Social and Politics

The infrastructure of cinematic cityscapes manifests as spectacular utopian capitalist fantasies, or as the sites of detritus and abjection, usually stratified by visual metaphors of decadent heights or sewer-level depths respectively. This division frequently depends on an ideological mandate congruent with the social and economic conditions under which a film was constructed. As cinema has become an increasingly global product, depictions of the city have found articulations that stretch far beyond the comforting bourgeois fantasies of classical Hollywood productions. Especially following the introduction of revolutionary Third Cinema in the 1960s, filmmakers from many parts of the globe have taken to producing cinema that is directly concerned with cityscape and how it has participated with global capitalism in the production of class stratifications and social constructs. In “Dreaming of Infrastructure,” Patricia Yaeger proposes “a new practicum for looking at city literature, including (1) the fact of overurbanization, (2) the predicament of decaying or absent infrastructures, [and] (3) the unevenness of shelter (which, along with food, energy, health care, and water make up the mythos and ethos of the nurturing city).”  In the context of the mythos and ethos of the nurturing city, Yaeger makes specific reference to infrastructures concerned with the disposal of human excrement, and their symbolic representation in texts that use excrement to challenge such a mythos. Extending Yaeger’s call into cinematic text, Mark Shiel proposes a challenge “to produce a sociology of the cinema in the sense of a sociology of motion picture production, distribution, exhibition, and consumption, with a specific focus on the role of cinema in the physical, social, cultural, and economic development of cities.”  In this paper, I take up Yaeger’s new practicum for looking at city literature to investigate how the global discourse on urban and capitalist constructs is negotiated. While much of the explicitly revolutionary impulse of ostensibly Third Cinema seems to have faded out in the 1970s, its revolutionary impulse can be found in more contemporary examples of cinema that have become a hybrid of dominant forms in capitalist distribution networks, but which narratively include a form of cultural critique. Using a number of cinematic artefacts that are specifically concerned with contemporary urban infrastructure, I argue that historical examples of Third Cinema have been answered by more contemporary examples of Hollywood fantasy cinema in an ideological dialectic. From that point of departure, I further argue that certain examples of Canadian-influenced cinema, particularly the films of Don McKellar, plagued by a subordinate position within the U.S. market but imbued with a more socialist ideology, maintain a critical middle-ground between the polarized depictions of First and Third cinema. In these films, excrement and waste become a symbolic taboo through which to effect criticisms of the capitalist mega-city in a framework which systemically recuperates such dissent back into the Western mythos of the nurturing city.

Tourism is one of the largest industries of the world. Bangladesh has many tourist spots, among the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) is the most attractive tourist place. As the area is full of geographical and cultural diversities, tourism plays a major role in developing the economy and effects the culture also. This paper aims to analyze the impact of tourism on the ethnic people of Bandarban.

Socialist and Social Democratic parties leave few political observers and citizens indifferent. For several years, a certain number of actors on the political scene have presented it as a political family in crisis, lacking in imagination and dynamism, incapable of renewal and doomed to fade into insignificance. Others, on the contrary, describe it as a grouping with a promising, even brilliant future. 

This book does not set out to confirm either of those two visions. Its aim is to analyse in-depth the transformations which are affecting, at the current time, the different aspects of Social Democracy: new organisational models, changes in political and electoral performance, changing relations with the trade unions and civil society associations, reactions to the emergence of new political rivais and new values, new ideological trends and political programmes, etc.

For the first time, the analysis does not concern exclusively Western Europe, but also deals with the Social Democratic parties of the consolidated democracies and the organisations that claim to be part of democratic socialism in Central and Eastern Europe, and highlights the specific characteristics and points in common. At the dawn of the 21st century, it is therefore the challenges and the different responses to those challenges that are analysed by several of the leading European specialists in Social Democratic parties in Europe. "

Introducción Durante la década del setenta, el lenguaje de "la participación" alcanzó por primera vez el mainstream de las teorías del desarrollo y desde entonces, su adopción se ha generalizado entre un espectro de instituciones bien variadas, ONG, gobiernos locales y organismos de crédito internacional como, por ejemplo, el Banco Mundial. Bajo la promesa de que su ejercicio generaría inclusión y crearía mayor espacio y opciones para aquellos/as que tenían menos voz, la participación, junto con otras palabras seducto-ras como "empoderamiento" y "reducción de la pobreza", se convirtieron en la ortodoxia del discurso de desarrollo (Cornwall 2003). Por ejemplo, en relación a las mujeres, en la Declaración y Plataforma de Acción de Beijing del año 1995, 189 países se comprometieron a adoptar medidas para eliminar los obstáculos en la participación de aquellas en todas las esferas de la vida privada y pública, subrayando su "empoderamiento" y "autonomía" como factores esenciales para la erradicación de la pobreza. Bajo este tipo de "mandatos internacionales", los Estados han formulado, y continúan formulando, políticas destinadas a abordar la desigualdad entre varones y mujeres, estableciendo posiciones oficiales-inestables y disputadas— respecto a los derechos y “la participación” de estas últimas (Rodríguez Gustá 2010). [...]

Genealogie e sviluppi della crisi borsistico-finanziaria statunitense e i suoi effetti nell'economia globale. In particolare si analizza la correlazione con la crisi dei debiti sovrani in Europa e l'implementazione di politiche di austerità con forte valenza biopolitica e ordoliberale.

Italian philosophy provides a long-overdue and much-needed supplement to continental thinking. This book offers some living and lively examples, some for the first time in English, of original thought from the Italian philosophical scene. The contributors—seventeen leading Italian philosophers—offer perspectives from many areas, particularly ethics, politics, and religion. Contemporary Italian Philosophy includes a primarily historical introduction and is composed of three parts, corresponding with the unfolding of past, present, and futural thinking.

During Hugo Chávez's presidency, Venezuelan society underwent a sudden—and vicious—split between the Chavistas and the Opposition. What accounts for the extreme intensity of the split? How did differences so quickly become irreconcilable? What role did the media play? Answering these and related questions, Ana Mallén and María Pilar García-Guadilla explore how participatory democracy led to profound social polarization in Venezuela. (Forthcoming April 2017)

The Caspian Project is a weekly digital magazine organized by the online analytical resource, Modern Diplomacy. Dr. Matthew Crosston is the Senior Editor of the project, which aims to acquaint people with this critically undervalued region of the world. The analyses go far beyond the standard issue of energy and encapsulates economics, politics, culture, religion, global affairs, conflict and peace.

The 10th edition of The Caspian Project is now out and it has several unique distinctions: it is the first edition with an editorial introduction and takes a more holistic and adversarial approach to investigating Iran's entrance into the global community given the recent nuclear accord. It is a great example of the diversity and discord that exists in global affairs, testifying to how there is no one single simple answer to such complex interactions within the international system.

Masyarakat sering dibuat kesal dengan jalan rusak dan berlobang yang tidak kunjung diperbaiki. Banyak cara yang dilakukan oleh warga agar Pemerintah segera melakukan perbaikan jalan, namun tidak ada usaha yang lebih efektif dan efisien daripada menanami jalan yang rusak dengan pohon pisang. Penelitian kami lakukan dengan melakukan survei  menggunakan angket dengan metode purposive random sampling yang melibatkan 109 responden. Hasil penelitian kami adalah 85,3 % warga memilih pohon pisang sebagai instrumen protes yang paling disukai. Alasan warga memilih pohon pisang sebagai instrumen protes karena  tanaman pisang mudah terlihat dari jauh, mudah didapat, mudah ditanam, mudah dipindah, tidak menyebabkan cedera berat ketika tertabrak, serta lebih efektif dalam menyampaikan pesan kepada pihak Pemerintah maupun kepada para pengguna jalan. Tingkat keefektifan penggunaan pohon pisang sebagai instrumen protes dalam menyampaikan pesan kepada Pemerintah maupun kepada para pengguna jalan adalah 85,3 %. Manfaat yang paling dominan dirasakan oleh warga maupun pengguna jalan adalah mampu menyampaikan pesan kepada Pemerintah ( 37,6% ) dan pesan kepada para pengguna jalan agar berhati-hati ( 35,8% ). Aksi protes dengan menggunakan pohon pisang sebagai instrumennya 80,7 % direspon oleh Pemerintah meskipun waktu meresponnya tergolong lambat dikarenakan menunggu pos anggarannya.
Kata kunci : pohon pisang, jalan rusak, berlobang, protes

Secular arabic traditions have emphasized the potential of dreams to foretell the future.  Sometimes the prediction is seen as obvious and on other occasions elaborate systems of symbolic translations were consulted such as the tenth century Oneirocriticon of Achmet.
    In Islam, many of the foundations of the Koran were revealed to Muhammad in dreams. Muhammad ordered the practice of adhanthe daily call to prayer from the minarets and a central ritual of Islam to this day after one of his followers dreamed of it. The split of Islam into the conflicting factions of Sunni and Shi'ite was based partly on a dream of Mohammed, which the Sunnis used to justify their rights as his successors.
    The autobiographies of Muslim rulers often contain extensive dream diaries and examples of decisions obstensibly based on dreams.  When the Shah of Iran was deciding whether to seek a loan from Russia, he dreamed that a famous theological figure dressed in primitive Muslim garb approached the Shah and threw at his feet a sack containing gold and silver.  The interpretation of this dream was that the Shah shouldn't make any new loans with unbelievers but should trust that fellow servants of the faith would restore his finances. Sadam Hussein reported dreaming that Allah told him to enter and take back Kuwait just before the first Gulf War. Before the second Gulf War, he reported a dream that a snake came upon his path but he chopped off it’s head with a sword which he interpreted to mean western invaders would be vanquished.
    Because of this emphasis on dreams as foretelling the future rather than arising from the past, Arabs who are having PTSD nightmares of an event occurring each night--such as Kuwiati survivors of the Iraqi invasion or Iraqi survivors of the American invasion--experience even more anxiety over whether this will indeed occur again than dreamers in other cultures.
    The positive side to this emphasis on dreams foretelling the future happens when oppressed people dream of positive outcomes.  These are a source of much inspiration in arab society, while in western traditions they would be dismissed as "wish fulfillment" without the beneficial impact.
    We  collected dreams associated with events of the Arab Spring and discuss how they inspired and guided those taking part, and what dreams right now may have to offer the reshaping of the Arab world.

Analiza el proceso de construcción de
las políticas sociales destinadas a las
trabajadoras en su cualidad de madres
en Argentina. Para ello revisamos el
corpus legal que le dio origen, los
alcances de la normativa y las críticas a
su puesta en marcha de la sociedad civil
y de los círculos médicos, legales y
políticos. Nos detenemos en el debate
acerca de la creación de la Caja de
Maternidad (1934) y en los cambios de
orientación de las discusiones en torno
a la política de asistencia a las
trabajadoras producidos durante el
primer peronismo. La metodología se
basa en un análisis cualitativo de los
debates parlamentarios, las propuestas
de reforma de la legislación y las
reacciones de la prensa periódica

Christian Anarchism is becoming a growing specter in some religious quadrants. It purports high ideals, as almost any religious think tank likes to consider the notion. However, I would like to entertain the subject and ask questions that do not make sense in all the good sounding ideals. I personally know a number of self avowed Christian Anarchists. I’ve read several books by a well-known religious “anarchist” theorist, Jacques Ellul. I’ve also read Vernard Eller’s work. This is to say I am not uninformed about this view. While I understand why people are drawn to this view, and others, I propound that it, along with many other views are not what they seem on any level.

The comprehensive publication presents a selection of texts and images closely related to the permanent exhibition. The Solidarity story in this anthology is built of the accounts of those directly involved in the events, juxtaposed with an iconography portraying the great metamorphosis which has occurred since–one in which politics has become a natural element of daily life. Accompanying the accounts are classic articles dedicated to the history and culture of the opposition, as well as lesser-known essays, articles and historical documents; the main thread running through these being the socio- political changes of the 1970s and 1980s, not only in Poland but in Central and Eastern Europe as a whole. The materials collected here–mainly brought together and previously published by the European Solidarity Centre sum up the scientific, publishing and archiving work carried out so far by that institution.

Özet
Toplumda yaşanan sorunlar karşısında politika üretiminde “yama” diye
kavramlaştırdığımız durum/yapı ile karşılaşırız. Yamalar, ya sorunların üstünü örten/kamufle eden; ya sorunları geçici bir süreyle dondurarak olduğu gibi kalmasını sağlayan/muhafaza eden/karantinaya alan; ya da sorunları yapı ile uyum içinde gideren/çözen işlev görürler. İşlevleriyle yamalar, özellikle aile, ekonomi, eğitim, siyaset başta olmak üzere sosyal kurumlar tarafından pekiştirilirler. Sosyal kurumlar yamaların ortaya çıkış, kabul görülme, pratiğe taşınma ve sonraki kuşaklara aktarımında etkin rol oynarlar.
Çalışmada ulaşılan sonuçlardan biri sosyal politikaların üretiminde
farklı gerekçelerle yamalara ihtiyaç duyulması; bir diğeri yamaların farklı işlevleri üstlenebildiğidir. Bir diğeri de sosyal politikalara uygulanan yamalar eğer sorunları yapısal olarak çözerse insan zihninin bu uyum sayesinde giderek yamayı unuttuğu ama çözemezse sorunların derinleşerek bir yumağa dönüşmesine yol açtığıdır. O nedenle ve yamalardan kaçış olmadığına göre; kısa vadeli geçici çözümler yerine yapıyı güçlendiren kalıcı çözümler üreten sosyal politikalara duyulan ihtiyaç, hükümet kadar muhalefete de roller ve sorumluluklar yüklemektedir.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Sosyal politika, yama, uyum, işlev, muhalefet.

International Conference on Anti-Corruption and Integrity (ICOACI) 2019 : "Strengthening Transparency & Accountability for the Better Public-Private Governance". Host : Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK), Universitas Paramadina, Research Synergy Institute. Publisher : Yayasan Sinergi Riset dan Edukasi.

KELEMBAGAAN PENGELOLAAN SAMPAH BERBASIS KOMUNITAS DI RT 01 RW 03 DUSUN KRAJAN PERUMAHAN KALIREJO DESA KALIREJO KECAMATAN KABAT KABUPATEN BANYUWANGI The Institution of Community-Based Waste Management at RT 01 RW 03 Dusun Krajan Kalirejo Real Estate in Kalirejo Village Kabat Distric Banyuwangi Regency This research aims to describe the institution of community based waste management at RT 01 RW 03 Dusun Krajan Kalirejo village Kabat district Banyuwangi regency. Bayuwangi regency had public issues of environment which was also suitable with its predicate as the dirtiest city; the second dirtiest city in East Java in 2010. However, Banyuwangi transformed into the winner of clean city (Adipura) successively from 2012 to 2015. Adipura is a trophy and the predicate which is only given to the cleanest city / regency. The key to success of Banyuwangi as a clean city was gradual rules to the level of community that supported the behavior of the community in waste management. Such behavior was seen at RT 01 RW 03. The waste was managed by institution which had the impact on improving the quality of environment in the form of beauty and cleanliness and decreasing the amount of residue waste produced for disposing to landfill. The used data collection methods were observation techniques in the form of overt and covert, interviews, documentation and triangulation. The used informant determination method was purposive sampling technique with eight key informants. The researcher checked the data validity by using persistence observation, triangulation, and peer discussion. Data were analyzed by using an interactive model of Miles and Huberman that consisted of data collection, data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion. The research results showed that a community-based waste management in RT 01 RW 03 Dusun Krajan Village Kalirejo Real Estate Kalirejo village Kabat district Banyuwangi regency followed the institutional patterns. Institutional patterns were supported by formal and informal rules as well as the structure and role of executive institution (DKP, BSB, Kalirejo Village, RT 01 RW 03, Dasawisma) that shaped the behavior of community-based waste management at RT 01 RW 03.

Sebagian besar konflik yang terjadi saat ini bukanlah perang antarnegara yang saling bersaing dengan gencatan senjata seperti di masa lalu, tetapi akibat dari biasnya konsep-konsep identitas, bangsa, dan nasionalisme. Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia dengan ideologi Pancasila yang terdiri dari masyarakat heterogen merupakan negara demokrasi terbesar ketiga di dunia setelah India dan Amerika Serikat. Data BPS (Badan Pusat Statistika) tahun 2018 menyebutkan bahwa jumlah penduduk Indonesia sebanyak 265.015.300 jiwa. Hal tersebut menjadi fakta yang penting bagi seorang pemimpin untuk menjaga negara tidak masuk ke dalam kategori yang rawan konflik berdasarkan indeks kerentanan negara. Kepemimpinan merupakan fungsi kemampuan individu dalam mempersuasif orang-orang lain guna mencapai tujuan dan sasaran. Fungsi lain yang terkandung di dalam kepemimpinan adalah mewadahi individu dalam berfikir dan bergerak secara emosional dalam membangun konsensus bersama. Konsepsi gaya kepemimpinan di Indonesia yang dibangun sebagai bentuk pengamalan daripada sistem birokrasi kenegaraan terkadang belum mampu memberikan jawaban terhadap persoalan-persoalan konflik secara mendasar. Hal ini tentu menjadi sinyal peringatan kepada para pemimpin dalam mengambil kebijakan untuk menghadapi berbagai macam konflik yang terjadi. Oleh karena itu mencari seorang pemimpin adalah suatu tanggung jawab sosial yang prinsipil guna menjadikannya sebagai sosok yang sanggup menentukan arah dan kebijakan. Tetapi kadang kala tidak semua gaya kepemimpinan cocok diterapkan di dalam budaya Indonesia yang majemuk. Jadi, untuk mencari pemimpin yang tepat, masyarakat harus mampu menganalisa dan melihat apakah gaya kepemimpinan seseorang memang cocok diterapkan di dalam budaya yang mereka anut.

Resumen Este artículo presenta la asociación entre la producción de relaciones sociales en la sociedad capitalista y las políticas so-ciales. Se muestra la estrecha unión entre ambas por considerar estas últimas como un mecanismo de reproducción de las contradicciones derivadas de este modo de producción, pues estas reproducen condiciones de apropiación, distribución y acumulación de capital. Se muestran las políticas sociales como una tentativa para equilibrar las contradicciones entre el bienestar social y la acumulación de capital, lo que hace de estas herramientas favorables en la regulación de las relaciones capital-trabajo, al no confrontar la propiedad sobre medios de producción ni la expansión de lucro.

La transición del mundo offline al online no es un simple cambio de plataforma, es una metamorfosis. Los políticos pasan de una posición privilegiada, de discurso unilateral e incuestionable, casi desde un púlpito, a convertirse en un actor más en el proceso social de producción de contenidos en el cual, además, comparten créditos con los ciudadanos. Es la era de una política de menos protagonismo y más inteligencia colectiva; menos datos y más historias; menos individuos y más comunidad; menos linealidad y más hipertextualidad; menos unidireccionalidad y más redes.

En este naciente escenario, influido por las tecnologías digitales, las redes sociales surgen como herramientas clave de la comunicación entre políticos, autoridades, servidores públicos y ciudadanos. En ese contexto, esta obra presenta un modelo comunicacional que combina alrededor de 80 indicadores que incluyen variables de impacto y desempeño aplicados al análisis de las cuentas Twitter de tres políticos latinoamericanos: Nicolás Maduro, Rafael Correa y Cristina Fernández. Este trabajo está basado en la tesis doctoral presentada por la autora para optar por un Doctorado en Comunicación en la Universidad de Navarra.

In this article I will combine Erving Goffman's sociology with some of the main aspects of Actor-Network Theory in order to outline a theatrical conception of social power. My first aim is to try to summarize the sociological perspective introduced by Kenneth Burke and then improved on by Erving Goffman to understand the face-to-face interactions of everyday life. Secondly, I will try to use the theatrical metaphor underlying this theoretical framework to describe power-over relations in everyday life. Thanks to the combination of the dramaturgical theory proposed by Erving Goffman and the 'object turn' given to social theory by Actor-Network Theory, a theatrical conception of power allows the episodic, dispositional and systemic dimensions of power relations to be mapped respectively depending on the actors' performances, their roles of power and the institutionalized scripts. Moreover, this theatrical representation of power-over relations is a defaced understanding of the phenomenon that enables us to investigate not only its different directional forms (power-to,-over and-with), but also their possible variants (empowerment, resistance, domination and solidarity).

The processes of the region until now are oriented fundamentally to ensure the accomplishment of national social policies. How to make to orient them also to harness the local autonomy –and mainly to do it in conditions of equality– in order to make the local and regional development possible, and in addition to advance in other objectives? - To respond to this question the author proposes a theoretical distinction between "territorial" and "social" local goods and, with this frame, he widely reviews the processes of the region, using for it the unequal existing information. His main recommendations are: (i)  to differentiate between "territorial" transfers, aimed at assuring an «equal level of provision to equal fiscal effort», from "social transfers" aimed at assuring a minimum of education and health to all the population of each country; (ii) to reduce demographic differences between local circunscriptions and take advantage of better endogenous capacities self-government.

This article explores discourses and debates on secularism, religion, and politics in social media in connection with the 2018 Fiji general election campaign, and in interviews with leading figures in churches and religious organisations. It discusses how people responded to these issues. It shows that there is still a pervasive lack of clarity in the Fijian population as to what the terms Christian state, secular state, secularism, and secularisation mean, how people understand, discuss, and debate them, and how this lack of clarity was used politically during the campaign.