NOVENSIA 30
NOVENSIA 30
Studia i materiały
pod redakcją naukową
Piotra Dyczka
NOVENSIA 30
Ośrodek Badań nad Antykiem
Europy Południowo-Wschodniej
Warszawa 2019
Projekt okładki / Cover design
Anna Adamczyk & Janusz Recław
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Sekretarz redakcji / Editorial secretary
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Niniejszy numer zawiera artykuły w wersji pierwotnej / Volume contains original articles.
© Copyright by Ośrodek Badań nad Antykiem
Europy Południowo-Wschodniej
Uniwersytet Warszawski
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Ośrodek Badań nad Antykiem Europy
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ul. Krakowskie Przedmieście 32
novae@uw.edu.pl
Warszawa 2019
ISBN: 978-83-958222-0-9
ISSN: 2720-2941
Wydanie I
Druk: Hussar Books
SPIS TREŚCI / CONTENTS
Michał Duch
Legio I Minervia and legio XI Claudia stamps on building ceramics from
Sector XII at Novae — a contribution to studies of military building
material production centres .........................................................................
7
Martin Lemke
Lots of plumbing, little plumbum. The lead piping in Novae revisited on
the occasion of a new find from Sector 12 ..................................................
21
Małgorzata Daszkiewicz, Gerwulf Schneider
In search of the origins of the Roman CBM found at Novae ......................
31
Adam Jakub Jarych
Public activity of beneficiarii in Dacia Porolissensis ..................................
103
Krzysztof Domżalski, Adriana Panaite
Tropaeum Traiani in the Late Roman trade network and road system. The
evidence of the long-distance imports of fine pottery .................................
109
Marta Daniel, Renata Ciołek
Monetary circulation in Illyria based on catalogued hoards of “Illyrian”
coins ............................................................................................................
127
Saimir Shpuza
A Hellenistic threshing floor identified at the Illyrian site near Bushati .....
171
Kazimierz Lewartowski
Left hand, right hand, near hand, far hand: on handedness in Aegean art ....
183
6
Aleksandra Cetwińska
From the history of Warsaw archaeology, or how this academic discipline
was inaugurated in the Polish capital despite the adversities of fate .............
211
Errata in fasciculo 28/2017 ...................................................................................................
Oświadczenie o etyce wydawniczej i niewłaściwych praktykach ..............................
Informacje i wskazówki dla autorów Novensia ...............................................................
Publication ethics and malpractice statement ..................................................................
Guidelines for Novensia authors .........................................................................................
231
233
234
239
240
Kazimierz Lewartowski
LEFT HAND, RIGHT HAND,
NEAR HAND, FAR HAND:
ON HANDEDNESS IN AEGEAN ART1
Abstract: Right-handedness dominates among all human populations but the question is if and how the
Aegean artists depicted it in their art, or whether they compromised between reality and artistic concepts.
In order to find answers to those questions, this paper examines wall and vase paintings, stone and metal
vases, ivories, bronzes and terracottas, larnakes, stelae, daggers (seals and sealings are excluded because
of the seal/sealing problem). These are examined according to the categorisation of skilled and unskilled,
bi- and unimanual activities. The results suggest a domination of right-handedness in the Aegean iconography with some exceptions resulting mainly from the symmetry of specific compositions. It is also
notable that the Aegean artists tended to represent right hands as the near ones and they preferred to show
shoulders supporting long objects like spears as the near ones regardless of the orientation of depicted
subjects.
Keywords: Aegaean archaeology, Aegaean art, handedness, near and far hand
Manual laterality is observable among primates but handedness understood as a species-level one
hand preference appears solely among humans.2 Research carried out over a number of decades
has shown that the right handedness prevails over left- and bi-handedness (ambidexterity) by about
90%.3 As far as it is possible to study the handedness among the earliest humans this already applied to the Neanderthals and is more or less stable throughout the whole prehistory and history.4
Thus there is no question of the handedness of the Minoans or Mycenaeans — the great majority
of them would have been right handed. We can be sure of that. Maybe among the Minoans, the
percentage of left-handers was a little higher than average because there are opinions that people
with preference of the left hand have more artistic abilities and are more creative,5 and the Minoan
1
Because of the pandemics and closed libraries it was impossible to consult all the necessary publications. I decided to send this paper to the Editor “as is” because reopening of libraries is difficult to predict and the observations
which I present here are based on evidence solid enough
to make them reliable, at least in my opinion. I’d like also
to thank the following colleagues for their invaluable
help: Barbara Arciszewska, Angela Catania, Elżbieta
Jaskulska, Pietro Militello, Arkadiusz Sołtysiak. I am
greatly indebted to Dorota Stabrowska for helping me to
prepare the illustration, to Lucy Goodison for sending
the scan of her original drawing and permission to print
it here, to École française d’Athènes and Pascale Darque
for granting permission to reprint two illustrations, and
to Paul Barford for correcting my English.
2
mcmanuS 2002, p. 210; uomini, ruck 2018, pp. 296–299.
3
coren, porac 1977; cashmore, uomini, chapelain 2008,
p. 8; uomini 2009, p. 411.
4
cashmore, uomini, chapelain 2008; uomini 2009, p. 412;
uomini, ruck 2018, p. 304.
5
singg, martin 2016, pp. 2–3; contra mcmanuS 2002,
p. 298.
184
civilization is known for its creativity, numerous works of art and sublime aesthetics. Similarly,
we can speculate on the percentage of left-handers among Mycenaeans because left hand offers
some advantage in fighting against right-handers6 and war was especially important for the Late
Helladic civilization. Such conjectures, however, do not have good scientific foundations and
handedness seems to be mostly conditioned by genes and not culture.7
The problems I want to discuss in this paper concern handedness in Aegean art: did the artists
take care about showing the handedness of their subjects; if that was the case, did they do this
deliberately or just from habit; did they manipulate the representation of handedness for artistic
or symbolic effects? Did they consistently show actions in which there is a specialization of the
use of certain hands, even if not related to handedness, such as gestures?
In order to find answers to those questions, we have to evaluate the Bronze Age Aegean in
respect of representations of handedness and manual actions in which it manifests itself (if it
does). I propose a catalogue of manual actions usually performed unimanually or bimanually with
preference for one hand and which are to be found in Aegean art. Among them there are skilled
and unskilled actions.8 Fighting with a sword would be an example of the first, but carrying an
object or gesturing would be an example of the second. For unskilled actions, hand preference is of
importance, both in uni- or bimanual actions. Sometimes we use one particular hand, not because
it is more skilled than the other, but out of preference:
• Fighting/hunting with a sword/dagger
skilled unimanual
• Fighting/hunting with a spear
skilled bimanual with hand preference
• Carrying weapons
unskilled unimanual
• Bow shooting
skilled bimanual with hand preference
• Slinging
skilled bimanual with hand preference
• Using whip or goad when driving a chariot
skilled unimanual
• Playing an instrument
skilled bimanual with hand preference
or unimanual
• Gesturing
unskilled bi-/unimanual
• Carrying large vessels
unskilled bimanual with hand preference
• Carrying small vessels
unskilled unimanual
• Carrying a baby (kourotrophoi)
unskilled unimanual
• Saffron gathering
unskilled? bimanual with hand preference
We will see how those actions were depicted in different media. Among them are wall and
vase paintings, stone and metal vases, ivories, bronzes and terracottas, larnakes, stelae, the Lion
Hunt niello dagger, and the Lasithi Dagger. The depictions in those media are more or less clear
about showing the handedness. Seals and sealings will be left aside for a separate paper because
of a problem with judging whether the seal or its impression was to show the “correct” orientation
of the composition. For the purposes of this article, I have attempted to collect archaeological
evidence providing a sufficiently broad overview of Aegean art to obtain highly probable results.
The most complete research concerns frescoes, while for Mycenaean vase paintings,9 Minoan
bronze figurines,10 or Mycenaean ivories,11 I relied primarily, although not exclusively, on works
containing corpora of finds belonging to these categories. We are interested here in representations
of humans, monkeys, as well as hybrids like Minoan Genii equipped with hands. Many of them
6
mcmanuS 2002, pp. 254–258; steele, uomini 2005,
pp. 218–220; llaurens, r aymond, faurie 2009, p. 882;
singg, martin 2016, p. 2.
7
mcmanuS 2002, pp. 205–209, 361–361; llaurens,
r aymond, faurie 2009, pp. 883–884; singg, martin
2016, p. 2.
denniS 1958; Spenneman 1984.
vermeule, k arageorghis 1982; sakellarakis 1992.
10
verlinden 1984; sapouna-sakellarakis 1995.
11
poursat 1977a; 1977b.
8
9
185
do not perform any action in which handedness could manifest itself, many are preserved in a
state not allowing for any analysis (esp. in frescoes), some others (esp. in vase paintings and on
larnakes) are too schematic or represented as silhouettes. Without complete statistics, it is impossible to estimate the proportion of figures performing actions involving handedness to the total of
all represented figures. This had been done for Egypt by Dennis who analysed 14892 figures and
ended up with just 1085 performing unimanual skilled actions.12 In our case, the proportion is most
probably different because I am also taking into account unskilled actions, such as gesturing or
carrying objects. In anticipation of our reasoning, let us point out that we will also pay attention
to the issue of far and near hands/arms, as it seems important for the analysis of Aegean art.13
Let us begin with unimanual skilled actions. In the realm of Aegean iconography, these are
usually scenes of fighting/hunting with weapons. The most emblematic (but not unproblematic) is
fighting with a sword or dagger, strongly connected with handedness. Our problem is that we have
very few preserved representations of fighting/hunting swordsmen that are not on seals. Generally
such warriors/huntsmen were depicted using their right hands to use their weapons. We see that
in LH IIIB14 Battle Fresco from Pylos (22 H 64),15 where both duelists hold swords in their right
hands,16 in one case the far one and in the other the near one [Fig. 1]. Swordsmen using weapons
with their right hand are visible in the griffin/lion fighting scenes on LH III ivory mirror handles
Fig. 1. Fragment of the reconstruction of the Battle Fresco from Pylos
(drawing by K. Lewartowski after Lang 1969, pl. M)
denniS 1958.
I’ve been inspired to turn my attention to this feature by M. Lang’s publication of the Pylos frescos (lang
1969). The concept of near and far shoulder, foot, hand,
etc. is widely used in works on Egyptian art, e.g. Smith
1949, from page 140 onwards; eaton-k rauss 1984; fazzini 2010.
14
Relative chronology abbreviations: EC = Early Cycladic, EM = Early Minoan, LC= Late Cycladic, LH =
12
13
Late Helladic, LM = Late Minoan, MC = Middle Cycladic, MM = Middle Minoan. For absolute chronology, see
manning 2010, p. 23, tab. 2.2, with corrections suggested by pierson et alii 2018.
15
Numbers of Pylos frescoes according to lang 1969.
16
By “right” or “left” hands, shoulders, sides we always
mean “proper right” and “proper left”: the sides seen
from the point of view of represented subjects.
186
from Enkomi Tomb 24, Kouklia Tomb 8 and an ivory pyxis from Enkomi Tomb 24.17 Another
scene of sword fighting is in the lower register of side A of larnax CM 4018 from Tanagra tomb 22
[Fig. 2]. This is a duel of two swordsmen poorly rendered in silhouette. Assuming that they are
represented in the usual way, i.e. with their upper bodies frontally, one of them is handling his
sword in his right (far) hand and the other in the left (far) one.19 In the upper register of side B, we
have a huntsman sticking his sword held in the right hand in an antelope’s neck. Thus right-handers prevail and we can hypothesize that in the duel scene the artist sacrificed realism for the sake
of composition — the scene is symmetrical. We cannot, however, exclude the possibility that the
artist really intended to show a fight of warriors using different hands.
Some fresco pieces from Pylos 25 H 64, 28 H 64 are very fragmentarily preserved parts of
a Battle Scene. One right (near) hand gripping a dagger is preserved; according to Lang’s reconstruction, in one of them there were also warriors using daggers in their left hands, but this is
purely conjectural and can’t be used as evidence. We read in the description of the other one that
there were warriors with daggers but they are not visible on published fragments.
We have some instances of figures handling swords but not in the context of fighting. The LC
IA monkey from Akrotiri Xeste 320 seems to hold the sword in its right hand, the youth from LM I
Chieftain Cup21 rests his sword against his right shoulder holding its hilt in the right hand, the near
one. The charioteer from Stele I from the Grave Circle A (further on as GCA) at Mycenae holds
the reins in his left (far) hand and a sword in his right (near) one,22 exactly opposite to his fellow
Fig. 2. Duelists from Tanagra larnax CM 40
(drawing by K. Lewartowski after Cavanagh, Mee 1995, fig. 3)
poursat 1977a, pl. XVI.3, 4, 6. The pyxis is fragmentarily preserved, thus it is not sure what weapon is used
by the warrior, but it closely resembles the Enkomi handle: murray, smith, walters 1900, no. 883, p. 32.
18
For abbreviations of catalogues frequently used in
this article, see the list below the text.
19
papadopoulos 2009, p. 69, thinks this is religious representation not a duel. For the new catalogue of the
Tanagra larnakes, see k ramer-hajos 2015.
17
doumas 1992, p. 128, figs. 95–96.
koehl 1986 with further bibliography.
22
heurtley 1921–1922, p. 128. The finds from the
Grave Circle A at Mycenae belong basically to the LH
I period: french 2002, p. 37; crowley 2008, p. 259; cf.
papers by R. Laffineur, Th. Papadopoulos, A. Xenaki-Sakellariou in: laffineur (ed.) 1989.
20
21
187
from Stele V23 who holds the reins in his right (near) hand and rests the left (far) one on the hilt of
the sword shown against the background of his body, tilted to the left, suggesting that the warrior
is left-handed. We must note that the man walking in front of the chariot is holding something in
his raised left (far) hand. In this case it is possible that we are dealing with a representation of two
left-handers although because of style and composition it is not conclusive. Warriors represented
on two fragmentary LH IIIC vases from Tiryns (VK XI.49, XI.54) are using their swords in their
right (near) hands, but another one on a LH IIIC fragmentary krater from Ugarit (VK XIII.29)
is holding a large fish in his right hand and a sword in the left (near) one. The warrior from the
reused stele from the Shaft Grave Γ in the Grave Circle B at Mycenae seems to hold his sword
with both hands.24
An indirect hint of the handedness of swordsmen is supplied by representations of figures
with their weapons kept in scabbards, especially those three-dimensional ones which are terracottas. Figurines from Phylakopi (SF 2340),25 Midea,26 Petsofas [Fig. 3],27 and Ashmolean Museum
(AN1896-1908.AE.990)28 all have their weapons (daggers or swords) attached to their belts in a
position typical for right-handers — at their left sides or centrally, with hilts directed upwards to
the right. But another figurine from Petsofas, a poorly rendered one,29 has its weapon attached in
a position convenient to a left-hander [Fig. 4]. A similar situation is seen on a horse rider from
Mycenae if the object on his breast is a dagger and not a quiver or a bow.30 The Chieftain from the
Chieftain Cup has a knife at his left (near) hip as the right-handers do. A hunter on a larnax from
Fig. 3. Terracotta figurine from
Petsofas (drawing by K. Lewartowski
after Rutkowski 1991, pl. VIII.2)
heurtley 1921–1922, p. 132.
mylonas 1973, pp. 50–51, pl. 40.
25
french 1985, p. 223.
26
demakopoulou, divari-valakou 2001, p. 187.
27
rutkowski 1991, nos. 1.1.8, 1.1.13, 1.1.15.
23
24
Fig. 4. Terracotta figurine from
Petsofas (drawing by K. Lewartowski
after Rutkowski 1991, pl. III.3)
28
http://collections.ashmolean.org/object/476084 (access
16.02.2020).
29
rutkowski 1991, no. 1.1.1.
30
hood 1953; crouwel 1981, pp. 47 (whip in the right hand
possible) and 161, cat. no. T 18; papadopoulos 2009, p. 70.
188
tomb 24 in Armenoi (LM IIIB-C)31 has his dagger attached in a position typical for right-handers
(he is keeping a spear in the left, far hand). Less clear is the image built by vase paintings. Among
the vases collected by Vermeule and Karageorghis there are at least eight showing warriors with
swords attached to their belts. In three cases it is impossible to say on which hip, but on four kraters
we see weapons attached to the right hips, e.g. on Enkomi LH IIIA1 krater (VK III.21) where
a long-robed individual has his sword hanging from the baldric on his right (near) hip with the
grip to the left. Before we conclude that Mycenaean vase painters tended to paint the left-handed
warriors, let us have a look at a fragmentary LH III B1 krater from Enkomi (VK V.38) [Fig. 5].
Five long-robed figures with swords at their sides are preserved there: three of them have swords
on their left (near) and two on the right (near) sides. The krater illustrates clearly the near side (or
hand or arm) rule practiced by Mycenaean vase and wall painters, although the motivations of
artists working in those media could be different. The vase painters were probably interested in
showing whole swords and not the handedness thus the way to do this was to show figures facing
right with swords at their right sides and those facing left at their left sides, the sides with which
they are turned to the viewers, the near sides.32
We have seen that among representations of figures holding their swords/daggers in their
hands, right-handers prevail and two sure exceptions are made by the symmetric scene of a duel
from Tanagra and by the krater from Ugarit. The situation is less clear when we analyse the positions of scabbards. They are sometimes attached to the left and sometimes the right sides of their
owners, and the vase paintings are useless at this point because of the near side rule.
The spear was the weapon most frequently shown in art, used for the hunt and war. We have
two main groups of spear representations. The first one shows warriors/hunters in a war/hunt
context or aiming their weapons at enemies or game not shown or not preserved on fragments of
compositions. The second group shows warriors/hunters walking or horse-riding and carrying
their spears in their hands or leaning them against their shoulders. Both groups are fairly consistent in application of the near hand/arm rule.
Fig. 5. Fragment of the naval scene on Enkomi krater
(drawing by K. Lewartowski after Vermeule, Karageorghis 1982, no. V.38)
tzedakis 1971, pp. 219–220, fig. 5, pl. III.1; catania
2012, cat. no. ARM 2.
32
It’s a pity that the line of warriors marching right on
fresco from The West House at Akrotiri, all with swords
at their sides have their bodies hidden by tower shields
31
letting only the ends of scabbards to be visible; on the
other hand they are carrying their long spears in their
right (near) hands suggesting they are right-handed: doumaS 1992, pp. 47–49, figs. 26–48.
189
The scenes of spearmen from GCA at Mycenae: the silver Battle Krater33 and the Lion Hunt
Dagger34 show a similar technique of using long spears [Fig. 6]: the right hand is gripping the
lower part of the spear and gives impetus to the stroke and the left hand grips the upper part of
the spear near the spearhead helping to direct it at the target. Five warriors attacking right display
this technique which is consistent with right-handedness. Their shields are visible behind them
hanging on baldrics, leaving both hands free. On the Krater, there are also spearmen attacking
left but they are very fragmentarily preserved. Although Sakellariou recognized the right shoulder
of one of them to the right of his head,35 it is impossible to assess with certainty the way they are
using their weapons but their shields are at their left sides typical for right-handers. But one of
the warriors attacking right protects his body with a figure-of-eight shield at his right side which
covers him from our view except his feet, head and arms, but both hands gripping the spear are not
preserved. Again we cannot tell if he is a right- or left-hander, but the position of the shield would
suggest the second possibility. Similarly, one of the warriors depicted on the Dagger (all attacking
right) has his figure-of-eight shield in an atypical position: in front of him, and also covering him
almost completely. In this case, one hand is not shown, we see only the hand behind his head and
it disappears behind the head of another warrior following him. This suggests that the “rear” hand
is the left one and the warrior is left-handed, but it is more probable that the artist didn’t want
to obscure the view of the other’s head leaving us with the question of the warrior’s handedness
unanswered. Another candidate for a left-handed spearmen is a partly preserved figure on the
Siege Rhyton from the GCA at Mycenae36 below the archers, if the object he is carrying is a spear.
He is not shown in a clash with an enemy but his pose looks like a reversed version of the other
spearmen. The right-handed use of a spear was illustrated on LH IIIB frescos: from Pylos (23 H
64), most probably on the Boar Hunt fresco from Tiryns (Rod. Tir. no. 172),37 and reconstructed
frescos from Pylos (16 H 46) and Tiryns (Rod. Tir. no. 153). A warrior or hunter using his spear
in the same way is also represented on a LH IIIB1 rhyton from Ugarit (VK V.36).38 Similarly,
Fig. 6. One of the spearmen from the Silver Battle Krater from Mycenae
(drawing by K. Lewartowski after Blakolmer 2009, pl. LVII)
33
k aro 1930, pp. 119–120, nos. 605–607, pls. CXXIX–
CXXXI; sakellariou 1974 (the complete reconstruction
and detailed study); blakolmer 2009, pp. 218–223.
34
k aro 1930, pp. 95–97, cat. no. 394.
35
sakellariou 1974, pp. 6–7.
36
k aro 1930, pp. 106–108, no. 48, pl. CXXXII; koehl
2006, pp. 138–140, no. 425. For new reconstruction, see
papadopoulos 2019, esp. pp. 407–408, pl. CLIV.
37
The reconstructions in rodenwaldt 1912, fig. 55, pl.
13, show fragment no. 172 in reversed position for the
sake of completeness of the composition, but pl. XI.8
shows it in the right position.
38
On the other hand, a warrior from a LH IIIB krater
from Ugarit with only right (far) hand preserved seems
to be using his spear in the left-handed way: vonhoff
2008, no. 197.
190
the hunter from the LM IB-IIIA Lasithi Dagger turned right uses both hands with his long spear
probably in the same way as the others, but this image is a simple schematic incision where the
spear and the hands form one shape.39 In all those cases the spearmen were right-handers and
their right hands were the near hands. This technique of manipulating spears with both hands was
used for long weapons.40
The lighter spears or javelins could be easily used with one hand. A reconstructed hunter
from the Deer Hunt fresco from Pylos (16 H 46) is probably prepared to throw his spear with his
raised right (near) hand [Fig. 7]. The running hunter on a LM IB ivory pyxis from Katsamba41
aims his quite large spear with his raised right hand at a bull. He is running left, but looking and
aiming backwards, which means that he is showing us his back and his right hand is the far one.
The artist wanted to show the right-handedness of this figure even in such atypical pose. But on
a LM II collared jug from Knossos a warrior or hunter is clearly depicted holding the spear in his
left, near hand.42 On LH IIIB/C kraters from Tiryns and Phylakopi (VK X.37 and X.38 = Sak.
24A) there are warriors throwing their weapons and they are right-handers again and their right
hands are the near hands. Hunters aiming their weapons at animals were shown on larnakes from
Armenoi (tomb 24)43 and Episkopi,44 on LM IIIC Mouliana krater.45 The hunters hold the spears
in their raised right (far) hands, with the spearheads directed downwards. On the chest and the
lid of the famous Episkopi larnax we see two hunters moving left, gripping their spears in their
midsections with their right (far) hands while the hunter from Mouliana is shown with his right
hand as the near one. On one of the panels of the Armenoi specimen, the hunter is using his left
(far) hand. His left-handedness is slightly obscured by the fact that in his right hand he is gripping
Fig. 7. Fragment of the reconstruction of the deer hunt fresco from Pylos
(drawing by K. Lewartowski after Lang 1969, pl. B)
long 1978.
A doubtful case is made by Stele IV from the Grave
Circle A at Mycenae — a figure fronting the chariot is
handling an extremely long spear aimed at the charioteer
or is being stabbed by the charioteer. If the first is the
case this warrior is in the reversed position in which the
left (near) hand is the dominating one.
41
aleXiou 1967, pp. 55–56, pls. 30–33.
39
40
crouwel, morris 1995, no. 36, pl. 3e.
tzedakis 1971, pp. 219–220, fig. 5, pl. III.1; catania
2012, cat. no. ARM 2.
44
platon 1947, p. 638; platonos 2008 n.v.; catania
2012, cat. no. EPI 4.
45
X anthoudides 1904, pp. 32–36, pl. 3; papadopoulos
2009, p. 74, fig. 9.9.
42
43
191
the leash of his hunting dog, but still the spear manipulation is a skilled action in contrary to
leash handling, so the figure is most probably a left-hander (on a larnax from tomb 11 of the same
cemetery painted in a very peculiar style, there are two figures, both using their right, near hands
to carry a double axe (?) and an unidentified object).46 A similar male figure is on one of the side
panels of the Episkopi larnax but he is holding the leash in his left hand when his right (near) one
is raised up but empty. In this case, it is possible that the painter forgot about the spear or the figure
is performing a gesture with his right (near) hand which is consistent with other representations
of gestures (see below). It seems that the Episkopi painter was very careful about showing the
handedness of his subjects.
A similar pose can be seen on the LH IIIC Warrior Stele (VK XI.43 = Sak. no. 21) and side B of
the Warrior Vase (VK XI.42 = Sak. no. 32) [Fig. 8], from Mycenae where the enemy or game is not
represented and on fragments of LH IIIC kraters from Mycenae (VK XI.1) and Iolkos (VK XI.57)
where the potential enemy is not preserved. In all those cases, the warriors are holding their spears
with their right (near) hands. The same can be seen on fragments of a LH IIIB/C-early LH III C
krater from Bademgediği Tepe where we see warriors on ships steering towards a battle. Those
moving right raise their javelins with right (near) hands, those moving left are preserved on small
fragments, one of them is probably raising his javelin with his left (near) hand, but three others
look like having shields on their left (near) sides and carrying their weapons in front of them in
right (far) hands.47 A LH IIIC krater from Kynos in east Lokris with similar scene [Fig. 9] doesn’t
leave any doubt: the warriors are shown as using for javelins their near hands only, what means
that some of them are shown as right-handers and the others as left-handers.48 A small fragment
with one warrior left shows again the same “near hand rule”.49 Other warriors are shown moving
to the right, thus their right hands are the near ones.50
Fig. 8. One of the warriors
from side B of the Warrior
Vase from Mycenae
(drawing by K. Lewartowski
after Vermeule, Karageorghis
1982, no. XI.42)
Fig. 9. Fragments of the naval battle scene on krater from Kynos
(drawing by K. Lewartowski after Mountjoy 2011, fig. 2)
tzedakis 1971, p. 220, fig. 4, pl. III.3; catania 2012,
cat. no. ARM 1.
47
mountjoy 2011, pp. 485–487, fig. 3.
48
dakoronia 2006a, pp. 24–26, fig. 1.
46
dakoronia 2006a, p. 27, fig. 6.
dakoronia 2006a, pp. 28–29, fig. 8; 2006b, p. 173, fig.
5 (a footed warrior). For war on sea, cf. wedde 1999b.
49
50
192
Spears can help with interpretation of the iconography in another way. We have a number of
representations of warriors/hunters carrying their spears resting against their shoulders (carrying
weapons is not a skilled action, but this theme has a special importance for our subject). They are
shown in LM II/IIIA frescos from Knossos (Im. Kn. no. 27), LH IIIA2-B fresco from Mycenae
(Rod. Myk. no. 5, 7), Orchomenos (Im. Or. no. 3),51 Pylos (26 H 64, 32 H 64) [Fig. 10], Thebes (?),52
Tiryns (Rod. Tir. nos. 1, 151) [Fig. 11], and on LH IIIB vases from Aradippo (VK III.29), LH IIIC
from Mycenae (VK XI.42, 44), and LM IIIC from Mouliana.53 The striking feature of this group
is that almost all represented figures carrying their spears leaning against their near shoulders
regardless the orientation of their movement, and the number of spears (one or two) The possible exception is on a fresco fragment from Orchomenos54 and a LH IIIC Tiryns krater fragment
(VK XI.51), but the state of preservation makes this identification not certain in both cases. Other
objects are also hold on near shoulders. We can mention here a LH IIIB1 fresco from the West
House at Mycenae55 where a participant of hunt is carrying a pole with something hanging from
it on his near (left) shoulder and Minoan Genii from a miniature fresco fragment from Mycenae
(Im. My. no. 8) supporting a rope with their near (right) shoulders. We see that the same practice
was shared by painters from Crete, and the Mycenaean ones (fresco and vase painters) through the
Late Bronze Age. Interesting case is made in this context by the LM I Harvesters Vase from Agia
Triada.56 The composition on this rhyton has nothing to do with war or hunt, it shows rows of men
carrying some agricultural long tools on their left (far) shoulders with exception of the “Priest”,
probably the most important participant of the rite or procession — who is carrying something
Fig. 10. Warrior from the chariot scene fresco
from Pylos (drawing by K. Lewartowski
after Lang 1969, pl. 18)
spyropoulos 2015, figs. 15, 16.
kountouri 2018, pp. 451–463.
53
X anthoudides 1904, pp. 32–35, pl. 3.
54
spyropoulos 2015, fig. 16.
55
tournavitou 2015, p. 152, fig. 12. But a man preserved
on fragments of LH IIIA2 fresco from the House of the
51
52
Fig. 11. Hunter from the hunt fresco from Tiryns
(drawing by K. Lewartowski
after Rodenwaldt 1912, fig. 49)
Oil Merchant at Mycenae is holding a horizontal pole
with a load attached to it on his right, far shoulder: wace
1953, p. 14, pl. 9a; cameron, mayer 1995, p. 282.
56
koehl 2006, no. 110, pp. 90–91.
193
looking like a solid cane on his right (near) shoulder. The tools carried by the participants of
the procession are very long and they widen considerably just behind the heads of the carriers.
Showing them in such a way that they do not cover the faces of the people in the next row would
be more difficult if they were resting on near shoulders and the effect could look rather unnatural.
The leader’s cane, on the other hand, is narrow and much shorter. It can, therefore, be assumed
that Aegean artists generally preferred to show the carrying of objects on near shoulders, if it did
not pose any problems.
Shields do not add much to handedness. They accompany spears or swords and usually are
shown held in left hands or on the left sides of their owners. Sometimes as is the case of Kynos,
where some warriors are shown as keeping javelins in left hands, they are hold in right hands [Fig.
8]. Consequently they are usually on the far sides of the warriors. The cases of warriors protected
with large shields on the right (near) side or at the front of a warrior known from the Battle Krater
and the Lion Hunt Dagger from Mycenae has been analysed in the section on spears. Both are
potential candidates for left-handers. The case of marching warriors from the West House at Akrotiri is different, because their shields look like kept on the right sides of their owners however
the warriors are holding spears in their right hands in a way excluding such a possibility. Most
probably the painter wanted to show the front sides of the shields for some reason and did it in such
a way that they can be seen as shields and as simplified cuirasses at the same time (see note 32).
Shooting with a bow and arrow is certainly a skilled action. Modern right-handed archers hold
their bows in their left hands and they use the right ones to draw bowstrings and lefthanders do
this the other way round.57 Few Aegean representations of archers showing them when shooting
and preserved to the extent allowing recognition of their handedness suggest that this was the case
in the Bronze Age as well.58 Finds from the GCA (the Silver Siege Rhyton, the Battle Krater and
the Lion Hunt Dagger [Fig. 12]), a fragment of a LM I steatite rhyton from Knossos,59 LH IIIB
fresco fragments from Pylos,60 side B of a LH III B1 krater from Enkomi (VK V.28) [Fig. 13] all
show archers holding bows in their left hands which, depending on the subjects’ orientation, can
be far or near (a small fragment from Iolkos, VK XI.58, is difficult to interpret). The artists were
very careful about depicting right-handed archers.
Fig. 12. Archer from the Lions Hunt Dagger from
Mycenae (drawing by K. Lewartowski after
https://historyofwesternartblog.wordpress.
com/2015/10/09/inlaid-dagger-blade-with-lion-hunt/;
access 16.12.2020)
I am grateful to Mr. Henryk Jurzak, the Vice President
of the Polish Archery Federation for his advice.
58
Cf. brecoulaki et alii 2008, p. 372.
57
59
60
Fig. 13. Archers from side B of Enkomi
krater (drawing by K. Lewartowski after
Vermeule, Karageorghis 1982, no. V.28)
koehl 2006, p. 181, no. 769.
brecoulaki et alii 2008.
194
The last activity directly connected with fighting or hunting is slinging. Here we have only one
certain depiction of slingers in action (the Silver Siege Rhyton from Mycenae) and one doubtful
example (the Stele VIII from Mycenae61). In all cases, the warriors hold the slings in their right
hands (far on the Rhyton and near on the Stele) and use their left ones to stretch them as can be
expected from right-handers.
Driving a chariot in war, hunting or parade is a skilled action, however only one its aspect is
directly connected with handedness: manipulation of a whip or a goad.62 It is difficult to state if
this was a skilled action in Mycenaean times. Modern drivers of horse vehicles can use whips in
a very subtle manner and are trained in this skill; right-handers do it with their right hands and
left-handers with their left ones. Reins, if handled with one hand, are usually kept in the left one
regardless the driver’s handedness although in sports in which driver is sitting in the centre of the
vehicle’s front (like in ancient chariots) they use their preferred hand for this.63 Clear representations of charioteers with whips/goads are not very abundant. On the LM II/IIIA1 “Palanquin”
fresco from Knossos (Im. Kn. no. 25), the charioteer holds both the reins and the whip in the right
(near) one [Fig. 14]. Also side C of the LM IIIA Agia Triada Sarcophagus (Im. A.T. no. 2) seems
to show the driver of the goat chariot holding half of the reins in her left (near) hand and the whip
and the other half of the reins in her right (far) hand.64 The charioteer on the left panel of the side
A of the Episkopi larnax is depicted holding the whip in his right (near hand) and the reins in the
other one. A small fragment of a fresco from Mycenae65 shows probably the right (far) hand of
a charioteer holding the whip/goad and half reins. A better preserved LH III A/B charioteer from
Tiryns (Rod. Tir. no. 4) is holding the goad and reins in his right (far) hand while retaining a spear
(?) horizontally in his left [Fig. 15]. In this case we do not know which action is more skilled thus
Fig. 14. Charioteer from the “Palanquin” fresco
from Knossos (drawing by K. Lewartowski
after Crouwel 1981, pls. 104–105)
According to heurtley 1921–1922, p. 135.
crouwel 1981, p. 111.
63
I am deeply grateful to Mr. Marek Zalewski from the
Polish Equestrian Federation for his patience in answering my questions and for the information he provided.
61
62
Fig. 15. Charioteer from Tiryns fresco
(drawing by K. Lewartowski
after Crouwel 1981, pl. 91)
long 1974, esp. p. 55.
rodenwaldt 1921, p. 169, n. 154, no. A4; crouwel 1981,
cat. no. W 22.
64
65
195
it is equally possible that the charioteer was right- as left-handed. A small fragment of a LH IIIB
fresco from Tiryns (Rod. Tir. no. 120) shows the right (near) hand of a female driver holding a goad
and half of the reins. According to Rodenwaldt’s reconstruction the goad is visible on another LH
IIIB fresco fragment from Mycenae (Rod. Myk. no. 15) and although the hand is not preserved it
would be the right (near) one.
The Stele I from CGA at Mycenae was mentioned in the context of swords — the charioteer
holds the reins in his left (far) hand and a sword in the right (near) one. A fresco fragment from
Argos shows the left hand of a charioteer holding reins, but we do not know what is occupied his
right one with.66 Similarly the Agia Triada Sarcophagus (Im. A.T. no. 2) side D shows a charioteer
of the griffin chariot holding reins in her left (near) hand, but the state of preservation of the paint
does not allow for any observation on the right hand’s action. Despite the very small size of the
preserved fragment, preventing a reliable reconstruction, it is possible that a LH IIIC vase from
Lefkandi may have shown a right-handed charioteer with his goad (VK XI.37).
We have two possible LH IIIC examples of a whip from a bowl from Tiryns (VK XI.19 =
Sak. 36) in left (far) hand and a double-pronged goad from a krater from Lefkandi, in this case it
would be the right (near) hand. The fragmentary state of those vessels does not allow for reliable
reconstruction.
The interpretation of Stele V from CGA at Mycenae is not clear: the charioteer is holding reins
in his right hand and his left one rests on his sword’s grip (see above). Is he left-handed or on the
contrary — is he using his preferred hand for driving while the left one is just resting?
The representations of charioteers seem to show the tendency of artists to depict right-handed
chariot drivers.
The last skilled action we can discuss here is the play of instruments, mostly lyres, kitharas,
phorminxes or harps. Musicians use both hands for playing but their role is different. All representations preserved well enough to allow the reconstruction of the playing technique show that
the musicians were right-handed: they held instruments with their left hands used also to suppress
the strings (depending on the type of instrument), and they stroked strings with their right hands.
We can see this on Cycladic harpists from EC II (the soundbox on the right hip), on the LC I fresco
of monkeys from Xeste 3 at Akrotiri, LM III terracotta group from Palaikastro as well as on the
LM II-III La Grande Processione fresco and the Sarcophagus from Agia Triada. Interestingly
enough the player from the fresco is oriented right and the one from the Sarcophagus left but both
are shown playing in the same way. It means that they were portrayed realistically at least from
this aspect. Because both works could have been by the same author it is even more important for
our subject showing the artists took care to show real technique and consequently the right-handedness of those musicians. It is a pity that the hands of the Lyre Player from Pylos (PY 43 H 6) are
not preserved. It is also impossible to determine the technique of the player from a fragmentary
LH IIIB krater found at Nauplion (VK IX.14.1) because of the painterʼs highly stylised manner.67
The sistrum player from the Harvesters Vase is using his right (near) hand for playing the
instrument.
Representations of gestures constitute a class of actions which are not skilled but important
for our topic.68 Among gestures classified by Wedde,69 there are some executed symmetrically
with both hands and others in which the roles of hands are different and usually one seems to be
active and the other one passive. The second group of gestures (or postures)70 and in which we are
tournavitou, brecoulaki 2015, pp. 220–223.
For types of instruments, playing techniques, the catalogue of representations, see younger 1998.
68
See corballis 2003 on connection between speech,
gesture and right-handedness.
66
69
67
70
wedde 1999a. Cf. hitchcock 1997, esp. pp. 113–116.
See morris, peatfield 2002, p. 109.
196
interested comprise Wedde’s gestures nos. 2–8 (in other sections of this paper we will address also
gestures 18–21 which are connected to carrying objects). In contrary to all other actions discussed
here, whether skilled or not, the hand preference more probably results not from biological reasons
but is connected with beliefs, habits, traditional opposing dualities such as left-right, dark-light etc.
It is not clear to what extent the artists were aware of this but surely they knew very well how the
ritual gestures should be executed. For our purpose the classification is not essential, we will treat
all asymmetrical gestures together. Three groups of Minoan gestures show such a laterality. The
first one is usually called the “adoration gesture”71 in which the right fist touches the forehead of
male or female figurine. The second one consists of a group of gestures collected here in one set
in which the right hand is upraised in front of the chest or the head of a figurine. The third one is
much rarer than the two former ones — in this gesture the right palm rests on the left shoulder,
the left hand is below the right one; in one case the palm of the left hand rests on the wrist of the
right one.
Those gestures are represented richly by terracottas and bronzes from MM III to LM III.72 The
right hand is almost exclusively the one which is higher, or active or seems to be more active than
the left one. A female terracotta figurine in “Klage oder Ausichtsgestus” from Chamaizi73 seems
exceptional in raising her left hand higher than the right one in front of her face. Similar gestures,
resembling G2, G4, G5, are known from the Mycenaean vase paintings in LH IIIA2 – LH IIIC.
They are usually performed by individuals accompanying chariots on foot (e.g. VK IV.13, IV.14,
IV.18, V.170) but also by the woman on the Warrior Vase (VK XI.48) and a child on the krater
from Agia Triada in Elis.74 In all listed cases the acting hand is the left, far one.
Because gestures have ritual character we include into this group also representations of figures holding rods, lances or staffs vertically in front of them, probably presenting them (Wedde’s
G8; the so called commanding gesture75). We know it from the famous LM I Chieftain Cup76 and
an ivory plaque from the Delian Artemision.77 The Minoan chieftain is turned to the left, the Mycenaean warrior to the right [Fig. 16] but they both present their staffs or lances with their right
hands, in the first case the far one and in the second the near one. A man from a LH IIIB2 krater
from Mycenae (VK IX.2 = Sak. no. 11) turned left is holding vertically a short stick in his left
(near hand) but this gesture does not seem to be a presentation of the object and from the point of
a viewer of the vase the holder has it behind him instead of in front of him.
With the exception of the Mycenaean vase painters the artists almost unanimously represented
unsymmetrical gestures as executed with right hands or in which right hands are more active,
more important, more exposed. In the two-dimensional art, this is emphasized by showing right
hands sometimes as far ones sometimes as near ones.
Carrying a vessel is another unskilled action but with importance for our discussion. The
vessels can be of large dimensions or heavy (bimanual action) or of small dimensions (unimanual
one). In the case of large handled vases we can expect that right-handers would hold the handles
in their right hands and support the bottoms with their left hands. And this is the case of a LH
IIIB Minoan Genius from the ivory plaque from Pylos78 and of another from the LM I chlorite
E.g. morris 2001, p. 246.
As collected in verlinden 1984; sapouna-sakellarakiS 1995; r ethemiotakis 2001.
73
sapouna-sakellarakis 1995, p. 109, pl. 39.2.
74
schoinas 1999, p. 258, fig. 1.
75
E.g. niemeier 1988, esp. pp. 238–242; blakolmer
2019, p. 54.
76
koehl 1986.
77
gallet de santerre, tréheuX 1947–1948, pp. 156–162,
pl. XXV; poursat 1977b, p. 157, pl. XIV.1; tournavitou
71
72
1995, pp. 491–492. poursat 1977b, p. 152, and tourna1995, p. 527, date the deposit to LH IIIA2–B2.
78
blegen, r awson 1966, p. 202, fig. 284; gill 1964,
no. 1; poursat 1977a, no. 393/7840.
vitou
197
triton from Malia [Fig. 17].79 Both are turned to the right what means their right hands are the far
ones (Minoan Genii carrying jugs were represented mostly on seals80). We see exactly the same
on a MC III bridge-spouted jug from Akrotiri (“Ganimedes Jug”) where a man is pouring a liquid
from his large jug to the small cup of another man [Fig. 18].81 On the Cupbearer and Corridor of
the Procession LM II-IIIA frescos from Knossos (Im. Kn. no. 22) there are fragments of at least
two men carrying large vessels whose pose could be safely restored. Interestingly enough the
Cupbearer82 is walking left and the member of the Group C from the West Porch83 is walking right
although both are carrying their vases in the way described above, which means that the painter
really wanted to show the right-handed individuals since the right hand of one of them is the near
one and of the other — the far one. A boy from Xeste 3 at Akrotiri is holding a shallow metal vase
exactly in the same way, and the hand holding the handle is the far one. But the mature man from
the same wall is shown differently: he is pouring a liquid from a large metal hydria while securing
the base with his right (near) hand and with the wrist of his left hand he is supporting the handle.84
Fig. 16. Ivory plaque from the Delian
Artemision (courtesy École française
d’Athènes; source: Gallet de Santerre,
Tréheux 1947–1948, frontispiece)
Fig. 17. Chlorite triton from Mallia
(courtesy Pasquale Darcque and École française
d’Athènes; source: Baurain,
Darcque 1983, fig. 14)
baurain 1985, p. 95, fig. 1; baurain, darcque 1983.
E.g. gill 1964; weingarten 1991; r ehak 1995; blakolmer 2015.
81
nikolakopoulou 2010; vlachopoulos 2015, p. 42, fig. 3,
with further bibliography.
82
evans 1928, p. 705, pl. XII.
83
evans 1928, p. 725, fig. 450; Evans reconstructed there
three men in the same pose, but only one is preserved
79
80
to an extent not leaving any doubt about his carrying of
a vessel.
84
doumas 1992, p. 130, figs. 109–115; vlachopoulos
2008, p. 452.
198
We have two scenes showing individuals carrying small vessels in a way similar to the one
described above and both from Akrotiri. On the “Ganimedes Jug” mentioned above [Fig. 18] the
man on the right side is holding his small cup on the palm of his left (near) hand and securing the
rim with the right one. The priestess from the West House is carrying the small vase on the palm
of her left (near) hand and using the right one to keep the fire that was kept in the vessel85 — typical for right-handers. Such representations are rare — normally small drinking vessels, usually
kylikes, can be carried with one hand gripping the stem and the left one prevails. This is the case
of two women from a LH IIIB2 fresco from Thebes (near hands),86 a man from a LH IIIA1 krater
from Enkomi (VK III.17) (a cup?, phiale?, far hand), a man from Agia Triada in Elis LH IIIC krater
with prothesis scene (far hand) [Fig. 19],87 a woman on a Tanagra LH IIIB larnax from tomb 36
(CM 48, far hand) [Fig. 20], and preserved left hand of a LH IIIC terracotta figurine from Amyklai
in Lakonia.88 On side A of a LM IIIB larnax from Episkopi, the first figure in the left panel, has a
kylix in his raised left (far) hand and the man in the right panel is holding a kylix in his right (far)
raised hand [Fig. 21]89 as is a woman on a throne from a LH IIIC krater from Tiryns (VK XI.19.1).
There are preserved two fragments of the Campstool Fresco from Knossos (Im. Kn. no. 26) with
hands gripping stems of two different type vessels: fragment A shows a man’s right near hand
with a kylix, and fragment G a man’s left near hand with a golden chalice.90 The fresco is very
poorly preserved so we can only conjecture that in this case the artist preferred the symmetry of
his composition over reality. The depiction of the LH IIIB fresco from Tiryns (Rod. Tir. no. 101)
is unclear, only a woman’s left far hand on a rim of a bottle or stirrup jar is preserved — probably
the right one carried the vessel.
Fig. 18. Scene from the bridge-spouted jug from Akrotiri (drawing by K. Lewartowski after Vlachopoulos 2015, fig. 3)
doumas 1992, p. 47, figs. 24–25.
kountouri 2018, p. 453, fig. on p. 450, fig. 1.
87
schoinas 1999, p. 258; gallou 2005, p. 100 — an axe
or hammer.
85
86
Fig. 19. Fragment of the prothesis scene from
a fragmentary krater from Agia Trada in Elis
(drawing by K. Lewartowski after Schoinas
1999, fig. 1)
demakopoulou 1982, pp. 54–56, pls. 25–26.
marinatos 1993, p. 237.
90
evans 1935, pp. 323–325, pl. XXXI.
88
89
199
As we’ve seen, the far hand dominates. This can mean that the artists were generally showing
real scenes which have usually a funerary context. According to the believes known from many
cultures, death belongs to the left side while life to the right one,91 and many of the kylikes were
kept in the left hands.
Nursing a baby is not a skilled manual action (it needs other skills of course) but belongs to
important lateralities. Mycenaean art offers figures of kourotrophoi — mortal women or goddesses, carrying small children and sometimes breast-feeding them. The majority of this class is made
by Mycenaean idols of all types except Late Psi [Fig. 22].92 They are usually standing, but there is
also a sitting one from Louvre93 and one from Voula.94 The only bronze kourotrophos, a pendant
from the Cyclades in the George Ortiz Collection is of problematic chronology. Most probably
Sub-Mycenaean/Protogeometric, it was dated by Eckstein to MM III.95 With a few exceptions96
the babies are shown as leaning against the left breasts of their mothers.
Fig. 20. Woman with a kylix from
Tanagra larnax CM 48 (drawing
by K. Lewartowski after
Cavanagh, Mee 1995, fig. 9)
Fig. 21. An individual with a kylix
from the Episkopi larnax
(drawing by K. Lewartowski
after Meroussis 2018, fig. 14)
On dualisms from anthropological perspective, see,
e.g., hertz 1960, esp. pp. 99–109; needham 1973; mallory 1989, pp. 140–141; mcm anuS 2002, pp. 22–23.
92
budin 2011, pp. 303–309; 2016, pp. 604–605; olsen
1998, pp. 384–388; pilafidis-williams 2009.
93
Inv. no. CA 1872: mollard-besques 1954, pl. I; pilafidis-williams 2009, p. 120.
91
Fig. 22. Example of
Mycenaean kourotrophos,
Zurich 3956 (drawing by
K. Lewartowski after
Pilafidis-Williams 2009, fig. 8)
olsen 1998, p. 387.
https://www.georgeortiz.com/objects/greek-world/064mother-and-child-mycenaean/ (access 03.03.2020); Eck-Stein 1959, p. 644; 1961, p. 404.
96
Cf. fragment of a Tau idol from the British Museum:
pilafidis-williams 2009, fig. 10 and p. 116.
94
95
200
Crete is lacking kourotrophic representations.97 Instead we have a series of anthropomorphic
vases, sometimes called “Vase-Goddesses”, dated to EM II-EM/MM and usually having feminine
features like breasts.98 Seven of them are embracing jugs with one hand (visible in five cases) in
the way similar to baby-nursing.99 Some of the jugs are shown in more realistic manner, like on
the famous Goddess of Myrtos, the Snake Goddess from Koumasa HM 4137 or Koumasa HM
4993 [Fig. 23], in three other cases the jugs are the figurines’ shoulders at the same time but the
vessels are still recognizable (Koumasa HM 4138, Agios Myron, Trapeza Cave, Yiophyrakia).
Except the Trapeza figurine, all others have the jugs at their left shoulders. The formal similarity
to Mycenaean kourotrophoi is quite clear despite of difference in style and chronology. It makes
probable that the intention of Minoan makers of those figurines was to show babies symbolically
as jugs. It is not our aim here to discuss the meaning and use of those “Vase-Goddesses”. From
our point of view it is important that both Early Minoan and much later Mycenaean makers had
the same scheme of baby nursing in mind — a baby should be shown on the left side of its mother.
This is a widely shared conviction in different areas and epochs. Already Uhrbrock had shown
that there is a great prevalence in art of women with children on the left arm100 although McManus
pointed out that in Renaissance paintings of the Madonna with Child in the 13th century the Child
is on the left, but in 15th–16th-century scenes the child is usually on the right, which change can
be explained by developments in theology.101 It seems that in our case the artists were guided by
the observation of real mothers who tend to carry their children on the left sides regardless their
handedness whatever the reason for that is.102
Before coming to the conclusions we can briefly mention some other representations which
can be of some use in this discussion.
The Saffron Gatherers from LC I Akrotiri103 use their right (far) hands for picking the crocuses
(the older one uses her left one for holding a basket). The great majority of pictures representing
modern saffron gatherers from Morocco, Iran etc. show them using their hands exactly in the same
way. To make the picture less clear, we have to note that the monkey from the MM III/LM I Saffron
Fig. 23. “Vase-Goddess” from Koumasa, HM 4993
(drawing by L. Goodison after Xanthoudides 1924, pl. 19:4993)
budin 2016, pp. 596–598; olsen 1998, pp. 388–390.
See esp. budin 2010, pp. 23–24; cadogan 2010; fowden 1990; goodison 2009, pp. 235–236; nikolaïdou
2012, pp. 44–46; peatfield 1995, p. 223.
99
fowden 1990, pp. 17–18; olsen 1998, p. 388.
100
uhrbrock 1973, pp. 32–34.
97
98
mcmanuS 2002, p. 330.
mcmanuS 2002, p. 330; pilafidis-williams 2009, p.
113; uhrbrock 1973, p. 34.
103
doumas 1992, pp. 130–131, figs. 122–130; on saffron
and crocuses in the Aegean Bronze Age, see day 2011.
101
102
201
Gatherer fresco from Knossos (Im. Kn. no. 1) uses its left (near) hand for picking saffron.104 Because this is only a small fragment we do not know what the right hand was doing. It is also possible
that the painter hadn’t been concerned with handedness because his subject was an animal or had
other reasons to show it this way. On the other hand the Gatherers from Akrotiri are moving left,105
thus they compose very nicely with their right hands stretching out horizontally in front of them.
Some of the LM IIIB1 idols from the House of the Idols at Mycenae were carrying objects,
now lost, in their raised right hands but never in left ones.106 Probably those objects were hammers/
axes107 or weapons.108 Nevertheless, those idols were right-handed.
Less instructive is the case of LH IIIB frescos depicting women carrying idols/little girls in
their right (near) hands. We know two such cases from Tiryns (Rod. Tir. no. 103) and Mycenae.109
Related to those frescos is a female procession from a Tanagra LH IIIB larnax CM 50, where
the leading figure seems to carry a small figurine on her left (far) hand. In this case the range of
interpretations is wider,110 thus it is very difficult to tell if the far hand had been chosen because
for some reason it was important to engage the left one for this ritual action (funerary context) or
maybe it was just the matter of composition.
On larnakes from Tanagra tombs 6 (CM 31) and 51 (CM 45, 46) there are figures touching
columns or chequered objects with their far hands (right or left). In all these cases, we have symmetrical compositions, which probably explains the use of different hands. Taking into account
also the duel scene mentioned above, we can suppose that the Tanagra artists were not especially
concerned with handedness, and the composition was more important to them.
Two women shown carrying necklaces on frescos from Akrotiri111 and Mycenae112 (LC IA
and LH IIIB) are turned in opposite direction and handle their objects in the far hands which are
respectively the left and the right one. This difference can have many explanations such as various
traditions, the meanings of this gesture, the character of the depicted women (e.g., a mortal one
as opposed to a goddess).
In the light of the evidence presented above, it is clear that figures using their right hands are
shown much more frequently than the others. It is absolutely clear as concerns three-dimensional representations, which are very rarely occupied with skilled activities: mostly kourotrophoi
and performers of ritual gestures. In the first case we are not dealing with handedness and in
the second one the role of the hands was defined on religious or cultural grounds but both prove
convincingly that the artists depicted such lateralities in line with reality. In the two-dimensional
representations, the unimanual skilled actions are almost always performed with right hands and
bimanual in ways typical for right-handers. The number of warriors, hunters, or charioteers shown
as left-handers is very low and the musicians are all right-handers. The same applies, somewhat
surprisingly, to the unskilled action of the carrying of large or heavy vessels where the right hands
hold vessels handles and the left ones support bottoms. It was shown that way, regardless the orientation of the subjects. About half of all exceptions to right-handedness are to be found in vase
painting or on larnakes which both present schematic and simplified styles. In one case at least, the
artist from Tanagra, realism was sacrificed for the symmetry of the duel scene. We can conclude
evans 1921, pp. 265–266, pl. IV.
vlachopoulos 2008, p. 453.
106
moore, taylour 2000, cat. nos. 69-63, 68-1572, 681589.
107
moore, taylour 2000, pp. 93–101.
108
whittaker 2009, pp. 102–103.
109
k ritseli-providi 1982, cat. no. B-2. For the reconstruction and discussion, see also, e.g., boulotis 1979;
immerwahr 1990, My. no. 4, Ti. no. 4, pp. 119–120; budin
2007–2008, pp. 102–103; jones 2009.
104
105
spyropoulos 1974, pp. 12–13 (palladion); cavanagh,
mee 1995, pp. 46–47 (soul or small goddess); immerwahr
1995, p. 117 (figurine); gallou 2005, pp. 57–58 (theophoreia).
111
doumas 1992, pp. 121–130, figs. 100–108; vlachopoulos 2008, p. 453.
112
k ritseli-providi 1982, cat. no. B-1 (“Mykenaia”); jones
2009.
110
202
that the majority of artists depicting those skilled and unskilled activities were correct as regards
the handedness of their subjects. It is also clear that the right hand was usually the near hand which
means that the figures were usually turned to the right. This is especially true as regards swords,
daggers and spears (the last ones when operated both bi- and unimanually). The charioteers using
whips or goads, archers and musicians but also the holders of large vessels although represented
as right-handed could be oriented right as well as left. For some reason in this case, it was not so
important to depict their right hands as the near ones. We can hypothesize that such activities,
involving both hands, made them more equal and their actions less characteristic.
Although the right-handedness of warriors and hunters was so important for artists, the real
position of scabbards, connected with handedness, usually correctly shown in terracottas, was
much less important for vase painters who were concerned with depicting them on the near sides
of their owners, irrespective of whether they were left or right ones. A similar situation is seen in
the case of carrying spears and other long objects on shoulders (this time shown mostly on frescos)
which should be the near ones. Raising up small drinking vessels, usually kylikes, known from
paintings on walls, vases and larnakes can be performed with the right as well as the left hand
which can be near or far as well. In this case there is no difference between frescos and other
media. Gestures of raised hands known from LH vase paintings are performed with left, always
far hands. Perhaps Mycenaean gestures have different meaning than those known from Minoan
terracottas and bronzes.
Even though the Aegean art is not “realistic”,113 the artists when creating their world(s) used
elements well known to them and right-handedness was so common that they even didn’t have to
think about it to show most of their subjects as right-handers. The same applies to activities with
hand preference, whatever were the grounds of such literalities: biological, instinctive, cultural,
ritual etc. which were commonly performed as gestures. But I think that artists did it at least in
some cases deliberately, e.g. the Silver Battle Krater from Mycenae where it would be much easier
for the artist to show warriors oriented left as left-handed instead of right-handed. On the other
hand, the list of possible candidates for left-handers shown as such deliberately is very short.
The most probable, although not completely sure, are depictions on the Stele V, the Silver Battle
Krater and Lion Hunt Dagger from Mycenae, the collared jug from Knossos, and the larnax from
Armenoi. Many cases of “left handedness” resulted probably from the fact that the composition
was more important for some artists than the depiction of handedness like on the Kynos krater.
It seems also that this tendency to represent right-handed subjects or the real arrangement
of hands in unskilled actions was common among the Aegean artists regardless of chronology,
culture or sex of represented figures.
Abbreviations
CM
HM
Im.
Rod. Myk.
Rod. Tir.
Sak.
VK
113
eStrin 2015, esp. p. 120.
cavanagh, mee 1995: catalogue of Tanagra larnakes
Heraklion Museum inv. number
immerwahr 1990: catalogue of the Aegean frescos
rodenwaldt 1921: the publication of frescos from Mycenae
rodenwaldt 1912: publication of frescos from Tiryns
sakellarakis 1992: the catalogue of Mycenaean pictorial vases from
the National Archaeological Museum at Athens
vermeule, karageorghis 1982: the catalogue of Mycenaean pictorial
vase painting
203
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Kazimierz Lewartowski
University of Warsaw
Faculty of Archaeology
orcid.org/0000-0002-2675-9408
k.lewartowski@uw.edu.pl