Internal Displacement

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to assess the effects of psychological problems faced by IDPs (displaced as a result of Operation Zarb-i-Azb) of North Waziristan on local Community. IDPs coming from Waziristan and surroundings including men and women of all ages and childeren are the ones who are more vulnerable to physical and mental stresses likely to be caused by military actions of terrorists and counteraction by Pakistani Armed Forces. They have residence in shelter homes, tents are in a community which is different and most of the time hostile from their own community. The stresses like violence, migration, imposed poverty unhygienic and unsystemic living atmosphere of camps lead the IDPs to a change in everyday life activities away from their own cultural routines which in turn is causing deterioration of society as well. Methodology/Sampling: This is primarily an exploratory study done on the field in IDP camps situated in Bannu disctrict. We approached a sample of 500 IDPs and identified around 200 to be suffering from psychological issues, who were interviewd and and were administered with questionnaires with the help of trained surveryours and medical team. Findings: It is noted that such transitory unplanned no systemic living has caused an increase in activities like thieving, use of drugs, abduction for ransom, and other forms of violence and such like activities. The relationship between psychological issues of IDPs and the effects on community (Proxied by Crime rate) were subjected to descriptive analysis and were found that significantly good number of IDPs suffers from psychiatric disorders and there is a significant increase in crime rate for areas with sufficient number of IDPs around. Practical Implications: Displacement results in emergence of particular vulnerabilities for those affected, and also for the surrounding communities, thereafter necessitating specific measures for the provision of assistance and further protection corresponding to vulnerabilities.

Research reveals that criminal violence in El Salvador is highly targeted and individualised, and this defines displacement dynamics and protection needs.
In the absence of coordinated state support, people rely on their own networks and often don’t report their situation for fear of reprisal. This means they have few safe options inside the country, which leads to repeated displacement, severe restrictions on freedom of movement and significant crossborder flight.
The research also finds that, in attempting to combat extremely high levels of violence in El Salvador, repressive state security measures have triggered new displacement, as gangs target police and their families, and security forces target young people in gang-affected areas.
The study draws on extensive desk research covering the academic literature and latest empirical reports, and qualitative data collected in 51 interviews with 80 experts in El Salvador and Mexico City during March and April 2018.

Forced displacement and resettlement is a pervasive challenge being contemplated across the social sciences. Scholarly literature, however, often fails to engage complexities of power in understanding socio-environmental interactions in resettlement processes. Addressing Zimbabwe’s Tokwe-Mukosi flood disaster resettlement, we explore hegemonic uses of state power during the pre- and post-flood induced resettlement processes. We examine how state power exercised through local government, financial, and security institutions impacts community vulnerabilities during forced resettlement processes, while furthering capitalist agendas, drawing insights from analysing narratives between 2010 and 2021. Concerns abound that multiple ministries, the police, and the army undermined displaced people’s resilience, including through inadequate compensation, with state institutions neglecting displaced communities during encampment by inadequately meeting physical security, health, educational, an...

Este libro, producto de una beca del Centro Carter de Estados Unidos, aborda el impacto del desplazamiento, la tortura, la violencia sexual y las minas antipersonal, en el marco del conflicto armado colombiano, en la salud mental de las víctimas y en sus comunidades.

This editorial introduction discusses the ways contemporary art has dealt with cultural and physical displacement, spiritual homelessness, migrant and divided identity, issues of indigeneity and cognitive colonization. It focuses on the complexity of the artist's engagement in a world which has not only brought people together across many divides, but has also, in the process, alienated them from each other and from their environment.

What happens to us when it becomes “normal” everyday life to live with high levels of violence? How does it affect our development as individuals, how we raise our children and relate to others in society, our attitudes and actions as citizens, and the ways we are governed? This paper describes that living in such conditions affects our lives in myriad and systemic ways. Children fail to flourish; parents are often unable to nurture their children adequately and can turn against them; social relations between individuals and groups become more restricted, polarized, and conflictive; and our role as citizens or participants in the larger community suffers—as do the social support for democracy and the prospects for democratic governance.

The Chronic Violence and Human Development Framework developed in this publication systematizes how chronic violence affects human, social, and civic development. It offers a new lens to help policymakers, social activists, scholars, and affected populations to recognize, understand, and approach a global challenge that is hidden in plain sight and that continues to worsen. Despite billions of dollars invested by international, national, and private institutions and organizations during recent decades in violence prevention and enhancing security, diverse forms of violence continue to grow. They contribute to growing levels of human suffering as well as to economic, social, and political instability and state fragility in many parts of the world.

Reprint of article from Contributions to Indian Sociology 50, 1 (2016): 52–79

This article addresses two questions: first, how do communities facing protracted displacement deal with the experience of migration and place-making? Second, how do notions of home mediate this relationship? I approach these questions by taking the case of Kashmiri Pandits, the upper caste Hindu minority of the Kashmir valley, who were displaced due to the outbreak of conflict in Jammu and Kashmir in 1989–90 and a significant section of whom were located in displaced persons’ camps during 1990–2011. The article draws upon discussions with Pandits who contrast nostalgia for life in Kashmir with experiences of re-establishing social and political relationships after displacement. Place and migration here are both treated as contexts and products of social activity that involve considerations of objects, physical environment and communal relationships. The article will argue that discussions of place and home are marked by a tension between desires for reclaiming home and security, and the condition of uncertainty faced by groups like Kashmiri Pandits in the present.

El desplazamiento forzado interno es, actualmente, urbano y prolongado (ICRC, 2018). Colombia es un ejemplo de este fenómeno global. Junto con Siria, es el país con mayor número de personas en situación de desplazamiento: con más de 6,5 millones1, el 87% está en áreas urbanas (CNMH, 2015). Aunque el número exacto se desconoce, se estima que una gran mayoría de los desplazados urbanos2 han encontrado una alternativa de refugio en ciudades como Soacha y, especialmente, en asentamientos informales. La condición de vulnerabilidad de esta población y las comunidades locales de acogida ha revelado la necesidad de un cambio real en su atención y protección, con el fin de confrontar la sinergia entre la fragilidad urbana y la violencia (IRC, 2015; OECD, 2016). A pesar de lo llamativo que pueda resultar, la realidad de Soacha se debe analizar desde una perspectiva global. A finales del 2017, 40 millones de personas en el mundo fueron desplazadas por conflictos armados y violencia dentro de su propio país. El mayor registro de toda la historia (IDMC, 2018). El desplazamiento tiene actualmente dos características perfectamente identificables en Soacha. Es urbano, entre el 60% y el 80% de la población mundial en esta situación reside en ciudades (IDMC, 2018a) y, en segundo lugar, es prolongado ya que perdura una media de entre 20 y 30 años (UNHCR, 2015; GAUC, 2015 y 2018).
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This monograph attempts to clarify the relationships of Filipino Americans to the diaspora of Christian settler colonists in Mindanao with the hope of facilitating solidarity between Filipino Americans and the peoples of Mindanao and Sulu. It begins with a consideration of Carlos Bulosan, perhaps the most prominent figure within the discipline of Filipino American Studies, in terms of the brief appearance of Mindanao in America is in the Heart. The bulk of the monograph, however, is centered on literatures of the Southern Philippines, a region that is often overlooked within the discipline of Filipino American Studies, and in particular it examines the historical evolution of landlessness, displacement, and war in the Southern Philippines through the close reading of texts produced there. The first text is "Blue Blood of the Big Astana, " a story from the Commonwealth period of US-Philippine history, written by Ibrahim Jubaira, the most-recognized Muslim writer in English from the Philippines. Jubaira's story is notable for its depiction of the persistence of ideas concerning land tenure, status, and kinship from a time just prior to US colonial rule within a context determined by the increasing inroads of merchant capitalism fostered by the US colonial state. However, Jubaira's story is very partial when contextualized in terms of debates concerning the fate of Mindanao and Sulu during the years preceding the formal independence of the Philippines. The monograph then moves to the near-present to consider a story by the Maranao writer Loren Hallilah I. Lao, "The Trip to a Forbidden Land, " as a plea for peace that is constrained by the middle-class setting of the story. Finally, the emphasis shifts to a set of oral histories collected in the volume Land Tenure Stories in Central Mindanao. The shift to this set of texts corrects an urban and middle-class bias in the stories of Jubaira and Lao that would prevent Filipino American readers from understanding the concerns of Muslims and indigenous peoples and the causes of conflicts in the Southern Philippines. The stories of a specific conflict over land told by Muslims and Manobos in Land Tenure Stories highlight the importance of land as a necessary part of the livelihoods of many of the indigenous, Muslim, and Christian people of Mindanao and the ways in which landlessness and the lack of livelihoods are causes of conflicts in the Southern Philippines.

This article analyses the changing trends of globalization and modernity that transform the social and individual
perceptions. In postcolonial era, globalization proves to be an impetus that precipitates the tension between tradition and modernity. This article studies the competing forces of tradition and modernity as dramatized in Kamila Shamsie’s Salt and Saffron (2000). The novel is a playful account of past memories revisited and preserved by family lore. It is also an appropriation of those traditional views in the modern scene by the members of new generation. Therefore, the novel becomes a microcosm of traditional versus modern values conceived by the family members of Dard-e-dil family. The novel is an effective display of past Muslim cultural and political glory yet it revisits the current issues of identity,
displacement and immigration. The article situates the story of Dard-e-dils within the theoretical context of globalization
and postcolonialism, and reads the flux and change that the Pakistani fiction reflects as it enters a new realm of changed
national, social and individual perception in the post–partition and postcolonial era.

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From 1986 to 2006, northern Uganda was the site of a violent conflict between the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) and the Government of Uganda. Based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in the Acholi sub-region in 2009, this thesis examines the narratives of young women who were abducted by the LRA, forced to serve multiple roles in "the bush," and have since returned to civilian life. I explore the supernatural dimensions of the conflict and contend that women were agents of their own survival because they learned to manipulate their physical and cosmological circumstances, both during and after their captivity. At the margins of transitional justice debates, women negotiate their own memories within an intricate web of religiosity. Though forced into marriage, motherhood, and soldiering, only to come home to lives marked by stigma, patriarchy, and poverty, ex-LRA women are complex persons who defy the tropes of "sex slave" and "child soldier."

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De 1986 à 2006, le nord de l'Ouganda a été le site d'un conflit violent entre la «Lord's Resistance Army» (LRA) et le Gouvernement de l'Ouganda. Basée sur une recherche ethnographique menée dans la sous-région d'Acholi en 2009, cette mémoire de thèse examine les récits de jeunes femmes qui ont été enlevés par la LRA, forcés de servir de multiples rôles dans «la brousse», et ont depuis réintégré la vie civile. J'explore les dimensions surnaturelles du conflit et je soutiens que les femmes étaient des agents de leur propre survie, car elles ont appris à manipuler leurs conditions physiques et cosmologiques, à la fois pendant et après leur captivité. En marge des débats de la justice transitionnelle, les femmes négocient leurs propres souvenirs au sein d'un réseau complexe de la religiosité. Bien forcées de se marier, de devenir mères, et d'être des soldats; rentrées à des vies marquées par la stigmatisation, le patriarcat, et la pauvreté, elles sont quand même des personnes complexes qui défient les tropes «d'esclave sexuelle» et «d'enfant soldat».

Metaphors move--and displace--people. This paper starts from this premise, focusing on how elites have deployed metaphors of water and waste to form a rhetorical consensus around the displacement of non-elite citizens in ancient Roman contexts, with reference to similar discourses in the contemporary Global North and Brazil. The notion of 'domestic displacement'-the forced movement of citizens within their own sovereign territory-elucidates how these metaphors were used by elite citizens, such as Cicero, to mark out non-elite citizens for removal from the city of Rome through colonisation programmes. In the elite discourse of the late Republican and early Augustan periods, physical proximity to and figurative equation with the refuse of the city repeatedly signals the low social and legal status of potential colonists, while a corresponding metaphor of 'draining' expresses the elite desire to displace these groups to colonial sites. The material outcome of these metaphors emerges in the non-elite demographic texture of Julius Caesar's colonists, many of whom were drawn from the plebs urbana and freedmen. An elite rationale, detectable in the writings of Cicero, Livy, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and others, underpins the notion of Roman colonisation as a mechanism of displacement. On this view, the colony served to alleviate the founding city-Rome-of its surplus population, politically volatile elements, and socially marginalised citizens, and in so doing, populate the margins of its empire too. Romulus' asylum, read anew as an Alban colony, serves as one prototype for this model of colonisation and offers a contrast to recent readings that have deployed the asylum as an ethical example for contemporary immigration and asylum seeker policy. The invocation of Romulus' asylum in 19th century debates about the Australian penal colonies further illustrates the dangers of appropriating the asylum towards an ethics of virtue. At its core, this paper drills down into the question of Roman colonists' volition, considering the evidence for their voluntary and involuntary movement to a colonial site and challenging the current understanding of this movement as a straightforward, series of voluntary 'mass migrations'. In recognising the agency wielded by non-elite citizens as prospective colonists, this paper contends that Roman colonisation, when understood as a form of domestic displacement, opens up another avenue for coming to grips with the dynamics of 'popular' politics in the Republican period.

In the name of religion and “civilization of the salvages,” Anglo-American/European descendants migrated across the globe leaving troubling legacies that span beyond simple voluntary mass movement of Aboriginal peoples. Their thirst for colonization and imperialism resulted in exclusion, social injustices, subjugation, decimation and forced displacement of several nations of indigenous communities. In essence, it was through historical and systematic legal mechanisms invented by alien races that will deny unborn generations of natives any social rights and protection. Highlighting some of these historical events of Anglo-American “invasion” of native communities in Canada to (a larger extent) and Australia, New Zealand, United States, and South Africa (to a lesser extent), this paper critically examines repeated trends of human rights abuses resulting in forced displacement of Aboriginals. Overall, the paper seeks to dissect the socio-politico biases and rhetoric used by the State and international community in responding to the concepts of “relocation” in Western countries versus “internal displacement” in Third World communities.

The study examines how international, regional and domestic human rights instruments and frameworks, in particular the guarantees enshrined in the Kampala Convention and the Great Lakes IDP Protocol, can be used to enhance the design and implementation of development interventions targeting internally displaced people and other communities affected by displacement. It argues that the binding regional treaties provide a unique chance for international development actors to strengthen the quality and impact of their interventions.

This edition of the Survey of Palestinian Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons (Volume VII) focuses on Palestinian refugees and Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in the period between 2010 and 2012. Statistical data and estimates of the size of this population have been updated in accordance with figures
from the end of 2011. For the first time this edition includes an opinion poll surveying Palestinian refugees on specific humanitarian services they receive in the refugee camps.

En ¡Sálvese quien pueda! Violencia generalizada y desplazamiento forzado en el noreste de México se analizan algunas consecuencias del combate armado a la delincuencia organizada, en particular, el hecho de que miles de personas se hayan visto forzadas a migrar para resguardar su integridad personal y la de su familia. A lo largo de diez capítulos, se revisa el contexto político en el que se gestó este drama humanitario, se da cuenta de las distintas aristas del desplazamiento forzado por medio de testimonios, y se analizan las transformaciones sociales derivadas de este fenómeno. Se trata de una radiografía profunda de una realidad negada y escasa-mente analizada en México, que descansa en la realización de un trabajo de campo multisituado en el Valle de Texas, en ciudades de México, y en espacios rurales de Nuevo León y Tamaulipas, con personas y en localidades que resultaron afectadas por la violencia armada. Desde una mirada antropológica, esta obra deja ver las secuelas más invisibles de la violencia y del desplaza-miento forzado, nos permite conocer de manera sensible la forma en que las vidas de las víctimas de violencia y del desplazamiento son afectadas, y nos confronta con la necesidad de involucrarnos en la búsqueda de soluciones. ISBN 978-607-486-525-7

Esta capítulo muestra la información estadística evidenciando las condiciones generales por las que atraviesa el país en cuanto al clima de violencia y la manera en que la población percibe y vive la inseguridad. La principal fuente que permitió el acercamiento a la medición del fenómeno fue la Encuesta Nacional de Victimización y Percepción sobre Seguridad Pública, que capta los hogares cuyos integrantes cambiaron de vivienda o lugar de residencia para protegerse de la delincuencia.
También se exponen las cifras de homicidios, que si bien no necesariamente ocasionan desplazamiento, lo pueden llegar a generar. El trabajo cualitativo mostró que existe un punto de inflexión en el que las personas toman la decisión de moverse, debido a que las actividades criminales pasaron del contexto comunitario a afectarles directamente, sin perder de vista la subjetividad que esto implica. En este sentido, el monto de homicidios escaló desde 2008 y alcanzó la cúspide en 2011, para luego descender de forma paulatina hasta 2014 y, a partir de 2015, volver a subir y lograr un nuevo récord en 2017.

This Special 50th Issue consists of a hand-picked selection of articles, some from earlier issues, while some are more recent. We thought to present our readers with a 'guide book' on the ongoing Palestinian displacement, its historical, ideological, and political causes since the Nakba, as well as the rights-based, approach to the right to return as supported by international law. We also include a brief insight into BADIL's involvement in the current affairs, through its partnership in the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign. Every article in this selection is followed by recommendations for further reading materials from previous Al-Majdal publications.

Contemporary textile designer Naz Azodi curated an exhibition of Iranian textiles which debuted in Tehran in 2019 and went on to be shown during New York Textile Month in the fall of 2020. Azodi tends to her own identity through many of the means she presents in the exhibition, Anamnesis. The curator and textile designer interviewed over 80 nomadic weavers in Iran and presents both a film and their textile works in person in the exhibition.
Considering what Azodi herself gives attention to in the exhibition invites participants to review how makers who create textiles prized for display have been marginalized throughout history.

© All rights reserved Shannon M. Donohue, 2024.

Article based on paper presented as part of Panel 24: ‘Looting, Refusing, Negating, Embodying’ ‘Critical Refusals’ Fourth Biennal Conference of the International Herbert Marcuse Society, University of Pennsylvania, 27-29th October 2011

http://www.pdcnet.org/radphilrev/content/radphilrev_2013_0016_0001_0375_0385

http://web.asc.upenn.edu/news/Critical_Refusals_Conference.pdf

This paper focuses on Israeli control of Palestinian access to natural resources such as water, and services, like healthcare, and the legal implications and consequences of this domination. While other policies of forced population transfer target Palestinians individually, the denial of access to natural resources and services has a collective character, targeting Palestinian communities or the Palestinian people in general.  As such, these policies not only constitute a practice of denial of the right to self-determination, but directly contribute to the de-development of Palestinian communities, which affects their ability to enjoy an adequate standard of living generally, and reduces their capacity to remain in their homes.

Large-scale population transfers are immensely disruptive. Interestingly, though, their legal status has shifted considerably over time. In this book, Umut Özsu situates population transfer within the broader history of international law by examining its emergence as a legally formalized mechanism of nation-building in the early twentieth century. The book's principal focus is the 1922-34 compulsory exchange of minorities between Greece and Turkey, a crucially important endeavour whose legal dimensions remain under-scrutinized. Drawing upon historical sociology and economic history in addition to positive international law, the book interrogates received assumptions about international law's history by exploring the "semi-peripheral" context within which legally formalized population transfers came to arise.

Supported by the League of Nations, the 1922-34 population exchange reconfigured the demographic composition of Greece and Turkey with the aim of stabilizing a region that was regarded neither as European nor as non-European. The scope and ambition of the undertaking was staggering: over one million were expelled from Turkey, and over a quarter of a million were expelled from Greece. The book begins by assessing minority protection's development into an instrument of intra-European governance during the course of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It then shows how population transfer emerged in the 1910s and 1920s as a radical alternative to minority protection in Anatolia and the Balkans, focusing in particular on the 1922-3 Conference of Lausanne, at which a peace settlement formalizing the compulsory Greek-Turkish exchange was concluded. Finally, it analyses the Permanent Court of International Justice's 1925 advisory opinion in Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations, contextualizing it in the wide-ranging debates concerning humanitarianism and internationalism that pervaded much of the exchange process.

Per quanto concerne coloro che, propriamente o meno, vengono qualificati in termini di ‘rifugiati ambientali’ o ‘climatici’ poiché le condizioni ambientali o climatiche del Paese di provenienza inducono uno spostamento oltre-frontiera, deve tenersi conto che la materia forma oggetto di una normazione fortemente frammentaria e lacunosa. Dunque, dovendosi pur sempre assicurare a questi individui una qualche forma di protezione, si è di frequente ipotizzata l’estensione della nozione e delle connesse cautele contemplate dalla Convenzione di Ginevra del 1951 sullo status di rifugiato, sebbene, in questa sede, sia assente un esplicito riferimento al fenomeno delle migrazioni ambientali.
In particolare, nel fornire la definizione di rifugiato, la Convenzione pone, quale elemento apparentemente imprescindibile, il fondato timore di persecuzione per ragioni di razza, religione, nazionalità, appartenenza ad un determinato gruppo sociale od opinione politica. In tal senso, l’orientamento interpretativo più diffuso, pur riconoscendo che le catastrofi naturali ben possano essere dannose e, talvolta, addirittura fatali, con ciò implicando un’offesa ai diritti umani al pari di una persecuzione vera e propria, esclude l’estendibilità della definizione. Il requisito della per-secuzione stricto sensu, infatti, richiede la comprovata presenza di un movente discriminatorio e, cioè, il compimento di atti persecutori, anche per omissione, da parte di un agente pubblico ed indotto da particolari caratteristiche della persona contro cui questi atti si rivolgono; al verificarsi di un disastro naturale, invece, non sarebbe rinvenibile un’azione politica fondata su ragioni discriminatorie, trattandosi di un fenomeno in grado di colpire indistintamente diverse categorie della popolazione.
Il presente elaborato si prefigge, pertanto, l’obiettivo di scandagliare i plausibili espedienti proposti dalle normative al momento servibili e le tesi dottrinali che insistono per la loro estendibilità o, viceversa, per la loro non-applicabilità al caso di specie, nonché le nuove prospettive offerte da un rinnovato interesse tanto per la matrice climatico-ambientale del problema quanto per il problema medesimo, stante l’impellente necessità di rintracciare una soluzione efficace. E ciò in un clima, per utilizzare le parole di Étienne Piguet, in cui «si sovrastima il rischio di veder affluire le persone in fuga dalla degradazione ambientale fino ai Paesi ricchi, fatto che rafforza il riflesso di chiusura» e, per contro, «si sottostima […] il bisogno di assistenza umanitaria di cui avranno bisogno, in futuro, gli sfollati ambientali se il riscaldamento climatico non verrà messo sotto controllo».

Despite the consistency in jurisprudence and increasing number of reputable independent bodies and organizations acknowledging that Israeli acts and policies inside the oPt are contributing to a coercive environment for Palestinians, depriving them of choice, analysis often falls short of asserting a causal connection between Israeli practices and policies and the forced displacement of Palestinians. Consequently, the criminal nature of Israel’s actions and policies receives no consideration. 
This report seeks to address that gap with the legal framework applied to six thematic groupings of forcible transfer: the case of Hebron, Palestinian herder communities inside Area C, punitive home demolitions, the residents of ‘seam zones’, punitive residency revocations and unlawful war practices inside the Gaza Strip.

Las políticas de prevención del desplazamiento y la protección son uno de los campos  menos analizados en relación con el fenómeno del  desplazamiento forzado en Colombia; sin embargo, su ajuste puede abrir el espacio a la sostenibilidad del posconflicto.

El documento está estructurado en cinco capítulos, los cuales recogen una selección de argumentos normativos, evaluativos, prospectivos, analíticos y descriptivos mediante los cuales  actores estatales y no estatales, nacionales e internacionales han pretendido fijar los sentidos y acciones a seguir en materia de prevención y protección en desplazamiento forzado entre 1995-2010.

Esa investigación busca comprender la dinámica de los movimientos sociales de mujeres víctimas en Bogotá y sus concepciones de y demandas por paz. Un trabajo que procura, con la ayuda de una aproximación etnográfica, visibilizar algunos límites del proceso de paz en curso con las FARC y de una gestión humanitaria de las víctimas de los conflictos armados en Colombia, con especial atención en las mujeres. Con base en una metodología que comprende el cuerpo de las mujeres no como un objeto de análisis, sino como potencia de transformación, como agente político de cambio social, busqué en la antropología la forma necesaria para realizar esa investigación, que tiene como centro el protagonismo de la lucha de las mujeres víctimas por derechos humanos y por una nueva dignidad posible. Con los relatos de las víctimas, de representantes gubernamentales, funcionarias de organizaciones internacionales, con las descripciones de Agendas de Paz de movimientos de mujeres populares, y con las comunicaciones públicas de las delegaciones de víctimas en la Habana, fue posible percibir sus luchas comunes por reconocimiento. Un reconocimiento del dolor, por un lado, que torna sus vidas dignas de luto social, y un reconocimiento político, por otro, que les garantiza un auto reconocimiento recíproco capaz de resolver injusticias y opresiones. Con la ayuda de los análisis de autores tales como Judith Butler, Ochy Curiel, Veena Das, Didier Fassin, Axel Honneth, Walter Mignolo, entre otros, fue posible hacer una lectura crítica de los acontecimientos actuales y producir una respuesta para la decontrucción/reconstrucción de los instrumentos de poder y del diseño democrático en Colombia con fines de pensar un nuevo paradigma de derechos humanos y dignidad para las mujeres víctimas de los conflictos armados colombianos

Each year millions of people around the globe are forcefully displaced from their homes, lands and livelihoods in order to make way for large-scale development projects. This has really been a great challenge for the nations to resettle and rehabilitate them and to mitigate their adverse impacts of involuntary displacements. A number of research have been conducted by various scholars with regard to such issues, and among them, Michael M. Cernea in his study has excellently mapped out the adverse impacts of involuntary displacement. His study says that the displaced people face a broad range of ‘impoverishment risks’ and ‘social exclusion’. But his study doesn’t explain the whole range of risks of the involuntary displaced people. The study on the displaced people of Kaptai dam, Bangladesh has shown that involuntary displacement not only leads to certain impoverishment risks and social exclusion, but also, it leads to loss of citizenship, statelessness and arms conflicts.