All the King’s Horses

O F T H E S E C O N D M I L L E N N I U M B C I N D I A LO G U E W A L L - PA I N T I N G A N D VA S E - PA I N T I N G Paintbrushes XΡΩΣΤΗΡΕΣ edited by Andreas G. Vlachopoulos Proceedings of the International Conference on Aegean Iconography Held at Akrotiri, Thera, 24-26 Μay 2013 U N I V E R S I T Y O F I O A N N I N A / H E L L E N I C M I N I S T R Y O F C U LT U R E A N D S P O R T S - A R C H A E O L O G I C A L R E C E I P T S F U N D XΡΩΣΤΗΡΕΣ / PAINTBRUSHES W A L L - PA I N T I N G A N D VA S E - PA I N T I N G OF THE SECOND MILLENNIUM BC IN DIALOGUE XΡΩΣΤΉΡΕΣ / PAINTBRUSHES Eleni Hatzaki Lefteris Platon Wall-painting and Vase-painting Associate Professor of Mediterranean Associate Professor, Department of History of the Second Millennium BC in Dialogue Archaeology, Department of Classics, and Archaeology, National and Kapodistrian Proceedings of the International Conference University of Cincinnati University of Athens on Aegean Iconography held at Akrotiri, Thera, Evangelia Kalambouki Vassiliki Pliatsika Conservator of Antiquities PhD, National Archaeological Museum, Athens ISBN: 978-960-386-375-5 Robert B. Koehl Robert K. Ritner © 2018 University of Ioannina / Professor of Archaeology, Department Professor of Egyptology, The Oriental Institute, of Classical and Oriental Studies, The University of Chicago 24-26 Μay 2013 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports – Hunter College, Archaeological Receipts Fund City University of New York Elena Kountouri Undertaken with the assistance of Head of the Directorate the Institute for Aegean Prehistory (INSTAP) – of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities, Philadelphia, USA Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports Eva Rystedt Professor Emerita, Lund University Nikos Sepetzoglou Visual Artist, Akrotiri Excavations Elizabeth Shank United States Research and Academic Coordinator, Dimitra (Mimika) Kriga Editor Archaeologist, PhD in Prehistoric Archaeology INSTAP Study Center for East Crete Sophia Sotiropoulou Maria Krigka PhD, Senior Scientist, Visual Artist, Educator “Ormylia” Foundation, Art Diagnosis Centre Contributors Εvangelos Kyriakidis Christina Televantou Panagiotis Angelidis University of Kent Director of the Excavation of Strophilas on Andros, Conservator of Antiquities, Maria-Paraskevi Louka Deputy Director Emerita, Ephorate of Antiquities Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports Conservator of Antiquities of the Cyclades Vassilis L. Aravantinos Nanno Marinatos Ulrich Thaler Ephor Emeritus of Antiquities, University of Illinois at Chicago German Archaeological Institute, Andreas G. Vlachopoulos Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports Toula Marketou Athens Department R.L.N. Barber Ephorate of Antiquities of the Dodecanese, Iphiyenia Tournavitou British School at Athens Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports University of Thessaly Philip P. Betancourt Marisa Marthari Effie Tsitsa Professor, Temple University Ephor of Antiquities Emerita, Conservator of Antiquities, Fritz Blakolmer Ephorate of Antiquities of the Cyclades Herakleion Archaeological Museum Associate Professor, University of Vienna Nikos Merousis Iris Tzachili Hariclia Brecoulaki Open University of Cyprus Professor Emerita, University of Crete Institute of Historical Research, Pietro Militello Andreas G. Vlachopoulos The National Hellenic Research Foundation Professor, University of Catania University of Ioannina Joost Crouwel Lyvia Morgan Melissa Vetters Professor Εmeritus of Aegean Archaeology, PhD, London Paris-Lodron University, Salzburg, Austria University of Amsterdam Irene Nikolakopoulou Fanouria Dakoronia Ephorate of Antiquities of the Dodecanese, Ephor Emerita of Antiquities, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports Ephorate of Antiquities of Phthiotis Christos Doumas Professor Emeritus, University of Athens Emily Catherine Egan University of Maryland, College Park Angelos Papadopoulos Textual editing Alexandra Doumas College Year in Athens Cover drawing Zozi Papadopoulou Nikos Sepetzoglou PhD, Ephorate of Antiquities of the Cyclades, Hellenic Ministry Artistic design and l ayo u t Marianna Poga, Christos Simatos Ioannis Fappas of Culture and Sports University of Thessaloniki Irini Papageorgiou Fragoula Georma Curator of the Department of Prehistoric, Christos Simatos Ephorate of Antiquities of Corfu, Ancient Greek and Roman Collections, Benaki Museum Printing Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports Manolis Hamaoui Angelia Papagiannopoulou Conservator of Antiquities, Akrotiri Excavations Archaeologist, Akrotiri Excavations Photo editing Papadopoulos S.A. ΧΡΩΣΤΗΡΕΣ Paintbrushes W A L L - PA I N T I N G A N D VA S E - PA I N T I N G O F T H E S E CO N D M I L L E N N I U M B C I N D I A LO G U E edited by Andreas G. Vlachopoulos Proceedings of the International Conference on Aegean Iconography held at Akrotiri, Thera, 24-26 Μay 2013 UNIVERSITY OF IOANNINA / HELLENIC MINISTRY OF CULTURE AND SPORTS – ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECEIPTS FUND ATHENS 2018 CONTENTS Andreas G. Vlachopoulos 13 Preface 1. Introductory Chapters 1.1 Christos Doumas 27 The Human Figure at the Mercy of the Paintbrush 1.2 Christina A. Televantou 43 The Roots of Pictorial Art in the Cyclades. From Strophilas to Akrotiri 1.3 Robert K. Ritner 67 Egyptian Examples of the “Κoine” Art Style of the Second Millennium BC 1.4 Nanno Marinatos 77 The Waz-Spirals of Xeste 3, Thera: Regeneration and Solar Symbolism 1.5 Joost Crouwel 87 Mycenaean Pictorial Pottery – Links with Wall-painting? 2. Minoan Pottery and Iconography 2.1 Philip P. Betancourt 103 Evidence from Pottery for the Early Stages of Monumental Cretan Wall-paintings 2.2 Pietro Militello 107 Wall-painting and Vase-painting: The Case of Middle Minoan III Phaistos 2.3 Iris Tzachili 119 Vases with Plastic Decoration Depicting Landscapes from the Vrysinas Peak Sanctuary 2.4 Dimitra Kriga 129 Appliquéd Pottery Decoration and Stucco Relief Wall-paintings in Crete and Thera in the Second Millennium BC 2.5 Fritz Blakolmer 143 “Sculpted with the Paintbrush”? On the Interrelation of Relief Art and Painting in Minoan Crete and Thera 3. Cycladic Pottery and Iconography 3.1 R.L.N. Barber 155 Subject and Setting: Early Representational Motifs on Pottery from Phylakopi (Early Cycladic IIIB-Middle Cycladic) and their Relevance to Fresco Scenes 3.2 Angelia Papagiannopoulou 163 The Beginnings of an Island Narration. Pictorial Pottery and Wall-paintings of the Second Millennium BC 3.3 Zozi Papadopoulou 183 Middle Cycladic Pictorial Pottery from Antiparos. The Case of the “Nippled Jug with Birds” 3.4 Irene Nikolakopoulou 195 The Painter's Brush and How to Use it: Elementary and Advanced Lessons from Akrotiri Iconography 3.5 Marisa Marthari 205 “The Attraction of the Pictorial” Reconsidered: Pottery and Wall-paintings, and the Artistic Environment on Late Cycladic I Thera in the Light of the Most Recent Research 4. Ιconography and Ideology 4.1 Robert B. Koehl 225 From Pot Patterns to Pictures: Thoughts on the Evolution of Aegean Wall-painting 4.2 Elizabeth Shank 235 The Griffin Motif – An Evolutionary Tale 4.3 Evangelos Kyriakidis 243 Situations in the Study of Minoan Iconography: The Situation of the Baetyls 4.4 Lefteris Platon 251 Iconography Workshops at Minoan Zakros: Marrying Political-Religious Symbolism with Expressive Freedom? 5. Neopalatial Ιconography. The Aegean “Koine” 5.1 Toula Marketou 261 The Art of Wall-painting at Ialysos on Rhodes: From the Early Second Millennium BC to the Eruption of the Thera Volcano 5.2 Lyvia Morgan 277 Inspiration and Innovation: The Creation of Wall-paintings in the Absence of a Pictorial Pottery Tradition at Ayia Irini, Kea 5.3 Fragoula Georma 293 The Representation of the Human Figure on Theran Wall-paintings: Conventions and Stylistic Observations 5.4 Irini Papageorgiou 301 The Iconographic Subject of the Hunt in the Cyclades and Crete in the Second Millennium BC: Sounds and Echoes in the Art of Wall-painting and Vase-painting 5.5 Eleni Hatzaki 315 Pots, Frescoes, Textiles and People. The Social Life of Decorated Pottery at Late Bronze Age Knossos and Crete 5.6 Emily Catherine Egan 329 From Permanent to Portable: The Ceramic Perpetuation of Painted Landscapes at Knossos in the Final Palatial Period 5.7 Nikos Merousis 339 Larnax-painters and Vase-painters: Vitae Parallelae in Late Minoan III Crete 6. Paintbrushes. Techniques and Technology 6.1 Panagiotis Angelidis, Evangelia Kalambouki, Sophia Sotiropoulou, Manolis Hamaoui 359 The Preliminary Designs in the Akrotiri Wall-paintings 6.2 Maria Krigka 371 Tropos: The Paintbrush Then and Now. Touching the Traces of the Theran Wall-paintings 6.3 Nikos Sepetzoglou 379 The Role and Significance of Colour in the Large Wall-painting Compositions of Spirals from Xeste 3 at Akrotiri 6.4 Hariclia Brecoulaki 391 Does Colour make a Difference? The Aesthetics and Contexts of Wall-painting in “the Palace of Nestor" at Pylos 6.5 Effie Tsitsa 407 From Minoan Artists to Swiss Restorers through the Prism of Conservation 7. Mycenaean Palatial Paintbrushes 7.1 Vassilis L. Aravantinos, Ioannis Fappas, Panagiotis Angelidis, Maria-Paraskevi Louka, Νikos Sepetzoglou 427 The Female Figure in the Pictorial Tradition of Mycenaean Boeotia: Critical Overview and Technical Observations 7.2 Elena Kountouri 451 Part of an Iconographic “Κoine”? Discussing New Wall-paintings from Thebes 7.3 Ulrich Thaler, Melissa Vetters 465 All the King’s Horses 7.4 Iphiyenia Tournavitou 495 Unconditional Acceptance and Selective Rejection. Interactive Thematic Cycles in Mycenaean Painting. Tales of the Unexpected 7.5 Eva Rystedt 513 The Early Mycenaean Chariot Kraters and the Ceramic Turn of a Presumptive Fresco Motif 7.6 Angelos Papadopoulos 523 The Iconography of Late Helladic IIIA-B Pictorial Kraters and Wall-paintings: A View from the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean 8. “Ιn absentia...” Aegean Iconography in Postpalatial Τimes 8.1 Vassiliki Pliatsika 535 The End Justifies the Means; Wall-painting Reflections in the Pictorial Pottery from Mycenae 8.2 Fanouria Dakoronia 547 Pictures from Nowhere 8.3 Andreas G. Vlachopoulos 557 Από την «Kοινή» στο «Kενό»; / From “Koine” to “Void”? The Art of Paintbrushes in Postpalatial Greece and their Social Implications 569 Bibliography – References Paintbrushes 7.3 Ulrich Thaler, Melissa Vetters All the King’s Horses A Tirynthian tête-à-tête… with horses We gratefully acknowledge the help of Roxana Docsan with reconstruction drawings as well as matters of layout. Our thanks also go to Birgit Konnemann as the draftswoman and Chara Sakellari, Marina Skouteri and Thanos Makris as conservators in the renewed study of the 1910 finds at the National Archaeological Museum. To Eleni Konstantinidi, Lena Papazoglou-Manioudaki and Joseph Maran, who collaborate with U. Thaler in the latter study, we are grateful for their kind agreement to the publication of Fig. 2. Our indebtedness to Joseph Maran, of course, goes beyond that and we gratefully acknowledge many years of constant support in our individual studies. Diamantis Panagiotopoulos and Christian Vonhoff made available work, which was as yet unpublished at the time, for which we would also like to express our thanks. Last but not least, we would like to thank the organizers of the conference for their hospitality in Akrotiri and especially Andreas Vlachopoulos for his patience. A juxtaposition of one of the mediumscale scenes from the 1999 excavations, where a Published in 1909, Eugen von Mercklin’s representation of what is most likely a cult scene seminal study Der Rennwagen in Griechenland 1 came to light,6 with a pictorial sherd from Hein- was closely followed by the discovery of the rich Schliemann’s excavations,7 merits a brief chariot depictions of the well-known Tiryns introductory detour from the “hippological” fo- “Hunt Frieze”,2 which were excavated in the cus of our paper. Despite the chronological dif- debris of the West Staircase leading to the Up- ference between the Late Helladic (LH) IIIA1 krat- per Citadel of Tiryns the very next year. These er fragment and the LH III B2 mural, a tête-à-tête wall-paintings provided a major impetus for (fig. 1) of one of the wall-painting’s figures with the archaeological study of Bronze Age Aegean the depiction of a female head in profile on the chariots. A century later, the study of mural pictorial sherd perfectly illustrates the promise art and its interconnections with other media of the present volume’s premiss, as it captures at Tiryns, a site we will take as our point of de- an instance of exceptional resemblance between parture, has received a new impetus from the the “brushwork” in these different media. And discovery of a large group of wall-painting frag- yet, similar comparisons, for instance between ments in the West Staircase in 1999. These have pictorial vases and coroplastic representations,8 been conserved and are currently under study can also be adduced to highlight, besides the in a joint project of the Ephorate of Antiquities immense variability of human features in My- of the Argolid and the German Archaeological cenaean representations, the attractiveness of Institute,4 as of 2010 supplemented by renewed extending our comparative enquiry to include work on the 1910 murals in cooperation between further media. 3 the National Museum’s Prehistoric Collection and the German Institute.5 6. Papadimitriou et al. 2015. 7. Güntner 2000, 29 Mensch 3, pl. 11.2. 1. von Mercklin 1909. 8. E.g. a LH IIIC Advanced/Late pictorial sherd from Tiryns 2. Rodenwaldt 1912, 97-111. (Güntner 2000, 35 Mensch 25, pl. 13.2) with the head of a 3. Crouwel 1981, 16. LH IIIA terracotta figurine (Vetters 2009, 85, fn. 527, 87, fn. 543, 4. Maran et al. 2015, 100-101. 88, fn. 551, 561, 89, fn. 563, 90, fn. 576, 91, fn. 586, pl. 3 DB-No. 5. Fig. 2 was produced in the course of this programme. 1050); cf. Thaler and Vetters 2013, 160-161, fig. 2. 465 Ul r ich T ha l e r, M e l i s s a Ve tte r s a b Such initial considerations lead to two aims of our enquiry: firstly, to focus on chari- the status of the authors as novices in the field  Fig. 1 of chariot studies. a. Female head, ot depictions, with their more consistent icono- We shall start with a stylistic analysis graphy as a case study and, secondly, to place of the transmission of the chariot motif in dif- equal weight in our discussion not only on wall- ferent media, which will demonstrate, inter and vase-painting, but also on a third medium, alia, that a larger contextual perspective is nec- i.e. terracotta figurines.9 Selective evidence essary, including a more nuanced analysis of from further media, glyptic depictions and the social role of the chariot. We shall there- Linear B sources in particular, will also add to fore discuss theoretical approaches to “prestige” a more contextualized discussion. The title of with particular regard to the notion of “prestige this article acknowledges both this wider per- goods” and the role of public events. This, along spective and – as a quote from a nursery rhyme – with a critical assessment of the chariot’s likely military importance, will feed into the discus- 9. On terracotta chariot models in general cf. Blegen 1937, 365-366; Crouwel 1981, 161-163 (catalogue terracotta fig- Ultimately, we suggest a more agency-oriented urines); French 1971, 185 distribution chart (with further ex- interpretation, which highlights the public visi- amples published since from the Pylona necropolis on Rhodes, bility of acts involving chariots, and views both cf. Karantzali 2001, 50-52, the assemblage in Room A at Ayios chariot iconography in general and the finds Konstantinos on Methana, cf. Konsolaki-Giannopoulou 2003a, 378-380 and another example from the chamber tomb necropolis of Elleniko, Thouria in Messenia, cf. Vlachopoulos 2012b, 478, fig. 1022); see also Pilafidis-Williams 1998, 64-67; Tamvaki 1973, 229-236. 466 sion of the social role of Mycenaean chariots. contexts of specific carriers of chariot iconography, against this background. fragment from wallpainting of ritual scene, Tiryns, West Staircase (scale 1 : 2); b. Female head, pictorial krater sherd, Tiryns, Schliemann’s excavations (scale 1 : 2). Al l th e Κ i ng ’s Η ors e s Transpositions of a leitmotiv ably, all of these features can be identified, not In what has remained the most funda- only in elaborate wall-paintings, but with equal mental study of chariots in Bronze Age Greece clarity also at a diminutive scale in chariot and for over thirty years – and what, barring “the horse ideograms, particularly those from the discovery of an actual chariot”, as one review- Knossos Sc series (fig. 3b).19 The structure of er put it, seems set to remain so, “[a]lthough the yoke may even be better documented in the it will, and should, arouse criticism and de- ideograms than in mural art,20 which reflects bate”–,10 Joost Crouwel summarized a series the administrators’ close familiarity with and of distinctive characteristics that set Aegean presumably first-hand experience of chariots. chariots of the “so-called dual chariot type” Yet it is the perhaps most distinctive apart from their Eastern Mediterranean coun- of these Aegean “idiosyncrasies” which will terparts.11 All of them can be identified in the more closely concern us. More specifically, the Tiryns “Hunt Frieze” (fig. 2); indicating even traction system including the pole brace, “a such details as linch pins, it is arguably the peculiar contraption which seems to have con- most detailed larger-scale chariot represen- sisted of an L-shaped piece of wood”, as well tation preserved. Thus, it may, in principle, as the pole stay, a “thin straight element [...] stand in for earlier murals from Tiryns, My- resting directly on top of the longer arm of the cenae,13 possibly Pylos14 and, most importantly, brace”,21 and also found in “non-dual” Aegean Late Minoan (LM) II-IIIA Knossos,15 as the lectio chariots. Although there is some debate as to its difficilior of chariot iconography, although the exact structure and components,22 the “arcades” Tiryns frieze’s deposition dates to LH IIIB Fi- formed by elements linking the pole brace with nal.16 These “typically Aegean features” are “the the actual pole provide an exemplary leitmotiv for curved wings to the rear of the sides [...], the tracking the transmission of the chariot theme 12 spur shown at the rear of the floor,17 the pole through different media (figs 3-8). But while brace and stay, the particular design of the yoke showing the carefully shaped short arm of the saddles with their lower ends curving upwards pole brace’s L-shaped main component, i.e. the and ending in finials, and the binding of the shortest side of the triangle formed by the tract- horses’ manes into tufts”, as well as retaining ion system, the accurate side view represented a four-spoke wheel at a time when six spokes in the Tiryns frieze, and most other chariot mu- had become the standard elsewhere.18 Remark- rals, masks most of the vertical elements that 10. Overbeck 1983, 558. 19. For instance from the Room of the Chariot Tablets in Knos- 11. Crouwel 1981, 59-115, esp. 112-114. sos, KN Sc 217, KN Sc 223, KN Sc 226, KN Sc 230, KN Sc 238, 12. Rodenwaldt 1912, 8-12, pls I.3-4, II.1, 4, 6. cf. Chadwick et al. 1986, 96, 98, 99, 103; KN Sc 5085, KN Sc 13. Rodenwaldt 1921, esp. 41-43. 5086, KN Sc 5144, KN Sc 5162, KN Sc 5169, cf. Chadwick et al. 14. Lang 1969, 73, pls 18, 123 26 H 64. 1997, 23, 24, 36, 40, 41 – almost all with both ideograms, big 15. Egan 2008 assigns the final palatial Charioteer Fresco and equ, extant; for a transliteration of the Sc series cf. Killen found in the Room of the Clay Signet to LM II, cf. Egan 2008, and Olivier 1989, 284-301; for the date of the deposit in the 299, fig. 3.46; for the find spot cf. Egan 2008, 255, fig. 1.2; Crou- Room of the Chariot Tablets as LM II or at the latest LM IIIA1 cf. wel 1981, 172 “[n]o later than LM IIIA:1/2”; cf. also Immerwahr Driessen 2000; for the find spots of the Sc series in the Room 1990a, 94-95, 214, fn. 22, who supports Cameron’s suggestion of the Chariot Tablets cf. Driessen 1996, 488, fig. 3. of a LM II/IIIA1 date. 20. Only two wall-paintings preserve partial depictions of the 16. Maran 2012a, 152-154; Maran et al. 2015. yoke. Cf. Crouwel 1981, 170 W1 (Mycenae; here fig. 3a); 173 17. Only shown in the ideogram big on KN Sc 219, Sc 238 W76 (Knossos). and Sc 5153. 21. Crouwel 1981, 93. 18. Crouwel 1981, 81. 22. Åkerström 1987, 123-128. 467 468  Fig. 2 Chariot with female occupants, reconstruction and wall-painting fragments from the so-called Hunt Frieze, Tiryns, West Staircase (scale approx. 2 : 3). 469 Ul r ich T ha l e r, M e l i s s a Ve tte r s a b form the “arcades”. Therefore, the exceptional above the horses’ back. More importantly, the  Fig. 3 depiction of a chariot to which the horses have lentoid seal, stylistically dated to LH II A, docu- a. Chariot without yet to be harnessed in preparation for battle, ments an early transformation, in which the from the Mycenae Megaron (fig. 3a), provides, L-shaped short arm and other individual vertical complemented by the Linear B ideograms, the elements of the pole brace are merged into regu- and reconstruction, point of departure in delineating the transform- lar arcades, here still attached to the pole as well Mycenae, Megaron ation of this leitmotiv. as to the brace. A further step is particularly well A carnelian lentoid seal from Vapheio wall-painting, showing yoke, pole and pole stay, (scale 1 : 2). b. Linear B ideogram BIG, illustrated by the decoration of the “Bird-Attack” from tablet KN Sc 238, i.e. another small-scale representa- krater from Enkomi (fig. 5),24 where the pole is Knossos, Room of the tion, offers a similarly clear illustration; indeed, omitted and the arcades turn into “pennants” Chariot Tablets it seems as if the artist’s wish to capture the suspended from the pole stay.25 The pole is still entire traction system led him to exaggerate present in a similar example from Pyla-Verghi26 (fig. 4), 23 the curvature of the draught pole by placing it 24. LH IIIA1/2 open krater from tomb 7, Enkomi, inv. no. 4784, 470 harness team, drawing of 23. Sakellariou 1964, no. 229, found on the tholos tomb’s floor, cf. Vermeule and Karageorghis 1982, 196 III.6; Crouwel 1981, cf. Sakellariou 1964, 262; Crouwel 1981, 158 G3. The seal’s date 167 V101, pl. 75; Feldman and Sauvage 2010, 111; Åkerström is based on a stylistic comparison with the second carnelian 1987, 105, figs 73, 127. lentoid seal Sakellariou 1964, no. 230, cf. Sakellariou 1964, 263; 25. Rather tellingly, the term “Wimpel” is already used in the de- Crouwel 1981, 158 G4, with another chariot depiction from scription of the chariot wall-paintings from the Mycenae Mega- the cist in the tholos tomb’s floor, the context of which allows ron in the preliminary report by Rodenwaldt 1911, 235-236. the latter to be dated securely to LH IIA. For the dating and 26. Open krater from tomb 1, Pyla-Verghi, cf. Dikaios 1971, 915- interpretation of the burial gifts in the cist cf. Kilian-Dirlmeier 925, pl. 301; Åkerström 1987, 91-92, fig. 56; Crouwel 1981, 169 1987, esp. 206-208, 211, 212. V138, pl. 78; Feldman and Sauvage 2010, 113; Güntner 2000, (not to scale). Al l th e Κ i ng ’s Η ors e s  Fig. 4 but the vertical elements of the brace no longer Even more so than its transformation, Chariot with two connect to it and are conflated with the bind- the possible substitution of the motif may in- occupants, impression, ings. Returning to Tiryns, we find variations of dicate the indifference of the painters to what the motif that are even further removed from was originally represented – or indeed their Vapheio, tholos tomb the technical reality. A deep bowl krater from ignorance based on a lack of close first-hand (not to scale). the Epichosis (fig. 6a)27 shows semi- circular observation. And while the specific examples pennants instead of narrow ones, thus inverting presented here do not form a tight chronolog- the arcade motif, while at the same time con- ical sequence from wall- to vase-painting, the flating reins and pole stay. However, altogether observations conform to the common assump- different horizontal series of motifs appear in tion that the earliest chariot vases derived from the same position, and above the reins some- wall-paintings.30 drawing and photograph of carnelian lentoid seal, times, even earlier.28 This may indicate both a Yet, the transmission of the misunder- further transformation within and an earlier stood motif does not stop here, since the pen- date for this developmental sequence.29 dent semicircles31 find their way from above the draught animals’ backs onto their bodies32 and sometimes their necks,33 both in vase-painting 185; dated to LH IIIA1/2 by Crouwel, Feldman and Sauvage, and on terracotta models. The best-stratified while Güntner proposes a LH IIIA1 date. Åkerström suggests examples of the latter in Tiryns are abbreviated a LH IIIA2-LH IIIB date, referring to the find context, which contained Mycenaean pottery spanning the LH IIIA and LH chariot or draught groups34 from LH IIIB2 layers IIIB periods, cf. Dikaios 1971, 918. 27. Sherds found in layers Κε-2 and Κι-1, dated to LH IIIB (sty- listic group X) by Slenczka 1974, 43-44 cat.-no. 86, 137, 152, 30. Cf. Littauer 1972, 149; Crouwel 1981, 139; Immerwahr 1990a, 161, fig. 20 pls 3.2, 4; Güntner 2000, 181, 189 assigns the krater 163-4; Rystedt this volume. to LH IIIB Developed. 31. Cf. Slenczka 1974, 43 on the transformation of the arcades 28. This phenomenon is attested on various LH IIIA2-LH into pendent semicircles. IIIB1 kraters, e.g. amphoroid krater from tomb B of the Nau- 32. E.g. open krater from the Lower Citadel, Tiryns, joined from plion-Evangelistria necropolis, Crouwel 1981, 164 V26; Ver- 27 different fragments found in layers dating to LH IIIB Deve- meule and Karageorghis 1982, 211 IX.1.1; Åkerström 1987, 112, loped to LH IIIC Advanced, yet with a notable concentration 113, fig. 80.2; for the tomb cf. Deilaki 1977, 91, pl. 90 with pottery of sherds in the so-called Zwinger west of Building VI; Güntner spanning LH II-LH III B; the krater is stylistically assigned to LH 2000, 20-21, Wagen 15, pl. 4, 1b. For the sherds’ distribution in IIIA2-LH IIIB1 in concordance with Vermeule and Karageorghis the Lower Citadel cf. Kilian 1983, 310, fig. 37. 1982, 198 IV.21, IV.25, IV.26, IV.27, IV.28, 199 IV.49, IV.52, IV. 55, 33. E.g. rim sherd of an open krater from the Argolid, Slenczka IV.61, 200 V.1, V.2, 201 V.23. 1974, 70, cat.-no. 162, pl. 5, 1c. 29. Güntner 2000, 188, 190, 193 on the gradual conflation of 34. For abbreviated chariot and oxcart groups cf. Pilafidis- the reins and pole stay, cf. also Slenczka 1974, 119, 123. Williams 1998, 67-70. 471 Ul r ich T ha l e r, M e l i s s a Ve tte r s (fig. 6b-e).35 While there is no firm basis to help decide whether the new variation of the motif originated in vase-painting or on terracottas, a transmission from wall- to vase-painting onto figurines, and from there back to vase-painting (fig. 6f), seems quite plausible. Since the reins of terracotta models offer little space for decoration, the painter may have felt the need to shift a familiar motif, the origin of which in the traction system was no longer apparent, onto the body of the draught animals. The strong link between the terracottas and the pictorial kraters is further underscored by identical filling motifs, whose importance for attribution studies of kraters has long been pointed out by Christine Morris;36 in this case, a direct transfer of motifs can be clearly traced in one direction. Bivalve shells (FM 25), for instance, are transferred from vases, where they appear underneath horses or flanking chariots,37 chariot box;40 whorl shells (FM 23) as a further  Fig. 5 onto the animals’ bodies (fig. 7), while Myce- filling motif on chariot kraters can appear on “Bird-Attack Krater”; naean flowers (FM 18)39 are transferred to the both the animals’ bodies and the box in chariot 38 models (fig. 8).41 Yet probably the most common filling motifs on LH IIIA2-LH IIIB1 chariot models 35. E.g. in the Lower Citadel cf. Vetters 2009, DB-No. 26, LXI are chevrons (FM 58) or ladder patterns (fig. 9), 35/78 VIIa a12.06 R224 hor. 21 b2 (residual find in LH IIIC Ad- which appear either on the rump or the extremi- vanced layer), DB-No. 1355, LXIII 34/93 VI a12.87 hor. 17 a5 ties of the horses; chevrons are rarely attested on (LH IIIB Final layer in Room 78a), DB-No. 1444, LXII 40/43 II chariot kraters,42 while ladder patterns are too unstratified; DB-No. 2865, unstratified; or in the Epichosis κι1, cf. Vetters 2009, DB-No. 2670; Voigtländer 2003, 129 T32 472 pl. 93, T32. found at Ayia Paraskevi on Cyprus, with filling motifs of Myce- 36. Morris 1993. naean flowers and whorl shells combined. 37. Cf. amphoroid krater from Maroni, (fig. 7b) and Crouwel 40. For instance a Mycenaean flower motif on a fragmentary 1981, 169 V137; Feldman and Sauvage 2010, 95, fig. 11 (with chariot box from Tiryns, Lower Citadel (fig. 8a); Vetters 2009, wrong attribution), 113 ck74; Vermeule and Karageorghis 1982, 149-150, fn. 1020 DB-No. 108: LIX 41/44 XIII a6.14; found in a 196 III.16; for bivalve shells as a filling motif on pictorial pottery postpalatial debris layer immediately west of the Lower Cita- from Berbati cf. Åkerström 1987, 34, no. 136, 54, pl. 24. del’s fortification wall (with further earlier, residual finds in this 38. For bivalve shells on the animals’ bodies see a fragment of dump layer). a terracotta chariot model with three occupants and a parasol 41. Cf. terracotta chariot model with a Mycenaean flower and from the South Syrinx in Tiryns, cf. (fig. 7a) and French 1973, whorl shells painted on the chariot box and the animals’ rumps 346, fig. 24, 347, fig. 25, 348, pl. 62, b-e; Crouwel 1981, 162 T44; respectively; exhibited in the National Archaeological Museum Vetters 2009, 149-150, fn. 1020 DB-No. 2570; Weber-Hiden Athens, inv. no. 3492; said to come from a chamber tomb in 1990, 80-81, cat.-no. 167, pl. 50, 167. Nauplion, presumably the Evangelistria necropolis, cf. (fig. 8b) 39. E.g. an amphoroid krater fragment from Berbati with a and Crouwel 1981, 161 T34. chariot scene and Mycenaean flowers as filling motifs, Åker- 42. See, e.g., chevrons as horizontal filling motifs above the ström 1987, 26, no. 1 pl. 1; cf. (fig. 8c) and Crouwel 1981, 166 chari-ot’s reins, Vermeule and Karageorghis 1982, 198 IV.13, V71; Feldman and Sauvage 2010, 113 ck79; Vermeule and Kara- IV.15, IV.16, IV,17, or as vertical filling motifs below and above georghis 1982, 200 V.2 for an amphoroid krater, presumably the chariot horses, Vermeule and Karageorghis 1982, 198 IV.18. Enkomi, tomb 7 (not to scale). Al l th e Κ i ng ’s Η ors e s b a c d e f  Fig. 6 a. Deep bowl krater, Tiryns, Epichosis (not to scale); b. Figurine fragment of an abbreviated group, Tiryns (scale 1 : 3); c. Figurine fragment of an abbreviated group, Tiryns, Epichosis (scale 1 : 3); d. Figurine fragment of an abbreviated group, Tiryns, Lower Citadel (scale 1 : 3); e. Figurine fragment of an abbreviated group, Tiryns, Lower Citadel (scale 1 : 3); f. Open krater, Tiryns, Lower Citadel (scale 1 : 4). 473 Ul r ich T ha l e r, M e l i s s a Ve tte r s a b unspecific to allow close comparison. Two obser-  Fig. 7 vations nonetheless contribute to our argument: a. Fragmentary chariot firstly, the zonal use of chevrons in particular DB-No. 1723 + DB-No. 1724, cf. (fig. 9c), Vetters 2009, 214, fn. is frequently encountered on other shapes of 1390, 239, fn. 1628, 341, fn. 2399, 2401; one fragment (DB-No. contemporary pottery43 and, secondly, chariot models with chevrons and ladder patterns seem to be most numerous in the Argolid.44 1724: LXII 43/39 XVIIIb hor. 14 d1) was found in a LH IIIA Late context, the other fragment (DB-No. 1723: LXI 41/75 XIa hor. 19 a) was excavated in a younger fill; Argos – potentially one example with worn decoration from the Deiras chamber tomb necropolis, tomb 35, LH IIIB1, cf. Deshayes 1966, 106, 199, 200, pl. 97, 1; Ayios Konstantinos, Methana – at least three examples 474 43. Chevrons appear frequently as a filling motif on LH IIIA2 from Room A in front of platform, cf. (fig. 9e-f) and Konsolaki hydriae, feeding bottles or stirrup jars, cf. Mountjoy 1999, 120 -Giannopoulou 2003a, 387, 392-393, figs 13-16; Ayia Irini, Keos fig. 25.169, 123, fig. 27.181,188,189, 132; as well as on LH IIIB1 – one example from House A, Room 31 contents of Bothros A1, open shapes, cf. Mountjoy 1999, 142, fig. 35.263, 144, fig. 36.271. Ayia Irini period VIII (LH IIIA2), cf. Cummer and Schofield 1984, 44. Mycenae – one example without context from Tsountas’s 128, no. 1620, pl. 46, 1620; Phylakopi, Melos – one example tombs, excavation 1887-1888 (fig. 9d), cf. Xenaki-Sakellariou (SF 1558) with wavy line decoration rather than chevrons from 1985, 133, no. 2262, pl. 63, no. 2262; Tiryns – Lower Citadel, West shrine, NW platform assemblage A, consisting of seven several examples, for the best preserved and stratified example fragments – cf. French 1985, 253, fig. 6,25, 256, pl. 44a – in model, Tiryns, South Syrinx (scale 1 : 3); b. Amphoroid krater from Cyprus (not to scale). Al l th e Κ i ng ’s Η ors e s a b  Fig. 8 a. Chariot box fragment, Tiryns, Lower Citadel (scale 1 : 3); c If we view these latter observations strong indications that pictorial vases and terra- against the previously discussed evidence from cotta models were manufactured in the same other filling motifs, they tie in closely with other workshops.45 Based on the accompanying pottery in the majority of published find contexts,46 b. Chariot model, Evangelistria necropolis, Nauplion (not to scale); the destruction layer of phase 2b; French 2009, 18, fig. 3; six c. Amphoroid krater from additional fragments from NLe space c, i.e. the street; for the Cyprus (not to scale). the production of chariot models appears to exact find spots of the joins cf. Macfarlane 1985, 454, fig. 12.2 45. Vetters 2011b, 31-33. SF 1558, where, however, 11 fragments from the West Shrine 46. E.g. Blegen 1937, I 65-68, 231, 233, 240, 241, 365-366, and only one from NLe space are noted. The Phylakopi ex- plan 8, II 25, figs 129-130, 26, figs 131-133, 27, figs 134-135, 150, ample clearly derives from a postpalatial context, but the mod- figs 617, 151, fig. 618; Shelton 1996, 203-204, 284, fn. 46, 290, el represents an earlier and most probably imported example fn. 77, 303, 309 for two chariot models in Prosymna, tomb when compared to the extant chariot models from the Greek XXII, Deshayes 1966, 104-110, esp. 109 DM 89 for a chariot Mainland, especially those of Methana. Moreover, the chariot model in tomb XXXV of the Deiras necropolis, Argos, Konso- would not have been the only antique in the Phylakopi sanc- laki-Giannopoulou 2003a, 378-380 for the terracotta chariots tuary phase 2b considering the production date of the – also in Room A of Ayios Konstantinos, Methana; Vatin 1969, 19, fig. imported – Lady of Phylakopi in LH IIIA2, cf. French 1985, 215, 18, 22, 56, 57, fig. 56 for a chariot model in tomb 29, Medeon, or LH IIIB1, cf. Kilian 1990, 91. Phokis. 475 a b 476 c d  Fig. 9 a. Fragment of chariot e f model, Tiryns, Lower Citadel (scale 1 : 2); b. Fragment of chariot model, Tiryns, Lower c (cont.) Citadel (scale 1 : 2); c. Fragment of chariot model, Tiryns, Lower Citadel (scale 1 : 2); d. Chariot model, Mycenae, Tsountas’s tombs (not to scale); e. Chariot model, Ayios Konstantinos, Methana, Room A (not to scale); f. Chariot model, Ayios Konstantinos, Methana, Room A (not to scale); g. Chariot model, Aegina, Aphaia (not to scale). g 477 Ul r ich T ha l e r, M e l i s s a Ve tte r s a b c d be most prolific in LH IIIA2-LH IIIB1, i.e. con- identical to that of Argive pictorial pottery.50 Al- temporary with the peak in the manufacture though the manufacture of both terracottas and of amphoroid kraters and other vessel shapes vessels is the same beyond doubt, and while the fragments of a chariot model, Tiryns, Lower with chariot scenes in the Argolid.47 A particu- Citadel (scale 1 : 3); larly telling piece of evidence, though one that b. Wall-painting we hope will be backed up by further analyses, comes through the neutron activation analysis of a chariot model from the Aphaia sanctuary on 48 Aegina (fig. 9g) with clear stylistic compara- nda in the Argolid;49 the model’s clay recipe is 478  Fig. 10 a. Non-joining 50. On the LH IIIA2-LH IIIB1 production of chariot kraters in Berbati cf. Åkerström 1987, 119-120, 122; Morris 1989, 266, 273; on the manufacture of terracotta figurines in Berbati cf. Weiberg 2009; on the Mycenae/Berbati pattern cf. Mommsen and Maran 2000-2001, 102, 104 with further bibliography. The fragment, Tiryns, West Staircase (scale 1 : 2); c. “Krater of the Shield Bearers”, Tiryns, Epichosis and Upper best-contextualized example of pictorial amphoroid kraters Citadel (not to scale); produced in the Argolid during LH IIIA2-LH IIIB1 but wide- d. “Parasol-Krater”, ly exported to Eastern Mediterranean shores is probably Mycenae, House of the the charioteer vase (Vermeule and Karageorghis 1982, 199 Idols (scale 1 : 5). 47. Åkerström 1987, 102-108, 122. IV.49; Crouwel 1981, 170 V170) from Tel Dan tomb 387 with an 48. Pilafidis-Williams 1998, 66, no. 494, 167, 169, list 1, pl. 53, 494. NAA-fingerprint compatible with the Mycenae/Berbati pat- 49. Cf. fn. 44 and (fig. 9). tern, cf. Biran 1970; Yellin and Maeir 1992 for its provenance. Al l th e Κ i ng ’s Η ors e s same holds true for the assumption of a leading duced in postpalatial times,57 detailed analysis role of the Argolid in proliferating chariot icono- of all available terracotta chariot fragments graphy, both conclusions are becoming difficult from Tiryns58 indicates (fig. 11) that chariot to escape. models disappear from use-contexts with the A last stylistic convergence between fall of the palace, along with both their coun- chariot kraters and terracottas may even ex- terparts in mural art and other figurine types tend to, or directly reflect, an element of their for which a strong connection with the palace wall-painting prototypes (fig. 10): the appli- is likely, such as driven oxen groups59 and en- cation of white pastose paint, particularly as throned figurines.60 51 52 dots, on both kraters and chariot models is dated to LH IIIB2 by find contexts in the Epicho- Extrapolating “events”? sis53 and the Upper Citadel54 at Tiryns, i.e. to The segregative nature of Mycenaean the time of the elaborate chariot paintings of palatial architecture, with its focus on control the “Hunt Frieze”. Both in these55 and in earlier of access as a means of social differentiation,61 wall-paintings from Tiryns56 white dots are used entails that wall-paintings most likely had a to indicate the ornaments on harness elements. very restricted audience. The chariot kraters However, despite the close links between and models can be viewed as an extension of kraters and terracottas, in terms of decoration palatial iconography into a wider social sphere and production, there is a crucial contrast in by its transmission into portable and less exclu- their chronological distribution, in which the sive media.62 As Marian Feldman and Caroline terracottas conform more closely to wall-paint- Sauvage have noted with regard to the terra- ings. While chariot kraters continue to be pro- cotta models in particular, the appearance of 57. Crouwel 2006c. 51. The best known examples are probably the so-called My- 58. Such detailed stratigraphic analysis of chariot-model frag- cenae Parasol Krater, cf. (fig. 10d), Crouwel 1973; 1991, 13-15 ments has so far only been carried out in Tiryns; results thus with figs 1-2, 28, 31, and the “Krater of the Shield Bearers” from pertain to this palatial site but seem to be applicable elsewhere Tiryns, cf. (fig. 10c) and fn. 53. as well, since, for instance, no postpalatial burial contexts with 52. The best example constitutes a chariot model – although terracotta chariot models have yet been published. its four fragments do not join –, which derives from LH IIIB De- 59. Well-preserved driven oxen groups that would indicate veloped-Final layers in the area of Building XI at the northwest continued production are missing in postpalatial contexts, cf. tip of the Lower Citadel, cf. Vetters 2009, DB-Nos. 1046 (LXIII Pilafidis-Williams 1998, 70-71 for the palatial date of examples 35/21 VB a13.20 hor. 20), 1062 (LXIII 34/54 VIB 12.73 hor. 17 from Aigina; French 1985, 254 for a date of the Phylakopi mod- a5), 1292 (LXIII 34/81 VIC a12.59 hor. 17 a4), 1293 (LXIII 34/82 els in early LH IIIB; Konsolaki-Giannopoulou 2003a, 380 for VIB below floor hor. 17 a4); see also (fig. 10a). the 17 examples in Ayios Konstantinos, which are contextually 53. So-called Krater of the Shield Bearers, Tiryns, Slenczka dated no later than LH IIIB1. It is also worth considering that 1974, 47-48, pl. 1, 1a-b; Güntner 2000, 180 Wagen 147, 189-190, pairs of oxen owned by the palace of Knossos were allocated 209, 210, 215; dated by Güntner 2000, 9-10, 211, 354-356, 361, to oxherds for ploughing, cf. Killen 1992-1993, 102-103. If the 369-372 to LH IIIB Developed; Güntner 2000, 212 also notes allocation of a ploughing pair is viewed not only as a purely that applied white on the pictorial pottery is a phenomenon administrative act but also as a prestigious allocation to specif- of LH IIIB Developed-Final. ic individuals, it may be suggested that the terracotta ox-cart 54. Slenczka 1974, 138-139; Güntner 2000, 180 Wagen 149; groups commemorated such acts; a parallel argument with Vetters 2009, 251-252 with fn. 1699-1706; yet another open regard to chariot models is developed more fully below, see krater with a chariot scene stems from the Lower Citadel with also fn. 175. sherds of this vase deriving from LH IIIB Developed and later 60. For enthroned figurines cf. Vetters 2011a. layers, cf. Güntner 2000, 17-18, Wagen 7, pl. 2, 1a-b. 61. Cf., e.g., Wright 1994, 51, 60; Bendall 2004, 112-124; Thaler 55. (fig. 10b), Rodenwaldt 1912, 105, no. 131, fig. 44. 2006, esp. 98, 101, 105; 2007, 304-305; 2015, 350, 354. 56. Rodenwaldt 1912, 10-11, no. 7, pl. II, 6, 12, no. 14, pl. II, 4. 62. Vetters 2009, 57-58; 2011c, 279. 479 Ul r ich T ha l e r, M e l i s s a Ve tte r s  Fig. 11 Terracotta chariot models and related figurine types and fragments, diagram of dates of deposition, Tiryns, settlement layers*. chariot-imagery in a non-elite material is an almost uniquely Mycenaean phenomenon in plain palatial kylikes in other settlements, lend 67 some plausibility. the Late Bronze Age Eastern Mediterranean.63 Chariot models and chariot kraters could This could, in principle, reflect efforts at emu- have been distributed in a similar manner at lation by social agents with limited access to specific events. Yet, a combination of chariot the palatial sphere. Yet the strong indications models and corresponding pictorial vases is, in that terracotta models originated in the same contrast to the Eastern Mediterranean – specific- workshops as chariot kraters, for which palatial ally Cyprus68 and the Northern Levant69 – mostly 64 missing in the Mycenaean funerary realm, ex- makes a dissemination of palatial imagery fos- cept in the Nauplion-Evangelistria necropolis70 involvement has been convincingly argued, tered by the palace itself more likely. While the exact mode of distribution will be difficult to establish, considerations of kylikes from Pylos provide a potential analogy: it has been suggested that these were given away and taken Hruby 2006, 106. 67. Bendall 2004, 124-126; Galaty 2010, 236-239, esp. 239. 68. E.g. the chariot model in Enkomi tomb 93, cf. Schofield 2007, 108, fig. 62, 125, fig. 74 right; on chariot kraters in tomb contexts home as mementoes by participants in palatial within Enkomi cf. van Wijngaarden 2002, 155 with fn. 107. feasts65 – an unproven suggestion to which, 69. For chariot kraters in the settlement layers of Ugarit cf. however, the kylikes’ “mint condition” in the 66 Pylos pantries, and possible imitations of the Leonard 1994, 24-27, nos 163, 166, 167, 170, 174, 176, 197, 198, 202, 213, 223, with no. 221 found in tomb 4642, for a terracotta chariot model from settlement contexts cf. Leonard 1994, 140, no. 2292 and in tomb LXXXI, cf. Schaeffer 1949, 180, fig. 72,17; 480 63. Feldman and Sauvage 2010, 140. for chariot models from tomb VI in Minet el-Beidha cf. Leonard 64. Morris 1989, 266, 273; Stockhammer 2008, 254; Vetters 1994, 140, nos 2293-2295, from settlement layers in Minet el- 2009, 149-154; Shelton 2010, 193, 198. Beidha cf. Leonard 1994, 140, no. 2296. 65. Lis 2006, 19; cf. Galaty 2007, 76. 70. For the amphoroid krater see above fn. 28, which is one 66. Blegen and Rawson 1966, 350; cf. Whitelaw 2001, 62; of two found in the necropolis, cf. Åkerström 1987, 118, fig. * Most of the stratified examples were found in the Lower Citadel; here, the earliest extant Mycenaean settlement layers date to LH IIIA Late; LH IIIB Final and LH IIIC Early are represented by destruction and levelling layers respectively with a high amount of residual fragments, and residual, very worn and fragmentary examples from LH IIIC Late layers stem from erosion events of earlier settlement layers. The chariot box and rein fragments plotted in fig. 11 constitute, of course, parts of the types “abbreviated groups” and “oxcart” respectively. Pieces identified as “draught animal” may represent fragments either of chariot, abbreviated or ox-cart groups. Al l th e Κ i ng ’s Η ors e s and at Kopreza in Attica,71 and is also almost contrast, seven terracotta models of chariots, never attested in settlement contexts,72 with the abbreviated groups and ox-cart figurines from possible exception of the Epichosis in Tiryns. the Epichosis, may seem a negligible number The latter, however, is a special case be- at first sight when viewed against the overall cause of the deposit’s character, i.e. its close link amount of 114 terracotta figurines from the with the Tirynthian palace and its destruction; Epichosis layers,76 even if one adds the three indeed, it strongly highlights the association of abbreviated chariot fragments out of a total 31 such portable media with the palatial sphere. figurine fragments from the new excavations A synopsis of find spots of pictorial vases with in the West Staircase.77 Yet these fragments and chariot scenes from Tiryns points to a concen- further fragmentary chariot models which are tration of chariot kraters in the Epichosis debris lost today, but documented on old photographs that partly constitutes the inventory of vases of excavations on the Upper Citadel in the ear- once stored in the ambit of the palace on the ly years of the twentieth century, constitute a Upper Citadel.73 Of a total of 23 definite chari- higher proportion of such types in the overall ot scenes on pictorial pottery from Tiryns (20 assemblage than in any other Tirynthian settle- of which feature on open kraters), nine stem ment area.78 However, in how far the congruent from the Epichosis with eight open kraters concentrations of pictorial vases and terracotta and a fragment of an amphoroid krater;74 at models in the Tiryns Epichosis reflect use within least two, and more probably three, addition- the palace, or merely the stores of the palace, as al kraters with chariot scenes came to light in the – quite possibly exclusive – primary suppli- the 1999 excavations in the West Staircase, i.e. er of these media of chariot iconography, can in an associated dump of palatial material.75 By be debated, even though some element of use seems plausible. 82.2, 119, with an almost exact copy from Cyprus, Åkerström The contextual disjunction of chariot 1987, 113, fig. 80.2; for two terracotta chariot models, found kraters and terracotta models observed else- in chamber tombs in Nauplion, in the area of the Palamidi where is probably related to differences in hill and thus presumably in the Evangelistria necropolis, cf. their uses and, thus, connotative links: regard- Crouwel 1981, 161 T34-T35; Stais 1894, 53. Cf., however, the situation in Rhodes, especially the chamber tomb necropolis of Ialysos for distribution patterns of chariot kraters and a chariot model more en par with Cypriot and Ugaritic depositions of less of their shared iconographic connotation with palatial events, which are often framed as religious ceremonies,79 the polysemantic such items, cf. Schofield 2007, 125, fig. 74 left for a chariot model from tomb 5 of Ialysos, Maiuri 1923-1924, 151-152 with fig. 74 for a chariot krater from tomb 27 (no. 4) and Maiuri 76. Cf. Vetters 2009, 268 with fn. 1831-1835 and diagram 7. 1923-1924, 232, no. 2, 233, fig. 145, 234, fig. 150 for another 77. Cf. Vetters 2009, 286 with fn. 1989. chariot krater (no. 2) from tomb 60. 78. Cf. Vetters 2009, 297. Thus the seemingly low, but com- 71. Cf. Crouwel 1981, 163 V8 for the chariot krater from a cham- paratively high numbers of chariot models for the Epichosis ber tomb in Kopreza, Attica. provide a striking illustration of the general rarity, relative 72. The context of a chariot krater found in a pit in Corinth, to the ubiquitous female terracottas, of chariot models in Corinth Museum inv. no. C 48-164, cf. Crouwel 1981, 163 V7, settlement layers. is unclear. 79. For an occurrence of chariot kraters and chariot terra- 73. Cf. Jung 2006, 407-408; Vetters 2009, 254-258. cotta models within cultic or ritual contexts cf. chariot krater 74. Cf. Slenczka 1974, 7-83 (catalogue); Güntner 2000, 15- fragments from the House of the Idols/Temple in the Cult 28 reports at least 35 additional chariot scenes on pictorial Centre of Mycenae, Crouwel 1981, 163 V10-V11, V13; as well as pottery, mainly from the Lower Citadel but one further piece another, amphoroid krater with a chariot scene from the Great (Güntner 2000, 15 Motiv Wagen 1 pl. 11, 1) from the Epichosis; Poros Wall, cf. Crouwel 1981, 163 V17; for the cultic character again, predominantly on open kraters. of this deposit cf. Tzonou-Herbst 2002, 145-151, 157; with 11 75. Kardamaki 2009, 283-289. fragmentary terracotta chariot models coming from the same 481 Ul r ich T ha l e r, M e l i s s a Ve tte r s 482 kraters provide a wider gamut of connotations While some previous studies focused through their function as sympotic vessels, on the ceremonial role and/or “prestige good” and thus offer an immediate link with poten- character of the chariot,83 others highlighted – tially smaller-scale and less-exclusive feasting and sought to clarify – its military role.84 Nei- events.80 In LH IIIB, these would have provided ther necessarily negates the “other” use and yet a secondary context for the dissemination of further discussions, e.g., Robert Schon’s recent the palatial imagery. In the Postpalatial peri- study, are careful to enumerate, and treat with od, this sympotic role may explain the con- equal care, “a number of overlapping uses” in- tinued use of chariot kraters at a time when cluding “warfare, elite bonding, communica- lower-ranking functionaries such as the qa-si- tions, and status display”.85 We propose that it re-we81 established their independent authority is the “overlap” between such carefully distin- and the Tiryns’ “Antenbau” – amidst the visible guished spheres that deserves particular atten- ruins of the palace complex –provided a strik- tion if we wish to understand the role of chari- ing illustration of both the attempts to estab- ots in Mycenaean society, and thus the reasons lish links with prior palatial authority and the behind their reflection in Mycenaean imagery. limitations and selectiveness of these efforts.82 The prestige value linked with or inherent in as- The lingering palatial associations of chariot pects of military use is of particular importance imagery may have enhanced the appreciations in this respect. Thus, there is no need to resolve of pictorial kraters in this context. a perceived dichotomy of military use and “pres- By linking – albeit rather vaguely so far – tige good” character by focusing on either one –, depictions of chariots to “events” involving although this provides but one example for the real-life chariots, we have moved towards the need to highlight the uses of objects in speci- question of the use and social role of chariots in fic social acts, instead of treating their putative Mycenaean Greece. While this discussion may symbolic or prestigious qualities as inherent. By at first sight seem to lead us away from con- the same token, such social acts would certainly siderations of chariot paintings and terracotta have included processions of a fundamentally – models, any appreciation of the social relevance i.e. safe for the inclusion of such military equip- of an object’s visual representation will inescap- ment as the chariot – non-military character; ably be predicated on the social relevance of the again, we do not intend to argue for either side object itself – a subject which we cannot fully in a misconceived dichotomy of military as op- explore in this paper, but to the discussion of posed to “purely ceremonial” use. Given the calm which we nonetheless hope to contribute a few and dignified atmosphere of many depictions of pertinent observations. chariots, and particularly most palatial ones,86 deposit (compare these to the total of 58 fragments of chariot 83. E.g. Weber-Hiden 1996; Feldman and Sauvage 2010. models for the whole settlement area of Mycenae); merely 84. E.g. Crouwel 1981, 119-145; Tausend 2007. the LH IIIA1 settlement debris excavated in the Atreus bothros 85. Schon 2007, 142. featured 11 individual chariot fragments as well, and the total 86. While wall-painting scenes involving chariots are less uni- of all chariot models found in the whole Citadel House Area form and include clearly military situations, e.g. in the Mycenae comprises only 19 examples. Crouwel 1991, 12 table 2 lists 19 megaron (Rodenwaldt 1921) and Hall 64 at Pylos (Lang 1969, 73 chariot scenes on pictorial pottery from Mycenae, of which 17 26 H 64 pls 18, 26 H 64, 123, 26 H 64), as well as more sedate occur on open kraters. representations, such as those from the Tiryns “Hunt Frieze” 80. Cf. Fox 2012, esp. 75-76, 136-137 for kraters and feasting (Rodenwaldt 1912, 97-111), the sedate pace of the horses on in the Postpalatial period. the vases and the occasional parasols that provide shade to the 81. Cf. Deger-Jalkotzy 2006, 173-176, esp. 175. charioteers on both the vases and in the terracotta models are 82. Cf. Maran 2001; 2006; 2012b. very suggestive of a strong, though not necessarily exclusive Al l th e Κ i ng ’s Η ors e s we will indeed consider their use in processions by contrasting “prestige” with “status”,90 which as a given and will accord it due attention in in- we take to denote a relatively fixed and “objec- terpretative terms. Yet, for the following discus- tive” social position or role – particularly within sion we shall focus not on the given, but on that a given hierarchy –, that we can begin to develop which we feel has yet to receive the attention a better understanding of the nature of the form- it deserves: the “military prestige” of chariots. er, which is thus understood as a more fluid category. As the Latin root praestigiae (deceptions, The nature of prestige illusions, trickery) indicates, prestige ultimately The very notion of “prestige” and, a rests in the eye of the beholder.91 More precisely, forteriori, of “prestige goods” needs closer scru- it is a phenomenon of interpersonal ascription92 tiny than it is usually subjected to. The fact that and thus “non-objective” in two ways, i.e. both the concept is often invoked but rarely defined as a matter of judgement, or, more neutrally: of should not surprise us, not least since with the evaluation, and as a quality typically attached establishment of “prestige good systems” as an to human agents rather than (non-human) ob- analytical category in evolutionary accounts of jects.93 Thus, prestige bears close resemblance to state formation, the “prestige good” itself was “symbolic capital” sensu Pierre Bourdieu94 and turned into a “black box”,88 i.e. a means of ex- shows a high degree of congruence in a number planation rather than its objective. As such it of respects with what Erving Goffman discussed is often used interchangeably with other terms as “face”,95 with external as opposed to self-as- 89 cription as perhaps the most notable difference. Yet, it can be plausibly argued that it is precisely Prestige can be related to status by adopting, as a 87 such as “status marker” or “status symbol”. first approximation, Kingsley Davis’s definition association of these two media with chariot processions with ritual overtones or even of an outright cultic character, unless of “esteem” as “related to the expectations of a position, yet [...] attached not to the position they were considered merely emblematic references to more complex mural depictions of chariots (cf., e.g., the discussion of glyptic art and stucco reliefs in corresponding terms by Blakol- 90. Cf. Bernbeck and Müller 1996, 1-5. mer 2010a, esp. 103-108). In either case, it is worth noting that 91. Hildebrandt 2009, 7. the sedate pace of the horses on the chariot vases is another 92. Pečar 2012, esp. 61-66; cf. Gramsch 2012, 355. The no- element of chariot iconography, besides the terracotta models, tion of prestige as ascribed to a person should in no way be that is missing in the Postpalatial period; parallel to the possible mistaken as a reference to the neo-evolutionary concept of change in military tactics indicated before, the shift in icono- “ascribed” as opposed to “achieved status” (based on Linton graphy may indicate another shift in chariot use, i.e. the aban- 1936, 115). If anything, “achieved status” is more closely related donment of processions which were associated with strong pa- to prestige, but as with the “prestige good” (cf. fn. 87), we latial involvement in both ideological and material terms. would argue for an alternative terminology rather than any 87. Friedman and Rowlands 1977a, esp. 224-232; cf. Morris terminological amalgamation. 1986. It may be noted that Friedman and Rowlands themselves 93. Knape 2012, 106-107; cf. Gramsch 2012, 356. use “status” and “prestige” interchangeably (e.g. Friedman and 94. Bourdieu 1977, 171-183; 1985, 724, 730-731; 1990, 112-121; Rowlands 1977a, 207-208) and do not provide an explicit defi- cf. Pečar 2012, 64-65. nition of “prestige goods”. 95. Goffman 1967, esp. 5: “The term face may be defined as 88. Latour 1985, 1-16, esp. 2-3. the positive social value a person effectively claims for himself 89. Given archaeologists’ fondness for “prestige goods” (cf. by the line others assume he has taken during a particular Bernbeck and Müller 1996, 1), the archaeological literature contact”. It is worth noting that recently Goffman’s notion of abounds with examples of this (cf. Burmeister 2009, 73 with fn. “face” has in turn been compared to the traditional Chinese 1); as a recent, carefully-argued study of Bronze Age chariots, concept of “face” (Qi 2011), which Goffman (1967, 5-6 n. 1) him- without which the present article could not have taken on its self briefly refers to and which, as the “the social anchoring of present form, Feldman and Sauvage 2010 (e.g. 163) provides self in the gaze of others” (Qi 2011, 280), can often be captured a fitting illustration of such alternate usage. approximately by the term “prestige” in Western languages. 483 Ul r ich T ha l e r, M e l i s s a Ve tte r s itself but to the success or failure in carrying tegically employed in specific acts to gain pres- out the duties and obligations” that are asso- tige. This point is brought home forcefully, to 96 ciated with it. As a result, individual prestige pick an ethnographic example from Reinhard can transcend social status to some degree and Bernbeck’s and Johannes Müller’s stimulating can, by extension, ultimately even contribute discussion, by the prestige value mass-produced to changes in individual status;97 but it is also blankets took on during acts of potlatch in the worth noting that “prestige by association” Pacific Northwest.100 The aforementioned plain can directly cross-cut given status hierarchies kylikes, stored in their thousands at Pylos, may and even be strategically employed to counter- offer a parallel in Aegean archaeology, particu- balance or negate them. The royal favour as a larly since, beside their sheer number as well source of prestige constitutes one such strategy, as the homogeneity of large groups, the flaws as explored in Norbert Elias’s figurational ana- displayed by individual specimens are strongly lysis of the Ancien Régime court. indicative of mass production.101 98 We shall return to this latter aspect, but The outlook from these considerations is first we need to address two more immediate far less bleak than it may first appear. Burmeis- consequences of the above terminological con- ter’s stress on the active negotiation of social siderations. Firstly, since archaeology deals with relations points the way,102 whilst Alexander the material preconditions and outcomes of so- Gramsch more emphatically draws, and consol- cial life, the difference between prestige and sta- idates through his case studies, the conclusion tus should translate into a clear differentiation that in archaeological discussions of prestige it between “prestige goods” and “status symbols” is specific social acts, and particularly ones that vel sim., as convincingly discussed in semiotic are public, communicative and open to “manip- terms by Stefan Burmeister. He understands ulation”, rather than any “goods” per se that both as categories of symbols but suggests that we need to focus our attention on.103 Given the the latter should designate conventional mark- exclusive or near-exclusive palatial control of ers and the former should be understood as more chariots, associated paraphernalia and “all the individual expressions in the active negotiation king’s horses” in Mycenaean Greece,104 which of social relations; he also addresses the difficulties of applying these terms in prehistoric contexts.99 These difficulties, however, are over- 100. Bernbeck and Müller 1996, 8. 101. Hruby 2006, 192-195. laid by the second, more fundamental issue: as 102. Burmeister 2009, 96; cf. Christiansen and Thaler 2012, 9. prestige, by its nature, attaches to individual 103. Gramsch 2012, esp. 356. human agents, artefacts are not in themselves “carriers” of prestige, though they may be stra- 104. The archaeological finds of chariot parts in contexts of the Mycenaean Palatial period are meagre and apparently confined to the palatial centres; the storage of horse harness in the so called hoplotheke in Boeotian Thebes, cf. Aravantinos 2000b, 484 96. Davis 1942, 312; cf. Kluth 1957, 7-8; Burmeister 2009, 74. or the bronze strips probably used for rims of chariot wheels A. von Knigge’s mocking description of a country squire at in Room 99 of the Northeast Building in Pylos, cf. Shelmerdine court, insightfully discussed by Pečar 2012, 61-66, provides a 2008a, 94, 95, fig. 47, are perhaps the clearest examples. Horse vivid illustration. harness is otherwise rarely found in Mycenaean Greece during 97. Cf. Pečar 2012, 70-73 on the “perpetuation” of prestige. the palatial period and, if it occurs, is mainly restricted to the 98. Elias 1983, 178-221. This point is developed more exten- palatial centres and not found in burials, cf. Donder 1980, 19- sively by Arp 2012a, esp. 156-193; 2012b, 419-421, who not 21, 113-114; Feldman and Sauvage 2010, 86, 90, fig. 10; Hüttel only points out the potential relevance of figurational analysis 1980. Furthermore, not only are chariot burials unattested in to social and funerary archaeology, but also demonstrates its Mycenaean Greece, but even the burial of horses is a very rare application in a case study of an Egyptian necropolis. phenomenon, cf. Antikas 2005, 148-149, with the best-known 99. Burmeister 2009, esp. 73-74, 94-77. example of paired horses from Dendra in the Argolid probably Al l th e Κ i ng ’s Η ors e s in our opinion makes their discussion as “status two observations may add to the critique of symbols”105 less promising than one highlight- the “battle taxi model” and point to a less re- ing matters of prestige, we would like to sug- stricted use of the actual chariots: Firstly, the gest adopting Gramsch’s position for the study reinforced traction system is already present of Aegean chariots and chariot imagery, i.e. to in early Aegean depictions of chariots, such as place a clear emphasis on social acts involving the Vapheio seal discussed above; indeed, this chariots and on public visibility. Indeed, the highly characteristic technological adaptation fact that acts involving the chariot needed to is at least partly what allows their identifica- be seen to be socially effective may well indi- tion as Aegean. While dating the elaborate My- cate the logic behind the wish to capture them cenaean highways, which are best attested in in imagery. Returning to the question of the the Argolid, but indicated by more sparse re- chariots’ military use we propose a more func- mains in other regions also,109 is far from easy, tionally varied and event-oriented picture of the the available direct evidence points to a LH IIIB chariots’ use, in which their public visibility date.110 In technological terms, the use of cor- takes centre stage. bel-vaulted passages as culverts in Mycenaean bridges, which, as the most elaborate elements Topography and numbers of the road networks, more directly reflect the In discussions of the military use of My- needs of wheeled traffic than any other element cenaean chariots, the “Homeric model,” which of road construction,111 can also be seen to ac- sees them as “little more than taxicabs taking cord best with a thirteenth century BC date.112 the warriors into and out of battle”,106 has been Thus, the chariots’ reinforced traction system the dominant hypothesis for some time.107 It is, was apparently in place long before a network however, far from undisputed, with even the of carriageable roads was established, which exclusivity of an “apobatic” chariot use in the strongly suggests that intensive and frequent 108 use – as something more than a “taxi” – in the Keeping our focus on the Bronze Age evidence, oft-quoted rough and rocky Greek terrain113 was Homeric epics themselves rightly negated. indeed intended.114 That such adaptations to dating to the Middle Helladic period and thus centuries earlier than the Mycenaean palatial period, cf. Protonotariou-Deilaki topographical conditions should not surprise us may be indicated by observations on Akkadian 1990, 94-106. That one could not give as a grave good what one did not own, but was merely lent by the palace, may well explain these “lacunae” in Mycenaean burials of the palatial period. On 109. Cf. Hope Simpson and Hagel 2006, 144-175 for a very possession and ownership of chariots (and horses) in different helpful summary of evidence and bibliography. Eastern Mediterranean societies cf. Drews 1993, 112; Feldman 110. Hope Simpson and Hagel 2006, 149, 154, 156, 160. Even and Sauvage 2010, 75-76, 79-80, 82-84, 87, 91-92. such contextual evidence as has been adduced would only 105. Among recent studies, the term appears in, e.g., Schon push a dating back to LH IIIA2. 2007, 142; Tausend 2007, 389. 111. Cf. Richter 2004, 512. 106. Chadwick 1959, 109. 112. Cf. Wright 1978, 220-228; Küpper 1996, 35-38; Maran 107. E.g. Littauer 1972; Chadwick 1976, 164; Hiller and Pan- 2004, 266-271. agl 1976, 221; Crouwel 1981, 145; Hope Simpson and Hagel 113. Cf., as one example among many, Littauer ’s statement 2006, 173-175. cf. Tausend 2007 for a critique of this model, that “much of Greek terrain [is] highly unsuitable for chariot and Schon 2007, 139 for an overview of alternative hypotheses manoeuvres” (Littauer 1972, 153). Her observations on the regarding military use. axle’s position (Littauer 1972, 154-155), on the other hand, of- 108. Tausend 2007, 385-386. Of the relevant passages, only one fer a further plausible example of the chariots’ adaptation to (Hom. Il. 4, 297-309), in which old Nestor “re-introduces” the Greek topography. tactic of deploying chariots in formation, seems to have been 114. Cf. Driessen 1996, 481: “features which may well imply that previously noted in the discussion (e.g. Chadwick 1959, 109). the modifications were all related to the exceptional terrain”. 485 Ul r ich T ha l e r, M e l i s s a Ve tte r s chariot terminology: cuneiform sources not nominal or actual size of the respective chariot only mention “light” and “heavy” chariots, but forces, starting with the inescapable one of the also apparently more specific designations such Linear B records’ incompleteness but encom- as narkabtu še ṣēri, “chariot of the steppe”.115 passing more specific issues. While it seems The second issue, which deserves more clear that boxes and pairs of wheels were regu- extensive discussion, is simply that of the size of larly disassembled for storage, we cannot be cer- palatial chariot forces. For its discussion, there tain what role spare parts, i.e. replacements as are three basic numbers to be gleaned from the opposed to the constituent parts of a notionally Linear B documents at Knossos and Pylos: the complete chariot, played in the inventories: The number of incomplete chariots listed in the fact that a single Pylian document, PY Vn 10, re- Knossos Sd, Se, Sf and Sg series, commonly giv- cords the delivery of 150 axles117 could in principle en as around (500 to) 600, of complete chariots be seen to suggest a substantially larger chariot attested in the earlier Sc tablets from the same force in that polity.118 A particularly thorny issue site, ca 100, and the approximately 120 pairs is that of battle-readiness,119 although it hardly of wheels documented in the Pylos Sa series.116 seems appropriate, not least in statistical terms, There are numerous difficulties involved in try- to take the proportion of full sets of equipment ing to translate these figures directly into the (20%) within the subset of Sc tablets preserving a complete text (only 28 tablets) as a direct figure for the readiness of the Knossian chariotry.120 115. Richter 2004, 509; cf. Farber 1980, 338 (noting, but not Indeed, the Sc series may better be seen commenting on, the possibility that the narkabtu še ṣēri is not as the most reliable evidence of the size of one a military conveyance). specific palace’s chariotry at a given point, since 116. Godart 1987, 249-251; cf., e.g., Gschnitzer 1999, 258; Tau- send 2007, 384. The number of wheels listed in the Knossos Sg and So series, ca 300 pairs, provides some corroboration the palm-leaf tablets document single, fully assembled chariots and associated equipment in for the numbers of incomplete chariots, since specific groups association with named individuals.121 If each of documents can be associated with one another (Hiller tablet documents what the respective charioteer and Panagl 1976, 220; Godart 1987, 250; cf. Plath 1994, 92- was provided with in that one administrative 93). Earlier publications tend to put the number of Knossian year, presumably to restore battle-readiness,122 chariots somewhat lower at around 200, e.g. Chadwick 1976, 167; Hiller and Panagl 1976, 219; cf. Crouwel 1981, 128: “rather we should probably add those tablets from the Sc conservative estimate.” In a more recent study, Plath (1994, 57) also arrives at a lower total of 316 vehicles for the Sd, Se, 486 Sf and Sg series, while giving the same figure for the Sc chari- 117. Plath 1994, 65. ots and a higher total of 350 for pairs of wheels in Knossos. 118. Cf. Drews 1993, 107-108. Furthermore, Driessen (1996, 487-488) has suggested that 119. Uchitel 1988, esp. 49, 53-58. chariot (and wheel) tablets from the Arsenal and the North 120. Or even to transpose it to other contexts to inflate numbers Entrance Passage at Knossos may be considered as either of chariots documented for specific battles (Drews 1993, 109). documenting the same group of chariots at different stages 121. The “provisional hypothesis” (Chadwick 1968, 20) that the of the same administrative process or even as belonging to Sc series be understood as the product of scribal teaching different, i.e. consecutive administrations; this would imply that (Chadwick 1968, 17-21; cf. Chadwick 1976, 169) has met with “the number of chariots [...] dealt with by a single Knossian strong criticism and found little support (cf., for instance, Cam- administration becomes more modest, i.e. 150 to 300” (Dries- era 1968; Crouwel 1981, 127; Plath 1994, 16 fn. 5), and has, sen 1996, 488; cf. 492: “a chariot force of about 250 units”); furthermore, lost much of its foundation through the early for the Sc series as the third chronologically distinct episode, dating of the Room of the Chariot Tablets (Driessen 1990, 108; he notes at least 106 instances of the big ideogram (Driessen cf. Chadwick 1968, 19). 1996, 491). Higher numbers, 500 to 1000 chariots for Knossos, 122. Lejeune 1972, 75-77; Chadwick 1976, 168-169; Hiller and and “several hundred”, possibly 500, for Pylos, are suggested Panagl 1976, 216; Crouwel 1981, 127; Plath 1994, 14-16; Driessen by Drews 1993, 107-110; cf. Kelder 2004-2005, 157. 1996, 491; contra Uchitel 1988, 48; Drews 1993, 109. Al l th e Κ i ng ’s Η ors e s series on which the ideogram BIG is not preserved conclusion, is less than plausible.130 On the con- as attestations of one chariot made ready each. trary – and although the issue of such a large This would raise the total of Knossian chariots to force’s deployment “overseas” may deserve clos- approximately 150 as a conservative minimum er consideration –, the size of Attariššija’s cha- 123 in addition to which we may assume riotry corresponds well enough, in its general a potentially larger number of chariots, which order of magnitude, to the strength of chariot were not in need of refurbishment, but fully forces attested in the Linear B sources that it equipped and ready at that particular time.124 invites further comparisons with Hittite and figure, There is one more plausible textual source for the size of a Mycenaean chariot other Near Eastern textual sources.131 Tutḫaliya II, the Hittite Great King, force, which, like the Knossos Sc tablets, is of during whose reign the conflict between Mad- a relatively early date, but which is entirely duwatta and Attariššija took place, at one time independent from the Linear B archives: The reports the capture of 600 chariots from Arza- so-called “Indictment of Madduwattas” offers evi- wa and could expect levies of 100 chariot teams dence for what has been termed a Mycenaean from the medium-sized vassal state of Kizzu- “condottiere”,125 one Attariššija, man of Ahhiya, watna; Madduwatta himself is at some point who operated in Asia Minor with 100 chariots in sent 10 teams of horses in response to a request the early fourteenth century BC126 provided that for help.132 Contingents mentioned in earlier, the Aḫḫiyawa of Hittite texts is to be identified Old Hittite sources are smaller, numbering as Mycenaean Greece or part thereof, as is by now from 40 to 200, although a high military office (almost) communis opinio. is, at least in title, that of an “overseer of 1,000 127 Attariššija’s surpris- ingly strong force has even led to the suggestion that we should identify, behind such military activities, “a larger entity in the Aegean than 130. The argument hinges on rather arbitrarily discounting the Knossian evidence for military strength and taking the pre- anything that is attested in Linear B texts”,128 sumed size of the Pylian chariotry as indicative of that of other i.e. a federation or state encompassing several Mycenaean polities (Kelder 2004-2005, 157-159). Even leaving or all of the known Mycenaean polities; 129 yet, the underlying argument, if perhaps not the aside further problematic aspects, such as a distinctly low estimate of battle-readiness (Kelder 2004-2005, 157; cf. Drews 1993, 109, fn. 116), this begs the question why Mycenae or Thebes should not have been able to field (substantially) more 123. Cf., e.g., Plath 1994, 10 with fn. 3 on the difficulty of estab- chariots than Pylos – or even than Knossos. Cf. also Beckman lishing the number of tablets in the Sc series. et al. 2011, 5. A scenario, which considers both Knossos and 124. Cf. Chadwick 1976, 168-169; Driessen 1996, 492. Pylos as exceptional or at least as organizing their defences 125. Niemeier 2002, 296. in a manner fundamentally different from that of the Argive 126. CTH 147 = AhT 3 (Beckman et al. 2011, 69-100); e.g. Mee and Boeotian fortified centres, is proposed by Driessen 1996. 1988, 304; Bryce 1989b, 298; Niemeier 1999, 149; Starke 2001, His arguments against the assumption of substantial chariot 38; Niemeier 2002, 296; Kelder 2004-2005. forces in the Argolid and Boeotia are, however, unconvincing: 127. With the political geography of Late Bronze Age Asia the rarity of chariot tablets in Tiryns (Driessen 1996, 483) needs Minor plausibly reconstructed to a point which leaves no room to be seen against the lack of a preserved archive – if anything, for an Anatolian Aḫḫiyawa (Hawkins 1998), the least that we the attestation of wheels and possibly a chariot in the small can say is that the burden of proof rests with those ques- Tiryns corpus is a positive sign regarding Argive chariotry – tioning the Mycenaean identity of Aḫḫiyawa (cf. the earlier and adducing the presence of a road network as evidence statement of Bryce 1989a, 3-4). For a very balanced account against the presence of a larger chariot force (Driessen 1996, of the evidence, cf. Heinhold-Krahmer 2003; for more recent 494) is equally unpersuasive. summaries, cf. Fischer 2010; Beckman et al. 2011, 1-6. 131. Beal 1992, 277-296 provides the most comprehensive 128. Kelder 2004-2005, 159. overview for the Hittite army; cf. Mayer 1995, 450-451. 129. Kelder 2004-2005; cf. Beckman et al. 2011, 4-6 (with re- 132. Beal 1992, 282, 284-285; cf. Bryce 1989b, 298-299; Mayer ferences to later publications by Kelder). 1995, 450; Richter 2004, 513. 487 Ul r ich T ha l e r, M e l i s s a Ve tte r s chariot fighters”.133 For the Empire period, the Taking all of these figures and observa- largest Hittite chariot force is reported for the tions into account, we arrive at the conclusion battle of Qadeš, though not by Hittite sources that the strength of Mycenaean palatial chariot but by the inscriptions of Ramesses II, which forces not only is all but inexplicable, unless a mention 2,500 Hittite chariots as well as a practical military use is assumed, but that it further 1,000 supplied by tributaries.134 Given also compares well enough to figures attested in the confrontation’s importance, this may well the Near East to indicate that the modus operandi represent a plausible number for the full (bat- of Mycenaean chariotry did not differ as much tle-ready) might of the Great King’s chariotry,135 from that in the contemporary Eastern Medi- a notable contrast to the previously quoted terranean as the “battle taxi model” would have figures from Hittite sources, but conceivably us believe. Indeed, Klaus Tausend’s suggestion also to those numbers gleaned from the Line- that the use of chariots as “battle taxis”, much ar B tablets. The exceptional character of the simpler in terms of training and organization battle of Qadeš is well illustrated by evidence than their deployment as a massed force, be from another group of Egyptian sources, the considered a postpalatial adaptation and linked Amarna letters: Rib-Addi, King of Byblos, re- to the development of the lighter, presumably peatedly asks for chariots to be sent to his aid faster, but more vulnerable, rail chariot138 has from Egypt, with numbers ranging from 20 to much to recommend it;139 after all, as a compar- 50.136 Obviously, forces not much larger than ison with the Linear B signs for disassembled the detachment of 10 chariots sent to support chariots illustrates,140 the rail chariot does re- Madduwatta could indeed make a significant semble a stripped-down dual chariot.141 difference in local conflicts. Lastly, we may take into consideration the suggestion that the size Chariots and “military prestige” of chariot forces in Near Eastern states showed Drawing together the above consider- a direct correlation with their respective topo- ations with regard to, on the one hand, the na- graphies, although evidence adduced for this is ture of prestige as a doubly “non-objective” per- limited and dates to the early first millennium sonal attribute, gained not through possession BC.137 of material objects, but through their strategic employment in public, i.e. visible, acts and, 133. Beal 1992, 277-282; cf. Mayer 1995, 450; Richter 2004, 513. on the other hand, the strong likelihood that 134. Beal 1992, 291-294, 296; Mayer 1995, 450-451; Richter the military use of the chariot in the Aegean 2004, 513. was no more restricted to a simple “battle taxi” 135. Beal 1992, 296; Mayer 1995, 450-451. A roughly matching function than elsewhere in the contemporary Egyptian force is often assumed and mostly seen to accord well with other indications of Egypt’s military strength (Beal 1992, 292-293; Drews 1993, 107 with fn. 10; cf. Feldman and Sauvage 2010, 83), but doubts have also been raised as to Eastern Mediterranean, one conclusion in particular is all but inevitable: instead of treating military use and the “prestige good” character both Ramesses II’s ability and his inclination to report the en- of chariots in terms of a dichotomy, we should emy’s numbers correctly (Beal 1992, 292; Spalinger 2005, 36 put a strong emphasis on the role that specific, with 46 fn. 14, 149, 214-216, 229-230; cf. Mayer 1995, 47-48). 136. Beal 1992, 286-287; Mayer 1995. 488 137. Richter 2004, 509. For the second millennium BC, we 138. Crouwel 1981, 115. may note as evidence of such basic strategic rationality that 139. Tausend 2007, 390-392. the Annals of Muršili II (CTH 61.2) mention the inaccessibility of 140. *242 caps; cf. Vandenabeele and Olivier 1979, 76-139; Mt Arinnanda (possibly Mykale) to horses (i.e. chariots), which Plath 1994, 5. led the Great King to take it on foot at the head of his infantry 141. Cf. Littauer 1972, 157 on possible postpalatial shortages (cf. Bryce 1998, 211). of materials for chariots. Al l th e Κ i ng ’s Η ors e s highly visible acts related to the military func- as part of “duties and obligations” of a position tion of chariots may have played in the negotia- or status that needed to be fulfilled.146 This fits tion and renegotiation of prestige. Since regular well with the observation that both chariot and repetition can contribute strongly to an activi- hunt iconography are genres that extend and, ty’s visibility, military training and patrols are presumably, were purposely transposed from all but self-evident examples of such acts. wall-painting into a variety of other media.147 Extensive training is a prerequisite for Furthermore, the complexity of chariot train- effectively controlling a chariot, as has been ing – and thus the opportunity to distinguish pointed out with particular clarity by Robert oneself – is well illustrated in the wider Eastern Schon, who discusses military training along Mediterranean context both by detailed train- 142 ing manuals such as the Kikkuli-text, a Mitan- The link with hunting, itself partly explicable nian set of instructions preserved as a Hittite as military training, and with strong icono- document,148 and by the remarkably direct ex- graphic links to both the military sphere in pression of the pride and prestige that could be with hunting as “elite bonding activities”. 143 and the chariot in particular, as exem- associated with hippological skills which has plified by the Tiryns “Hunt Frieze”,144 deserves survived in the (self-)praise on the sphinx stele closer attention. To begin with, it provides a of Amenophis II: “He raised horses without par- welcome reminder, if one considers the female allel, which did not tire when he grasped the charioteers and sedate pace of the Tiryns frieze, reins, and which did not sweat in the gallop.”149 that neither the chariot nor its associations to With regard to patrols, Near Eastern text- prestige are limited to the military sphere; the ual sources are more elusive than they may ap- present paper’s focus on “military prestige” is pear at first sight. In particular, a letter from a general merely intended to highlight a hitherto neglect- Ugaritian field commander to his “lord,” pre- ed but, in our opinion, very important aspect. sumably the king,150 though rightly called an Besides intra-group bonding, both chariot train- “exceptional” piece of “information on actual ing and hunting offer opportunities to display military use” of chariots,151 can hardly be taken military prowess and virtus, thus gaining pres- to document “patrolling the country”152 as the tige – quite possibly beyond the circle of elite regular activity we are here concerned with, participants. The latter is particularly likely if since the commander had committed the entire the notion of “defending the realm” is seen as strength of his chariotry – dispatched half and an element not only of an elite self-image but half to two locations– to blockading an enemy also of the legitimization of political authority, approach, apparently in response to a concrete as most recently discussed in Christian Von- military threat.153 Among the Hittite sources a hoff’s overview of hunting iconography, 145 i.e. 146. Davis 1942, 312; cf. Kluth 1957, 7-8; Burmeister 2009, 74. 142. Schon 2007, 140-141. Cf. fn. 96. 143. Vonhoff 2014, 55-56 and passim. 147. Cf. Vonhoff 2014 on hunting iconography. 144. In this context, the original location of the “Hunt Frieze” 148. CTH 284; Kammenhuber 1961; Starke 1995; Raulwing and would be of considerable interest. Unfortunately, occasional Meyer 2004. references to its association with the megaron (Morris 1990, 149. Der Manuelian 1987, 188, cf. 186-187, 196-200; cf. Starke 150; Schon 2007, 140) are unsubstantiated. At best, an indi- 1995, 16, fn. 39, 19-20, fn. 51. rect link could be posited on current evidence, since it has 150. RS 20.33; Nougayrol 1968, 69-79; cf. Rainey 1971; Spal- recently been demonstrated that the “Frauenprozession” once inger 2005, 162-163. furbished part of the central palace area; cf. Maran 2012a, 152- 151. Littauer and Crouwel 1979, 94. 154; Maran et al. 2015, 101-102. 152. Crouwel 1981, 129, fn. 61. 145. Vonhoff 2014. 153. Rainey 1971, 148; Spalinger 2005, 162. 489 Ul r ich T ha l e r, M e l i s s a Ve tte r s report on Šuppiluliuma I giving “battle” with feasible. Covering the entirety or even the bet- has been taken as ter part of the island of Crete by patrols would, evidence for a chance encounter and, by exten- on the other hand, have necessitated the sta- sion, potential evidence for the size of Hittite tioning of chariots in a number of locations, as 154 only six chariots in support To try and gauge, beside their size, indicated in particular by the references to the the possible range of patrols, it would be tempt- major settlements ku-do-ni-ja, se-to-i-ja and pa-i- ing to take the aforementioned Kikkuli-text as to in the Sd series from Knossos.161 Mycenaean evidence for the distances a well-trained chari- road networks need not have been constructed patrols. 155 ot team could regularly cover in a day. These specifically for patrolling, although, as indicat- might, in principle, be fruitfully compared with ed before, the building of Mycenaean bridges information on the size of Mycenaean polities, in particular seems most readily explicable by for instance the reconstruction of Pylos’ political linking it to the use of chariots. Once in place, which places the northern border such networks would certainly have facilitated of the territory ruled from Ano Englianos some patrols and may, in conjunction with the chari- 156 geography, However, the ot, have formed an effective “presencing device” very fact that daily distances of up to 150 km cov- of palatial authority;162 “prestige by association” ered at a trot have been read from the Hittite text for those directly and visibly engaged in patrols has itself contributed to an intense debate, in would have been a concomitant phenomenon. 157 60 km from the palatial centre. which the underlying unit of length, with sug- This brings us back to the royal favour as gestions differing by as much as a factor of 10, is a source of prestige and it is in this light that the a crucial element.158 Average and maximum dis- seemingly mundane and business-like trans- tances gleaned from textual sources or estimated actions documented in the Knossos Sc series de- for travellers on the roads of the Roman Empire, serve another look and need not be understood have been solely in the straightforward terms of military considered as potential comparanda in Near deployment.163 The provision, ultimately by the Eastern contexts,160 but should not be taken to wanax, of chariots and horses, as well as further provide more than a tentative approximation in elaborate equipment, such as corselets to named discussions of Bronze Age chariots. With due individuals, like o-pi-ri-mi-ni-jo (Opilimnios),164 caution we may thus note that patrolling the would certainly have constituted a highly pres- Pylian polity or at least the Hither Province from tigious occasion.165 The repeated occurrence of 159 50-60 km and 110 km respectively, the palatial centre may have been – just about – 161. Driessen 1996, 485-486. 490 154. Recorded by his son Muršili II in the Deeds of Šuppiluliuma 162. Cf. Thaler 2012, 11 on road networks as a means of topo- I (CTH 40); cf. Güterbock 1956, 76. logically centring palace sites. 155. Beal 1992, 288-289. 163. Cf. Driessen 1996, 489-492. 156. Cf., e.g., Chadwick 1961; Cherry 1977; Carothers 1992, esp. 164. KN Sc 230, cf. Chadwick et al. 1986, 96; Ventris and Chad- 19-38, 216-277; Parker 1993; Bennet 1999. wick 1973, 565. 157. This distance is measured along the modern road from 165. Cf. Driessen 1996, 490 who points to the fact that sev- the archaeological site to the Neda river, which is taken as an eral anthroponyms are mentioned elsewhere on documents approximation of the northern border. Cf. the extensive critical in the Room of the Chariot tablets, but more importantly, that discussion by Parker 1993, 42-54. some names are also documented on (later) Linear B docu- 158. Starke 1995, 20-22; Raulwing and Meyer 2004, 496, 502- ments on the Mycenaean Mainland. Driessen concludes that 504; cf. van den Hout 1990, 517-521 (on the DANNA and other these names refer to important people, pointing out, e.g., Hittite units of length). the near-identity of the names a-re-ka-tu-ro-wo on KN Sc 159. Junkelmann 1990, 78. 256+5163 verso and a-re-ku-tu-ru-wo on PY An 654, PY Es 160. Mayer 1995, 452 fn. 1. 650 (Alektruōn, Ἀλεκτρύων, Hom. Il. XVII, 602, Ventris and Al l th e Κ i ng ’s Η ors e s the toponymic adjective a-mi-ni-si-jo,166 for in- understanding of some of the more surprising stance, in association with the personal name contexts in which images of chariots occur. This 169 we-wa-do-ro (Werwandros from Amnissos?), holds true, of course, for events both with and reminds us to consider the impact, i.e. the pres- without immediate military connotations; the tige gained, within those local communities the parading of chariots in ceremonial processions recipients of the royal favour came from. is a prime example of the latter.170 167 168 If chariot iconography is understood, With respect to both such ceremonial, as inter alia, as manifesting and/or perpetuating well as the more extensively discussed military such prestigious events, then this perspective associations, the deposition of chariot models can, in our opinion, provide the key to a clearer in funerary contexts, for example, can be seen as a decisive act in affirming the social embeddedness and prestige of the respective deceased. Chadwick 1973, 534); for the status of the Pylian a-re-ku-tu- As a special case, the association of chariot mod- ru-wo as a hekwetas, see Nakassis 2013, 211. els with child burials may be interpreted as an 166. KN Sc 217 verso, cf. Chadwick et al. 1986, 97; KN Sc 237 expression of parental aspirations: In Prosym- verso, cf. Chadwick et al. 1986, 102-103; KN Sc 252 verso, cf. Chadwick et al. 1986, 107; KN Sc 7476 verso, cf. Chadwick et al. 1997, 238; KN 7772 verso, cf. Chadwick et al. 1997, 291; KN Sc 7782 verso, cf. Chadwick et al. 1997, 293; see also Driessen na chamber tomb 22, for instance, two LH IIIB1 deposits with a chariot model each, one on the north and one on the south side of the cham- 1996, 497, fn. 70. ber, represent the burial gifts of two consecutive 167. With we-wa-do-ro on the recto und a-mi-ni-si-jo on the inhumations, of which no bones are preserved, verso, KN Sc 252+7455+7458+frr., cf. Killen and Olivier 1989, but which are purportedly associated with two 287. children due to the associated feeding bottles.171 168. Ventris and Chadwick 1973, 591. 169. We concede, however, that this association is not as clear as one might hope, since a-mi-ni-si-jo always occurs on the In this context, they may have functioned as expressive substitutes for desired future events verso, whereas the anthroponyms occur on the recto. No other rather than, as may elsewhere be assumed, as adjective derived from an ethnikon/place name is so far at- mementoes of past ceremonies. Likewise, such tested on the versa of the Sc series but several other words, inter alia names, cf. Driessen 1996, 497 fn. 70: a-re-ka-tu-ro-wo on KN Sc 256+5163 verso with an individual by the name of 170. It is worth noting that the sedate pace of the horses on a-ko-to, two cuirasses, one chariot and a pair of horses noted the chariot vases is another element of chariot iconography, on the recto, cf. Chadwick et al. 1986, 108-109; perhaps ku-ne besides the terracotta models, that is missing in the Postpa- [, cf. KN Sc 258 verso, Chadwick et al. 1986, 109; *166 (textile latial period. Its disappearance might parallel the possible product?) cf. KN Sc 225 verso, Chadwick et al. 1986, 99; KN change in military tactics indicated before. In other words, Sc 5141 verso, Chadwick et al. 1997, 35-36; KN Sc 7462 verso, the shift in iconography may indicate another shift in chariot Chadwick et al. 1997, 235; unidentified: cf. a-*47-wi or a-*47[ use, i.e. the abandonment of processions which were associ- on KN Sc 7469 verso, cf. Chadwick et al. 1997, 236-237, and ated with strong palatial involvement in both ideological and KN Sc 242 verso respectively, cf. Chadwick et al. 1986, 104; material terms. also ]-ja ka-wo, cf. KN Sc 7471+8620+8633 verso, Chadwick 171. Cf. Blegen 1937, I, 65-68, 255-256 with fn. 4 on missing et al. 1997, 237; po-*34[, cf. KN Sc 255; Chadwick et al. 1986, (child?) bones, I, 365-366, II, 26, figs 132-133, II, 150, fig. 617 108; ]-jo, cf. KN Sc 8253 + fr. verso, Chadwick et al. 1998, 35; for the chariot model no. 415, II, 151, fig. 618 for no. 618, plan ] vest., cf. KN Sc 8483 verso, Chadwick et al. 1998, 62. More- 8 for the layout of chamber tomb 22 and the position of finds over, a-mi-ni-si-jo can grammatically be connected either with within. For the feeding bottles associated with chariot model the person named or the horse ideogram equ. Undisputedly, no. 415 on the north side of the chamber cf. Shelton 1996, 54, chariots were distributed or awarded to named individuals of nos 353, 357 (miniature), for those on the south side of the higher rank, see also fn. 165. Therefore, we may surmise that chamber associated with no. 416 cf. Shelton 1996, 54, no. 362, apart from the administrative documentation, the occasion 55, nos 358, 363 (miniatures), and 364 (miniature askos). For may have constituted a public act, where this royal favour the pairing of four spine, type 1-bovine figurines each with the would have increased the prestige of these named individuals. chariot models cf. Shelton 1996, 203. 491 Ul r ich T ha l e r, M e l i s s a Ve tte r s an interpretation perhaps also fits the contemporary context of another chamber tomb with a Outlook: Mycenaean multi-mediality? chariot model, Pylona tomb 3 on Rhodes, where The last-mentioned find contexts of no bones were immediately associated with the chariot iconography, along with the previous- terracotta model; here, the bone material on ly discussed parallels between chariot/military the east side of the chamber on a low bier was and hunting iconography, as genres extending analysed anthropologically and constituted or consciously and purposely extended from the remains of a male individual in the centre wall-painting into a series of other media, un- and few bones of a female and a child in the derscore, in our opinion, the usefulness of look- southeast.172 A third funerary context with a ing beyond wall- and vase-painting to other car- chariot model, tomb 35 of the Deiras necropolis riers of palatial iconography, because they lead in Argos,173 may, based on the evidence of the us to a point with which we want to conclude accompanying miniature vessels, also represent our study and to hint at a wider, potentially a child burial. very rewarding field of discussion. This is the In a similar vein, the terracotta chariots question of “hierarchies” of media176 in terms 174 in elite burials of the Mycenaean “periphery” of their value, or rather exclusivity, as an indi- could be seen to represent not actual mementoes cator of the permeation of Bronze Age society of palatial “favours” towards certain individu- by palatial imagery and the associated ideology. als of higher rank but the aspirations of elites The more labour-consuming production outside the immediate realm of the Mycenaean of the chariot kraters as opposed to terracotta principalities, and outside direct palatial con- models, but, even more so, their functional trol, to emulate a prestigious habitus of the pa- association with the symposium as an activity 175 latial cores. of the broader elite and, concomitantly, their survival in postpalatial times, prima vista argue for a mid-position of the kraters in a hierarchy 172. Karantzali 2001, 17-18 (on layout and finds in tomb 3), 50- of media carrying chariot iconography. Within 52 (on the chariot figurine said to be associated with bones this context the terracottas transpose chariot of a male and a child), 89 (on the bones in tomb 3 including sheep/goat bones, i.e. evidence for animal sacrifice close to the entrance of the chamber), 144-145, figs 12-13, pls 10, a; 38 c-d. imagery into a non-elite material and thus offer the, seemingly, most “inclusive” medium.177 The 173. Deshayes 1966, 106 (on the association of chariot model postpalatial loss of the more inclusive medium DM 89 with four miniature vessels on the north side, pls XCV, would fit well with the idea of a less integrated 4-5; XCVI, 7.9), 109 DM 89, 110 on missing bones; for a plan of the chamber, cf. Deshayes 1966, plan XI, 4. Deshayes suggests 492 that the chariot model and the miniature vases indicate the ace; for a well-preserved settlement context see the two oxcart burial of a child, whose bones have since decayed; for the groups at the entrance/door between Rooms 214 and 190 of the model DM 89 cf. Deshayes 1966, pl. XCVII, 1. LH IIIB Middle Building in the Lower Citadel of Tiryns, cf. Vetters 174. Cf. Medeon tomb 29 with a fragmentary model in the pit 2009, 232, 237-238, 243-244 DB-Nos. 653+2005+2006; 655. of this rectangular tomb’s floor, Vatin 1969, 56, 57, fig. 56; in The same phenomenon can be observed in the funerary realm, the tholos tomb of Seremeti, Ayios Ilias, Ithoria (Messolonghi), with two ox-cart groups inside the chamber of tomb 513 and cf. Mastrokostas 1965, 297, pl. 330 β; a large chariot model in each flanking one side of its stomion in the South Bank cemetery chamber tomb Β of Megalo Monastirion, Western Thessaly, of Mycenae, cf. Wace 1932, 45-46, fig. 21, 47, pl. XXIV, 3-4. On Theocharis 1966, 256, pl. 292 ε. the elevated status of the shepherds in Knossos cf. Ilievski 1992, 175. Terracotta ox-cart groups found near entrances in Myce- on the elevated status of certain ox- or cowherds in Knossos naean palatial settlement and in funerary contexts, by contrast, and Pylos respectively, cf. Palaima 1992, 465; Nakassis 2013, 90, may have paralleled a use of chariot models as mementos with- 101, 132, 337, see also fn. 59. in the palace states, i.e. may have evoked yokes of oxen perhaps 176. Cf. also Blakolmer 2012a, 83, 97. (temporarily) awarded to members of the lesser elite by the pal- 177. Cf. Feldman and Sauvage 2010, 140. Sources of illustrations Fig. 1a: digital overlay B. Konnemann – Fig. 1b: drawing Güntner 2000, pl. 11, 2; photograph U. Thaler – Fig. 2: digital overlays B. Konnemann; montage and reconstruction drawing U. Thaler, based on Rodenwaldt 1912, 98 fig. 40 pl. 11, 12 – Fig. 3a: drawing Rodenwaldt 1911, 235 fig. 1; reconstruction drawing Rodenwaldt 1921, Beil. 1, 1; montage U. Thaler – Fig. 3b: Crouwel 1981, pl. 24 – Fig. 4: Sakellariou 1964, 262 no. 229 – Fig. 5: Enkomi inv. no. 4784, 4 – Fig. 6a: Slenczka 1974, pl. 4 – Fig. 6b-e: Vetters 2009, DB-no. 2865, DB-No. 2670, DB-No. 26, DB-No. 1355; photographs M. Vetters, drawings and montage Roxana Docsan – Fig. 6f: Güntner 2000, pl. 4, 1b – Fig. 7a: Vetters 2009, DB-No. 2570; photograph M. Vetters, drawing and montage Roxana Docsan – Fig. 7b: Cesnola Collection, Metropolitan Museum New York, accession number 74.51.964; http:// www.metmuseum.org/collection/ the-collection-online/search/240552 [accessed 2016-01-26] – Fig. 8a: Vetters 2009, DB-No. 108; photograph M. Vetters, drawing and montage Roxana Docsan – Fig. 8b: Athens National Archaeological Museum inv. no. 3492; National Archaeological Museum, Athens (photograph G. Patrikianos); copyright © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports / Archaeological Receipts Fund – Fig. 8c: Cesnola Collection, Metropolitan Museum New York, accession number 74.51.966; http://www.metmuseum. org/collection/the-collection-online/ search/240554?rpp=30&pg=1&ft= 74.51.966&pos=1&imgno=2&tab- Al l th e Κ i ng ’s Η ors e s name=label [accessed 2016-01-26] – Fig. 9a-c: Vetters 2009, DB.-No. 2960, DB-No. 2876, DB-Nos. 1723+1724; photographs M. Vetters, drawings and montage Roxana Docsan – Fig. 9c: Vetters 2009, DB-Nos. 1723+1724; photo M. Vetters, drawing and montage Roxana Docsan – Fig. 9d: National Archaeological Museum, Athens inv. no. 2262; National Archaeological Museum, Athens (photograph G. Patrikianos); copyright © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports / Archaeological Receipts Fund; Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985, pl. 63 Π-2262 – Fig. 9e: Museum Piraios inv. no. 5486, Konsolaki-Giannopoulou 2003a, 392 fig.14 – Fig. 9f: Museum Piraios inv. no. 5477; Konsolaki-Giannopoulou 2003a, 392 fig. 13; with kind permission of E. Konsolaki-Giannopoulou – Fig. 9g: D-DAI-ATH-1983-649, D-DAI-ATH-1983-650 – Fig. 10 a: Vetters 2009, DB-Nos 1046, 1062; photograph M. Vetters, drawing and montage Roxana Docsan – Fig. 10b: digital overlay B. Konnemann and U. Thaler – Fig. 10c: Athens National Archaeological Museum inv. nos. 1511, 10549, 14322+10548, 14322; National Archaeological Museum, Athens (photograph L. Galanopoulos); copyright © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports / Archaeological Receipts Fund – Fig. 10d: Mycenae 59-111; after Crouwel 1991, 15 fig. 2; with kind permission of J. Crouwel – Fig. 11: diagram based on Vetters 2009, stratigraphische Auswertung der Typen. society, in which the new elite’s reach was lim- It is well worth re-phrasing these obser- ited, not only in geographical terms, but also vations on the transmission of “heraldic” com- with regard to the degree to which their ideas, positions in more general terms: the imagery ideology and imagery permeated society within of large-scale immobile “art”, which conveys a given sphere of influence. However, both the important messages within the spatial setting find contexts of chariot models178 and their rela- of the palace and borrows from an “internation- tive scarcity, when viewed against the female al” iconographic repertoire, is transposed, first, Phi- and Psi-figurines, which can be more ade- into a mobile, but palatially controlled medium quately called “mass products”, should caution and, in a second step, into a potential “mass us against too quickly postulating a specific medium” characterized by its reception – and hierarchy. In any case, the crucial contrast in possibly well-directed dissemination – beyond the chronological distribution of chariot kraters the sphere of direct palatial control.183 Argue- and terracotta chariot models can hardly be in- ably, this more abstract statement, or part terpreted in other than social terms. thereof, may equally apply to chariot imagery, A more clearly hierarchical sequence of e.g. in wall-paintings, vase-paintings and ter- media, though one with probably a lower degree racotta models as a clear iconographic “lineage” of permeation into the lower ranks of society, and a potential iconographic hierarchy.184 may be seen in another iconographic theme in- To try to delineate more closely and un- timately linked with the palaces. The “heraldic” derstand better, as expressions of “Mycenaean compositions of lions and/or griffins associated multi-mediality”, such hierarchies for chariot, with the Lion Gate of Mycenae and the Throne hunting, “heraldic” and other iconographies Room of Pylos find remarkably close parallels in and to relate them to specific circles of recipi- 179 such as ents is, in our minds, a very promising subject those employed in the palatial administration’s for study – and while it clearly goes beyond the precious metal and hard-stone seals 180 i.e. a context of clearly de- scope of the present paper to pursue this line of rived authority. Yet with a series of examples of enquiry, the present volume should prove im- sealing practice, 181 antithetic pairs of lions on glass-paste seals, mensely helpful for any such effort. partly found in the periphery of the Mycenaean palatial world,182 the iconographic theme also finds its way into a group of seals not regularly associated with an actual sphragistic use, but clearly reflecting an orientation towards the model set by the palace(s), whether fostered by the latter or self-motivated. 183. In terms of the dissemination of iconographic themes, it is also worth noting that, even though the circulation of sealings is likely to have been restricted, the very act of sealing is by its 178. Such as the burial contexts just discussed or the deposit- nature an act of replication and, by extension, of iconographic ion of chariot models in cult contexts, e.g. in Ayios Konstan- dissemination, while the “non-sphragistic” mould-formed tinos, Methana and Phylakopi, cf. fn. 44, or the deposit at the glass paste seals are themselves the products of a replication Great Poros Wall in Mycenae, cf. fn. 79. process which allowed batch and potentially mass production. 179. Blakolmer 2011; cf. Beste et al. 2013, 97-99. 184. Contra Panagiotopoulos 2012, 68, who argues that “[t]hese 180. Panagiotopoulos 2014. images [i.e. Mycenaean vase-paintings of the Pictorial Style 181. Dickers 2001, 80, fig. 17. from LH IIIA onwards] seem therefore to suggest the emer- 182. 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