(2018) "The Iconography of Late Helladic IIIA-B Pictorial Kraters and Wall-paintings: A View from the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean", in A. Vlachopoulos (ed.) XΡΩΣΤΉΡΕΣ / PAINTBRUSHES Wall-painting and Vase-painting of the Second Millennium BC in Dialogue, 523-531 (bibliography 569-605)

O F T H E S E C O N D M I L L E N N I U M B C I N D I A LO G U E W A L L - PA I N T I N G A N D VA S E - PA I N T I N G Paintbrushes XΡΩΣΤΗΡΕΣ edited by Andreas G. Vlachopoulos Proceedings of the International Conference on Aegean Iconography Held at Akrotiri, Thera, 24-26 Μay 2013 U N I V E R S I T Y O F I O A N N I N A / H E L L E N I C M I N I S T R Y O F C U LT U R E A N D S P O R T S - A R C H A E O L O G I C A L R E C E I P T S F U N D XΡΩΣΤΗΡΕΣ / PAINTBRUSHES W A L L - PA I N T I N G A N D VA S E - PA I N T I N G OF THE SECOND MILLENNIUM BC IN DIALOGUE XΡΩΣΤΉΡΕΣ / PAINTBRUSHES Eleni Hatzaki Lefteris Platon Wall-painting and Vase-painting Associate Professor of Mediterranean Associate Professor, Department of History of the Second Millennium BC in Dialogue Archaeology, Department of Classics, and Archaeology, National and Kapodistrian Proceedings of the International Conference University of Cincinnati University of Athens on Aegean Iconography held at Akrotiri, Thera, Evangelia Kalambouki Vassiliki Pliatsika Conservator of Antiquities PhD, National Archaeological Museum, Athens ISBN: 978-960-386-375-5 Robert B. Koehl Robert K. Ritner © 2018 University of Ioannina / Professor of Archaeology, Department Professor of Egyptology, The Oriental Institute, of Classical and Oriental Studies, The University of Chicago 24-26 Μay 2013 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports – Hunter College, Archaeological Receipts Fund City University of New York Elena Kountouri Undertaken with the assistance of Head of the Directorate the Institute for Aegean Prehistory (INSTAP) – of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities, Philadelphia, USA Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports Eva Rystedt Professor Emerita, Lund University Nikos Sepetzoglou Visual Artist, Akrotiri Excavations Elizabeth Shank United States Research and Academic Coordinator, Dimitra (Mimika) Kriga Editor Archaeologist, PhD in Prehistoric Archaeology INSTAP Study Center for East Crete Sophia Sotiropoulou Maria Krigka PhD, Senior Scientist, Visual Artist, Educator “Ormylia” Foundation, Art Diagnosis Centre Contributors Εvangelos Kyriakidis Christina Televantou Panagiotis Angelidis University of Kent Director of the Excavation of Strophilas on Andros, Conservator of Antiquities, Maria-Paraskevi Louka Deputy Director Emerita, Ephorate of Antiquities Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports Conservator of Antiquities of the Cyclades Vassilis L. Aravantinos Nanno Marinatos Ulrich Thaler Ephor Emeritus of Antiquities, University of Illinois at Chicago German Archaeological Institute, Andreas G. Vlachopoulos Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports Toula Marketou Athens Department R.L.N. Barber Ephorate of Antiquities of the Dodecanese, Iphiyenia Tournavitou British School at Athens Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports University of Thessaly Philip P. Betancourt Marisa Marthari Effie Tsitsa Professor, Temple University Ephor of Antiquities Emerita, Conservator of Antiquities, Fritz Blakolmer Ephorate of Antiquities of the Cyclades Herakleion Archaeological Museum Associate Professor, University of Vienna Nikos Merousis Iris Tzachili Hariclia Brecoulaki Open University of Cyprus Professor Emerita, University of Crete Institute of Historical Research, Pietro Militello Andreas G. Vlachopoulos The National Hellenic Research Foundation Professor, University of Catania University of Ioannina Joost Crouwel Lyvia Morgan Melissa Vetters Professor Εmeritus of Aegean Archaeology, PhD, London Paris-Lodron University, Salzburg, Austria University of Amsterdam Irene Nikolakopoulou Fanouria Dakoronia Ephorate of Antiquities of the Dodecanese, Ephor Emerita of Antiquities, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports Ephorate of Antiquities of Phthiotis Christos Doumas Professor Emeritus, University of Athens Emily Catherine Egan University of Maryland, College Park Angelos Papadopoulos Textual editing Alexandra Doumas College Year in Athens Cover drawing Zozi Papadopoulou Nikos Sepetzoglou PhD, Ephorate of Antiquities of the Cyclades, Hellenic Ministry Artistic design and l ayo u t Marianna Poga, Christos Simatos Ioannis Fappas of Culture and Sports University of Thessaloniki Irini Papageorgiou Fragoula Georma Curator of the Department of Prehistoric, Christos Simatos Ephorate of Antiquities of Corfu, Ancient Greek and Roman Collections, Benaki Museum Printing Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports Manolis Hamaoui Angelia Papagiannopoulou Conservator of Antiquities, Akrotiri Excavations Archaeologist, Akrotiri Excavations Photo editing Papadopoulos S.A. ΧΡΩΣΤΗΡΕΣ Paintbrushes W A L L - PA I N T I N G A N D VA S E - PA I N T I N G O F T H E S E CO N D M I L L E N N I U M B C I N D I A LO G U E edited by Andreas G. Vlachopoulos Proceedings of the International Conference on Aegean Iconography held at Akrotiri, Thera, 24-26 Μay 2013 UNIVERSITY OF IOANNINA / HELLENIC MINISTRY OF CULTURE AND SPORTS – ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECEIPTS FUND ATHENS 2018 CONTENTS Andreas G. Vlachopoulos 13 Preface 1. Introductory Chapters 1.1 Christos Doumas 27 The Human Figure at the Mercy of the Paintbrush 1.2 Christina A. Televantou 43 The Roots of Pictorial Art in the Cyclades. From Strophilas to Akrotiri 1.3 Robert K. Ritner 67 Egyptian Examples of the “Κoine” Art Style of the Second Millennium BC 1.4 Nanno Marinatos 77 The Waz-Spirals of Xeste 3, Thera: Regeneration and Solar Symbolism 1.5 Joost Crouwel 87 Mycenaean Pictorial Pottery – Links with Wall-painting? 2. Minoan Pottery and Iconography 2.1 Philip P. Betancourt 103 Evidence from Pottery for the Early Stages of Monumental Cretan Wall-paintings 2.2 Pietro Militello 107 Wall-painting and Vase-painting: The Case of Middle Minoan III Phaistos 2.3 Iris Tzachili 119 Vases with Plastic Decoration Depicting Landscapes from the Vrysinas Peak Sanctuary 2.4 Dimitra Kriga 129 Appliquéd Pottery Decoration and Stucco Relief Wall-paintings in Crete and Thera in the Second Millennium BC 2.5 Fritz Blakolmer 143 “Sculpted with the Paintbrush”? On the Interrelation of Relief Art and Painting in Minoan Crete and Thera 3. Cycladic Pottery and Iconography 3.1 R.L.N. Barber 155 Subject and Setting: Early Representational Motifs on Pottery from Phylakopi (Early Cycladic IIIB-Middle Cycladic) and their Relevance to Fresco Scenes 3.2 Angelia Papagiannopoulou 163 The Beginnings of an Island Narration. Pictorial Pottery and Wall-paintings of the Second Millennium BC 3.3 Zozi Papadopoulou 183 Middle Cycladic Pictorial Pottery from Antiparos. The Case of the “Nippled Jug with Birds” 3.4 Irene Nikolakopoulou 195 The Painter's Brush and How to Use it: Elementary and Advanced Lessons from Akrotiri Iconography 3.5 Marisa Marthari 205 “The Attraction of the Pictorial” Reconsidered: Pottery and Wall-paintings, and the Artistic Environment on Late Cycladic I Thera in the Light of the Most Recent Research 4. Ιconography and Ideology 4.1 Robert B. Koehl 225 From Pot Patterns to Pictures: Thoughts on the Evolution of Aegean Wall-painting 4.2 Elizabeth Shank 235 The Griffin Motif – An Evolutionary Tale 4.3 Evangelos Kyriakidis 243 Situations in the Study of Minoan Iconography: The Situation of the Baetyls 4.4 Lefteris Platon 251 Iconography Workshops at Minoan Zakros: Marrying Political-Religious Symbolism with Expressive Freedom? 5. Neopalatial Ιconography. The Aegean “Koine” 5.1 Toula Marketou 261 The Art of Wall-painting at Ialysos on Rhodes: From the Early Second Millennium BC to the Eruption of the Thera Volcano 5.2 Lyvia Morgan 277 Inspiration and Innovation: The Creation of Wall-paintings in the Absence of a Pictorial Pottery Tradition at Ayia Irini, Kea 5.3 Fragoula Georma 293 The Representation of the Human Figure on Theran Wall-paintings: Conventions and Stylistic Observations 5.4 Irini Papageorgiou 301 The Iconographic Subject of the Hunt in the Cyclades and Crete in the Second Millennium BC: Sounds and Echoes in the Art of Wall-painting and Vase-painting 5.5 Eleni Hatzaki 315 Pots, Frescoes, Textiles and People. The Social Life of Decorated Pottery at Late Bronze Age Knossos and Crete 5.6 Emily Catherine Egan 329 From Permanent to Portable: The Ceramic Perpetuation of Painted Landscapes at Knossos in the Final Palatial Period 5.7 Nikos Merousis 339 Larnax-painters and Vase-painters: Vitae Parallelae in Late Minoan III Crete 6. Paintbrushes. Techniques and Technology 6.1 Panagiotis Angelidis, Evangelia Kalambouki, Sophia Sotiropoulou, Manolis Hamaoui 359 The Preliminary Designs in the Akrotiri Wall-paintings 6.2 Maria Krigka 371 Tropos: The Paintbrush Then and Now. Touching the Traces of the Theran Wall-paintings 6.3 Nikos Sepetzoglou 379 The Role and Significance of Colour in the Large Wall-painting Compositions of Spirals from Xeste 3 at Akrotiri 6.4 Hariclia Brecoulaki 391 Does Colour make a Difference? The Aesthetics and Contexts of Wall-painting in “the Palace of Nestor" at Pylos 6.5 Effie Tsitsa 407 From Minoan Artists to Swiss Restorers through the Prism of Conservation 7. Mycenaean Palatial Paintbrushes 7.1 Vassilis L. Aravantinos, Ioannis Fappas, Panagiotis Angelidis, Maria-Paraskevi Louka, Νikos Sepetzoglou 427 The Female Figure in the Pictorial Tradition of Mycenaean Boeotia: Critical Overview and Technical Observations 7.2 Elena Kountouri 451 Part of an Iconographic “Κoine”? Discussing New Wall-paintings from Thebes 7.3 Ulrich Thaler, Melissa Vetters 465 All the King’s Horses 7.4 Iphiyenia Tournavitou 495 Unconditional Acceptance and Selective Rejection. Interactive Thematic Cycles in Mycenaean Painting. Tales of the Unexpected 7.5 Eva Rystedt 513 The Early Mycenaean Chariot Kraters and the Ceramic Turn of a Presumptive Fresco Motif 7.6 Angelos Papadopoulos 523 The Iconography of Late Helladic IIIA-B Pictorial Kraters and Wall-paintings: A View from the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean 8. “Ιn absentia...” Aegean Iconography in Postpalatial Τimes 8.1 Vassiliki Pliatsika 535 The End Justifies the Means; Wall-painting Reflections in the Pictorial Pottery from Mycenae 8.2 Fanouria Dakoronia 547 Pictures from Nowhere 8.3 Andreas G. Vlachopoulos 557 Από την «Kοινή» στο «Kενό»; / From “Koine” to “Void”? The Art of Paintbrushes in Postpalatial Greece and their Social Implications 569 Bibliography – References Paintbrushes 7.6 Angelos Papadopoulos The Iconography of Late Helladic IIIA-B Pictorial Kraters and Wall-paintings: A View from the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean Introduction the presence of a very distinctive dialogue be- The aim of this paper is to present and tween pictorial pottery and wall-paintings, discuss the hypothesis that the iconography which appears primarily in the Palatial period of certain pictorial kraters made in the Aegean when wall-paintings were used primarily as and then exported to the Eastern Mediterranean means of status and ethos projection.3 does not find any thematic parallels on similar kraters discovered in Aegean contexts, but, I would like to express my gratitude to the scientific committee of Chrosteres for organizing a wonderful conference at the facilities of the Akrotiri Excavations on Thera, a site dear to my heart and the source of brilliant prehistoric iconography. The hospitality of the organizers added greatly to the success of this event, which brought together senior scholars and young students of iconography. I am particularly grateful to Andreas Vlachopoulos for his invitation to participate in the conference, for his continuous support and most stimulating discussions that began more than twelve years ago on the field of imagery (special thanks for his patience regarding this manuscript as well). The illustrations accompanying this text were sent to me courtesy of the British Museum in London and the Medelhavsmuseet in Stockholm; I am indebted to both institutions. Finally, Dr John Karavas and Dr Dave Smith assisted me with correcting my English text and I thank them. It goes without saying that I remain solely responsible for the views expressed here and for any mistakes in this text. rather, on the contemporary palatial wall-paintings. In particular, during the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries BC several pictorial kraters Setting the chronological, geographical and methodological framework The focus of this essay will be on the that were exported to the East (Cyprus, Egypt wall-paintings that decorated the various Main- and the Syro-Palestinian coast) had a very spe- land administrative centres of the fourteenth cific thematic repertoire that, judging from the and thirteenth centuries BC, Late Helladic (LH) current archaeological record, cannot be found IIIA-B periods, and the contemporary pictorial within the Aegean region itself.1 It has been sug- vessels that were evidently produced in the Ae- gested elsewhere that this observation reflects a gean region and exported to the Eastern Medi- conscious choice of the Aegean craftsmen which terranean. Although the art of vase and mural was aimed at satisfying the tastes and needs of decoration with composite scenes, including ani- a specific clientele outside the Aegean2 with mal and human figures, is well attested from themes and motifs that were not as appealing or previous periods, it is during this very period popular within local Aegean societies. However, that it is possible to examine contemporaneous a similar iconographic agenda seems to appear pictorial motifs from both crafts and explore on the mural decoration of the great adminis- their relationship in depth, thanks to a great trative centres of the Mainland, thus suggesting number of publications and research projects. 1. Based on the current published information and excavation 3. See Papadopoulos 2006, especially ch. 5 (142-210) for a reports. detailed discussion on the relation between political statement 2. Papadopoulos 2011. and iconographic art during the Mainland Palatial period. 523 A n g e l o s P a p a d o p o ul o s Regarding the scenes that decorate a Cyprus, including several pictorial kraters deco- number of buildings and edifices of the LH III rated with a variety of scenes. A most useful A-B, the most comprehensive study is the one and comprehensive catalogue is provided by Van by S. Immerwahr, which recorded all major Wijngaarden, who discussed the use, appreci- mural decorations until the time of the publi- ation and distribution of Mycenaean pottery in cation of her corpus.4 Despite the recent advanc- Italy, Cyprus, Egypt and the Syro-Palestinian es in archaeological research and conservation coast,10 as well as the importance of the picto- (for example the on-going study of Xeste 3 at rial kraters abroad. A series of articles by Steel 5 Akrotiri on Thera and the new finds at Agios also pointed out the symbolic meaning of these Vasileios in Lakonia),6 it remains a major guide kraters and what they meant to local Cypriot to the subject and it will form the basis of the societies.11 Recent publications12 and research discussion presented here. So far, all major projects13 have supplied archaeological scho- centres have produced significant amounts larship with further unknown data, and it is of multi-coloured wall-paintings: Mycenae, worth highlighting the fact that fresh inform- Tiryns, Pylos, Thebes, Gla, Orchomenos, Agios ation on the pictorial kraters found in Eastern Vasileios and Iklaina have yielded a wealth of Mediterranean contexts appears very frequently 7 pictorial information. The large pictorial kraters of the same thanks to new excavations and the study (or restudy) of old material in the museums. period have been the subject of numerous stu- The majority of the decorated pottery dies, such as the major research by Vermeule and that will be discussed here was discovered on Karageorghis,8 as they are amongst the large va- the island of Cyprus and, therefore, the differ- riety of Late Bronze Age III clay vessels that were ent social and political organization between the produced in the Peloponnese and exported to Aegean and Cyprus should be kept in mind. De- the island of Cyprus. From that point, they were spite the existence of some strong candidates,14 transported further eastwards, quite possibly there are no “palatial” complexes or major cen- via Cypriot merchants that were already sup- tral buildings on the island and, more to the plying the Eastern Mediterranean with Cypriot point, not a single fragment of wall-painting ceramics of great quality.9 As a result, a large which can be securely dated to the Bronze Age number of Aegean-made vessels were found in has been discovered yet. The majority of Mycenaean pictorial pottery in Cyprus was found in 4. Immerwahr 1990a. tombs and religious contexts, and was clearly 5. Vlachopoulos 2008a; 2010. part of certain “dinner sets” that were used and 6. Vasilogamvrou 2012, 544, 546, figs 1171-1173. consumed by the resident upper classes.15 7. For the first six sites, see Immerwahr 1990a; for Agios Vasilei- os, see fn. 6; for Iklaina Cosmopoulos 2012, 472-473. 524 8. Vermeule and Karageorghis 1982; see also Pliatsika 1999 for 10. Van Wijngaarden 2001; 2002. a more recent catalogue of Aegean pictorial pottery found 11. Steel 1998; 1999; 2004. in the Eastern Mediterranean. Walters 1912 published a cata- 12. Yon et al. 2000. logue of all Aegean pottery discovered during the British 13. The Enkomi Project, Dr D. Pilides, Department of Anti- Museum Excavations in Cyprus and then brought to London quities, Cyprus (http://www.enkomicm.org/). A valuable source at the end of the 19th century. The excavators published the of information is the online catalogue of the antiquities found results of the excavation almost immediately (Murray et al. during the British Museum Excavations in Cyprus, edited by 1900), but not without omissions and problems. Dr Thomas Kiely. 9. For a discussion on the circulation of Aegean pottery in 14. For example Buiding X at Kalavassos-Agios Dimitrios or relation to the Cypriot pottery along the Eastern Mediterra- Building II at Alassa-Palaeotaverna, see Knapp 2013, 363-364, nean coast, see Papadimitriou 2012, 92-136; also Papadopou- figs 98-99 (Building X) and 366-368, figs 102-103 (Building II). los 2011, 174-178. 15. Steel 1998. T h e Iconog raphy of LH IIIA-B Picto r ia l Kr ater s a n d Wa ll-paint ing s: A View f r o m t h e Aeg ea n a nd t h e E a st er n M ed it er r a nea n the addition of a variety of different elements, including marching spearmen to the front and rear, animals and men carrying objects. No other decorative motif has such a wide distribution within, or beyond, the Aegean.18 Occasionally, armed men are depicted standing between two chariots, in an arrangement similar to that of the well-known “Master of Animals”19 (fig. 1). Hounds are known from Pylos20 and the Megaron at Tiryns.21 At the former site, they are depicted in two chronologically distinct episodes within the same pictorial composition, first a) moving towards the hunting site under the leash of their masters and, subsequently, b) in action attacking a wild boar and guiding it to the trap. Ceramic parallels appear on a bell krater from Tomb 4 at Klavdia22 in Cyprus (figs 2-3), on which a male figure holding two dogs, apparently on a leash, is accompanied by a depiction  Fig. 1 LH IIIA2 amphoroid krater Provenance of a bull, but it is not possible to comment if The issue of provenance has been exten- the bull is the prey of the dogs or under attack. Klavdia, Cyprus. Reg. no. sively discussed during the past few decades. While the LH IIIC period has produced 1897, 0401.928. © Trustees Clay analysis, petrography and Neutron Acti- a great quantity of ship imagery, not least in of the British Museum. vation Analysis (NAA), have shown that the those depicted carrying warrior, identified on from an unknown tomb, centre of production of most (if not all) LH pottery from Kynos (East Locris), Lefkandi and IIIA2-B kraters found in various Eastern Med- Tiryns,23 LH IIIB offers only a single example of iterranean contexts can be identified in the the motif on pottery: it appears on a damaged northeast Peloponnese and especially the site LH IIIB1 amphoroid krater from Enkomi (fig. 4) of Berbati. 16 and depicts a ship in section with male warriors visible both on the upper and the lower deck.24 From monumental to portable: A careful choice of exported themes? The most celebrated pictorial theme, in 18. For a recent study on the depiction of chariots in a variety both wall-paintings and pictorial pottery, is evi- of East Mediterranean contexts, see Feldman and Sauvage dently that of the chariot.17 With up to three passengers on board, and most commonly 2010. 19. Walters 1912, 67, C342; Vermeule and Karageorghis 1982, 30, 198, IV.18. pulled by a pair of horses, it has been identi- 20. Lang 1969, Pl. M, 17, 19-20 H53, 13 C 43. fied in wall-paintings at Mycenae, Tiryns, Pylos 21. Immerwahr 1990a, 129-130, 202-203, Ti No. 6. and Orchomenos. Vase-painters in both the Ae- 22. Walters 1912, 81, C399; Vermeule and Karageorghis 1982, gean and the East augmented this motif with 52, 204, V.73. 23. For a discussion, see Papadopoulos 2009. Also Dakoronia this volume. 16. For example see Yellin and Maeir 1992, 31-36 and also 24. I wish to express my gratitude to my friend and colleague Zuckerman et al. 2010, 409-416, as well as Papadopoulos 2011, Dr Georgios Bourogiannis who assisted me greatly in acquiring 171. For the site of Berbati, see Åkeström 1987. fig. 4 from the Medelhavsmuseet at Stockholm. See Rystedt 17. Crouwel 1981; 2005; Immerwahr 1990a, passim. in Karageorghis 2003, 100-102, no. 105. 525 A n g e l o s P a p a d o p o ul o s The Messenian sites of Pylos25 and Iklaina have fig. 3) where several of them yielded fragments of wall-paintings, illustrat- are shown within these framed ing that ships were also part of the “palatial” spaces.32 At least two depictions of mural decoration repertoire. Archers and sling-throwers are well rep- spearmen in an attacking stance resented in earlier Aegean art, though they are have been recovered from LH IIIB extremely rare during the Palatial period. The Pylos,33 including one from the Battle recent identification of a single female archer Frieze of Hall 64. Men marching with from Pylos represents a notable exception. Rep- spears are also known from Tiryns34 and resented only by the left arm and part of the up- Orchomenos.35 While there are no thematic per body, little can be said about the surround- parallels on any krater thus far identified from ing environment. The exact posture is not clear Cyprus, an LH III conical rhyton from Ugarit (Ras either, though the identification of a female Shamra)36 portrays a spearman in a similar pose. holding a bow seems secure, and the site itself This image seems to find only very limited use  Fig. 2 has previously yielded much military icono- on clay surfaces, although recent finds from My- LH IIIB bell krater from graphy. Males marching with bows are depicted cenae offer possible examples of this motif from on a krater from Enkomi27 (fig. 5), in only the sec- the Mainland.37 26 ond example of his kind of an armed individual 38 and in LH IIIA-B Aegean art. Whether these individu- bearing gifts and offerings from Thebes Tiryns39, has a parallel on two vases from Kala- though the presence of weaponry is clear. vassos-Agios Dimitrios.40 Male processions were Women appearing at windows are evidently also depicted, based on the example 28 of the “Homage Krater” from Aradippou in Cy- and, recently, at Agios Vasileios29 in Laconia. A prus.41 However, in this case, armed men move third possible example comes from Room H4 at towards a seated (throned?) central figure. the citadel of Gla,30 and a fourth, namely a hel- A unique scene involving a shrine with 31 meted female, has been identified in Thebes. horns of consecration and chariots is also These female figures are depicted in profile, known from Kalavassos-Agios Dimitrios.42 Its looking left or right, and are paralleled on the closest parallel is perhaps provided by the altar famous “Kourion Krater” (Rystedt this volume, 32. Murray et al. 1900, 73, 81, fig. 127; Vermeule and Kara- 526 25. For an old pair of fragments, see Lang 1969, Pl. L, 19 M ne; georghis 1982, 17-18, 196, III.12. For the history of this krater, Davis, Stocker and Brecoulaki presented their work in-progress see Karageorghis 2009, 1-6. on the Pylos ship frieze at the Cycladic Seminar at Athens (25 33. Lang 1969, 23 H 64, pls 17 M; 16 H 43, pl. B. They are November 2013); for Iklaina, see Cosmopoulos 2012. dated to LH IIIB2. 26. Brecoulaki et al. 2008. 34. Immerwahr 1990a, Ti No.2, 202. 27. Walters 1912, 64; Vermeule and Karageorghis 1982, 43-44, 35. Spyropoulos 1974b, colour pl. II; Immerwahr 1990a, 132, 202, V.28 (BM vase C333). 165, Or No. 3. 28. The lower part of two joining fragments, Immerwahr 36. Vermeule and Karageorghis 1982, V.36, 44, 202. 1990a, 122-125, 192, My No. 11. 37. See Pliatsika this volume. 29. Vasilogamvrou 2012, 544, 546, fig. 1173. 38. Immerwahr 1990a, Th No.1, 200-201, colour fig. XXI. 30. Room H4 has produced a fragment showing two minia- 39. Immerwahr 1990a, Ti No. 4, Ti No. 5, 202. ture women’s heads in profile to the right, a variant of the motif 40. Steel 2006. known as “women at the window” (Iakovidis 1998, colour pl. IVb). 41. Walters 1912, 65, C337; Vermeule and Karageorghis 1982, 31. Immerwahr 1990a, 128, 201, Th. No. 2. Also Morgan 1988, 197, 23-24, III.29. fig. 156. 42. Steel 1998, 2006. Reg. no. 1898, 1020.10. © Trustees of the British The well-known procession of women als are depicted in battle remains uncertain, known from mural compositions at Mycenae Tomb 4, Klavdia, Cyprus. Museum. T h e Iconog raphy of LH IIIA-B Picto r ia l Kr ater s a n d Wa ll-paint ing s: A View f r o m t h e Aeg ea n a nd t h e E a st er n M ed it er r a nea n  Fig. 3 Detail of the male figure with the hounds from the bell krater at fig. 2. © Trustees of the British Museum. from the Room of the Frescoes at Mycenae,43 Special cases which depicts horns of consecration and car- Boxers47 (fig. 6) seem to constitute a dis- ries a clear and direct religious connotation. A tinct category, as they appear on pottery both in large female figure is depicted next to this altar, the Aegean and in Cyprus, but they are not por- wearing a long robe and carrying a sword in trayed in contemporary wall-painting. Despite a non-aggressive gesture. Similar (male) robed the earlier depictions of boxers and wrestlers, figures armed with swords appear in Cyprus on relief paintings at Neopalatial Knossos and (Enkomi and Aradippou), Syria (Ugarit) and in Late Cycladic I Akrotiri, no large-scale LH IIIA-B a single example from Rhodes.44 paintings of such a theme have survived in the The only example of a probable figure-ofeight shield on a vessel derives from Enkomi.45 archaeological record, if indeed, they were ever painted. In contrast, figure-of-eight shields, an already The depiction of griffins48 (fig. 7) from ancient motif and religious symbol, as well as British Tomb 45 at Enkomi is thus far unique. a defensive weapon, appear in mainland Greece Dating to LH IIIA2, two griffins are illustrated; in a variety of media from the end of the Middle the first is harnessed to a chariot and the sec- Bronze Age onwards, and decorated the wall of ond is in an antithetical position beyond it. No the Cult Centre at Mycenae and the Megaron other examples of griffins harnessed to chariots at Tiryns.46 are known in the Aegean repertoire of fresco- 43. Immerwahr 1990a, 120-1, 191, My No. 6; Rehak 1992b, 39-62. 44. For a presentation and discussion refer to Papadopoulos Tiryns: Immerwahr 1990a, 139, 165, 203, Ty No. 10. 2012a. 47. Walters 1912, 64, C334; Vermeule and Karageorghis 1982, 45. Papadopoulos and Kontorli-Papadopoulou 1992, 340 (vi) 44, 202, V.29. (with references). 48. Walters 1912, 79-80, C397; Vermeule and Karageorghis 46. Mycenae: Kritseli-Providi 1982, 58, no. B-33, pl. 13, ΣΤα; 1982, 43, 202, V.27; Papadopoulos 2011, 173. 527 A n g e l o s P a p a d o p o ul o s  Fig. 4 LH IIIB1 amphoroid krater from Swedish Tomb 3, Enkomi, Cyprus. Inv. no. E. 003: 262. © Världskulturmuseerna, Medelhavsmuseet. 528 T h e Iconog raphy of LH IIIA-B Picto r ia l Kr ater s a n d Wa ll-paint ing s: A View f r o m t h e Aeg ea n a nd t h e E a st er n M ed it er r a nea n painting. The nearest example Three major questions, however, arise is the plastered Late Minoan from this comparison based on the actual the- III larnax from Hagia Triada, matic repertoire as well as its context. Firstly, which depicts two female fig- why are actual battle and hunting scenes not ures driving a chariot drawn by depicted on pottery although they frequently griffins (but it is a unique porta- appear on wall-paintings; secondly, what is ble artefact in comparison with the reason why these decorated kraters are ab- permanent wall-paintings).49 sent from the Mainland; and, finally, how is it Note: There is a number of possible that both mural- and pottery-paintings these motifs depicted on media oth- were made by the same cultural group, when er than wall and vase surfaces. For ex- only one set of them was “consumed” by it, ample, a fragmentary ivory plaque50 from while the other was apparently meant for ex- the “hoplotheke” at Thebes depicts parts of a port? It seems that there were restrictions and chariot, a horse, two passengers, a collared patterns regarding the production, distribution dog, a boar(?) and a tree, very similar to the and consequently the consumption of the mo- Tiryns Hunting Frieze. Similarly, the figure-of- tifs depicted on these specific media. eight shield appears on all kinds of objects made 1. It has been suggested elsewhere that of various materials throughout the Late Bronze the LH IIIA-B wall-paintings had a very specific Age.51 Finally, as Crouwel52 has shown, there are purpose to serve and that this was to decorate Cyprus. Reg. no. 1897, some rare images of griffins harnessed to char- the buildings of major sites and, at the same 0401.928. © Trustees iots on sealstones and ivory as well.  Fig. 5 LH IIIB amphoroid krater from Tomb 45, Enkomi, of the British Museum. time, to project the status, authority and prowess of the Mainland upper class.53 The battle Discussion Based on this thematic comparison, it friezes from the Megaron at Mycenae and Hall 64 of Pylos, together with the hunting scenes can be suggested that the two arts moved along from Tiryns and Orchomenos, aimed at deliver- the same path regarding the complex scenes ing a powerful message regarding the power and and motifs they would represent. Both vase- authority of the local polity. There was a rea- and fresco-painters were capable of using the son for them being located at central sites and same iconographic elements in order to pro- key locations as they formed a kind of insignium duce similar pictorial compositions based on dignitatis. Therefore, it is logical not to expect certain thematic repertoires. Both groups of to find them painted on portable works of art, artisans were obviously aware of the relevant such as pottery, as their function was directly practices, myths, events and stories, and they associated with that of the centres of authority. were able to immortalize them on the clay and It would be rather easy to express the ar- plaster surfaces respectively. The latter, in fact, gument that there was not enough space on the gave these skilled painters the opportunity to surface of the vessel to portray a full battle or explore their motifs in depth and without the hunting activity, but this is not entirely true. The limitations posed by the narrow frame that the two vessels from Kalavassos-Agios Dimitrios, for pottery-painters had to deal with between the example, clearly show that a procession of wo- base and the neck of the krater. men can be depicted with ease on such a surface and, equally, the Enkomi ship points out that it 49. Papadopoulos 2011 for a brief discussion and references. is possible to have multi-levelled narratives. 50. Aravantinos 2000b, 55-59, figs 20-21. 51. Papadopoulos 2006. 52. Crouwel 2005, pl. Iv. f-g. 53. Papadopoulos 2006, ch. 5, esp. 206-210. 529 A n g e l o s P a p a d o p o ul o s Therefore, it can be suggested that the Cypriot clientele. It is worth noting lack of battle and hunting compositions is far though the obvious lack of the from accidental, as the artisans had the skill two Aegean major symbol- to create them but rather opted consciously to ic scenes, those of combat leave them out of the iconographic repertoire, and hunting, as it seems as they were meant to be kept within the walls that they were not supposed of buildings under central control as signs of to “leave” the Aegean region. authority. As a matter of fact, this may also ex- 3. In order to provide an plain the occurrence of so many pottery vessels explanation for the lack, up to this with “aggressive” decoration (warriors, hunt- date, of similar pictorial vessels from ers, hounds, battles) during the following LH the Aegean region, the most logical as- IIIC period, as the collapse of the administrative sumption could be that the upper classes of the systems transferred (some of) these motifs from Mycenaean “koine” had other means of project- the walls of the old establishment to the clay ing their ethos and did not use these kraters. It  Fig. 6 surfaces of the new upper classes.54 is the time of the impressive tomb constructions, Part of a LH IIIB1 amphoroid 2. With the exception of the numer- the rich offerings and the great architectural krater from Tomb 93, ous chariot kraters, the rest of the discussed complexes. On the other hand, Cyprus lacks themes appear mostly in non-Aegean contexts. these monumental constructions (both for the The deposition processes and the destruction of living and the dead), and, as previously stated, tombs and settlement sites by modern building there are no contemporary wall-paintings and activities and long periods of looting are perhaps the social strategies that the upper levels of the reasons contributing to the minimal survival of society followed seem to have a lot to do with pictorial kraters decorated with the discussed borrowing and adopting symbols of authority motifs, but this does not seem to be a satisfact- from neighbouring societies. In other words, the ory explanation. Similar conditions apply both Aegean elite(s) did not need the pictorial kraters in Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean, and to project any legitimate authority or prowess, yet large quantities of vessels have been found. while the Cypriot upper class appreciated and It seems that a possible explanation lies within consumed them as exotica that were easily af- the symbolic interpretation of these objects and fordable and very impressive, due to the practic- the way they were appreciated by non-Aegean es they followed. Enkomi, Cyprus. Reg. no. 1897, 0401.1287. © Trustees of the British Museum. societies. Steel has highlighted convincingly the role of Mycenaean ceramics and “dinner sets” 55 for the elite stratum of Cypriot society. Apart from the chariot, a widely-known status symbol From the vase to the wall to the vase? Boulotis argued persuasively that the all around the Eastern Mediterranean littoral, pottery-painters who created the Middle Mino- the rest of the aforementioned scenes painted an II Kamares ware were the most appropriate on these artefacts were made selectively for the craftsmen to decorate the walls of the palaces, as they were already very skilled with the se- 54. Additionally, the lack of the “palatial” control of the trade routes and the shortage of expensive raw materials forced the Aegean craftsmen to turn to more modest materials, such as pottery. Occasionally the proportions of the figures on these crets of polychromy56 and accuracy in designing complex motifs. It is indeed a very strong case,  Fig. 7 further supported by the recent finds at Akroti- LH IIIB bell krater from ri, which include multi-coloured large vessels Tomb 48, Enkomi, Cyprus. kraters are similar to those of the wall-paintings from the same © Trustees of the British period (see for example the Warrior Vase from Mycenae). 55. Steel 1998. 530 Reg. no. 1897, 0401.927. Museum. (Tournavitou this 56. Boulotis 1993 and 1995. See also Betancourt this volume. volume, fig. 8). T h e Iconog raphy of LH IIIA-B Picto r ia l Kr ater s a n d Wa ll-paint ing s: A View f r o m t h e Aeg ea n a nd t h e E a st er n M ed it er r a nea n decorated with human figures, animals as well as mythical creatures dating to the last phase 57 Conclusions The LH IIIA-B Aegean wall-paintings of the Middle Cycladic III period. It seems ac- seem to have a direct connection with the con- ceptable that the art of wall-painting, a direct temporary pictorial pottery produced in main- import from Egypt, found fertile ground in the land Greece. Several common iconographic Aegean art and the skilful craftsmen explored elements appear in both crafts and there is this new decorative technique. clearly a common pictorial language between During the LH IIIA-B period however, it these skilled artisans.59 They had almost iden- seems that the large and complex compositions tical iconographic agendas and the human fig- that included several human and animal fig- ure was a major focal point for both crafts. It ures, landscape elements and architectural fea- is also likely that the kraters themselves were tures inspired the vase-painters to depict parts eventually reproducing parts of larger scenes, of these compositions on the kraters and, rarely, originally found upon walls. on other shapes as well. Some of the themes The most notable difference, however, discussed above (such as the male individual is the lack of battle and hunting scenes from between the chariots) appear to “suffer” within the kraters, whereas these appear frequently on the narrow frame of the vessel, while the rooms the walls at various sites within the Aegean. in the Megaron at Mycenae have more space to Adding the fact that the great majority of these 58 kraters was found in non-Aegean contexts, and One very distinctive difference, however, especially on the island of Cyprus, we have to deploy and create a more persuasive narrative. is the so-called horror vacui. Several of the chariot assume that these two media and their icono- kraters from both Aegean and non-Aegean con- graphy served two different purposes: the Main- texts appear to have no free space between the land wall-paintings project the status of the lo- various features, as for example, the legs of the cal ruling class, while the (Aegean-made, but horses; unlike the wall-paintings that leave plen- Cypriot in context) pictorial kraters were used ty of space to the extent that in some cases (e.g. as exotic objects and symbols of prestige by the the Tiryns “Hunt Frieze”) their action appears to Cypriot elite(s). At the same time, the themes of be portrayed in a rather abstract way with the battle and hunting remained strictly Aegean in minimum of decoration (especially when bearing character, as these were meant to support a very in mind and comparing it with the Cretan mural Aegean social mechanism. It seems, however, decoration). Although there is no definitive and that both mural and vase compositions would universally acceptable explanation regarding this be addressed to people who would appreciate the issue, it is perhaps worth considering the possi- actual medium (wall, vessel) as well as the icono- bility that the vase-painters aimed in this way at graphic message (chariots, armed individu- making their work of art more impressive and, als, processions, etc). Despite the social differ- therefore, creating an object that might lack the ences regarding the appreciation and consump- space of a wall, but is nonetheless a glorious ob- tion of these two categories of art, there must ject worth acquiring and circulating. have been a common guide-book and a set of restrictions during their production. 57. Nikolakopoulou 2010, 213-222; Vlachopoulos 2013d. Also Nikolakopoulou this volume. 58. 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