International Security

Art therapy, as a means of self-expression and healing, is used in a variety of clinical and rehabilitation settings. Here, it is tested with a population judged to be involved in terrorism-related activities. This paper presents an extensive review of the art therapy program at Mohammed Bin Nayef Center for Counseling and Care, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. The objective of this study is to showcase the use of art therapy in the care and rehabilitation of ex-jihadists, with suggestions for best practices. This paper is the first description in the literature of the efforts of the Saudi government to explore the use of art therapy in counterterrorism. Art therapy outcomes on a population incarcerated for terrorist activities are presented alongside treatment and reconstruction of extreme ideology through art production. We conclude that a successful art therapy program is required within the overall approach to counterterrorism. Further, a strong understanding of the cultural backgrounds of the subjects, along with recommendations for relying upon specific artistic components of the therapeutic process are clearly indicated. According to government sources, together with the other programs offered to ex-jihadists, the art therapy program discussed here, which has been in operation since 2007, has achieved an 86.17% success rate, with (as of January 2015) a 13.83% recidivism rate. This is a strong indication that art therapy is an efficacious approach in counterterrorism.

Japan’s strategic objective of the Quad Plus is not anti-China coalition-building, but to create an ad-hoc coalition-building device that serves the maintenance and enhancement of the rules-based international order in the Indo-Pacific region. There is no open official discussion or declaration about the “Quad Plus”, and thus, there is no clear definition or fixed membership for such a framework. Rather, it functions as a flexible strategic tool to attract like-minded states and induce their functional and strategic cooperation, depending on their needs and demands of the day. As such, the Quad Plus is an informal cooperative security and non-traditional collective self-defence mechanism, which is not exclusive to any state, including China. At the same time, Japan has two target states to be included into the Quad Plus, the United Kingdom and France, because they are residential powers in the Indo-Pacific region. To this end, Japan has steadily strengthened its bilateral ties with them.

Nederland en België hebben een bijzonder hechte relatie. Zeker op het vlak van defensie en nationale veiligheid, al zijn er zowel gelijkenissen als verschillen zoals in andere domeinen. In deze presentatie worden ontwikkelingen op vlak van inlichtingen en veiligheid in de twee landen door Belgische bril vergeleken. Een historisch perspectief overloopt de groeiende toenadering, na een moeilijk uit elkaar gaan, van twee kleine staten in een precaire positie tussen de oorlogvoerende Fransen en Duitsers (1870, 1914, 1940), maar ook geconfronteerd met andere gemeenschappelijke dreigingen zoals het internationale terrorisme (vanaf het einde van de 19 de eeuw), hoe dat invloed heeft gehad op de benadering van beide over veiligheid en inlichtingen, en uiteindelijk de hechte naoorlogse alliantie. Ook de verschillen en gelijkenissen inzake de hedendaagse veiligheidsuitdagingen en – maatregelen komen aan bod (relaties met de politiek, verband tussen de diensten onderling, het wettelijk kader, werkingsmiddelen, en de publiekswerking) om te zien of sterktes en zwaktes van veiligheidsdiensten typisch zijn aan de landen die ze beschermen of meer gemeenschappelijk zijn dan gedacht, en of daar ook 'veiligheidsculturele' verschillen aan verbonden zijn. Uit deze comparatieve benadering worden dan implicaties geëxtrapoleerd voor wat van elkaar geleerd kan worden en wat toekomstige internationale samenwerking betreft.

As India successfully positions itself as one of the core, influential nations of the world, its security scenario has become more vulnerable and complex. The roots of India's security challenges lie not only at the regional and international levels but also from within. These threats can be dealt with by securing the borders efficiently. However, the borders of India and their associated problems, geographical, social and cultural, are vivid and varied. Each border receives a different kind of treatment in accordance with the existing mutual relationship across the border. If the border people cannot connect with the country's mainstream, national security is affected. Indian policymakers face a hard challenge to formulate an integrated policy for borderlands and borders. While there are many common cross-border issues, chiefly non-security threats, there are other cross-border issues which are border specific. Besides, soft approaches to economic and cultural cross-border interactions are beneficial. The border security approach focuses on defending the borders from various threats but the border management approach involves protecting the interests of the country across the border.

After the Cold War the security scenario in the Arctic has gone through drastic changes. Opposed to the state centric military security definitions that were dominant during the Cold War, academics now write about the different security aspects that need to be taken into consideration. The three types of security this article builds on are traditional-, environmental- and human security. The purpose of the study is to compare the declared policies of the eight member states of the Arctic Council - Canada, Denmark/Greenland, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Russia, Sweden and the United States - focusing on sovereignty, security and defense matters. The aim is to establish whether the new security scenario can be found reflected in the official policy papers of these states. The main conclusions are that even though the circumpolar states have developed new policies towards the Arctic they do not all mention all the relevant security aspects as such. That is not to say, however, that indications cannot be found within the policies by reading between the lines. By discussing such matters as environmental protection, supporting the rights of indigenous peoples and exercising their sovereign rights, the states are indeed touching all three security aspects: traditional-, environmental- and human.

The renewed interest of stakeholders in multilateral weapons control in the security and disarmament implications of developments in science and technology (S&T) provides an opportunity for critical reflection on and political action aimed at realizing the vision for sustainable security.

This paper argues that if substantive progress is to be made, greater attention must be paid to the evolving narrative and underpinning beliefs and assumptions about S&T in the context of disarmament and invites stakeholders in multilateral weapons control to take a closer look at how they make sense of S&T developments in the context of disarmament and related governance initiatives.

The paper raises questions about what is or is not identified as problematic in relation to S&T developments and what space is created for political action and encourages stakeholders to envision a technological future that accords with the ideals articulated in Agenda 2030, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Secretary-General’s Agenda for Disarmament.

Afghanistan is a state party of International Criminal court and obliged to investigate and prosecute allegations of war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity in the country. This article looks into war crimes in Afghanistan, ability and willingness of Afghanistan government, role of international community and NGOs to address the past and present war crime. In this context, NGOs can exploit the threat of ICC investigations and assist the accountability process in many ways. This paper argues that, due to inability and unwilling of Afghanistan government, NGOs can play an important role in furthering the aims of ICC in Afghanistan of making the most responsible for the war crimes accountable. Nontheless, this needs better coordination between the local and international civil society to uphold the rule of law, putting an end to cluture of impunity and for stability and peace in Afghanistan.

There are more types of borders today than ever before in history. Borders of all kinds define every aspect of social life in the twenty-first century. From the biometric data that divides the smallest aspects of our bodies to the aerial drones that patrol the immense expanse of our domestic and international airspace, we are defined by borders. They can no longer simply be understood as the geographical divisions between nation-states. Today, their form and function has become too complex, too hybrid. What we need now is a theory of the border that can make sense of this hybridity across multiple domains of social life.

Rather than viewing borders as the result or outcome of pre-established social entities like states, Thomas Nail reinterprets social history from the perspective of the continual and constitutive movement of the borders that organize and divide society in the first place. Societies and states are the products of bordering, Nail argues, not the other way around. Applying his original movement-oriented theoretical framework "kinopolitics" to several major historical border regimes (fences, walls, cells, and checkpoints), Theory of the Border pioneers a new methodology of "critical limology," that provides fresh tools for the analysis of contemporary border politics.

“Power is war, the continuation of war by other means”: Foucault’s reversal of Clausewitz’s formula has become a staple of critical theory — but it remains highly problematic on a conceptual level. Elaborated during Foucault’s 1976 lectures (“Society Must Be Defended”), this work-hypothesis theorises “basic warfare” [la guerre fondamentale] as the teleological horizon of socio-political relations. Following Boulainvilliers, Foucault champions this polemological approach, conceived as a purely descriptive discourse on “real” politics and war, against the philosophico-juridical conceptuality attached to liberal society (Hobbes’s Leviathan being here the prime example).
However, in doing so, Foucault did not interrogate the conceptual validity of notions such as power and war, therefore interlinking them without questioning their ontological status. This problematic conflation was partly rectified in 1982, as Foucault proposed a more dynamic definition of power relations: “actions over potential actions”.
I argue, somewhat polemically, that Foucault’s hermeneutics of power still involves a teleological violence, dependent on a polemological representation of human relations as essentially instrumental: this resembles what Derrida names, in “Heidegger’s Ear”, an “anthropolemology”. However, I show that all conceptualisation of power implies its self-deconstruction. This self-deconstructive (or autoimmune) structure supposes an archi-originary unpower prior to power: power presupposes an excess within power, an excessive force, another violence making it both possible and impossible. There is something within power located “beyond the power principle” (Derrida). This (self-)excess signifies a limitless resistantiality co-extensive with power-relationality. It also allows the reversal of pólemos into its opposite, as unpower opens politics and warfare to the messianic call of a pre-political, pre-ontological disruption: the archi-originary force of différance. This force, unconditional, challenges Foucault’s conceptualisations of power, suggesting an originary performativity located before or beyond hermeneutics of power-knowledge, disrupting theoreticity as well as empiricity by pointing to their ontological complicity.
The bulk of this essay is dedicated to sketching the theoretical implications of this deconstructive reading of Foucault with respect to the methodology and conceptuality of political science and social theory.

The book focuses on the breakup of the Yugoslav Federation and wars that followed viewed through the comic art in the local and international press. War propaganda and political discourse are examined and placed in the larger historical context of this conflict. The study reveals that Yugoslav cartoonists anticipated, as early as 1984, the disintegration of the country and were forecasting armed conflict in 1989. Using print media and comic art as a primary source of investigation, the author has presented the mental representation of the war as seen in press cartoons, both chronologically and thematically. A representative sampling of some 400 cartoons (out of a database of almost 7’500) and dozens of interviews undertaken with political cartoonists in the 1990s are quoted in the book as a primary source.

This study examines the role of political factors in attitudes toward World War II in contemporary Ukraine. The question under examination is which factors determine public views of the principal warring sides and their leaders in Ukraine. This paper uses a representative national survey specifically designed for this research project and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in 2012. It analyzes the roles of regionalism, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, age, and sex in attitudes toward the Red Army, Soviet partisans, the German Army (Wehrmacht), and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during the war, as well as toward the wartime leaders of the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and the UPA. The analysis of the survey data shows that regional values, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, and age have significant effects on views of the Soviet Army and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army during the war and attitudes toward the wartime activities of Joseph Stalin and Roman Shukhevych. Public perceptions of the German Army and Adolf Hitler in Ukraine do not vary much across regions, political parties, and ethnic, language, age, and sex groups.

Yeni savaşlar tartışmasından yola çıkarak Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde karşımıza çıkan farklı çatışma türevleri, bunların dinamikleri, etkilenen aktörler ve ortaya çıkan sonuçlar, vaka etüdü çalışmalarıyla, bu derleme kitap çerçevesinde ele alınmıştır. Vekalet savaşlarından hibrit savaşlara, siber güvenlik tartışmalarından özel askeri şirketlere değin yeni savaşlar tartışmasının birçok farklı boyutu bu kitap çerçevesinde değerlendirilmiştir.

Tarih
- Diplomasi
- Diplomasi Tarihi
- İlk Çağ'da Diplomasinin Gelişiminde Etkili Olan Uygarlıklar
- Orta Çağ'da Diplomasinin Gelişiminde Etkili Olan Unsurlar
- Modern Diplomasinin Gelişiminde Etkili Olan Unsurlar
- Büyük Fransız Devrimi ve Napoléon Savaşları'nın Diplomasinin Gelişimine Etkileri
- Viyana Kongresi ve Rusya'nın Etkin Bir Aktör Oluşunun Diplomasinin Gelişimine Etkileri
- 19. Yüzyıl Devrimlerinin Diplomasinin Gelişimine Etkileri
- Uluslararası Sistemde Yeni Aktörlerin Oluşmasının Diplomasinin Gelişimine Etkileri
- 19. Yüzyılda Uzakdoğu'da Yaşanan Bazı Önemli Olayların Diplomasinin Gelişimine Etkileri
- 19. Yüzyılda Rusya ve İngiltere'nin Orta Asya'da Rekabeti
- 19. Yüzyılda Balkanlar'da Yaşanan Bazı Önemli Olayların Diplomasinin Gelişimine Etkileri
- 1. Dünya Savaşı Öncesindeki Bazı Önemli Olayların Diplomasinin Gelişimine Etkileri 1. Dünya Savaşının Diplomasinin Gelişimine Etkileri
(Tanıtım Bülteninden)

This chapter looks at why cyber-security is considered one of the key national security issues of our times. The first section provides the necessary technical background information. The second unravels three different, but interrelated ways to look at cyber-security: the first discourse has a technical focus and is about viruses and worms. The second looks at the interrelationship between the phenomenon of cyber-crime and cyber-espionage. The third turns to a military and civil defence-driven discourse about the double-edged sword of fighting wars in the information domain and the need for critical infrastructure protection. Based on this, the third section looks at selected protection concepts from each of the three discourses. The final section sets the threat into perspective: despite heightened media attention and a general feeling of impending cyber-doom in some government circles, the level of cyber-risk is generally overstated

2013 yılından günümüze kadar Ukrayna genelinde yaşanan iç olaylar ve bu olaylarla ilintili dış etkenler, inişli çıkışlı karşılıklı etkileşimler neticesinde günümüze kadar gelişim göstermiş ve Kırım özelinde sıcak çatışma ihtimalini bünyesinde barındıran ihtilaflı bir konu haline gelmiştir. Kırım'ın Karadeniz'de sıcak denizlere açılan bir pencere ve önemli bir deniz üssü olması nedeniyle taşıdığı jeo-stratejik önem başta büyük devletler olmak üzere tüm dünyanın ilgisinin bu bölge üzerinde yoğunlaşmasına neden olmuştur.
Yaşanan bu gelişmeler Kırım ile derin tarihi ve kültürel bağları bulunan ayrıca Türk Boğazları ve 1965 km.lik Karadeniz sahil şeridi nedeniyle bir Karadeniz ülkesi olan Türkiye'yi yakından ilgilendirmektedir. Ancak 2002 yılından itibaren temel ilkeleri radikal bir şekilde evrilen, bu evrimin neticesinde 2010 yılında Tunus'ta başlayan Arap Baharı'na gereğinden fazla angaje olan Türk Dış Politikası'nın Kırım meselesine hak ettiği önemi veremediği gözlemlenmiştir.
Öte yandan Kırım'ın Türk Dünyası açısından taşıdığı tarihi ve kültürel önemin yanı sıra Türkiye'nin güvenliği bakımından da önemli bir mesele olduğu değerlendirilmektedir. Özellikle Karadeniz havzasındaki dengelerin muhafaza edilmesinde ve Türkiye'nin Karadeniz güvenliğinin sağlanmasında Kırım kilit bir öneme sahiptir.
Bu çalışmada, tarihi verilerle güncel olaylar bir arada değerlendirilerek, Kırım'da yaşanan gelişmelerin Türkiye'nin güvenlik meselesi olduğu ve Türk Dış Politikasının bu meseleye yeterince ilgi göstermemesinin büyük bir eksiklik olduğu ortaya konulmaya çalışılacaktır.

The massacre of almost 50 Maidan protesters on February 20, 2014 was a turning point in Ukrainian politics and a tipping point in the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. This mass killing of the protesters and the mass shooting of the police that preceded it led to the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and gave a start to a civil war in Donbas in Eastern Ukraine, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. A conclusion promoted by the post-Yanukovych governments and the media in Ukraine that the massacre was perpetrated by government snipers and special police units on a Yanukovych order has been nearly universally accepted by the Western governments, the media, and many scholars. The Ukrainian government investigation identified members of the special company of Berkut as responsible for killings of the absolute majority of the protesters, but did not release any evidence in support, with the exception of videos of the massacre.
              The question is which side organized the “snipers’ massacre.” This paper is the first academic study of this crucial case of the mass killing. It uses a theory of rational choice and a Weberian theory of instrumental rationality to examine actions of major actors both from the Yanukovych government, specifically various police and security forces, and the Maidan opposition, specifically its far right and oligarchic elements, during the massacre.
          The paper analyzes a large amount of evidence from different publicly available sources concerning this massacre and killings of specifics protesters. Qualitative content analysis includes the following data: about 1,500 videos and recordings of live internet and TV broadcasts from mass media and social media in different countries(some 150 gigabytes), news reports and social media posts by more than 100 journalists covering the massacre from Kyiv, some 5,000 photos, and nearly 30 gigabytes of publicly available radio intercepts of snipers and commanders from the special Alfa unit of the Security Service of Ukraine and Internal Troops, and Maidan massacre trial recordings. This study also employs field research on site of the massacre, eyewitness reports by both Maidan protesters and government special units commanders, statements by both former and current government officials, estimates of approximate ballistic trajectories, bullets and weapons used, and types of wounds among both protesters and the police. This study establishes a precise timeline for various events of the massacre, the locations of both the shooters and the government snipers, and the specific timeline and locations of nearly 50 protesters’ deaths. It also briefly analyzes other major cases of violence during and after the “Euromaidan.” This study includes two video appendixes.
            This academic investigation concludes that the massacre was a false flag operation, which was rationally planned and carried out with a goal of the overthrow of the government and seizure of power. It found various evidence of the involvement of an alliance of the far right organizations, specifically the Right Sector and Svoboda, and oligarchic parties, such as Fatherland. Concealed shooters and spotters were located in at least 20 Maidan-controlled buildings or areas. The various evidence that the protesters were killed from these locations include some 70 testimonies, primarily by Maidan protesters, several videos of “snipers” targeting protesters from these buildings, comparisons of positions of the specific protesters at the time of their killing and their entry wounds, and bullet impact signs. The study uncovered various videos and photos of armed Maidan “snipers” and spotters in many of these buildings. The paper presents implications of these findings for understanding the nature of the change of the government in Ukraine, the civil war in Donbas, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

The internationalists of the last century are, it turns out, quite relevant to our current crisis: they helped us get here, and they offer us no way out.

A review of Oona Hathaway and Scott Shapiro, The Internationalists: How A Radical Plan to Outlaw War Remade the World (Simon & Schuster, 2017).

The crisis in Ukraine, which began in 2013, has had significant implications for European security. Cristian Nitoiu identifies three perceived security threats implied by developments in Ukraine and how these threats may develop in future years: the threat of so called 'hybrid warfare' spilling over from the standoff between Ukraine and Russia; the threat posed by nuclear weapons; and the threat posed by more conventional forms of warfare. Perceptions of security threats are arguably more salient than actual threats, most times having a deep influence on the actions of states and other international actors. Hence, they play a key role in the way the EU, Kyiv and Moscow will shape their policies towards each other in the wake of the Ukraine crisis. While Russia can employ a wide range of capabilities, the EU and Ukraine have very few instruments to tackle security threats, be they traditional or non­traditional. In the case of Ukraine, but also more broadly the post­Soviet space, EU­Russia/Ukraine relations are affected by the perception of three types of security threats: so called 'hybrid warfare', nuclear threats and traditional military threats (i.e. territorial invasion). Hybrid warfare In the West and Ukraine the perception of the threat posed by hybrid war has recently increased sharply. The annexation of Crimea and the war in eastern Ukraine have put the spotlight on the way states engage in conflict by using a series of (sometimes innovative) tools and strategies. Hybrid war combines the use of conventional and non­conventional capabilities, the use of irregular troops, cyber­attacks, support for terrorist, rebel and criminal groups, or the use of the media and civil society for propaganda purposes. In eastern Ukraine in particular we have witnessed a combination of the use of both state and non­state actors by all the sides involved. States tend to use parts of this toolkit even in times of peace, however in such situations these instruments are not combined in order to pursue certain assertive foreign policy goals.

The impact of the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT), with its emphasis on preemptive military force, is a matter of considerable debate. This timely book employs a time series intervention approach to evaluate the extent to which the onset of the GWOT (beginning with the invasion of Afghanistan) and related events (the invasion of Iraq, the capture of Saddam Hussein, and the release of photos from Abu Ghraib) are associated with changes in transnational terrorist activity.

Utilizing an extremely sophisticated statistical analysis of longitudinal data exploring the relationship between the U.S. "Global War on Terror" (GWOT) and the frequency and lethality of acts of transnational terrorism, this study has produced some counterintuitive findings which are now compatible with official thinking.

Highly readable with a rich quantitative analysis of the largest ever terrorism database constructed for the period 1992-2004, the results of the study are fascinating and have important implications for current U.S. foreign policy in the Global War on Terrorism. The author has painstakingly examined, with precise numbers, the impact of the use of preemptive force in the War on Terrorism in a way that has never been done before.

This is the first publication showcasing compelling data on the impact of the current war on terrorism on the level, lethality and frequency of transnational terrorist activity around the globe. With extremely current data, When Terrorism and Counterterrorism Clash is a critical reference to all in the fields of international relations and political science.

This book presents a neoclassical realist model for explaining foreign policy-unpacking how and why geopolitics, global factors and domestic politics combine in decisions on war and peace. The authors apply the model to the actions of forty countries in relation to the 2008 Russo-Georgian War. Uniquely linking system, interstate (geopolitics), and intrastate (domestic politics) levels of explanation, and benefiting from the WikiLeaks revelations, official documents, and interviews, they offer an important new tool for foreign policy analysis and an original explanation of the war between Russia and Georgia.

Andrew Yeo's new book, Asia's Regional Architectures: Alliances and Institutions in the Pacific Century, provides a comprehensive overview of Asia's regional security architecture in the post-World War II period, exploring why Asia's regional institutions have overlapped and coexisted for so long and how they have been shaped and are shaping regional actors' ideas and behavior. Just as international relations scholars have begun looking at historical institutionalism to explain international issues, ones ranging from interstate relations to regional security institutions to nonproliferation regimes, Yeo employs its theoretical approach to analyze the establishment and evolution of regional architecture from the postwar period onward. He provides detailed yet succinct accounts of the main political, economic, and security regional institutions in Asia. 1

Stella Ghervas, "The Vienna Peace Settlements: From a Balance of Power to a Balance of Negotiation".

What were the innovations of the Congress of Vienna? It has been traditional to affirm that the European peace and security system established in the course of the Congress of Vienna had been an achievement of the political model of the balance of power. Historical reality was however more complex than that. Despite conflicting agendas, the statesmen and diplomats who drafted the settlements of 1814-15 genuinely sought to establish a lasting peace, after the long and bloody wars against Napoleon. In doing so, they effectively banned war among themselves for nearly four decades, until the outbreak of the Crimean War (1853).

Syria’s ongoing existential conflict is arguably related to its nation-building trajectory starting in the beginning of the twentieth century. What can theories of nation-building and state formation tell us about the origins of conflict as well as future of the Syrian state?

Securitizing Youth offers new insights on young people’s engagement in a wide range of contexts related to the peace and security field. It presents empirical findings on the challenges and opportunities faced by young women and men in their efforts to build more peaceful, inclusive, and environmentally secure societies. The chapters included in this edited volume examine the diversity and complexity of young people’s engagement for peace and security in different countries across the globe and in different types and phases of conflict and violence, including both conflict-affected and relatively peaceful societies. Chapter contributors, young peacebuilders, and seasoned scholars and practitioners alike propose ways to support youth’s agency and facilitate their meaningful participation in decision-making. The chapters are organized around five broad thematic issues that correspond to the 5 Pillars of Action identified by UN Security Council Resolution 2250. Lessons learned are intended to inform the global youth, peace, and security agenda so that it better responds to on-the-ground realities, hence promoting more sustainable and inclusive approaches to long-lasting peace.