Political Discourse Analysis

This essay seeks to explore the expressions of power and persuasion in Tony Blair’s victory speech in 1997. Firstly, a theoretical framework about power and persuasion in political discourse is demonstrated. Secondly, the context of sociopolitical context of the speech is analyzed and the theoretical underpinnings of Political Discourse Analysis (PDA) are presented in the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). Thirdly, utilizing some linguistic tools based on the Halliday's and Matthiessen's (2004) functional grammatical theory, the speech is analyzed investigating the linguistic features that attribute power and persuasion.

This article contributes to the theoretical and methodological discussion on textual-contextual analysis in political communication and media research. It argues that taking into consideration both text and context throughout an analysis of the process of production enables the observation of the relation between the social and the linguistic. It opens up a non-deterministic perspective for the analysis of the above relation. The article rests upon an empirical study on the production of discourses for the campaign of European Parliament elections. The use of such a multilevel approach adds important elements to the research findings, particularly in terms of showing on the one hand how power relations within ‘Europarties’ results in the construction of common European identities in different European Union (EU) states, and on the other hand how professionalization of political communication reinforces discursive dissimilarities between parties of the same ideological family in different EU states.

This study aims to explore the rhetorical and persuasive strategies employed by a political leader to propagate his ideology using language. It intends to critically analyze the victory speech of Pakistani Premier Imran Khan (IK)—the Chairman of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI)—which he delivered at the Prime Minister House, Islamabad, after being elected as the 22nd Premier of Pakistan in 2018. The researchers attempt to unveil and analyze critically the strategies that worked behind this speech to persuade the audience. Different linguistic tools used for projecting and achieving political power have been identified and scrutinized. The qualitative analysis of the speech is based on theory of Aristotle’s Rhetoric; Ethos, Pathos, Logos and other persuasive strategies like use of personal pronoun, predication strategy, and positive self-presentation and negative others-presentation employed by IK, and further to study how language carries the power of transforming the perception and p...

Данная статья посвящена изучению цикличности российского политического дискурса. проведенный анализ показал, что в современном политическом дискурсивном пространстве прослеживается цикличность не только на уровне коммуникативных событий, но и на тематическом и лексическом уровнях. В последние десятилетия происходит регулярный возврат к понятиям и ключевым словам текущего момента прошлых лет, что является языковым отражением цикличного развития исторической и общественно-политической ситуации.

This article deals with identity political discourse in situations of cultural movements, precisely in situations of migration. It addresses the question of migration through the interpretation of past and in the making events. In this context, it focuses on the perception of Other, and on its representation. As such, it observes spatiotypies in their discursive specificities. Spatiotypies are attributions of power and discourse. They state, mentally and politically, the social life of individuals. The corpus is composed of French newspaper articles, from the middle of 2015 to the end of 2016. This period saw the dismantling of the "Camps de Calais" and the distribution of migrants to other locations on the French territory.

Discourse is a constitutive element of politics as a social practice. This chapter analyzes a political propaganda video released during the 2010 presidential election in Brazil during the final week of the runoff between Dilma Rousseff and José Serra. We employ the appraisal system (Martin and White, 2005) to investigate the language used in the video voice-over aimed at persuading people not to vote for Rousseff. The study reveals the discursive construction of a political struggle in Brazil and provides a methodological model for the systematic analysis of public discourse and language structure. Language, supported by other available semiotic resources, is deployed to represent a possible victory by Dilma Rousseff which invokes fear from the audience through negative attitudinal meanings. That benefits her political opponent, José Serra, who emerges from the narrative as the viable choice for the runoff .

Définition de l'épreuve par le texte officiel En histoire, l'analyse d'un ou de deux document(s) Cette analyse doit permettre au candidat de faire la preuve de sa capacité à comprendre le contenu, l'apport et la portée du ou des document(s) proposé(s). L'exercice demande au candidat de mettre en oeuvre les démarches propres à l'analyse de document en histoire. Lorsqu'un document est proposé, il s'agit de :-dégager le sens général du document en relation avec la question historique à laquelle il se rapporte ;-de montrer l'intérêt et les limites éventuelles du document pour la compréhension de cette question historique. Lorsque deux documents sont proposés, on attend du candidat qu'il dégage le sens général de chacun des documents en relation avec la question historique à laquelle il se rapporte puis qu'il les mette en relation en montrant l'intérêt de cette confrontation. En géographie […] l'analyse d'un ou de deux document(s). Cette analyse doit permettre au candidat de faire la preuve de sa capacité à comprendre le contenu, l'apport du (ou des) document(s) et les enjeux spatiaux qu'il(s) aborde(nt). LES ETAPES DU TRAVAIL Cette nouvelle épreuve est au coeur par sa logique du travail de l'historien et du géographe qui se trouve confronté à des documents de nature et de provenance diverses dont il attend qu'ils lui apportent des connaissances nouvelles, des interprétations nouvelles, une compréhension différente ou supplémentaire des choses, tout en gardant un regard critique. Jusqu'à présent, ces capacités d'analyse étaient observées à travers l'étude d'un dossier documentaire (4 ou 5 documents) avec des questions pour guider l'analyse et à travers un commentaire de document (un seul document avec des questions qui invitaient à analyser mais aussi à expliquer le document). Quelque part la grande nouveauté de cette épreuve est que vous devez faire à la fois les questions et les réponses… Découvrir le(s) document(s) et les consignes Le temps accordé pour cette épreuve est très court (une heure). Cela nécessite d'aller vite tout en étant efficace. ETAPE 1 : Lire les consignes Les formulations des consignes sont extrêmement diverses dans les sujets proposés par l'inspection générale (qui définit les épreuves du bac) et dans les manuels qui ont cherché à proposer des travaux pratiques. Certaines sont très générales et restent proches des consignes (on demande de dégager l'intérêt, les apports et les limites du ou des documents proposés), d'autres sont plus précises et suggèrent même des thèmes à creuser dans le travail. Il importe donc dans un premier temps de bien lire ces consignes (avant même peut-être les documents).

Il discorso, la comunicazione verbale e paraverbale e il media training dell'intervista a Le invasioni Barbariche (La7) di Matteo Salvini e Pippo Civati messi a confronto, evidenziandone analogie e differenze.
Ne emerge un quadro che vede punti di contatto contenutistico (l'antirenzismo) contrapporsi a differenze comunicativo di grande rilievo.

La presente analisi è stata presentata al concorso indetto da Eidos communication, risultando vincitrice di una borsa di studio per la XII edizione del Master in Consulenza politica e marketing elettorale.

Populism is sometimes conceived as a 'thin-centered ideology' by political scientists (Mudde, 2007). However, in discourse analysis we conceive of populism as a set of discourse strategies used by both left-wing or right-wing politicians (Charaudeau, 2009). The objectives of this scientific poster are: i) to point out the main discourse features that allow us to identify a populist discourse; ii) to analyze, compare and contrast Iglesias' and Abascal's populist discourse  features; and iii) to show how populism can be used on the left and on the right side of the political spectrum.

Action-­sentences about states, such as 'North Korea conducted a nuclear test', are ubiquitous in discourse about international relations. Although there has been a great deal of debate in IR about whether states are agents or actors, the question of how to interpret action-­sentences about states has been treated as secondary or epiphenomenal. This article focuses on our practices of speaking and writing about the state rather than the ontology of the state. It uses Hobbes' theory of attributed action to develop a typology of action-‐sentences and to analyze action-sentences about states. These sentences are not shorthand for action-­sentences about individuals, as proponents of the metaphorical interpretation suggest. Nor do they describe the actions of singular agents, as proponents of the literal interpretation suggest. The central argument is that action-­sentences about states are 'attributive', much like sentences about principals who act vicariously through agents: they identify the 'owners' of actions—the entities that are responsible for them—rather than the agents that perform the actions. Our practice of ascribing actions to states is not merely figurative, but nor does it presuppose that states are corporate agents.

This article exemplifies an approach to analyzing political arguments and
press deliberation on the issue of climate change and oil policy. I apply
political discourse analysis to examine an oil minister’s press conference
presentation of the key official document on Norway’s future oil policy,
and evaluate how he attempted to reconcile the country’s expansive
petroleum policy with its self-proclaimed ambition of being world
leading in responsible climate policy. The analysis displays how the
minister’s argumentation served to legitimate an expansive oil policy by
projecting an altruistic motivation and invoking the authority of the
tradition of the industry. This is supplemented by an analysis of
newspaper editorials and commentaries on the speech, identifying a
major split in viewpoints between local and national newspapers. The
analyses evaluate arguments in an explicit manner, for example by
critically questioning their value premises, thus suggesting an approach
that could benefit critical research on environmental communication.

What happens in authoritarian regimes following natural disasters? In this article we explore how authoritarian leaders use language strategically to shift blame and reap any possible benefits from the state’s response to the disaster. The speeches of three prominent autocratic leaders, Fidel Castro, Zedong Mao, and Hosni Mubarak, were analyzed using two computational linguistic tools (Coh-Metrix & LIWC) to open the black box of autocratic leaders’ strategies for successfully navigating political crises in the days, weeks, and months following natural disasters. We find support that authoritarian leaders indeed use these three strategies of blaming, credit-claiming, and referencing religion. Implications of these results are discussed in the context of using computational linguistics analyses to generate potential predictive models of social disequilibrium and to advance our understanding of authoritarian regimes.

The paper is entitled “Representations of War in Official Discourses Given by British Diplomats” and it is a case study of Sir Edward Grey’s Speech before the House of Commons, dated the 3rd of August 1914. I have chosen this speech because it is a great example of the power of persuasion through discourse. The following day after the speech, Great Britain engaged in the 1st World War. This paper is a part of a larger thesis I have proposed last year, i.e. “Discourse Analysis in International Relations Illustrated by Famous British Diplomats.”
The purpose of this study is to analyse the diplomatic discourse from the perspective of stylistics and pragmatics, focussing on reiteration, and how it is used as a persuasive tool, on metaphoric mappings and conceptual metaphors that help the speaker manipulate his audience, and on strategies of argumentation – more precisely, the Toulmin Argument Model.

espanolLa mediatizacion del discurso politico en redes sociales ha reavivado el debate en torno a las transformaciones que estas nuevas practicas discursivas introducen en las formas de hacer politica. En este debate, se enmarca la pregunta acerca de la dimension argumental –caracteristica tradicional del discurso politico– que pueden, o no, revestir los enunciados de los politicos en Twitter. En este estudio, se aborda un corpus de tweets de campana de candidatos presidenciales argentinos desde la perspectiva propuesta por Perelman y Olbrechts-Tyteca (1989) a fin de evaluar el grado de legitimidad de estas practicas discursivas en el desarrollo argumentativo del discurso politico y analizar en que consiste el mismo en las cuentas de Twitter de los candidatos. EnglishThe media coverage of the political speech in social networks has re-ignited the debate about the transformations that these new discursive practices have introduced in the ways of doing politics. In this debate, the qu...

Los discursos políticos de rompimiento tienen el mérito de haber cuestionado el dogma neoliberal que elevó un paradigma económico, de entre otros posibles, al rango de ciencia exacta, por encima de consideraciones políticas o sociales. A la par, es notorio que otras discusiones han logrado trascender a la agenda pública, poniendo en jaque al statu quo. No necesariamente hay coherencia ideológica entre los distintos cuestionamientos, pero es innegable que se han visibilizado actores antes ignorados y problemáticas naturalizadas hasta hace poco.

Uno de las discusiones que necesita mayor profundidad es la crítica a la academia, como se suele conocer a la comunidad científica. Si bien es cierto que la lógica neoliberal permeó en las concepciones y prácticas dentro de las universidades, siempre es prudente recordar que esto ocurrió a la par del resto de la sociedad. Es comprensible que el cuestionamiento sea mucho más duro y reiterado en las universidades, al tratarse de espacios en los que la discusión es algo cotidiano y la juventud –así como sus inherentes expectativas de cambio– es la población que les nutre. No obstante, cuando la crítica no es contextualizada, puede caer en excesos preocupantes.

В монографии впервые в отечественной лингвистике представлено систематическое исследование инаугурационных речей российских президентов и их посланий Федеральному собранию. Анализ ведется преимущественно в когнитивных и риторических аспектах. Автор предлагает оригинальную методику выявления идеологических взглядов политического деятеля в современных условиях. Книга предназначена для лингвистов, политологов, журналистов, спичрайтеров, специалистов по общественным связям.

Resumen
El artículo pretende contribuir al estudio de los textos retóricos del clasicismo chino, presentando traducciones directas del chino al castellano. Se ofrece aquí la primera versión íntegra del capítulo 3 (Nán yán) del corpus atribuido al filósofo legista Han Feizi (c. 280-233 a.C.), un autor de extraordinaria importancia a ese respecto. Un comentario analiza el texto, proporciona información para una adecuada comprensión y apreciación y repasa las líneas de investigación que puede ofrecer desde la perspectiva de la retórica comparada.
Palabras clave: retórica china – Han Feizi – suasoria política – retórica comparada – traducción.
Abstract
Our paper contributes to the study of Classical Chinese rhetorical texts by offering new translations from Chinese into Spanish. In this case, it is chapter 3 (Nán yán) from the corpus attributed to the Legalist philosopher Han Feizi, living during the Warring States period (c. 280-233 BC), whose work is highly relevant as far as Rhetoric is concerned. A final commentary analizes the text, presents further details for an accurate understanding and suggests some possible lines of research from the standpoint of comparative Rhetoric.

מחקר זה  מתמקד בטוקבקים התגובות שישראלים כותבים באתרי אינטרנט, ובמונח המתאר זירה תקשורתית זו. לאור ניתוח פרשני של תגובות כאלה בעשר השנים האחרונות המאמר מתחיל בתיאור הפוטנציאל הקרנבלי הקיים בטוקבקים. אלה יכולים לממש את הקרנבל הבכטיניאני, כשהם מדגישים את הנמוך, הגופני ובייחוד את הפתיחות, השוויוניות וחוסר הכבוד לעמדות כוח. ממדים קרנבליים אלה היו יכולים להפוך את זירת הטוקבק לזירה דמוקרטית מלאה, שלא כמרחב הציבורי הבורגני, אולם מהטוקבקים נעדרים שני אלמנטים חשובים: צחוק משחרר ופעולה חברתית חוץ-לשונית.
חלקו השני של המאמר מתאר את מילת המפתח "טוקבק" בתוך מארג מילות המפתח הישראליות. הטוקבק כמילת מפתח מתאר זירה תקשורתית שבה המשתתפים מציגים זהות פוליטית על ידי הכפשת הצד הפוליטי ההפוך להם, בדרך כלל ללא הבעת דעה או ביסוסה. הטוקבק הוא טקס כסאחיסטי של אנטי-פראיירים שכל עניינם לקטֵר. כך הטוקבק ומארג מילות המפתח הישראלי מאפשרים קיומה של תרבות דמוקרטית מוגבלת, המקיימת שיח פוליטי ער הנעדר פתיחות לשינוי דעה והנעה לפעולה חברתית – אלמנטים חשובים בדמוקרטיה.

It is now more than 30 years since the publication of Edward W. Said’s seminal text Orientalism. With his discourse analysis of an astounding number of academic, bureaucratic and literary texts from the colonial period, Said was able to demonstrate that the western colonial project was premised on a matrix of interdependent discourses, institutions and practices, which he termed ‘orientalism’. The net output of such orientalism was an ideological fantasy, a fantasy that bore no relation to the reality and complexity of non-european society with its myriad cultures, religions, peoples, customs and histories. Instead, orientalism has served to homogenize, demonize and stereotype the non-european world according to fairly reductive and negative terms, so that the oriental was viewed as the ‘other’. Clearly the unquestioned tendency to view the people of the orient as eficient and inferior ‘others’ served the colonial agenda of continuing to dominate and control sections of the East.

One cannot overstate the significance and impact of orientalism. Indeed, in the years that followed, Said’s work was both contested and applied by a whole range of different disciplines including middle-east studies, media analyses, international relations and history. It has also spawned an entirely new sub-discipline known as postcolonial studies. What has long been missing in the field of research is a sustained engagement with Said’s work from the perspective of defence studies and military history.

Ohne eine vergleichende Analyse, die mehrere Diskurstraditionen berücksichtigt ist nicht zu bestimmen, ob (Be-)Deutungaspekte von Metaphern universal oder sprachspezifisch sind und inwieweit sie von historischen Faktoren beeinflusst werden. Die hier vorliegende Analyse konzentriert sich auf politische Körpermetaphern in französischen, englischen und deutschen Diskursen. Die untersuchten Präferenzmuster – Wortspiele mit body politic/body natural im Englischen, Nazi-Bezug des Ausdrucks 'Volkskörper' im Deutschen, die ,rousseauistische’ Verknüpfung von Staat und Gesellschaft im französischer Körpermetaphorik – geben erste Hinweise auf weitere Forschungen in diesem Bereich.

Resumen: Nayib Bukele asumió como presidente de El Salvador el 1° de junio de 2019. Con su triunfo se puso fin a la alternancia bipartidista entre el FMLN y ARENA, que primó por treinta años en el país. El presidente latinoamericano más joven es conocido como millennial debido a su presencia en las redes sociales. Bukele utiliza de manera continua estas herramientas como forma de comunicación política. Este artículo se propone indagar sobre la construcción del discurso político de Nayib Bukele en su cuenta de Twitter durante sus primeros cien días de gobierno. Se busca rastrear cómo fue construyendo un discurso desideologizado y ahistórico, en torno a la idea de eficiencia, la transparencia y la buena administración de los recursos del Estado.

In this paper, we will be reviewing the Discourse analysis as a qualitative and quantitative multidisciplinary approach that allows studying a discourse in a precise way. We will see two of the main methods to analyze a speech, the synthetic method and the analytical method. Also, we will analyze a discourse done by the French president, Emmanuel Macron, according to these two methods.

Koncept EUROPA jest jednym z centralnych pojec ukrainskiego dyskursu
społeczno-politycznego. Ten aksjologiczny koncept jest wrazliwy na oddziaływanie
kontekstu socjokulturowego, zwłaszcza w okresach gwałtownych
zmian społecznych. Ukrainska Rewolucja Godnosci (2014) stała sie swiadectwem
istotnego znaczenia Europy dla ukrainskiej tozsamosci narodowej
i stała sie bodzcem dla uformowania sie szeregu dodatkowych jej sensów.
Stworzyło to potrzebe utrwalenia dynamiki zmian w konceptualizacji
pojecia EUROPA i jego wewnatrzjezykowej wariantywnosci. Podstawowa
baza materiałowa przeprowadzonej analizy były współczesne ukrainskie
teksty medialne, baza dodatkowa – dane systemowe (w tym słownikowe)
i ankietowe, pozyskane w latach 2012–2013 od studentów dwóch ukrainskich
uniwersytetów. Dane tekstowe i ankietowe, w duzej mierze zbiezne,
ilustrujace dwa zasadnicze dyskursy: polityczny i oswiatowy, pozwalaja
widziec Europe w trzech perspektywach: geogra1cznej, politycznej (instytucjonalnej,
unijnej) i aksjologicznej. Polityczny składnik konceptu został
tu wyrazony przy pomocy modelu zwiazków interpersonalnych z wyróznieniem
komponentu emocjonalnego. EUROPA postrzegana jest przez
Ukrainców w metaforycznych kategoriach nauczyciela, przywódcy, wzorca
postepowania i celu dazen, Ukraina natomiast – jako uczen, nasladowca,
istota garnaca sie do Europy, majaca jednak poczucie, ze jest przez nia
odtracana i pozostawiana poza granicami Zachodu.

Introduzione L'affermazione di partiti e movimenti « populisti » in Italia è piuttosto recente. Le prime riflessioni di studiosi e osservatori che iniziano a impiegare apertamente questo termine appaiono con l'affermazione della Lega Nord (d'ora in poi Lega), nel 1992 1. Si tratta di un movimento politico regio-nale radicato nella Lombardia e nel Veneto e diffuso in tutto il nord Italia, dagli obiettivi politici poco chiari (oscillanti fra federalismo e secessionismo 2), non ascrivibile immediatamente alla destra o alla sinistra dello schieramento politico e con obiettivi polemici molto evidenti (e anch'essi in linea con la retorica populista) : tutta la classe politica esistente, considerata come una massa indistinta a cui si oppone la propria novità, giocando sulla tematizzazione dell'inesperienza come virtù (come ha sin-tetizzato Eric Landowski nel testo di presentazione che ha dato origine a questo dossier). Come altri movimenti « populisti » la Lega si afferma nel momento di una crisi fiduciaria gene-ralizzata verso i partiti che avevano costituito il cosiddetto « arco costituzionale » (l'insieme dei partiti democratici presenti in parlamento dalla creazione della repubblica), dovuta allo svelamento da parte della magistratura italiana di un sistema di corruzione organizzato ed esteso ai massimi livelli della politica nazionale. Il ricorso alla novità non può bastare, almeno da solo, per spiegarne il consenso, anche perchè oltre ad essa, in Italia, sono stati nel tempo vari i partiti che hanno giocato, nel tempo e con sfumature diverse, sul tema del « nuovismo » : certamente Forza Italia (Berlusconi), ma anche il Pd di Veltroni, e più recentemente il Movimento 5 stelle (d'ora in poi M5S) di Grillo. I commentatori ed i politologi che si sono occupati della Lega Nord raramente hanno ravvisato queste continuità. Considerando i tradizionali criteri socio-politologici la Lega è stata avvicinata al movimento italiano conservatore dell'Uomo qualunque, affermatosi dal 1948 alla fine degli anni cin-quanta del '900. Sono state sottolineate le affinità nell'uso del dialetto e nel turpiloquio, nella deni-grazione degli avversari, ma scarsamente marcate le profonde differenze fra i due movimenti, a nostro parere rinvenibili considerando le strategie di costruzione di una presenza sensibile e di coinvolgimen-to estesico del proprio elettorato. 1 Cfr. Andrea Sarubbi, La Lega qualunque. Dal populismo di Giannini a quello di Bossi, Roma, Armando Editore, 2005. 2 Il nuovo partito proponeva, col termine « federalismo », la costituzione di una repubblica federale con tre entità distinte, di fatto autonome, su base territoriale : il nord, il centro e il sud Italia.

The concept of soft power occupies a prominent place in International Relations, foreign policy, and security studies. Primarily developed by Joseph S. Nye, the concept is typically drawn upon to emphasize the more intangible dimensions of power in a field long dominated by overtly material (i.e. military) power. Recently, some scholars have reframed soft power — specifically the key notion of attraction — as a narrative and linguistic process. This literature, however, has downplayed some of the other deep-seated underpinnings of soft power, which this article argues lie in the dynamics of affect. Building upon the International Relations affect and aesthetics literatures, this article develops the concept of soft power as rooted in the political dynamics of emotion and introduces the concept of affective investment. The attraction of soft power stems not only from its cultural influence or narrative construction, but more fundamentally from audiences’ affective investments in the images of identity that it produces. The empirical import of these ideas is offered in an analysis of the construction of American attraction in the war on terror.

Using a case study of official representation of communism in Romania, this article addresses the rhetoric of historical representation and some of the ways in which the collective memory of communism is managed in the context of how post-communist democracies reckon with former regimes. It specifically centres on the public accomplishment of coming to terms with the past in the ‘Tismăneanu Report’ condemning communism in Romania. Using an ethnomethodologically inspired critical analysis, the article examines how the report and texts supporting it address the issue of how to take the communist era into public consciousness. The shaping of a specific representation of communism and the making of political-moral judgments in the report is legitimated by (1) treating communism as a category of the macro-social and textually mediated reality, (2) constructing the need for a scientific approach, and (3) conceiving communism as Other, alien to national identity and national interest. General implications for the substance and meaningfulness of coming to terms with recent history are discussed.

This work looks at the political discourse of Marshal Ion Antonescu from the perspective of international relations theory, specifically realism and idealism. There is no agreement yet among historians and political scientists regarding the nature of the regime of Ion Antonescu. Some have called him a nationalist, a fascist dictator, others see in him a moderate dictator, or simply an opportunist politician. Therefore, further exploration of his political personality from the lenses of international relations theory should not be dismissed. One way of conducting this exploration can be done by comparing his personal writings, diplomatic letters and political correspondence with the main features of realism and idealism. The existent literature on the subject is also used in order to provide insight into how other scholars have perceived Ion Antonescu. The study is first concerned with identifying the main characteristics of realism and idealism, afterwards it analyses Ion Antonescu's political ideas as selected from his published volumes, correspondence, political statements and actions. The conclusion shows how despite the existence of serious examples where Ion Antonescu displays an idealist ideology (most of these are found in the pre-1939 period), the circumstances of his political activity have led to this aspect of his political thinking being replaced with realism. Rezumat: Această lucrare analizează discursul politic al mareşalului Ion Antonescu din perspectiva teoriei relaţiilor internaţionale, în special a realismului şi idealismului. Nu există încă un acord între istorici şi politologi cu privire la natura regimului lui Ion Antonescu. Unii l-au numit naţionalist sau dictator fascist, alţii văd în el un dictator moderat sau pur şi simplu un politician oportunist. Prin urmare, explorarea în continuare a personalităţii sale politice din perspectiva teoriei relaţiilor internaţionale nu ar trebui respinsă. O modalitate de  Assist. Prof. Dr.

The article explores the prospects of regime assessment based on political discourse in terms of increasing the accuracy of assessment results. The urgency of the issue is conditioned by the decrease in the efficiency of classical assessment methods of political culture and regimes. This happens due to new challenges resulting from deepened rivalry and flawed practices of democratic political discourse for the formation of new world order. The research results show that whereas there are case studies on all three types of regimes based on political discourse, they do not reveal the peculiarities and patterns of the use of political discourse for assessing of political regimes. To this end it is proposed to assess the political regimes based on political discourse with full range. This approach will give an opportunity to build the full image and to classify political regimes in accordance with appropriate types of political culture.

This paper studies Nelson Mandela's speech at Harvard University with a view to investigating tropes and figures of speech. Figures of speech are one of the prominent stylistic devices that make a speech more effective. In the analysis, it was found that Nelson Mandela used many figures of speech but metaphor, hyperbole and litotes, alliteration and assonance, and homoeoteleuton are most common and skillfully used. Mandela used these tropes and figure with a view to stirring the audience's certain emotions, breaking monotony, and mitigating and intensifying certain issues.

This Impact Report identifies and summarises the diverse impacts, resulting from the £500m of UK funding of Science and Technology in 2013, using numerous quantitative metrics and short case study extracts.  It shows how the varied impacts of a national science and technology organization and its many funded programmes can be annually identified, captured, tracked, and summarised in a public document.

The report was produced for, and by, the Science and Technology Facilities Council (STFC) -  the UK Research Council responsible for funding: (1) all UK astronomy, particle and nuclear physics research, (2) related UK science and technology facilities (e.g. as Harwell and Daresbury), (3) the UK contribution to international science (e.g. CERN, international telescopes and space missions), (4) innovation and business spin-off programmes, and (5) UK public engagement activities.

The Report was co-researched and co-authored by the STFC Impact Team, including myself while Impact Evaluation Manager in 2013, with Dr. Claire Dougan-McCallie (lead author/Head of Impact) and Jenny Beard, with additional input from senior managers, and many data and case study contributions from other key managers across STFC.

Varied key impacts are identified and reported including:

• Research amongst the best (by citation impact) in astronomy, nuclear and particle physics.
• Supported research of 226 Principal Investigators in 70 universities, led to 1,100 peer-reviewed papers in 2012.
• Facilities (the Diamond Light Source, ISIS and CLF) were used in 2012/13 by over 4,200 unique users , in over 2,400 experiments, producing over 1,000 papers in peer-reviewed journals.

• Technology from CERN benefited the UK economy by over £100 billion every year.
• Funding the development of the UK’s space, internet and computer animation industries, returned over £500 billion to the UK economy per annum.
• Funded Innovation Campuses hosted over 230 enterprises and supported over 5,000 jobs.
• UK industry won £43 million in contracts from the international subscriptions funded, and had accumulated a total of £150 million since 2005.

• Funded research inspired future generations to study STEM subjects, attracting 90% of UK undergraduates to study physics, funded 782 PhD students  and 16,800 student training days.
• Between 2009 to 2012 public engagement programmes engaged people on 58 million occasions, with 2 million people engaged in face-to-face activities in 2013 alone.

On 23 January 2013 Prime Minister David Cameron gave a speech1 on the future of the United Kingdom (UK) in the European Union (EU), announcing that an in-out referendum will be held in 2017 if another Conservative government is elected in the next elections. The Prime Minister stated that this 4-year time lapse is to be used by British citizens in order to get better informed on the question: “What is  it exactly that we are choosing to be in or out of?”2. This question was not put in a value-free context, since his speech was not impartial in depicting the European Union. On the contrary, it framed the EU issue with a set of assumptions that automatically ruled out some options (such as the possibility that British citizens share with other Member States’ citizens an idealised view of the EU), while strengthening others (such as the essentialised,  irrevocable “island nature” of Britons).
Considering the importance of British political discourse on the EC in shaping  the public mental set and opinion3, and therefore voters’ position on the promised referendum, this essay focuses on the assumptions on “Englishness”4 and “Europeness” implicit in Cameron’s Speech, which is analysed in comparison with the political discourse of Margaret Thatcher (Prime Minister from 1979 to 1990) and Tony Blair (Prime Minister from 1997 to 2007). The argument is that British political discourse on the EU is characterised by both elements of change and of continuity that, although analytically separated, merge into each other. In order to recognise them, the British political discourse is analysed from two perspectives: its use and its content.

If your library has access to Springer Link a full version of this book can be downloaded via: http://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-319-40703-6 . 

This book focuses on the discursive processes that allow activists to make sense of themselves and of the modes of politics they engage in. It shows how political and metadiscursive awareness develop in tandem with a reconfiguration of one’s sense of self. The author offers an integrated pragmatic and poststructuralist perspective on self and subjectivity. He draws on Essex style discourse theory, early pragmatist philosophy, and linguistic pragmatics, arguing for a notion of discourse as a multi-dimensional practice of articulation. Demonstrating the analytical power of this perspective, he puts his approach to work in an analysis of activist discourse on integration and minority issues in Flanders, Belgium. Subjects articulate a whole range of norms, values, identities and narratives to each other when they engage in political discourse. This book offers a way to analyse the logics that structure political awareness and the associated boundaries for discursive self-interpretation.

'At a time in which notions of both politics and activism are being profoundly reshaped, Zienkowski's incisive analysis goes to the heart of what may drive such changes. Empirically delicate and theoretically astute, this is discourse analysis at its best.' - Jan Blommaert, Tilburg University, The Netherlands

'This book is a must-read for anyone interested in the discursive logics that shape self and society, as well as how to study them. It combines discourse theory and pragmatic perspectives on interaction, generating an innovative interpretive and functional heuristic for doing poststructuralist discourse analysis. As an added bonus, it provides a creative and critical contribution to discussions on the workings of ideological fantasy. Highly recommended!' - Jason Glynos, Reader, University of Essex, UK

'If you ever wondered what the world looks like through the eyes of well-informed and politically active members of disadvantaged minorities, you must read "Articulations of self and politics in activist discourse". As a discourse analysis with a truly multidisciplinary orientation, Jan Zienkowski offers unrivaled insights which, based on research in a Belgian context, have unfortunately gained relevance through recent dramatic events.' - Jef Verschueren, Professor, University of Antwerp, Belgium

Occupy Wall Street was a movement of many faces. Its impact on the public debate was significant, sparking support and criticism from a variety of sources. The occupation of the park, a ‘privately owned public space’, awoke the interest of the media, triggering nationwide media coverage and generating significant online activity.

Behind an almost two-month occupation of a 3,100 m2 park in downtown Manhattan, an element crucial to Occupy Wall Street gaining scale and achieving significant media coverage emerges: Its discourse. Acknowledging that a discourse encompasses a set of ideas, values, identities and activities signified by the use of certain semiotic choices, this paper explores how the different bits and pieces of the Occupy Wall Street discourse play out in the social, political and communication arenas. The methodology is based on empirical and exploratory research. Interviews are conducted with professors, activists, protesters, journalists and editors, most of them based in New York City. Meanwhile a media analysis is performed based on online activity, mainstream media coverage and tag clouds generated out of hundreds of articles from three leading newspapers of various types and political inclinations.

Results reveal a social movement represented by protesters whose one common aspect was their frustration with the economic, social and political systems in the United States. This responds to an ideology named “the critique of capitalism.” Despite lacking a single, unified message, Occupy Wall Street managed to deliver strong semiotic choices behind the narrative of “We are the 99 percent,” ultimately producing a compelling, media savvy discourse.

OWS also accomplished influencing the public conversation by relying on social media networks. This was reinforced by the very occupation of Zuccotti Park, which would symbolically reenact the movement’s narrative and serve as a storefront for journalists to gather constantly changing stories. In contrast, OWS’ depiction in the news varied considerably, showing a constantly shifting and volatile narrative particularly subject to events of a violent or unsettling nature. This generated increased media coverage, but ultimately affected both public support and the movement’s morale. Still, if there is one thing that Occupy Wall Street indisputably achieved, it is bringing back the public debate on the aggravating issue of economic inequality and its repercussions on the American people.