Press and media history

A koalíciós korszak sajtótörténetéről még nem készült monografikus összefoglalás, miközben a korszak történetéről egyre nagyobb számban jelentek és jelennek meg tanulmányok, kötetek, forráskiadványok. Azonban ezek a feldolgozások is rendre mellőzik a korszak sajtótörténetével vagy sajtópolitikájával kapcsolatos kérdéseket.
Pedig az 1945 után megindult politikai átalakulások nem hagyták érintetlenül a sajtó struktúráját sem. A nyilvánosság feletti kontroll, a sajtóirányításban a döntési pozíciók megszerzése biztosította a lehetőséget először még a Magyar Nemzeti Függetlenségi Front (MNFF) pártjai, majd az idő előrehaladtával egyre inkább a Magyar Kommunista Párt (MKP) részére, hogy a saját politikai elképzelései szerint irányítsa, befolyásolja, tematizálja a közbeszédet. A demokratikus átalakulás ugyanakkor magával hozta az alapvető szabadságjogokról, így a sajtószabadságról szóló diskurzust a politikai élet szereplői között, amely a mindennapi sajtópolitikai döntéshozatalban is éreztette a hatását.
Meglátásom szerint a sajtópolitika nem más, mint a hatalmi helyzetben lévő személyeknek, csoportoknak, intézményeknek a sajtó működésének befolyásolására tett törekvése a sajtójogi, sajtóközigazgatási és a sajtórendészeti eszközök alkalmazásával. A disszertáció célja ezért az, hogy bemutassam az 1944–1949 közötti időszak sajtópolitikában szerepet játszó intézményeket, valamint azokat az eszközöket, amelyekkel ezek az intézmények befolyásolni igyekeztek a sajtót.

In this essay, I examine the public discourse about Oswald Spengler's ideas in Britain in the 1920s and 1930s, particularly the »cultural morphology« he developed in his two-volume work Der Untergang des Abendlandes (translated into English in the second half of the 1920s as Decline of the West). Previous work has suggested that Spengler’s work was greeted in Britain, overall, with measured scepticism, although there were some individual enthusiasts. Beyond such  generalisations, however, there has so far been no systematic analysis of Spengler's British public reception in the two decades following the publication of Der Untergang des Abendlandes. As signalled in my title, I focus on press sources. These provide insight into three questions: how were Spengler's ideas described? With what other concepts or characteristics were they associated? How were patterns in their reception related to the cultural and political context of inter-war Britain? There was a focus across the period on what can be labelled Spengler's »organicism«, »relativism« and »determinism«. Moreover, Spengler's reception was also shaped by topics that were not specifically methodological: his erudition, pessimism, Germanness, advocacy of »Prussianism« and associations with Nazism.

Царская цензура существенно ограничивала информацию о военных действиях в прессе, однако не могла противостоять усилению критики правительства. Поиск внутренних врагов стал одной из главных черт российской прессы периода Первой мировой. Цель войны пресса видела в преображении мира, которое в зависимости от политического направления определялось в рамках славянофильских, либерально-демократических или социалистических идей.

La civilisation du journal ne voit pas seulement apparaître une circulation accrue des idées, une extension du lectorat, un mode d’information tissé de romanesque et de nouveaux rythmes liés à la quotidienneté. Elle instaure aussi un rapport spécifique à l’objet en papier. À l’heure où triomphe la chose imprimée, la culture médiatique est éminemment matérielle : manipulations, appropriations, circulations invitent à considérer les usages concrets du livre, du journal, de la brochure et de l’affiche, depuis les modes d’étalage à la vente jusqu’aux modalités de collection du livre et de conservation du roman-feuilleton, en passant par le démembrement du tract et le recyclage de l’affiche. Cet article examine les objets en papier produits par les éditeurs de pittoresques et de littérature panoramique dans les années 1830-1860 en France.

Cette étude trouve son origine dans un double étonnement. En effet, les années 1680-1740 sont marquées par la publication aux Provinces-Unies de nombreux ouvrages en français qualifiés d’« historiques » et consacrés à l’actualité politique européenne immédiate et à son analyse. Ce phénomène trouve sa plus belle illustration dans la parution en juillet 1686, à Leyde, de l’Histoire abrégée de l’Europe, premier mensuel d’analyse politique en langue française. L’apparition de cette nouvelle forme éditoriale vouée à un bel avenir, que je désigne sous le qualificatif de « mercures historiques et politiques », s’accompagne par ailleurs de l’impression d’Histoires consacrées aux événements les plus récents mais aussi de collections diplomatiques, recueils qui compilent des documents ayant trait aux relations internationales. Or, ces trois sortes d’ouvrages consacrés aux événements politiques récents sont rédigées par les mêmes auteurs : une douzaine d’exilés français, installés en Hollande, qui n’avaient rien publié avant leur départ de France.
Analyser ce corpus – appréhendé comme une « histoire du temps présent européen » – permet de saisir comment, dans la Hollande des années 1680-1740, publier l’actualité politique est devenu une profession. Celle-ci se caractérise par des pratiques d’écriture et par des compétences valorisables auprès du public grâce à une diversification des supports éditoriaux, et auprès des autorités politiques par l’exercice de fonctions d’informateur, d’historiographe et plus largement, d’expert en écriture politique. En observant comment ces hommes ont participé à la constitution d’un marché européen de l’information politique, cette étude analyse non seulement les procédés grâce auxquels ces journalistes ont contribué à rendre publics la politique et ses instruments, mais elle interroge aussi les implications qu’un tel phénomène éditorial peut induire sur le rapport des lecteurs à l’action des gouvernements.

Consommée au quotidien, la photographie de presse fait partie de notre paysage visuel depuis bien plus d'un siècle. Si elle a été rejointe par d'autres formes de mise en image de la réalité, sa fonction ne s'est pas estompée. La photographie de presse a même gagné en considération: des prix prestigieux lui sont consacrés chaque année et certains de ceux qui étaient autrefois considérés comme de simples artisans jouissent désormais d'une renommée internationale.
La plupart des auteurs de cet ouvrage entament leur réflexion à partir de cet objet ultime qu'est le magazine illustré (ou quelquefois la presse quotidienne, désormais illustrée elle aussi). Ils ne se limitent pas à en questionner les qualités formelles et artistiques, mais considèrent en priorité la photographie de presse comme un objet symbolique, socialement inscrit, qui permet de questionner ce qui est montrable et de quelle manière ce qui est montrable est effectivement montré.
Cet ouvrage explore également les terrains dans lesquels l'image de presse est réinvestie par d'autres usages, qui la distancient de son usage premier en l'introduisant au musée ou dans une exposition d'art.

Generally regarded as a ‘father of public relations,’ Edward Louis Bernays (1891–1995), was a public relations theorist and practitioner whose methods revolutionised the field and who originally coined the term public relations counsellor or consultant.  Born in Vienna, a double nephew of Sigmund Freud, his parents migrated to New York when he was a baby. After graduating from Cornell Agricultural College in 1912, Bernays worked as a medical journalist before becoming a show business publicity agent. Bernays was PR counsel to Enrico Caruso, Otis Skinner, and Diaghilev's Russian Ballet. He was a key staff member of George Creel’s World War One Committee on Public Information. Bernays’ first private client was Professor Thomas Masaryk, father of Czechoslovak independence. After 1920 Bernays was recognized as the leading public relations counsellor for major American corporations. He wrote the first book on public relations, Crystallizing Public Opinion, in 1929 and taught the first college course on the subject in 1930.
This paper comprises the first, detailed analysis of the German and Austrian, Jewish family, religious and cultural background of Bernays. It suggests that his unique patrimony of traditional, fin-de-circle European Judaism, Viennese philosophy and Freudian psychology created the optimal personality and skills to father the new industry and the new profession that would revolutionise business and political communication throughout the 20th century.

In this paper, I examine the American-Hungarian press-coverage of the Soviet-American
exchange exhibitions, which had been organized in 1959. The Soviet Union opened its
exhibition in New York at the Coliseum. For the organizers, the three most important
objects were the models of the Sputnik, the Lenin atomic icebreaker and the “typicalkitchen”.
On the bases of the articles which had been published in the American periodical
press, we are able to reconstruct a rather negative opinion. The American Hungarians had
the most conspicuous opinion in their articles. In Hungary, newspaper-readers were able
to read only positive reactions. The American National Exhibition in Moscow proved to
be different. The organizers intended to introduce the everyday life of American people.
This meant that consumption goods, such as Coke, color-televisions, all kinds of fast
food and cars had been displayed. Although, the Soviet officers made anti-propagandistic
steps, altogether three million people visited this event. In the Hungarian press, more
articles can be found about this exhibition, than about the Soviet Exhibition.

In: Böhm Gábor – Fedeles Tamás (Szerk.): Specimia Operum Iuvenum 2. Szemelvények 2. Válogatás a PTE BTK XXXI. Országos Tudományos Diákköri Konferencián (2013) első helyezést elért hallgatóinak pályaműveiből. Pécs, 2013. 209-231

This chapter discusses research on the policies, laws, and subsidies that create and shape the organizational
structures and practices that form the basis of the news media. The research reviewed treats news media
institutions as political actors and makes assumptions about journalism’s importance in a democratic society.
Although this line of research, with its emphasis on political economic and normative questions, often has been
marginalized in American mass communication scholarship, the authors explain its ongoing importance,
particularly in relation to the journalism crisis, and, suggest future directions.

Uğur Mumcu’nun tanımına göre gazeteci; haber ve bilgi kaynağına en çabuk ulaşan ve bu kaynaklardan dindiği bilgi ve haberleri okurlarına sunan insan demektir. O, gazetecinin bu görevini yapabilmesi için habere, olaya, olguya belgeye ve bilgiye dayalı yazılar yazması gerekir. Bunun içinde gazetecinin güvenilir kişi olması zorunludur. Sır saklayan, haber ve bilgi kaynağını gizlemesini bilen, gerektiğinde hükümetlere ve güç odaklarına karşı savaşmayı göze alan insandır gazeteci…

2017-ben egy huszonhárom tanulmányt magában foglaló kötet látta meg a napvilágot az Osiris Kiadó gondozásában. A tematikus fejezetekbe rendezett írásokat elsődlegesen a szer-ző személye köti össze: Erdész Ádámé, a Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár Békés Megyei Levéltára igazgatójáé, a kiadvány az ő 1989 és 2015 között megjelent munkáiból áll össze. Ahogy az elrendezés is sejtetni engedi, bár a tanulmányok jórészt egy-egy külön témát járnak körül, azok között erős kohézió van. A kötet elsősorban azokhoz szól, akik a neves gyomai nyomdász dinasztia, a Kner csa-lád múltja iránt érdeklődnek. Fontos jelezni ugyanakkor, hogy számos más téma is terítékre kerül, nem szólva arról, hogy a-könyvben kétségkívül főszerepet játszó-Kner-históriát olvasva sokrétű megközelítéssel találkozik az olvasó: a helytörténettől a művelődéstörténetig számos aspektus bontakozik ki a háttérben.

A rare and lost preface to Animal farm; novella written by George Orwell. This preface better known as Freedom to Press was written by Orwell himself and It gives equal cult to the topic which Orwell tried to heed on. I just edited it into readable PDF.

In the last few years, affect has entered the field of politics through both the media and political actors themselves. This article is based on the hypothesis that the images of affect that illustrate contemporary political narratives in the media reflect different visual motifs which are linked to an iconographic tradition that began in the art world. Through the iconographic analysis of images published in the three newspapers in Spain with the largest general readership (El País, El Mundo, and La Vanguardia) from 2011 to 2017, this article identifies three visual motifs of affect: the handshake, the hug, and the kiss. The study of these motifs highlights the survival of certain forms of emotion that are easily recognisable and engage with a longstanding iconographic tradition. At the same time, the article inquiries into the meanings derived from these iconographies and their implications on the representation of politics and of political leaders. The proliferation of motifs of ...

le mot "perles", même s'il est difficile à éviter à propos de certains articles de propagande, comporte aussi le risque, en raison même de la réputation de futilité qui l'entoure, de leur permettre d'échapper à la critique qui en certains cas ne serait pas inutile

Knjiga je podijeljena u dvije cjeline te je prije svega namijenjena studentima novinarstva. Prva cjelina obrađuje povijest novinstva kroz sljedeće teme: 1) Zašto istraživati novine (Tehnike u zaštiti starih novina, Stare novine dostupne za istraživanje, Kako istraživati novine, Analiza sadržaja kao metoda pročavanja medija, Specifičnosti analize sadržaja tiskanih medija te Osobine novina), 2) Kratki povijesni razvoj novina u svijetu (Prve tiskane novine, Pojava modernih novina, Korijeni žutog novinarstva i razvoj tabloida, Evolucija naslovnica dnevnih novina te Razvoj i karakteristike magazina), 3) Kratki povijesni razvoj novina u Hrvatskoj (Pojava prvih novina, Prve novine na hrvatskom jeziku, Novinstvo u prvoj polovici 20. stoljeća te Razvoj i ekspanzija Vjesnikove kuće – unutar potpoglavlja obrađene su dnevne novine te nauspješniji tjednici i mjesečnici te kuće ; Novine u Hrvatskoj od 1990-ih do danas ; Nestanak starih i razvoj novih tjednika i mjesečnika ; Današnje tržište dnevnih novina). Druga velika cjelina tiče se etike novinarstva, a progovara o sljedećim temama: Etika poziva, Definicije i povijesni razvoj etike novinarstva, Društvena odgovornost novinara i medija, Vjerodostojnost novinara i medija, Etički kodeksi, načela i zakoni o medijima, Prava i obveze novinara, Sankcije za kršenje etike novinarstva, Etičnost novinskih naslovnica). Unutar te cjeline nalazi se istraživanje – Etičnost naslovnica dnevnih novina na primjeru Jutarnjeg lista i Večernjeg lista unutar kojega se prezentirao model od šest kategorija za analiziranje etičkih prijepora u dnevnim novinama. Zadnje poglavlje progovara o suvremenim izazovima etike novinarstva.

Статья посвящена анализу соответствия редакторской политики журнала «Перец» властным директивам, помещенным в редакционной статье «Против идеологических извращений в литературе» в газете «Правда» от 2 июля 1951. Был рассмотрен процесс спускания директив от органов власти к работникам прессы. Сделан вывод о поливариативости интерпретаций «Перцем» партийных указаний и выдвинуто предположение о возможных причин.
This article is devoted to analyze the conformity between the editorial policy of the magazine "Perets" and government directives. The second was reflected in an editorial entitled "Against the ideological distortions in the literature" in the newspaper "Pravda" on July 2, 1951.

As the United States descended into civil war, New Orleans’s century-old community of French-speaking free people of color — wealthy, educated, and influential — struck back against increased racial hostility and erosion of their rights. Their chosen weapon was newsprint. L’Union: mémorial politique, littéraire et progressiste appeared in 1862, succeeded by La Tribune de la Nouvelle-Orléans in 1864. Collected here for the first time, the poems printed in the newspapers bring to light a network of intimate connections and vibrant dialogue. In verse modeled on French Romantic poetry, more than twenty activist authors wrote poems back and forth to each other before a public audience. Differing in important ways from the tone of the newspapers’ prose, the poetry expands our understanding of the close-knit, politically progressive community of Creole gens de couleur and recovers their contributions to the fight for civil rights in the United States. The original French poems appear here alongside Clint Bruce’s sensitive English translations, mindful of meaning, meter, and sound. A comprehensive introduction, biographies of the poets, and extensive annotations immerse the reader in Civil War–era Louisiana.

Depuis l'indépendance de la RDC, la presse écrite connaît d'importantes mutations, souvent marquées par des changements politiques. Mais aussi, les innovations technologiques, le cas d'Internet. Elles ont de manière significative influencé ses transformations.

Sur le plan politique, par exemple, par le fait que les journalistes ne pouvaient librement commenter la politique, ils s'étaient progressivement tournés vers les faits divers, pourtant rares dans les journaux de l'indépendance.

Lubumbashi, reste ainsi un de ces lieux majeurs des transformations et de l'histoire même de la presse congolaise. Ici, nous en résumons les grandes lignes depuis l'indépendance, à partir des analyses des publications de la presse locales depuis 1960.

Este trabalho se intitula A revista Veja e o bloco soviético - do Império do Mal ao fracasso do comunismo: 1985-1991, por cobrir o período cronológico recortado de suas páginas e por identificar o percurso que o anticomunismo declarado por seu editorial traçou dentro desse mesmo espaço de tempo. A União Soviética e seus satélites europeus orientais representavam uma poderosa ameaça. Uma superpotência militar agressiva e expansionista, apoiada em uma base material que não poderia ser considerada a de uma superpotência econômica, uma vez que não se destacava decididamente das da Europa Ocidental e Japão. Mas que ainda assim era a segunda economia do mundo. Ao fim do período essa ameaça não era mais perceptível. Construiu-se o discurso de que o comunismo foi um fracasso político, econômico e social desde seus primórdios. O que contrariava suas próprias afirmações de seis anos atrás, rapidamente apagadas da memória. Do auge territorial do sistema do socialismo real e das nações de orientação socialista (provavelmente 1983 e a crise em Granada) ao colapso do próprio conceito político de Europa Oriental e de Segundo Mundo, oito anos depois, o anticomunismo e a imagem feita por este da experiência socialista, passou por uma revisão total, da qual Veja é testemunha engajada. Essas alterações discursivas, se orientadas e inspiradas por políticas externas e intelectuais em boa medida estrangeiros, possuíam como alvo a formação de opinião dos grupos leitores cativos da revista, e na formação de uma teia de argumentos e imagens discursivas que poderiam ser facilmente replicados, no rádio, telejornal, jornal impresso e outras revistas, alimentando um extrato comum de repúdio à União Soviética e a todo adversário político e econômico interno que pudesse ser associado de alguma forma – mesmo a mais enganosa – aos interesses, métodos ou princípios pertencentes (ao menos no imaginário anticomunista) ao universo dos regimes socialistas. Aqui tentamos traçar essa mudança discursiva e como ela era objeto de uma tentativa de enquadramento na situação político-econômica no Brasil.

Gathering pace in Poland in 1955, the thaw marked a break in Stalin’s order. An increasingly visible division within the communist elite was reflected in inconsistent government policy, including towards the press. On one hand, the pressure on the central and local party and state apparatus was increasing; on the other hand, the policy was causing frustration among journalists. As early as the beginning of 1956, many young journalists, particularly in Warsaw, protested against the model of the press as a tool of the party propaganda: they wanted to write for readers and enjoy a greater freedom. The Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union as well as the death of Bolesław Bierut, head of the PUWP, gave the impetus to a period of intense crisis for the government system. The significance of press publications and of journalists acting for liberalization was invaluable at that time. The press gained in significance proportionally with the rapidly increasing readership, while numerous articles issued between April and October 1956 forced the authorities to face facts and compelled those in power to react, which often revealed their helplessness. The press policy was one of the main fronts in the fight within the PUWP for the direction and scope of changes, although neither of the two compet- ing party coteries – the “Puławy” group and the “Natolin” group – had a concrete programme towards journalists. The Department of Press of the Central Committee, controlled by those of the “Puławy” group, galvanized the press against the position of new party leader Edward Ochaba, and on the eve of the Poznań protests it expressed a positive view of the revival of the press, which nevertheless did not satisfy the journalists. Those of the “Puławy” group, wishing to make the press more attractive and the propaganda more effective, accepted a foggy form of autonomy. The dogmatic approach of those of the “Natolin” group set forth a radical – through purges – enforcement of the complete availability of the press. Both fractions unified in their negative assessment of radical left-wing journalism and diverged as to the question of how and when to crack down on the press: those of the “Natolin” group wanted to do so immediately, whereas those of the “Puławy” group – being aware that a purge would be counterproductive if carried out at a time of social tensions – planned to do so after the social ten- sions had calmed down. The journalists who after the Poznań protests, irrespective of their objections, obediently copied the deceitful propaganda message imposed by the party leadership were accused of stirring up a revolutionary atmosphere and even of driving society into turmoil in autumn 1956. In September, the authorities faced the announcement of autonomy by the Association of Polish Journal- ists and an increasing number of people demanding that the role of censorship be specified by statute or even that party magazines stop being censored. The press found itself at the epicentre of the conflict dividing the party establishment: none of several attempts to carry out purges in the editorial boards and censorship offices, which were approved by the Politburo, came to pass, which was a consequence of the unstable position of new party leader Edward Ochab; at the beginning of October 1956, these were not possible anymore in the revolutionary atmosphere of rallies and mass meetings.

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Odwilż, przyspieszająca w Polsce w 1955 r., naruszyła stalinowski ład. Coraz wyraźniejszy podział wewnątrz elity komunistycznej przekładał się na niekonsekwentną politykę władz, m.in. prasową. Z jednej strony rosła presja wywierana na centralny i lokalny aparat partyjno-państwowy, z drugiej strony polityka ta powodowała frustrację środowiska dziennikarskiego. Już u progu 1956 r. wielu młodych dziennikarzy, zwłaszcza w Warszawie, buntowało się przeciwko modelowi prasy jako narzędzia partyjnej propagandy: chcieli oni pisać dla czytelników i mieć więcej swobody. XX Zjazd KPZR i śmierć przywódcy PZPR Bolesława Bieruta były impulsem, który rozpoczął ostrą fazę kryzysu systemu władzy. Znaczenie publikacji prasowych i dziennikarzy działających na rzecz liberalizacji było wtedy nie do przecenienia. Rola prasy rosła wprost proporcjonalnie do lawinowo rosnącego czytelnictwa, a wiele artykułów ukazujących się od kwietnia do października 1956 r. stawiało władze wobec faktów dokonanych i zmuszało rządzących do reakcji, często świadczącej o ich bezradności. Polityka prasowa była jednym z głównych frontów walki wewnątrz PZPR o kierunek i zasięg zmian, choć dwie konkurujące ze sobą partyjne koterie – „puławianie” i „natolińczycy” – nie miały skonkretyzowanego programu wobec dziennikarzy. Kontrolowany przez „puławian” Wydział Prasy KC stymulował prasę wbrew stanowisku nowego przywódcy partii Edwarda Ochaba, a w przededniu buntu Poznania pozytywnie oceniał ożywienie w prasie, co skądinąd już nie satysfakcjonowało dziennikarzy. „Puławianie”, którzy chcieli uatrakcyjnienia prasy i skuteczniejszej propagandy, dopuszczali mglistą formę autonomii. Dogmatyczne podejście „natolińczyków” zakładało radykalne – za pomocą czystek – wyegzekwowanie pełnej dyspozycyjności prasy. Obie frakcje nie różniły się w negatywnej ocenie radykalnej publicystyki lewicowej, różniły w odpowiedzi na pytanie jak i kiedy spacyfikować prasę: „natolińczycy” chcieli to zrobić od razu, „puławianie” – świadomi, że czystka przeprowadzona w momencie poruszenia społecznego będzie przeciwskuteczna – chcieli to zrobić po spadku napięcia społecznego. Dziennikarzy, którzy po buncie Poznania, mimo oporów, posłusznie powielili kłamliwy przekaz propagandowy narzucony przez kierownictwo partii, oskarżano o stworzenie rewolucyjnej atmosfery, a jesienią 1956 r. wręcz o doprowadzenie społeczeństwa do wrzenia. We wrześniu władze stanęły w obliczu autonomizacji Stowarzyszenia Dziennikarzy Polskich i coraz liczniejszych głosów domagających się ustawowego określenia roli cenzury, a nawet zrezygnowania z cenzurowania czasopism partyjnych. Prasa znalazła się w epicentrum konfliktu dzielącego establishment partyjny: z kilku zatwierdzonych przez Biuro Polityczne prób czystek w redakcjach i cenzurze żadna nie doszła do skutku, co było konsekwencją chwiejnej postawy nowego przywódcy partii Edwarda Ochaba, a na początku października 1956 r. nie było już możliwe w rewolucyjnej atmosferze wieców i masówek.

En el presente artículo se retoman aspectos parciales de un conjunto de problemáticas abordados en un estudio precedente, sobre los modos de construcción de la noticia policial en la prensa gráfica durante la última dictadura cívico militar ocurrida en Argentina (1976-1983). Y su objetivo es exponer y explicar qué modelos delincuenciales y también qué núcleos argumentativos desarrollaron, durante el período 1976-1979, dos diarios argentinos de circulación nacional –Clarín y Crónica– en torno a los métodos represivos y de control social absolutos practicados en ese entonces. Los resultados obtenidos muestran que en la superficie redaccional de los medios estudiados coexistían tres modelos delincuenciales, en función de los cuales se desarrollaron dos narrativas opuestas pero complementarias, que resultaban favorables a una vigilancia estricta.

Die ersten deutschen Frauenzeitschriften im späten 18. Jahrhundert und ihr Publikum Mit dem raschen Anwachsen und der zunehmenden Ausdifferenzierung des literarischen Marktes erschienen im deutschsprachigen Raum in der zweiten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts zahlreiche literarische Zeitschriften, die sich ausdrücklich an Frauen wandten. Unter der erklärten Voraussetzung, lediglich das eigene Geschlecht unterhalten und belehren zu wollen, betätigten sich nun auch etliche Frauen als selbständige Herausgeberinnen. Sie alle waren bemüht, ihren ungewöhnlichen Schritt an die Öffentlichkeit mit der 'häuslichen Bestimmung' der Frau und dem Gebot weiblicher Bescheidenheit in Einklang zu bringen. Diese sozialgeschichtliche, diskursanalytische Studie zeigt erstmals, wer diese Publizistinnen waren, wie sie sich in ihren Zeitschriften präsentierten, unter welchen Bedingungen sie ihre Blätter produzierten und vertrieben, mit welchen Argumenten und Schreibstrategien sie sich in die damals rege Diskussion über eine zweckmäßige Ordnung der Geschlechter mischten und wie Leserinnen und Literaturkritiker darauf reagierten. Deutlich wird, daß der häusliche Raum der gebildeten Stände und die literarische Öffentlichkeit im 18. Jahrhundert keineswegs klar voneinander abgegrenzte, gegensätzliche Sphären waren. Die spätaufklärerische Geschlechterdebatte erscheint nicht länger als eine monotone restriktive Rede von Männern über Frauen, sondern als ein vielstimmiger Diskurs, in dem geschlechtsspezifische Handlungsräume erst noch ausgehandelt wurden.

Resumo: A eliminação a seleção brasileira da Copa de 2014 aconteceu após uma derrota para a Alemanha pelo placar de 7 a 1. Esse jogo foi interpretado por grande parte da imprensa esportiva como a maior vergonha dos cem anos da seleção nacional, completados naquele mesmo ano. Para contar a história do 7 a 1 foi constante o acionamento da derrota de 1950 feito em grande medida com o objetivo de demonstrar que a eliminação da seleção brasileira da Copa de 2014 havia sido uma derrota que quitaria com a chamada " tragédia de 1950 " como ficou conhecida a derrota do Brasil para o Uruguai na Copa daquele ano, no Maracanã. Este artigo propõe-se a analisar as recepções das decisivas derrotas da seleção brasileira em 1950 e 2014, produzidas pela imprensa esportiva, objetivando mostrar aproximações e distanciamentos. Os diferentes modos de se narrar o fracasso da seleção brasileira em campo, em Copas do Mundo, indicam importantes mudanças no cenário nacional e global, relativos não somente ao futebol, mas a aspectos vinculados à imprensa esportiva, assim como às interpretações que o país faz de si mesmo por intermédio do futebol e, em especial, durante as Copas do Mundo. Palavras-chave: Copa de 1950. Copa de 2014. Imprensa esportiva. Abstract: Goodbaye Maracanazo? The press narratives on the Brazilian team from the 1950 tragedy to the 2014 shame. The elimination of the Brazilian team of the 2014 World Cup took place after a defeat to Germany at 7 score of 1. This game was played by much of the sports press as the greatest shame of the hundred years of the national team, completed that same year. To tell the story of 7-1 was constant drive of the 1950 defeat done largely in order to demonstrate that the elimination of the Brazilian team of the 2014 World Cup was a defeat that quitaria with the so-called "1950 tragedy" as He became known the defeat of Brazil to Uruguay in the World Cup that year, at the Maracana. This article proposes to analyze the reception of the decisive defeat of the Brazilian team in 1950 and 2014, produced by the sports press, aiming to show similarities and differences. The different ways of narrating the failure of the Brazilian team in the field, in the World Cup, indicate important changes in the national and global stage, relating not only to football, but the aspects related to the sports press, as well as the interpretations that the country is himself through football, and especially during the World Cup.

Das 20. Jahrhundert war ein Jahrhundert nationaler Feindbilder. Und wiewohl das Zeitalter der Extreme mit 1989 zu Ende gegangen sein soll, gibt es wenig Hinweise darauf, dass das 21. Jahrhundert das Zeitalter der allgemeinen, vorurteilslosen Menschenverbrüderung und -verschwisterung wird. Feindbilder sind darum ein wichtiges Thema, nicht nur für Historikerinnen und Historiker. Die Autoren wollen anhand eines Blickes in die Geschichte der Feindbildkonstruktion entlang dreier Fallbeispiele – China 1900, Südwestafrika 1904–1907, Belgien 1914 – einen Beitrag zu der Frage zu leisten, wie und warum eine nationale Öffentlichkeit Menschengruppen zu existenziellen Gegnern erklärt.

En vista de la importancia que se concede en muchas versiones del conflicto hispano-americano de 1898 al papel de la opinión pública, este artículo analiza las divergencias interpretativas en la reciente historiografía española en torno a las relaciones entre opinión pública, prensa y la toma de decisiones políticas conducentes a la guerra, al objeto de reflexionar sobre el ejercicio del poder político y la atribución de responsabilidades históricas.

Since media is omnipresent in our lives, it is crucial to understand the complex means and dimensions of media in history, and how we have arrived at the current digital culture. Media in History addresses the increasing multidisciplinary need to comprehend the meanings and significances of media development through a variety of different approaches. Providing a concise, accessible and analytical synthesis of the history of communications, from the evolution of language to the growth of social media, this book also stresses the importance of understanding wider social and cultural contexts. Although technological innovations have created and shaped media, Kortti examines how politics and the economy are central to the development of communication.

The US media system is primarily a commercial one dominated by a small number of lightly regulated corporations, and offset by weak public alternatives. This was not inevitable ; it resulted from the outcomes of specific policy battles and from specific values triumphing. One way of understanding this logic is to focus on "corporate libertarianism", which emphasizes negative freedoms (freedom from) as opposed to positive ones (freedom for). Historically, much US media law and policy has been framed in negative terms, exemplified by the First Amendment. But there are also largely forgotten traditions that draw from a positive rights discourse. This social democratic orientation privileges media diversity and protects collective rights held by publics, audiences, and communities over the individual rights of corporations. Drawing from historical case studies, this chapter considers media policies for the digital age founded on positive freedoms.