Power and Legitimacy

How can we explain the dynamics of nonconventional struggles such as the Gaza flotilla case of May 2010? Most international relations scholars analyze international disputes using a “chess logic,” according to which the actors seek to outmaneuver their opponents on the battleground. However, an increasing number of clashes are guided by a “performance logic”: although the players interact with one another, their real targets are audiences. The present study aims to bridge this gap, proposing a phenomenological framework for analyzing this particular kind of performative contest over legitimation and delegitimation in contemporary conflicts. It expands upon the idea that current anarchical global politics increasingly lead contending actors to engage in “pure” legitimation struggles—“battles for legitimacy”—seeking to persuade international audiences that they deserve political support. After providing guidelines for the identification of these phenomena, this article presents a model for the methodical examination of their interactive dynamics based on three legitimation functions (appropriateness, consensus, empathy). This model is applied to the flotilla case by mapping the protagonists’ framing contests across “legitimation (battle)fields.” The findings of this study, which emphasize the strong interplay between normative, political, and emotional mechanisms for empowering (de)legitimation strategies, can contribute to expanding the research program concerning international legitimacy.

Pojęcie interregnum w symboliczny sposób oddaje istotę zagadnień podjętych w ramach niniejszej monografii. Jej przedmiot stanowi analiza XX-wiecznych transformacji ustrojowych, które dokonały się w kręgu euroatlantyckiej kultury prawnej. Celem badań było uchwycenie najistotniejszych elementów zmiany ustrojowej ujmowanej możliwie szeroko, a zatem obejmującej przekształcanie się reżimów monarchicznych w ustroje o charakterze republikańskim, procesy liberalizacji lub demokratyzacji reżimów autorytarnych czy wreszcie formowanie się całkowicie nowych bytów państwowych. Opisywane metamorfozy ustrojowe zostały uchwycone in statu nascendi, w perspektywie dynamicznej, w okresie kształtowania się nowych form ustrojowych, a zatem ścierania się starego porządku z nowym.

Monografia ma walor nie tylko informacyjny, przejawiający się w opisie biegu zdarzeń składających się na poszczególne procesy zmiany ustrojowej. Podejmuje także uniwersalne problemy związane z napięciem między legalnością a legitymizacją ustroju w warunkach doniosłej zmiany politycznej lub społecznej.

In recent years, scholars of criminal justice and criminology have brought legitimacy to the forefront of academic and policy discussion. The focus has been primarily – though not exclusively – on legitimacy within policing, with the most common approach framing legitimacy as a self-regulatory scheme that can enhance widespread voluntary compliance with the law and cooperation with legal authorities. In the most influential definition, institutional trust is assumed to be an integral element of legitimacy (Tyler, 2006a, 2006b). For an individual to find the police to be legitimate, for instance, she must feel that it is her positive duty to obey the instructions of police officers (she grants the police the rightful authority to dictate appropriate behavior), but she must also believe that police officers exercise their power appropriately. In this chapter we argue that the nature, measurement and motivating force of trust and legitimacy is in need of further explication. Considering these two concepts in a context of a type of authority that is both coercive and consent-based in nature, we make the case that legitimacy is (a) the belief that an institution exhibits properties that justify its power and (b) a duty to obey that emerges out of this sense of appropriateness; that trust is about positive expectations about valued behavior from institutional officials; and that legitimacy and institutional trust overlap if one assumes that people judge the appropriateness of the police as an institution on the basis of the appropriateness of officers' use of power. Our discussion will, we hope, be of broad theoretical and policy interest.

Analizira se razvoj odnosa građana i uprave od vremena nastanka moderne uprave do danas, kao refleks društvenog, gospodarskog i političkog razvoja. U radu se analizira šest glavnih uloga građana u odnosu prema javnoj upravi: podanik, izvor i nadzornik vlasti, suradnik, korisnik, potrošač i poduzetnik. Nadalje, u tom razvoju razlikuju se stari i novi koncepti. Klasični su koncepti pokušavali odnos građana i uprave razriješiti na sustavnoj razini, uvođenjem sustavnih, organizacijskih, institucionalnih i pravnih rješenja koja djeluju na neosobnoj razini. Razvijali su se na političkom i pravnom području, traženjem prikladnih političko-upravnih i pravno-institucionalnih rješenja. Posebno se analizira značenje koncepata demokracije i decentralizacije. Moderni koncepti u odnosu građana i uprave baziraju se na općoj humanizaciji, individualizaciji i osobnom odnosima građana te nositelja vlasti i profesionalnih javnih službenika. U pozadini modernih koncepata su oblici mrežne i horizontalne vladavine. Posebno se analiziraju koncepti povjerenja građana te ponosa javnih službenika i upravljača. 1. Uvod U nekoliko zadnjih stoljeća društvo i država su se temeljito promijenili. U doba stvaranja moderne (profesionalne) uprave društva su bila piramidalno stratificirana, a političko se uređenje oslanjalo na monarhijski model. Tadašnje su se monarhije razvijale prema apsolutističkoj fazi, s vrlo snažnom pozicijom nasljednog vladara (apsolutističke monarhije). Monarh je mogao monopolizirati političku moć samo temeljem stvaranja velike, dobro organizirane, profesionalne državne uprave čiji su resursi bili s jedne strane gruba i nad svima nadmoćna sila a s druge znanje o načinima upravljanja državom. Na donjem polu društvene ljestvice bile su različite manje-više obespravljene društvene skupine, poput ovisnih seljaka, malih obrtnika i trgovaca, i drugih. Monarh je imao monopol postavljanja državnih i društvenih ciljeva te je zapovijedao organizacijama upravnih profesionalaca koje su koncentrirale silu i znanje. Upravni profesionalci su imali elitni društveni položaj. Svi ostali stanovnici bili su bez političkih i drugih prava spram vlasti i državne uprave, a raspolagali su znanjima koja nisu mogla konkurirati profesionalnim državnim upravljačima. Sva najbolja tehnička sredstva bila su u rukama države, a proizvodnih, socijalnih i civilnih organizacija u današnjem smislu nije uopće bilo. Organizacija kao posebni tip kooperativne strukture među članovima koji zajedno rade postojala je samo u državnoj upravi. U takvim uvjetima postojao je potpuno vertikalni, hijerarhijski odnos u društvu u kojem je na vrhu bio monarh. Ispod njega bila je državna uprava, dok su svi ostali bili u širokoj bazi obespravljenih stanovnika (Slika 1.).

How could a state have the moral authority to promulgate and enforce laws that citizens are thereby obliged to obey? That is the problem of political authority. The Consequentialist Explanation of Political Authority contends that great social benefits depend upon there being a state with political authority. In his book, 'The Problem of Political Authority,' Michael Huemer considers different types of explanation of political authority and he rejects them all. I show that the objections he raises to consequentialist accounts are confused and that they fail to connect with the Consequentialist Explanation of Political Authority. Huemer argues that anarchy of a particular kind would be better than the states that exist in current Western societies. I explain why that argument, if it were successful, would be an effective objection to the Consequentialist Explanation of Political Authority.

Conclusion générale d’un ouvrage collectif, ce chapitre fait la synthèse des enjeux et des problèmes soulevés par la notion de charisme en sciences sociales. Il revient à la fois sur les difficultés de la conceptualisation du charisme chez Weber lui-même et sur les usages extensifs qui ont pu être faits par la suite de cette notion, au point de la banaliser. Le charisme apparaît en définitive comme un concept provisoire dont l’ « utilité scientifique marginale » est aujourd’hui négative ; qui illustre les risques plus généraux pesant sur la méthode idéaltypique ; et qu’il faut donc oser abandonner au profit de concepts plus relationnels, comme « capital symbolique » et « saillance situationnelle ».

This paper explores the process of legitimation involved in the struggle for secession in Telangana, India.  It argues that this was focussed on the securing of justice in a) gaining access to resources (the legitimation of risk) and b) the exercise of political power (the legitimation of democracy). The plight of Telangana demonstrates the historical and contextual nature of legitimacy. The paper asserts that the ongoing struggle to legitimate risk and democracy will be constitutive of the norms and values of the new state, influencing the way in which exposure to risk is differentiated, and democratic legitimacy defined.  It suggests that, although contextualized, local struggles to legitimate risk and democracy represent a microcosm of a wider global legitimation process which is constitutive of world society and the search for justice in a world at risk.

The U.S. national military hires private security companies (PSCs) to operate in zones of conflict. This article introduces the concept of a legitimacy transfer mechanism to answer the question of how nonnational providers of military support can be considered legitimate actors in areas of conflict. PSCs borrow legitimacy from the state that contracts the firm. Private firms do not operate alone; they are hired and, at least marginally, directed by a state. By using the established legitimacy of industrialized states, these firms are able to find legitimacy in Western security culture. To maintain future business, private security is forced to obey the security culture of the hiring state. More so, the firm will mimic the goals and policy of the hiring state in an attempt to build its own, independent, sense of legitimacy.

El ejército de los Estados Unidos contrata compañias de seguridad privada (PSCs por sus siglas en inglés) para operar en zonas de conflicto. En este artículo se introduce el concepto de un mecanismo de transferencia de legitimidad para responder a la pregunta de cómo proveedores no gubernamentales de apoyo militar pueden ser considerados actores legítimos en zonas de conflicto. Las compañías de seguridad privada toman prestada legitimidad del Estado que contrata la empresa. Las empresas privadas no operan por si solas; éstas son contratadas y, de cierta forma, dirigidas por un estado. A través de la legitimidad ya establecida de los estados industrializados estas compañias son capaces de encontrar legitimidad en la cultura de seguridad occidental. Con el fin de mantener el negocios futuros, la seguridad privada se ve obligada a obedecer la cultura de la seguridad del estado que la ha contradado. Más aún, la compañía adoptará la política y objetivos del estado que la ha contradado, esto con el fin de construir un sentido propio e independiente de legitimidad.

Abstract: This is the first of the country-specific European Social Survey topline results reports. Focusing on UK data from the Round 5 module entitled 'trust in justice,'we link people's perceptions of police legitimacy to their compliance with the law and their willingness to cooperate with the police and criminal courts. We also extend the existing literature by addressing wider forms of trust and people's attachment to order and security. Framing the findings in the context of a long and rich history of policing by consent, we ...

The paper presents a conceptual framework charting the agency of diversity managers in organizational change. Evaluating and critiquing the contemporary models of organizational change management, we identify three concepts, which are situatedness, relationality, and praxis, for understanding the diversity managers’ agency in the organizational change process. Each orienting concept is explored in the context of current diversity management literature and their combined explanatory power is discussed.

In diesem Kapitel werden zunächst wichtige theoretische und methodische Ansätze der linguistischen Diskursforschung vorgestellt. In einem zweiten Schritt fokussiere ich relevante Dimensionen der Kritischen Diskursforschung (KDF), da dieses Forschungsprogramm am ehesten sowohl Theorie wie Empirie in einer problemorientierten Untersuchung komplexer sozialer Phänomene vereint. Anhand der Anwendung des Diskurshistorischen Ansatzes (DHA) werden bei- spielhaft die wichtigsten Schritte einer problem-orientierten interdisziplinären KDF bei der qualitativen und quantitativen Analyse des hegemonialen öster- reichischen Migrationsdiskurses seit 2015 illustriert.

This essay examines Nader Shah Afshar's attempts to legitimize his rule by dint of his Turkic background. Over the course of his rise to power and reign, Nader consistently argued that his Afshar and Turkman affiliations granted him the right to rule over Iranian territory as an equal to his Ottoman, Mughal, and Central Asian contemporaries. Aided by his chief secretary and court historian, Mīrzā Mahdī Astarābādī, Nader's assertions paralleled those found in popular narratives about the history of Oghuz Turks in Islamic lands. This element of Nader's political identity is often overlooked by historians because it did not outlive the brief Afsharid period, but it demonstrates how the Safavid collapse led to the circulation of dynamic new claims to Iranian and Islamic political power.

NOTE: the page number in footnote 81 should read 7416.

This article analyses the unprecedented choreography that governs the exercise of monarchical power under the reign of Askia Muhammad Silla. This power is in fact staged in an ingenious scenographic facility that merges the ancient songhai royal tradition which he nevertheless criticized, and that of the Islamic royalty of which he claimed to be the ardent defender; this was done for his illegitimate crown to be recognized and admitted by all the subjects of the empire.

Aus der römischen Kaiserzeit und Spätantike ist eine große Anzahl von Fingerringen mit einer erstaunlichen Vielfalt an Formen, Materialien, Bildmotiven und Inschriften überliefert. Über den rein schmückenden Charakter von Fingerringen hinaus erfüllten sie ganz unterschiedliche Funktionen, bspw. als Mittel der Beglaubigung oder Legitimation, als Votiv, Ehrenzeichen oder Treuesymbol. Im Hinblick auf die Frage nach "Ringen der Macht" liegt der Fokus des vorliegenden Artikels auf den römischen Ringen mit machtsymbolischer Zweckbestimmung sowie jenen Preziosen, denen aus Sicht ihrer Träger apotropäisch-magische oder heilende Kräfte zugeschrieben wurden.

From the Roman Empire and Late Antiquity, a large number of finger rings with a striking variety of forms, materials, motifs and inscriptions has survived. Beyond a purely decorative character, finger rings fulfilled a wide range of functions, for example as a means of authentification or legitimation, as a votive, a badge of honour or symbol of loyalty. With regard  to the question of "rings of power", the focus of this article is on the Roman rings with a power-symbolic purpose as well as on those jewels to which their wearers attributed apotropic-magical or healing powers.

In the proposed chapter, I argue that Kelsen's Pure Theory of Law contains its own legal theory of revolution, and this theory can be explained by interpreting the concept of the Basic Norm. According to the Sociological reading of the Basic Norm, the latter represents the importance that jurists attach to a certain type of situation of social peace and the related (relatively) sustainable functioning of the legal order. From this point of view, a revolution takes place if a radical change in the social order breaks its connection with the legal one. The latter is replaced by a new order through an unauthorized constituent act to create new legal authorities. This idea of the emergence of a new Basic Norm is presented through the analysis of the proclamation of Bulgaria as a Republic and the first Bulgarian constitutional transition in the period 1944-1947.

本文從文本和圖像資料出發以研究自宋以降漢族與少數民族政權對王朝正統性的不同闡釋。自秦以降，中國王朝多以五行相生來解釋本朝取代前朝的正統性，並同時以五行理論的五行與五色的對應關係來選擇王朝的服色，如宋朝取火運以繼後周之木德，並服色尚赤。 同時，與宋朝並存的契丹、女真、蒙古三個北方民族建立的遼、金、元政權也學習中原王朝的五行理論，分別選取了水德、土德、金德為各自的德運，挑戰了以漢民族本位的正統王朝世系：遼朝的水德生後晉的金德，挑戰了後晉之後的後周與宋的正統性；金朝雖未選取繼承遼朝德運，但其所取土德生自宋朝的火德，是以此證明金亡北宋後已完成中華德正統朝代更迭，而宣布南渡的南宋王朝為偽政權；元朝服色尚白，所取的金德生自同為非漢民族建立的金代的土德，以此證明其取中國正統自金代而非南宋。金、元所建立的王朝世系後被漢族建立的明朝否定，從明朝帝王畫像所服黃色看出明朝最終選定了生自宋朝的火德的土德，從而完全跳過了三個非漢民族政權，恢復了漢族王朝的世系延續。

Warkentin, Elizabeth Rose. PhD. The University of Memphis December 2018. Looking Beyond
the Image: An Exploration of the Relationship between Political Power and the Cult Places of
Hathor in New Kingdom Egypt. Major Professor: Suzanne L. Onstine, Ph.D.

This examination of the scene found on the northern half of the western interior wall of
the Great Hypostyle Hall of Karnak Temple, focuses on Hathor, who is depicted fifteen times
within the three rows that make up the Procession to the Cults of Hathor relief. Those scenes
portray a connection between the early 19th dynasty rulers, Ramesses I and Sety I, and the cults
of Hathor. The cult locations, provided in the epithets attached to each of the manifestations of
the goddess include: Dendera, Southern Sycomore, Byblos, Land of Turquoise, Thebes, Hût-
Sekhem, WADyt, Medjed[et], the Red Land, Cusae, Hetepet, Buto, Punt, and RwDwy. The analysis
of these locations revealed that the many of the cult places were significant in ways that would
have strengthened and supported the rule of the newly-established dynastic family. The
geographic positions of these locations also revealed that the Procession is likely representative
of a journey to these cult places that can be related to Sety I’s legitimation process. An additional
layer to the scene is that it portrays Sety I’s hegemony over those locations, uniting them and his
authority over them forever on the stone walls of the Great Hypostyle Hall.

This article examines how dynasties applied the Five Elements theory in their respective legitimation discourses throughout the history of imperial China. Drawing on both documentary and visual sources, I reveal that the Liao, Jin, and Yuan rulers constructed different dynastic lineages that challenged the “orthodox” dynastic succession pattern formulated by Han Chinese dynasties. In particular, I will show that the Yuan tacitly invoked Metal as its dynastic element and white as its imperial color. I argue that the Yuan choice of dynastic element essentially claimed succession to the Jurchen Jin, another non-Han conquest dynasty, rather than to the Song as scholars have previously assumed. However, these constructions were later negated by the Ming dynasty, which restored a purely Han Chinese dynastic lineage that excluded the Liao, Jin, and Yuan. These ideological conflicts, which were ultimately grounded in ethnic tensions between Han and non-Han peoples, eventually led to the disappearance of the Five Element theory in the Qing political rhetoric. This article sheds new light on understanding how a dynasty engaged its cultural heritage and ethnic background in its political ideology and how it perceived its own place in the Chinese dynastic lineage.

Al igual que los dos primeros, el presente volumen contiene medio siglo de aportes sociológico-puntuales de Xavier Gamboa Villafranca.  Presenta contribuciones de resultados de sus análisis coyunturales, utilizando la visión de la ciencia social aplicada a la lucha 1969-2018, por lograr en México un cambio alineado a justicia social, solidaridad,  cooperación y  ayuda mutua.  De la veintena de grandes categorías en que es posible agruparlas a todas, este tomo incluye a once.  Abrcan de los apartados 9 al 19.  De ahí su considerable tamaño: de más de setecientas cincuenta páginas.

El presente Volumen XIV tiene 2,190 páginas. Está organizado por fecha y agrupadas por mes.  Abarca el texto completo de las conferencias de prensa matutinas que el Presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador encabezó, entre el 1 de diciembre de 2021 y el 21 de marzo de 2022.  Ell periodo inicia con el informe presentado al pueblo de Mexico, desde el Zócalo de la Ciudad de México, con motivo del tercer aniversario del arribo al gobierno de la República.  Llega hasta el día en que se inaugura -con un acto ofiial de entrega y recepción- el Aeropuerto Internacional Felipe Angeles de la Ciudad de México. Se trata del octavo periodo, de la etapa de operación inicial fincada sobre hidrocarburos refinándose en México, para consumo interno.  También marca el inicio de la nueva etapa de cosecha de los frutos de los principales proyectos infraestructurales del sexenio. 
El Volumen I (01 Enero a 30 noviembre 2018) está en https://www.academia.edu/40861116/ .  El Volumen  II (2018 12 01 a  2019 03 11) está disponible gratuitamente en https://www.academia.edu/40757230/  .  El volumen III (2019 03 12 a  2019 06 30), se puede accesar en  https://www.academia.edu/40798502/  .  El volumen IV cubre del 01 julio 2019 a  31 de agosto 2019 y se puede accesar en línea en https://www.academia.edu/40809905/  .  A su vez, el volumen V (01 septiembre 2019 a  30 noviembre 2019) está en https://www.academia.edu/40861296/ .  El volumen VI está en  (1 diciembre 2019 a 1 julio 2020) se encuentra también disponible en línea https://www.academia.edu/42261557/ .  Las versiones estenográfica y en sólo audio, Volumen VII y anteriores, se pueden descargar gratuitamente en internet gratuito  https://www.academia.edu/43454031/. El Volumen VIII está en el sitio URL https://www.academia.edu/44202516/  .  Está disponible el texto completo de los volumenes IX ((https://www.academia.edu/44421755/), X (https://www.academia.edu/44821158), XI (https://www.academia.edu/45558118/), XII  https://www.academia.edu/49500039), XIII  (https://www.academia.edu/61951874/) y el presente XIV ((https://www.academia.edu/63200156/).
Los habitantes de México y planeta tierra ya han caído en cuenta de que pueden ayudar a preservar la memoria histórica del avane de la 4T, en su etapa de arranque.  Para empezar, en propia computadora, cada quien podría organizar y mantener actualizada una base de datos de las cátedras-conferencias presidenciales diarias de AMLO.  Y ahora no hay duda:  es sólo cuestión de querer hacerlo.  Es posible tener acceso, en un solo sitio url, a la lista de reproducción completa de los videos de  todas y cada una de las cátedras-conferencias presidenciales diarias, hasta la fecha y a partir de que inciaron el 4 de diciembre de 2018.    https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLRnlRGar-_296KTsVL0R6MEbpwJzD8ppA    Además, las versiones estenográficas de todas la conferencias-cátedras presidenciales y de otros actos públicos del presidente AMLO, están disponibles en un sólo sitio URL.  https://lopezobrador.org.mx/transcripciones/  En cada una de ellas, está su respectiva grabación en sólo audio; he hecho ya su respectivo acopio y organización.   
Este estado de cosas justifica el compendiar, de la forma que mas amigablemente permita que funcione como base de datos, la vasta mayoría de los textos que recogen las palabra de AMLO en sus actos públicos.  Hay que hacer algunas puntualizaciones:

1)Esta base de datos se puede usar, impresa en papel o en formato electrónico.  Es preferible echar mano de lo segundo, pues al estar presentado en word u odt; y en PDF;  se facilita enormemente la localización de términos o palabra clave, en las 1,809 páginas de que consta este volumen XI.
2)Se presenta de esta manera, pensando en que se hará análisis de contenido tradicional:  cita textual, inferencia, conexión con indicadores y variables que se desea investigar conforme a métodos cualitativos de las ciencias sociales.
3)No se han incluído, a propósito, los discursos de AMLO pronunciados en eventos que por facilidad analítica aquí llamamos “reiterativos”.

Xavier Gamboa Villafranca
21 de marzo de 2022.

Gramsci’s concept of hegemony has been interpreted in a wide variety of ways, including a theory of consent, of political unity, of ‘anti-politics’, and of geopolitical competition. These interpretations are united in regarding hegemony as a general theory of political power and domination, and as deriving from a particular interpretation of the concept of passive revolution. Building upon the recent intense season of philological research on the Prison Notebooks, this article argues that the concept of hegemony is better under- stood as a ‘dialectical chain’ composed of four integrally related ‘moments’: hegemony as social and political leadership, as a political project, as a hegemonic apparatus, and as the social and political hegemony of the workers’ movement. This alternative typology of hegemony provides both a sophisticated analysis of the emergence of modern state power and a theory of political organization of the subaltern social groups. This project is encapsulated in Gramsci’s notion of the formation of a ‘modern Prince’, conceived as both political party and civilizational process, which represents an emancipatory alter- native to the dominant forms of political modernity.

Version française de Benjamin Brice, "La forza e il diritto : Raymond Aron di fronte alla questione della legittimità internazionale" in Alessandro Colombo (ed.), Crisi della legittimità e ordine internazionale, Milano, Guerini scientifica, 2012, 77-93.

IR students most probably think about realism as one of the major schools of international relations (Morgenthau, Waltz, Mearsheimer, etc.). But, in fact, there is much more to realism than this. It is actually one of the most significant currents in the history of political thought that, since the antiquities, constantly provoked our moral sense (because realism says that what is politically expedient is not always what we think morally appropriate), our hopes for a better future (because realism says that utopian blueprints of ideal states can give us little help in sorting out the mishmash of ordinary political challenges under non-ideal circumstances), our trust in the power of normative theorizing (because realism says that we should be deeply skeptical about the very possibility of a generally applicable ethical knowledge as well as about its normative background assumptions). The aim of the course is to show how IR realism is related to this broader tradition of realism and how contemporary realist political theory has become the newest branch of the realist tradition. The focus will be on contemporary realist theory, its major themes, latest debates and interesting new ideas. Four topics will be discussed with special care: legitimacy, normativity, duties and obligations, and the functions of political theory.

El presente Volumen I comprende medularmente boletines y notas de prensa oficiales. Fueron generados por el equipo lopezobradorista, entre el día de la elección presidencial federal (1 de julio de 2018) y el evento en que AMLO toma formal posesión como Presidente de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos para el periodo 2018.2024 (1 de diciembre de 2018)..  Contenido estenográfico de conferencias y participaciones del virtual presidente electo y presidente electo, es la excepción.  Para mejor ubicar el periodo, hay también materiales que indican lo que sucedía en los seis meses anteriores y un mes despues. Una buena parte de ellos, son boletines de prensa, creados y difundidos por los colaboradoes del licenciado López Obrador. 
Hay algunos documentos, interpretativos en su mayoría, que no fueron producidos por AMLO ni por inegrantes de su equipo de prensa  Se generaron por quien ésto escribe.  Fueron distribuídos cronológicamente en el compendio del Volumen I, con el objetivo de dar “una probadita” de lo que el pueblo veía. Están, principalmente, en el primer último capítulo.
El material de todo este Volumen I se presenta, según fecha ascendente, agrupado en los cinco meses-calendario del periodo, en el semestre anterior y en el mes de diciembre. posterior  Es posible ver los videos completos y escuchar en solo audio (formato MP3), presionando el vínculo que aparece en la carátula de cada capítulo en que ello es procedente en el que está luego del encabezado de notas individualeas..  Los materiales mencionados también se pueden descargar.  El equipo de prensa del candidato pesidencial triunfante, hizo una verdadera labor de filigrana al respecto.
La intención ha sido la de compendiar, de la forma que mas amigablemente permita que funcione como base de datos, la vasta mayoría de los textos que recogen las palabra de AMLO en sus actos públicos.  Hay que hacer algunas puntualizaciones:
1)Esta base de datos se puede usar, impresa en papel o en formato electrónico.  Es preferible echar mano de lo segundo, pues al estar presentado en word u odt; y aún en PDF;  se facilita enormemente la localización de términos o palabra clave, en las  1,100 páginas de que consta este voumen I.
2)Se presenta de esta manera, pensando en que se hará análisis de contenido tradicional:  cita textual, inferencia, conexión con indicadores y variables que se desea investigar conforme a métodos cualitativos de las ciencias sociales.
3)No se han incluído, a propósito, alrededor de materiales alusivos a la actividad de AMLO, en eventos que por facilidad analítica aquí llamamos “reiterativos”. 
El Volumen II (2018 12 01 a  2019 03 11) ya ha sido publicado y está disponible gratuitamente en https://www.academia.edu/40757230/ .  También el voumen III (2019 03 12 a  2019 06 30), que se puede accesar en  https://www.academia.edu/40798502/ . Igual a sucedido ya con el Volumen IV (2019 07 01 a 2019 08 31), que se encuentra disponible a texto completo en https://www.academia.edu/40809905/  .  Actualmente se localizan, capturan, organizan y archivan los documentos necesarios para el  Volumen V (2019 09 01 a 2019 11 30), esperando sólo que llegue la fecha de terminación... junto con los materiales que habrá que incluir en el compendio.

DEUTSCH
Das Ziel dieser Arbeit war, die Frage zu klären, ob sich aus den Tempelbauprojekten der Argeadenkönige und des ersten Ptolemäers Muster erkennen lassen und zu untersuchen, ob sich aus diesen in Hinblick auf ihre legitimationspolitische Relevanz ein Modell ableiten lässt. Im Zentrum der Untersuchungen stehen dabei die geografische Verteilung der Bauprojekte und die sakralen Darstellungen in Hinblick auf deren Inhalt. Des Weiteren wurden auch wesentliche Belege zur politischen Gecshichte herangezogen, um wichtige Entwicklungen zu unterstreichen. Im ersten Abschnitt werden der historische Rahmen abgesteckt und und die grundlegenden Legitimationsformen eines Herrschers besprochen, um diese im weiteren Verlauf als Parameter für etwaige Muster heranziehen zu können. Im Laufe der Arbeit werden ferner ausgewählte Tempel aus der Zeit Alexanders des Großen, Philipps III. (Arrhidaios), Alexanders IV. und Ptolemaios' I. als Fallbeispiele beschrieben und ausgewertet.
In einer vergleichenden Analyse wurden die besagten Fallbeispiele in Verbindung zueinander gesetzt, einander gegenübergestellt und die daraus gewonnenen Erkenntnisse beschrieben.


ENGLISH
The aim of this thesis was to clarify if patterns in the temple building projects of the Argeadai kings and the first Ptolemy could be recognized and an analysis made if a relevant model could be derived, regarding their projects and taking their legitimation politics into consideration. The geographic locations of these building projects and the analysis of their respective sacral illustrations were the focal point of the research. Significant data regarding historical events and political background information was integrated into the work to highlight important developments. The first part of the thesis defines the historical framework and discusses the fundamental legitimising forms of a ruler, in order to use these as parameters and reference points for any patterns later on. Furthermore the thesis includes case studies, covering selected temples from the time of Alexander the Great, Philip III (Arrhidaios), Alexander IV and Ptolemy I, and compares and contrasts these with one other and subsequent conclusions are drawn in a comparative analysis. The implied examples were set in conjunction and contrasted with each other and the subsequent conclusions were discribed in a comparative analysis.

This essay considers the nature and importance of legitimacy in the context of policing policy and practice. On what basis is police legitimacy established, maintained and undermined? What are the implications of the extant body of empirical evidence for policing policy and practice? We concentrate on Tyler’s procedural justice model. But we also consider the idea that police legitimacy is partly based on the strength of informal social control processes operating at the neighborhood level: citizens grant the police power in exchange for social order; they cede power and authority to the police in exchange for social regulation and justice; and this conferral of power and consent to police authority may, to some degree, depend upon the strength of social order at a local level.

The shahs of the early Sasanian dynasty faced the challenge of establishing their legitimacy as the rulers of an imperial polity after rising to power through military insurrection. The early shahs of the dynasty sought to locate themselves within the religious, mythic, and historical context to link themselves to the glorious rulers and dynasties of Iranian myth and history, while simultaneously espousing Mazdean virtue.
Through the concepts of Ērānšahr and Farr, the notion of the territorial unity of the Mazda-worshiping peoples prescribed in the Avesta and the divinely-bestowed glory of rulers, respectively, the motivations that underlaid Sasanian statecraft during the first four generations of the dynasty are contextualized.
The idea of Ērānšahr as a sacrosanct territorial delimitation of the homelands of the Mazdean peoples was first employed to validate and legitimize the rebellion of the Sasanians against the Parthian Aškānīān dynasty. After the civil war that established Ardašīr I as šāhanšāh, the defense of Ērānšahr as both a tangible expanse of territory and
a religious concept was used to justify punitive and retaliatory military action in the west against the Roman Empire, as well as to acquire the Central Asian holdings of the Kushan Empire. The claim to the sole possession of Farr was similarly employed to justify first rebellion, and then conflicts with the Kushan Empire, whose own rulers claimed Farr from Mazdean divinities.
Establishing the religious, mythic, and historical contexts to which the early Sasanian dynasts were subject illuminates the motivations for imperial policy and allows the scrutiny of those policies and actions to transcend the biases inherent in non-Iranian sources for the period. Furthermore, privileging autochthonous sculptural, epigraphic, and numismatic productions produces an innovative analysis of early Sasanian statecraft cognizant of, and rooted within, Iranian cultural paradigms.

Автор исходит из постулата, что принцип организации общества — преимущественно родственный или территориальный — как критерий различения государственных и негосударственных социумов весьма значим, но изучив современное состояние проблемы, пришел к заключению, что проблема родства и территории — это вопрос меры, соотношения между ними, а не наличия или отсутствия, хотя общей социоисторической тенденцией действительно является постепенное вытеснение родственных институтов территориальными на надлокальных уровнях социокультурной и политической сложности. В то же время нет никаких оснований искать в истории того или иного общества момент некого скачка — от полного доминирования родства к абсолютному господству территориальных связей. Напротив, история представляет собой континуум социально-политических форм, в типологической последовательности которых, можно обнаружить общую динамику от большей к меньшей значимости родственных связей по сравнению с территориальными. Немаловажным уточнением является то, что, с одной стороны, в основе государства не могут не лежать преимущественно территориальные связи, но, с другой стороны, это вовсе не значит, что никогда не существовало основанных на них же сложных негосударственных обществ.

Öz: Bu çalışma İngiliz filozof John Locke’un doğal hukuk yaklaşımını kendisinin siyaset felsefesi ekseninde ele almaktadır. Locke’un siyaset felsefesi kadar doğal hukuka ilişkin görüşleri de yaşadığı dönemin ekonomi politik gerçekliğinden soyutlanamaz. Locke, 1688 Devrimi öncesinde kapitalist üretim ilişkilerinin hâkim üretim tarzı haline geldiği bir dönemde liberal modern devletin temel esaslarını ortaya koymuştur. Mutlak monarşiyi kralın Tanrısal hakları öğretisinden hareketle savunan kral yanlılarıyla tartışmaya girmiştir. Doğa durumu ve toplum sözleşmesi gibi kavramlar aracılığıyla mülkiyet özgürlüğü ve iktidar üzerinde eşit talep hakkını ön plana çıkarmıştır. Bu bağlamda Locke mülkiyetin korunmasını siyasal otoritenin başlıca görevi olarak nitelendirmiştir. Mülkiyetin korunması ekseninde, doğa durumundan siyasal topluma geçiş sürecinin temeline hukuk düzeninin inşası olgusunu yerleştirmiştir. Böylece hukuk kavramı meşruiyetini doğa durumundan aldığı gibi aynı zamanda toplumsal sözleşmenin ardından oluşan yeni siyasal yapının da kurucu unsuru haline gelmiştir. Çalışmada, belirtilen bu hususlara dayanarak Locke’un kendi felsefi yaklaşımını oluştururken doğal hukuk teorisini nasıl biçimlendirdiği değerlendirilecektir.

Anahtar Kelimeler: John Locke, doğal hukuk, mülkiyet hakkı, hukuk düzeni, hukuksal liberalizm.

The Politicization of Natural Law in the Axis of John Locke’s Political Philosophy

Abstract: This article discusses the English philosopher John Locke’s approach to natural law in the axis of his political philosophy. Locke’s arguments regarding to natural law as well as political philosophy cannot be isolated from the political economy of his period. Locke has revealed the main principles of the modern liberal state at a period when capitalist relations of production became the dominant mode of production before the Revolution of 1688. He had gotten into an argument with the royalists who defended the absolute monarchy based on the theory of the Divine rights of the king. He has featured the freedom of property and equal demand rights on power through the concept of state of nature and social contract. In this context, Locke has described the protection of property as the main task of political authority. In the axis of protection of property, he has placed the phenomenon of the construction of the legal order at the basis of the transition process from the state of nature to political society. Thus, the concept of law took its legitimacy from the state of nature and also became the constituent element of the new political structure that emerged after the social contract. In the article, it will be scrutinized how Locke shaped his natural law theory while creating his philosophical approach based on the stated points.

Keywords: John Locke, natural law, right to property, legal order, legal liberalism

The government of Iran in the post-revolutionary period may have religious leaders in central positions, but it is far from being a pure  theocracy. This paper pursues this topic in the spirit of Michel Foucault’s widely explored notion of governmentality. Foucault’s concept is broad, but generally
covers the ways that government adopts a cultural ideology for carrying out its duties, a structural framework for implementing this ideology, and a rationality associated with that framework From an anthropological standpoint, it is expected that different forms of governmentality will be observed in different societies, with different cultural underpinnings resulting in unique institutions. Iranian governmental institutions are unique to Iran, emphasizing legitimacy as a mark of authority, and martyrdom as the symbolic proof of legitimacy.

The article and its argument are based on a hitherto unexplored Ethiopian chronicle, which offers a uniquely detailed description of a series of enthronement rites. The article explores and deciphers symbolism displayed in these acts, which was drawn from the past and remodelled to form ideological underpinning for the monarchy of Yo ann s IV (1872–89) and to legitimise his imperial project. The article argues that despite the fact that the record of these events is likely to have been ‘adjusted’ by Ethiopian chroniclers, their writings still points to what they thought should happen during a ritual in order for it to be effective. Consequently, the authors of the chronicle revealed to us the role of ritual in the legitimising project of late 19th-century Ethiopia.

Azerbaijan presents itself as a country fitting in with Western values while simultaneously adhering to Islam and associated traditional values, while also sharing some identity features with Russia and Turkey. This article provides a brief, yet critical, analysis of the dynamics of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy and the country’s national identity to make the case for the mutually derivative—and hence contingent—nature of the two.