonian territory. Silvanus is depicted seated on
a rock while playing his syrinx. The Nymphs are
41 Cambi

2013, 26, Fig. 14.

42 To my knowledge, it is not published. It is displayed in the

southern part of the portico of the Archaeological Museum

of Split.
43 Abrami 1952, 323, Pl. VI; Cambi 2005, 186, Fig. 186.
44 Nymphae with shells cfr. Religions and Cults in Pannonia,
64, br. 33; Mari 1997, 103-124, Fig. 1-7. Nymphae appeared without Silvanus at Varadinske Toplice , unlike on the
arae from Topusko (Vidasus Thana-Silvanus). It is curious
since Topusko was renowned for its hot and healing spring,
even in ancient period.
45 Cambi 2013, 19-20, Fig. 5.

77

Fig. 10. Dianas relief from Salona

Fig. 8. The relief of Silvanus from Salona

Fig. 11. Diana and Silvanus from Aequum

Fig. 9. Silvanus relief from Salona (ex Mikelis house)

78

Fig. 12. Nimfe Silvanae. Knin vicinity

Fig. 13. Nymphae Fontanae, Salona

Fig. 15. Silvanus piping und Nymphae dancing, Klis

Fig. 14. Silvanus and Nymphae with shells. The

vicinity of Knin

dancing (the first and third hold handkerchiefs)

and holding each others hands.46 The relief demonstrates that Silvanus belonged to a circle of his
divine creatures to whom he gave the rhythm of
their movement. The Nymphs were subordinate
to Silvanus. They were in charge of the natural
cycle of the forests, waters and vegetation. The
syrinx in Silvanus hand indicates that his music, simple and pastoral, moves natural forces.47
Two groups of three Nymphs are always depicted
separated: three of them as Fontanae, and three
of them Silvanae or Silvestres. One very significant characteristic is that the Nymphs are usually depicted together with Silvanus, never alone,
unless a group of three women from Opaii
near Glamo (one on the statuary pedestal) are
46 Rendi-Mioevi

1989, 481-482, LXXXV, 1.

A very interesting hypothesis was put forward by Selem
2005, 425-431. Selem assumed that the relationship between the indigenous and oriental religions was cosmic music.

47

not Diana and Nymphs (Fig. 16). They are represented without attributes as adherents of Diana, but the goddess, on the other side, has trees
and a two-handled water jug. The other relief
shows Silvanus and Diana (Fig. 17). The two reliefs from Opaii (one certainly of Silvanus and
Diana) were the products of the same hand, and
very probably belonged to the same sanctuary.48
There is a very significant inscription that
sheds more light on the Delmatae religion and its
relation to the Roman one. This epigraph mentions the reconstruction (from the foundations)
of Jupiters temple with his consentio (harmony)
deorum dearumque, Silvanus with Nymphae Fontanae, and Silvanus with Nymphae Silvestres.49
The inscription was found in the vicinity of Klis,
and is now in the Archaeological Museum of
Split (Fig. 18).50 This inscription is very important since it demonstrates how a local system was
included in the Romans Jupiter religion, namely
in the same consentio deorum dearumque. This
means that Silvanus, along with the Nymphs,
48 Rendi-Mioevi

1989, 549-550, Pl. LXXXVII, 1, 2; Imamovi 1977, 324, no 26, Fig. 26, 336, no 47, Fig. 47.
49 The inscription was discovered during excavations of the
early Christian church at Klapavica near Klis. Cfr. Buli
1907, 118; Alfldi 1969, 118, 159; Rendi-Mioevi 1989,
480; ael Kos 1993, 204, no 2 and 207; Zaninovi 2007,
205-206.
50 The inscription is as follows:
Im]perio Domini Iovis
Op]timi Maximi ivssit sibi aedem cvm svo Consentio
Deor(um) Dearv[mque?
S]ilvestri(u)m Nymphis Fontanis cvm Sil[vano Nymphis
Silvestrium cvm Silvano Fe[. . . . .
]nia Astice cvm svo pare conivgi et
Favsto VI et Avg(ustalis) a solo restituit

79

Fig. 18. Klis the epigraph mentioning Jupiter consentio

deorum dearumque silvestrium

Fig. 16. Diana and Nymphae or Adorants, Opaii,

Bosnia and Herzegovina

was adopted into the official Roman religion. Silvanus and the Nymphs, as a local system, were
adopted and became part of Jupiters religion.
Jupiters temple near Klis is dedicated to Jupiter,
along with other Roman gods and goddesses.
Each group of Nymphs had their own Silvanus.
In this case, one Silvanus was the leader of the
Nymphae Fontanae, and the other was the leader
of the Nymphae Silvestres, with both groups as
part of the consentio deorum dearumque silvestrium. That means that Silvanus had his indigenous pantheon which was included in Jupiters
system by means of (adoptio), thus this local
thiasos became a part of Roman religion.51 This
was normal procedure for the interpretatio romana. An epigraph from Salona mentions only
the Consentio deorum without any other specification.52 It not very probable that there is any
other consentio except, as mentioned, Jupiters. In
this context, it is necessary to emphasize that the
temple was erected by Jupiters decree.
This form of adoption (consentio) into Roman
religion is confirmed by a relief depicting Silvanus, three Nymphs and Jupiter from Karakaica
near Aequum (now in the Arhaeological Museum of the Franciscan monastery in Sinj).53
The group of Nymphs is between Jupiter on the
right and Silvanus on the left side (Fig. 19), who
were iconographically represented as leaders of
Nymphs. However, on the Klis inscription, two
Silvani who had their own group of Nymphs
51 About

Fig. 17. Silvanus and Diana, Opaii, Bosnia and

Herzegovina
80

adoptio cfr. Heinzmann 2012, 126-128.

52 CIL III 1935. This consentio very likely consisted of Jupiter

and the two corresponding Silvani groups.

53 Rendi-Mioevi 1989, tab. LXXX; Cambi 2005, 46, Sl. 53.

Fig. 19. Silvanuns, Nymphs and Jupiter, Karakaica

Fig. 20. Two Silvani and two groups of Nymphae,

Carevo polje near Jajce

were mentioned. One Silvanus is the leader of the

Nymphae Silvestres while the other is the head
of the Nymphae Fontanae. The two Silvani with
their groups of Nymphs (the first group consisting of two and the second of three Nymphs) with
different attributes (reeds in the hands of the first,
and a tree in hands of the second group) appear
only on the relief from Carevo Polje near Jajce in
Bosnia (Fig. 20).54 Both of them are usually portrayed with a syrinx and pastors staff (pedum).
Both of them are iconographically identical. The
idea of two divine groups probably existed in the
imagination of the indigenous people (the two
Silvani as brothers who lead their own Nymphs).
This rare relief clarifies and verifies the inscription from Klis. So the Klis inscription and the
Carevo Polje relief prove that the two Silvani and
the two groups of Nymphs formed the essence
of the natural cyclic religion of the Delmatae.
Together with the Roman gods Mercurius, Hercules and Diana, Silvanus was depicted on the
relief from Danilo in the Dalmatian hinterland
thus confirming their adoption into the Roman
religious system (Fig. 21).55
Silvanus had several epithets: Silvester, Domesticus, Messor, Cohortalis etc. All of them reveal a different cult character of Silvanus which
belonged to his original properties. However, the

most numerous reliefs and epigraphs bear the

epithet Augustus. Obviously, this last one was the
link between the indigenous religion and the emperor, as well as the Roman official religion, and
serve as further evidence of the Romanization of
the Silvanus religion.
A epigraph specimen in honor of an emperor
(Trajan) comes from Salona (Fig. 22).56 The inscription was a lintel of a temple constructed in
honor of Silvanus for the emperors rescue. It is
very significant that the location for the temple
was given by the town council. Two private persons built the temple from its foundations and
connected it to the water conduit. Obviously the
water was necessary for their rituals. Silvanus

54 Pakvalin

56 The

1964, 151; Rendi-Mioevi 1989, 515-516, tab.

LXXXVIII.
55 Abrami 1928-29, 49-54, tab. IV, 1; Rendi-Mioevi
1989, 494, tab. LXXXV, 2; Gunjaa 196869, (Split 1977),
177-183, Sl. 1, 2; Medini 1983, 20-25, Sl. 1; Lipovac Vrkljan /
Mileti 19992000, 155-164, Sl. 3. This relief is evidence for
the acceptance of Silvanus in the religious society of official
Roman gods.

Fig. 21. Diana, Silvanus and Mercury, Danilo Gornje

inscription (CIL III 8684); ael Kos 1994, 205, no 4

runs as follows:
Silvano Avg(usto) Sac(rum) voto suscepto pro salvte
Imp(eratoris) Caesaris Nervae Traiani optimi Aug(usti)
Ger(amici) Dacici N(umero) II
Trophimus Ser(vus) (et) Amandianus dispens(ator)
a solo fecit et aquam induxit l(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto)
d(ecurionum)

81

Fig. 22. The lintel of Silvanus sanctuary Salona

Fig. 23. Silvanus and Nymphae relief from Geremia

palace. Now in Avignon

Fig. 24. The Silvanus mask in the coffered ceiling of

Diocletians palace

has the attribute Augustus indicating a link to the

emperors.57
A relief of Silvanus and Nymphs was published by R. Adam.58 It was built up in the house
Geremia in the vicinity of Diocletians palace.
This relief is kept now in the Calvet Museum in
Avignon (Fig. 23).59 Silvanus displays the standard iconographic characteristics and Nymphae
Fontanae are characterized by reeds. The iconography is standard, but the epigraph is extremely
important. In the Adam publication the inscription was not visible, but the picture clearly shows
the inscription: . . . PRO SALVTE D(omini)
N(ostri) GAI POS(uit). Who was dominus nos-

ter Gaius? The only possibility is that this modest

relief was a pious, almost familiar dedication for
the salvation of the emperor: Gaius Valerius Aurelius Diocletianus since he was the only emperor
to bear the praenomen Gaius after the appearance of the formula dominus noster, in the 3rd
century AD.60 This relief is also evidence of the
presence of the late cult of Silvanus in Dalmatia.
The head of a young Silvanus with rams horns
in the coffered ceiling from Diocletians palace
is also evidence for the significance of Silvanus
cult in the epoch of the tetrarchy (Fig. 24).61 The
formula pro salute was a form very often used for
emperors and high-ranking officers. In this case,
it was likely used to express danger or the illness

57 This

about cfr. Tassaux 1997, 77-84.

1764, Pl. LIV. This relief was published later in CIL
III 1974. It was given to Museo Nani in Venice. Later the
whole collection was sold to Avignon.
59 For the photo of the relief many thanks goes to RendiMioevi, ex director of the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb. The photo was shot by the curator of the same Museum I. Radman Livaja in Avignon.
58 Adam

82

60 Demandt

2007 (Neue Auflage), 260. For the first time the

title d. n. appeared in Hadrians period, but normally after
Alexander Severus.
61 Cambi 2013, 26, Fig. 15.

Fig. 25. Altar dedicated to Vidasus and Thana,

Topusko

Fig. 26. Altar dedicated to Silvanus, Topusko

of the emperor.62 According to existing evidence,

the cult of Silvanus disappeared after the early 4th
century.
So these reliefs and epithets reflect the process of how the Dalmatean pantheon was incorporated into the Roman religious system. This
developed religious system of the Delmatae was
not easily conveyed into official religion, so it was
adopted (adoptio) and included within consentio
of dei deaeque silvestres. This is the method of
unification for the whole system, and not only a
single god. Thus we can say that the Dalmatean
and Roman religions became unified. The Ro-

manization process was finished during the middle principate period.

There is series of reliefs of Silvanus and
Nymphs, of which the latter arent attributed.
Thus it is impossible to decipher which kind of
Nymphs they belonged to, but they could represent both natural cycles. The iconographic
characteristics and epigraphic evidence of Silvanus and the Nymphs, points to a developed
indigenous system of religion, which, according
to statistics, must have its origin in central Dalmatia. There are more than a hundred epigraphs
and reliefs in the Delmatae area.63 This statistic
serves as substantial evidence that the Silvanus,

62

63 Matijai / Tassaux 2000, 81-117, Fig. on p. 78. The survey

Cfr. Fischwick 1991, 393, 423, 424, 425, 428, 431. Compare also Turcan 1978, 1056-1059 and Jinyu Lin 2009, 258,
259. It is true that the salvation of all citizens might be guaranteed only by the safe government of a safe emperor.

on pages 105-112 (altogether 89 examples). But there are at

least 15 more epigraphs or reliefs which were not registered,
or are new finds.

83

Fig. 27. Silver coin of Ballaios

Nymphae and Diana religions might have begun

in this region.
Is it possible to discover the Delmatean name
of Silvanus? A. Mayer tried to make a linguistic
link between several altars dedicated to Silvanus and Diana found at Topusko (Ad Fines or
Quadratum) on the border of Roman Dalmatia
and Pannonia.64 The altars were dedicated to the
gods Vidassus and Thana (Fig. 25), as well as to
Silvanus (Fig. 26). Since salutary hot springs were
already known at Topusko in the Roman period,
these gods were very likely linked to hot water
springs. There are, however, differing opinions
as far as the religious character of Vidassus and
Thana is concerned.65 Whether these are indigenous names for Silvanus or Diana is not quite
certain, but it is very enticing to connect them
to Silvanus, since a similar altar was dedicated to
this god.66 The latter inscription belongs to the
final stage of Romanization. Vidasus and Thana
might be connected with Silvanus and Diana, but
only on the restricted area of Topusko. An inscription from Lika shows that Silvanus religion
was known on the territory of the Japodes.67 The
influence of Silvanus religion has also been observed in other parts of Illyricum. All of them, in
my opinion, were a result of religious influence
Fig. 28. Diana Lucifera with torches. Archaeological
Museum of Franciscan Monastery at Sinj
64

The name is preserved on 4 altars together with Thana

(CIL III 3941, 10819=14354, 23), cfr also Hoffiler / Sarja
1938, no 516, 517, 518; Mayer 1943, 187-191; Mayer 1957,
359-360, s. v. Vidasus.
65 Vidasus and Thana as the healer-god pair of the hot
springs, which are abundant in Topusko cfr. Kunti 2005,
329-351. Silvanus is not known as healer but he appears as
savior, especially when endangered emperors are in question. Nymphae Fontanae with shells are the numina of such
sulphur and hot springs.
66 Sanader 2001, 113-118, Fig. on p. 115.
67 Medini 1975, 87-88.

84

from the central part of the Roman province of

Dalmatia.68
Were there other local gods or divine creatures in central Dalmatia except Silvanus, Diana
and the Nymphs? There is only slight evidence
for such divinities, but there are more local gods
68

About Silvanus in Dardania, Upper Moesia cfr. Mirdita

2007, 45-46, 170.

such as: Tadenus (syncretised with Apollo),69

Talanso,70 Tato71 (Illyrian deus patrius), and Armatus72 (probably the translatio of the Delmatean war god of an unknown name, a kind of Roman Mars73). An altar, dedicated to Talanso, an
unknown local god, was discovered in a village
on Livanjsko polje near Livno, which belonged
to the original heart of the Delmatean territory.
Curiously, the altar was dedicated by Delmatean
sailors (classiciani), probably after their discharge
from military service. So such a divinity might
be linked with water or even the sea.
Diana, together with Silvanus and the
Nymphs, was rarely recorded in inscriptions and
reliefs to the south of Narona, even though this
very important ancient town was close to Delmatean territory. As far as I know, only one such
inscription was found around Narona,74 so we
can safely conclude that this area did not have a
close religious relationship with the Delmatean
territory.
A female goddess, very similar to the Greek
Arthemis or Roman Diana, without Nymphs, evidently prevailed in southern Dalmatia, either on
the littoral or in the hinterland. This goddess also
didnt reveal a consistent and complex religious
system. The Arthemis cult in southern Dalmatia
is confirmed by her image on the obverse of the
coins of Illyrian king Ballaios circa 167 BC135
BC, i. e. before stronger Roman penetration (Fig.
26). The silver and bronze coins were found in
large quantities in southern and central Dalmatia.75 The silver specimens were rare, but mostly
very fine, especially the portrait of the king.76
The king wanted to depict the main goddess of
his territory on the reverses on all coin emissions. This goddess, dressed in a short tunic like
on Ballaios coins, is shown walking with torches.
69 CIL

III 13868; Mari 1933, 21-22.

1957, 328. This name is preserved on an altar from
Livno. It was found before the World War II. It was lost long
ago in the Archaeological Museum of Split, but it appeared during a new revision of stone material (thanks to the
curator Mario Radaljac). Mayer thought that Talanso is the
name of a genius.
71 Sui 1996, 129-137.
72 Mari 1933, 28. Two altars with this gods name were found in the vicinity of Deleminium (upanjac).
73 About translatio cfr. Heinzmann 2012, 120-126.
74 CIL III 1773.
75 Brunmid 1898, 88-98, Pl. VI-VII, Marovi 1988, 81-145,
Pl. 81-145, Pl. XIV-XXII.
76 Cambi 2000, 24-26, Pl. 5, figs 12-15.
70 Mayer

Dianas iconography with torches is also attested

to in the central Dalmatia (Aequum), only several centuries later, since such a statue is preserved
in the Archaeological Museum of the Franciscan Monastery Museum at Sinj (Fig. 27).77 This
statue was probably imported from Asia Minor
to Dalmatia in the 3rd century AD. But such iconography was familiar to the local people, and is
likely the reason for the commission of such kind
of a statue.
Significantly, a very important temple, although in the Roman period, was dedicated to
Diana in Doclea (the centre of Illyrian Docleatae), which previously belonged to the kingdom
of Ballaios.78 The Illyrian god Medaurus or Madaurus was revered in the town of Rhisinium
(Risan in the Kotor Bay).79 This cult is mentioned in several locations where Illyrian soldiers
or sailors were stationed. Medaurus iconography
is quite different from that of other gods known
in Dalmatia. He was depicted as a horseman and
warrior. According to epigraphs or historical
sources, the god was a healer. His iconography
seems to be far removed from such characterization. However, Medaurus might be the rescue
god who saves lives from diseases, and not only
those of soldiers but other people as well. In this
sense Medaurus is linked with Silvanus, but their
depictions were quite different.
There are different points of opinions concerning the Illyrian pantheon. Many scholars
proposed that the Illyirians did not a developed
enough cosmology that could offer a base for their
religious practices, unlike the Celts, Thracians or
Schytians.80 In my opinion, this is not quite correct. This assertion is certainly wrong when the
Delmatae are in question. These central Dalmatian people had an obviously developed system of
religion, which was soon melded with the official
Roman religion, as I tried to show here. Jupiters
consentio deorum dearumque silvestrium was a
substantive liturgical part of Jupiters religion,
and was worshipped not only by local peoples
77 Cambi

2005, 156-157, Fig. 231.

Sticotti / Jeli / Ivekovi 1913, 80-98. Pl. 47 (the bust of
Diana in the gable).
79 Mari 1913, 23-26; Rendi-Mioevi 1989, 523-530;
Cambi 1997, 819.
80 Cfr. Wilkes 1996, (2nd ed.), 244-247; Cfr. also Ferri 2012,
135-137. Seems that Zequo 1995 (the citation according to
N. Ferri) speaks on the Illyrian pantheon.
78

85

but also by colonists and other newcomers from

other parts of the Roman Empire.

Rezime

Romanizacija zapadnog Ilirika.

Religijski aspekt
Nema jedinstvenog sustava religija na ilirskim podrujima. Veina narodnosno i povijesno afirmiranih
etnija imaju svoja vlastita meusobno znatno razliita
boanstva, a neki i razvijenije sustave. Tipian primjer
su Liburni i Delmati. Liburni su imali razliita lokalna
boanstva u najvanijim naseljima (Nedinum, Corinum Asseria, Aenona itd.). Zajednika im je karakteristika da su to samo enska boanstva koja se po
vjerskom i ikonografskom sadraju meusobno razlikuju. Po tome su Liburni srodni Histrima. Naprotiv,
juni susjedni narod Delmati imaju drugaiji, ali
najrazvijeniji religijski sustav u kojemu su Silvan i Dijana glavna boanstva i koji je nastao na sredinjem
dalmatinskom prostoru u predrimskom razdoblju.
Sastavni dijelovi te religije su Nimfe (Fontanae odnosno Silvestrae, tj. vodene, odnosno umske), koje
su pomonice i donositeljice razliitih prirodnih pogodnosti i bogatstava. Ikonografija se Silvana razvila
u Saloni i otud proirila na druge dijelove Dalmacije.
U formiranju ikonografije ulogu je odigrao lik grkog
Pana koji je Silvanu samo slian, ali ne i identian.
Italski Silvan, kako u religijskom sustavu, tako i ikonografskom obliku, nema nikakve veze s religijom u
Dalmaciji. Posebno je vaan natpis iz Klapavice blizu
Klisa koji u rimski religijski sustav (Jupiter) uvodi dva
Silvana s dvije razliite skupine Nimfa. Dva Silvana
s dvije skupine Nimfa javljaju se na reljefu iz Careva
polja kod Jajca u Bosni i Hercegovini, to je potvrda
klapavikog natpisa. Nimfe nisu Dijanine nego Silvanove pomonice koje djeluju pleui na Silvanovu
glazbu (siringa). One takoer imaju svoju boansku
bit (numen). Pojavu Silvanove religije izvan sredinjeg
dalmatinskog dijela Ilirika treba tumaiti kao utjecaj
toga podruja. U unutranjosti rimske Dalmacije neki
su narodi bili pod delmatskim utjecajem, a neki su razvili svoja lokalna boanstva, ali ne i sustave. U junoj
Dalmaciji, kako primorskoj, tako i unutranjoj, nema
religijskog sustava, a predominira ensko boanstvo
(Diana), bez pratnje Nimfa.

86

Bibliography
Abrami, M. 192829, Nekoliko skulptura antiknih
boanstava, Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku L, 192829, 49 -54.
Abrami, M. 1940, Archologische Forschung in Jugoslawien, Bericht ber den VI Internationalen
Kongress fr Archologie, Berlin 21-26. August
1939, Berlin 1940, 166-180.
Abrami, M. 1952, Antike Kopien griechischer Skulpturen in Dalmatien, In: Beitrge zur lteren europischen Kulturgeschichte, Festschrift fr Rudolf
Egger I, Klagenfurt 1952, 303-326.
Adam, R. 1764, Ruins of the palace of the Emperor
Diocletian at Spalatro in Dalmatia, London 1764.
Alfldi, G. 1969, Die Personennamen der rmischen
Provinz Dalmatien, Heidelberg 1969.
Ando, C. 2005, Interpretatio Romana, Classical Philology, 100, no 1, 2005, 41-51.
Borgeau, R. 1979, Recherches sur le dieu Pan, Bibliotheca Helvetica Romana XVII, Rome 1979.
Brunmid, J. 1898, Inschriften und Mnzen griechisher Stdte Dalmatiens, Wien 1898.
Buli, F. 1907, Sterro di una Chiesa antica cristiana del
VI sec. nella localit detta Crikvine a Klapavica nel
commune censuario di Klis (Clissa), Bulletino di
archeologia e storia dalmata XXX 1907, 101-122.
Cambi, N. 1980, Enonska Venera Anzotika, Diadora
9, 1980, 273-278.
Cambi, N. 1997, Medaurus. Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae VIII, 1, Zrich-Dsseldorf 1997, 819.
Cambi, N. 1994, Lexicon iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae VII, 1, 1994, 500, s. v. Neptunus
Bindus.
Cambi, N. 2000, Imago animi. Antiki portret u Hrvatskoj, Split 2000.
Cambi, N. 2005, Kiparstvo rimske Dalmacije, Split
2005.
Cambi, N. 2013, Religija Silvana u rimskoj Dalmaciji,
u: Kultovi i mitovi i vjerovanja u Zagori, Zbornik
radova sa znanstvenog skupa odranog 14. prosinca 2012. u Uneiu, Split 2013, 15-41.
Demandt, A. 2007, Die Sptantike. Rmische Geschichte von Diokletian bis Justinian 284-565 n.
Chr, Mnchen 2007 (Neue Auflage).
Dorcey, P. 1992, The Cult of Silvanus, Leiden 1992.
Ferguson, J. 1974, The Religions of the Roman Empire,
London 1974.
Ferri, N. 2012, Vjerovanja i tovanja bogova u predkr
anskoj Dardaniji, Godinjak 41, Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, Centar za
balkanoloka ispitivanja, Sarajevo 2012, 135-158.
Ferri, S. 1975, Luci e l ombre sulla interpretatio romana, Convegno internazionale Renania Roma-

na, Atti dei convegni Lincei 23, Roma, 14-16 aprile

1975, Roma 1976, 125-133.
Fischwick, D. 1991, The Imperial Cult in the Latin
West. Studies in the Rule Cult of the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire, II, 1, Leiden 1991.
Gimbutas, M. 2007, The Goddesses and Gods of Old
Europe. Myths and Cult Images 6500-3500 BC,
London 1982 (rep. 2007), 152-196.
Gunjaa, Z. 1968-69, Reljef Silvana Messora iz Ridera, Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku
LXX-LXXI, 196869, (Split 1977), 177-183.
Heinzmann, M. 2012, Interpretatio Romana v. s.
Translatio Latina. Zu einzelnen Aspekten des Interpretationsverfahrens bei Caesar und Tacitus,
Mediterraneo antico. Economie societ culturale,
XV, 1-2, Roma 2012, 117-142.
Herbig, R. 1949, Pan der griechische Bocksgott,
Frankfurt am Main 1949.
Hoffiller, V. / Sarja, B. 1938, Antike Inschriften aus Jugoslawien 1, Agram 1938.
Imamovi, E. 1977, Antiki kultni i votivni spomenici
na podruju Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 1977.
Jinyu Lin, R. 2009, Collegia Centenariorum. The
Guilds of Textile Dealers in the Roman West, Leiden 2009.
Jurki, V. 2005, Duhovna kultura antike Istre, knj.
I. Kultovi u procesu romanizacije antike Istre,
Zagreb 2005.
Katii, R. 1962, Die illyrischen Personennamen in ihrem sdstlichen Verbreitungsgebiet, iva Antika
12, 1962, 95-120.
Katii, R. 1963, Das mitteldalmatische Namengebiet.
iva Antika 12, 1963, 255-293.
Katii, R. 1964, Namengebiete im rmischen Dalmatien, Die Sprache 10, 1964, 23-33.
Katii, R. 1976, Ancient Languages of the Balkans.
I-II, Paris 1976.
Katii R. 2009, Tri starobalkanska nomina sacra, u:
Illyricum mythologicum, Zagreb 1995, 125-160.
Kuko, S. 2009, Japodi fragmenta symbolica, Split
2009.
Kunti Makvi, B. 2003, Borvo et Damona Vidasus
et Thana: les possibilites de l analyse comparative, u: Illyrica antiqua ob honorem Duje RendiMioevi. Radovi s meunarodnog skupa o problemima antike arheologije, Zagreb 6. 8. XI.
2003, Zagreb 2005, 329-351.
Kurili, A. 2002, Liburnski antroponimi, Folia onomastica Croatica, 11, Zagreb 2002, 123-148.
Lipovac Vrkljan, G. / Mileti, . 19992000, Reljef
Dijane iz Ridera, Opuscula Arcaeologica 23-24,
19992000, 155-164.
Mari, R. 1933, Antiki kultovi u naoj zemlji, Beograd 1933.

Marovi, I. 1988, Novac ilirskog dinasta Baleja (Ballaios) u Arheolokom muzeju u Splitu, VAHD, 81,
1988, 81-145.
Marquardt, N. 1995, Pan in der hellenistischen Kunst
und kaiserzeitlichen Plastik, Bonn 1995.
Mari, D. 1997, Ikonografski tip Nimfa sa koljkama,
Vjesnik Arheolokog muzeja Zagreb 3, ser. XXXXXXI 1997.
Matijai, R. / Tassaux, F. 2000, Liber et Silvanus, u:
Les cultes polythistes dans l Adriatique romaine,
Paris-Bordeaux 2000, 65-117.
Matijai, R. 2009, Povijest hrvatskih zemalja u antici
do cara Dioklecijana, Zagreb 2009.
Mayer, A. 1943, Vidasus, der illyrische Silvanus, Vjesnik Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva, 22-23, 1943,
187-191.
Mayer, A. 1957, Die Sprache der alten Illyrer, I, Wien
1957.
Medini, J. 1972, Kultovi u antici na naoj obali, Obavijesti HAD-a 4, br. 2, Zagreb 1972, 34-36.
Medini, J. 1975, Neki aspekti razvoja antikih religija
na podruju Japoda, u: Arheoloka problematika Like. Znanstveni skup Otoac 22-24. IX 1974,
Split 1975, 85-94.
Medini, J. 1983, Prilog poznavanju i tumaenju ikonografije boice Dijane u Iliriku, Radovi Filozofskog
fakulteta u Zadru 23 (10), 1983, 17-26.
Medini, J. 1984, Autohtoni kultovi u razvoju antikih
religija u rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji, Dometi 17,
br. 5, Rijeka 1984, 7-32.
Medini, J. 1984, Latra Dea Neditarum, u: Simpozijum Duhovna kultura Ilira, Herceg Novi, 4-6.
novembra 1982, Posebna izdanja Akademije nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine LVII, Centar
za balkanoloka ispitivanja 11, Sarajevo 1984, 223243.
Mirdita, Z. 2007, Religija i kultovi Dardanaca i Dardanije u antici, Zagreb 2007.
Nagy, A. 1994, Silvanus. Lexicon Mythologicum
Iconographiae Classicae VII, 1, Zrich-Mnchen
1994, 763-773.
Oluji, B. 2007, Povijest Japoda. Pristup, Zagreb 2007.
Pakvalin, V. 1964, Reljef Silvana i nimfi, Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja Sarajevo, n. s. XIX, 1964, 151156.
Raunig, B. 2004, Umjetnost i religija prahistorijskih
Japoda, Sarajevo 2004.
Rendi-Mioevi, A. / egvi, M. 1998, Religions and
Cults in South Pannonian Regions, In: Religions
and Cults in Pannonia, Exhibition at Szkesfehrvr, Csk Istvn Gallery 15 May 30 September
1996, Szkesfehrvr 1998, 7-11.
Rendi-Mioevi, A. 2003, Les traditions autochtones
dans les reprsentations figures sur le territoire
des Dalmates illyriens, Romanisation und Resistenz in Plastik, Architektur und Inschriften der
87

Provinzen des Imperium Romanum, Neue Funde

und Forschungen, Akten des VII. Internationalen
Colloquiums ber Probleme des Provinzialrmischen Kunstschaffens Kln 2. bis 6. Mai 2001,
Mainz 2003, 408-419.
Rendi-Mioevi, D. 1948, Ilirska onomastika, Split
1948.
Rendi-Mioevi, D. 1989, Onomastike studije s teritorija Liburna. Prilozi ilirskoj onomastici, Iliri i
antiki svijet, Split, 1989, 711-728.
Rendi-Mioevi, D. 1989, Princeps municipi Riditarum (Uz novi epigrafski nalaz u Danilu Gor
njem (Rider)), u: Iliri i antiki svijet, Iliroloke
studije. Povijest arheologija umjetnost numizmatika onomastika, Split 1989, 872-890.
Rendi-Mioevi, D. 1989, Problemi romanizacije Ilira s osobitim obzirom na kultove i onomastiku, u:
Iliri i antiki svijet, Iliroloke studije. Povijest arheologija umjetnost numizmatika onomastika, Split 1989, 425-439.
Rendi-Mioevi D. 1989, Silvan i njegova kultna zajednica u mitologiji Ilira, Ikonografska studija o
spomenicima s teritorija Delmata, Iliri i antiki
svijet, Split 1989, 461-506.
Rendi-Mioevi, D. 1989, Uz jedan novi izvor o kultu ilirskog boga Medaura, u: Iliri i antiki svijet,
Iliroloka studije, Split 1989, 523-530.
Sanader, M. 2001, Antiki gradovi u Hrvatskoj,
Zagreb 2001.
Von Schneider, R. 1885, Bericht ber eine Reise in
Dalmatien, ber bildlichen Denkmler Dalmatiens, Archologisch-epigraphisches Mittheilungen
aus sterreich-Ungarn IX, 1885, 31-84.
Selem, P. 2005, Quelques indices sur les relations entre
les divinits autochtones et orientales en Dalma-

88

tie romaine, in: Illyrica antiqua ob honorem Duje

Rendi-Mioevi. Radovi s meunarodnog skupa
o problemima antike arheologije, Zagreb 6. 8.
XI. 2003, Zagreb 2005, 425-431.
Simon, E. 1990, Die Gtter der Rmer, Mnchen
1990.
Sticotti, A. / Jeli, L. / Ivekovi, . M. 1913, Die Rmische Stadt Doclea in Montenegro, Wien 1913.
Sui, M. 1969, Antiki Nin (Aenona) i njegovi spomenici. Povijest grada Nina, Zadar 1969, 61-104.
Sui, M. 1996, Tato ilirski Deus patrius, Odabrani
radovi iz stare povijesti Hrvatske. Opera selecta,
Zadar 1996, 129-137.
ael, A. / ael, J. (Eds.) 1963, Inscriptiones Latinae:
quae in Iugoslavia inter annos MCMXL et MCMLX repertae et editae sunt, Ljubljana 1963.
ael Kos, M. 1999, Pre-Roman Divinities of the Eastern Alps and Adriatic, Ljubljana 1999.
Tassaux, F. 1997, Les dieux augustes en Istrie, u:
Arheoloka istraivanja u Istri, Znanstveni skup
Pore, 22.-26. rujna 1994, Izdanja Hrvatskog
arheolokog drutva 18, Zagreb 1997, 77-84.
Turcan, R. 1978, Le culte imprial au IIIe sicle, Aufstieg und Niedergang der rmischen Welt 16, 2,
Berlin-New-York 1978, 996-1084.
Wilkes, J. J. 1969, Dalmatia, London 1969.
Wilkes, J. J. 1996, The Illyirians, Oxford and Cambridge (USA) 1996 (sec. ed.).
Wissowa, G. 2007, Interpretatio Romana, Archiv fr
Religionswissenschaft XIX, Leipzig-Berlin 1918,
1-49.
Zaninovi, M. 2007, Ilirsko pleme Delmati, ibenik
2007.
Zequo, M. 1995, Panteoni ilir, Tirana 1995 (the quotation according to N. Ferri).