European Journal of Development Research ! " # & " # $% #' ) *- . * + ) * ) + ## ) *% /) w ie () , ev rR ee rP Fo ! ly On URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr # Page 1 of 26 Risk management by the impoverished peasants in India: a micro-level narrative “This is how forced displacement becomes cultural-economic equivalent of an earthquake that shatters production systems and social networks, undermines identity, and plunges those affected on a downward poverty spiral”. — Michael Cernea (2002). rP Fo Introduction Small and underprivileged communities often employ certain strategies to survive and maintain livelihood in specific situations. The strategies become interesting especially when they ee encounter new situations. Mainstream strategic management discourse concerns itself only with profits of business enterprises, while natural resource (for example, agricultural land) rR management strategies by the community members have to concern themselves more directly with issues of access to assets and rules/institutions that delimit such access. While institutional ev conflicts remain important for business enterprises as well, it is possibly limited to daily enactments of a few top layers of the organization. In a community of small producers, in ie contrast, such concerns remain important across the community. The community level natural resource management strategies have another dimension. It is enacted by actors who are w underprivileged and have to work against powerful state institutions and private business enterprises, with its own set of legal institutions and arrangements which often force people On (sometime under the rhetoric of development) to forgo their community and individual rights over land and and other natural resources, which still provide livelihood opportunities for the ly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 European Journal of Development Research majority of the inhabitants in the rural areas of the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. The strategies of land use by the marginalized communities and individuals therefore, have to operate under situations of bargain, resistance and sometime silent but intelligent courses of action which often have to outwit legal managers of the state apparatus. Resistance movements, electoral compulsions of the democratic system and conflicts between traditional and formal legal norms create micro-domains of innovative action. Under the era of globalization, the rural communities of the underdeveloped and developing nations are facing severe crises in managing URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr European Journal of Development Research their life-support systems, like land, water and forest, since these resources are being taken over by the state at a much faster rate for various development projects, like building dams, highways, industries and mines. In the policy oriented academic discourse on the impoverishment risks encountered by the underprivileged communities (who mostly suffer the pains of development but not its gains) the scholars often overlook the risk management strategies undertaken by the people. These academicians emphasize either on the market forces or on the role of the welfare state towards rP Fo the creation of “safety nets” which they believe would mitigate the risks of the poor and the marginalized under conditions of impoverishments by development projects. Under this background, we would first discuss (i) a recent academic discourse on impoverishment risk mitigation and then (ii) narrate a specific case to show how a community of small producers in the rural area in the state of West Bengal in India managed their ee impoverishment risks under development caused displacement. The empirical data for the case study have been collected through first hand anthropological rR observation by the author and his research students over a period of more than a decade. ev Generalized Safety Net: Well And Good, But How To Bell The Cat? ie In an exchange at Cornell University, the economist Ravi Kanbur and the anthropologist Michael Cernea debated on the “compensation principle in resettlement” (Cernea and Kanbur w 2002). Ravi Kanbur initiated the discussion through an exploration into “the history of economic thought and practice on how to balance the assessment of gains and losses that accrue as the On result of displacement and of development processes more generally” (Kanbur 2002: 15). He placed Michael Cernea’s Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction (IRR) framework within the ly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 2 of 26 domain of economics and searched for “complementary mechanisms” that could strengthen the IRR model (Ibid). Cernea reacted to Kanbur’s search for generalized safety net in situations of impoverishments caused by development projects by raising some operational questions. To quote Cernea: … “how to design such safety mechanisms, whether they are politically feasible and practicable, and how can they be included in resettlement policies.” (Cernea 2002: 27). Admitting the need for generalized safety nets of Kanbur, Cernea doubted its feasibility and suggested “resettlement with development” which would aim “to improve resettlers’ URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr European Journal of Development Research Page 3 of 26 conditions above pre-project levels.” (Ibid) Unlike Kanbur, Cernea is however more concerned with the ‘how to do it’ question and he placed his highest hopes on the “vast and growing store of research in anthropology and sociology on the economics of displacement, on risks, and on secondary effects”…’ (Ibid) The Kanbur-Cernea exchange finally ends with hopes, not with any concrete call for legal and structural changes that are necessary to reduce the risks of forced displacement and dispossession caused by development projects. At the time of writing this paper Michael Cernea sent me one of his forthcoming paper in which he has elaborated four rP Fo levels of risk management and advocated three kinds of “counter-risk actions” that may be undertaken by the project managers and resettlement planners (Cernea 2005: P.3 and PP. 18-20). In this paper he also narrated how in India a policy vacuum resulted through the several attempts by the Central and the State Governments while the policy makers tried to create a safety net for the project affected families. Here Cernea finally lamented over the “embarrassing absence of ee political will” which created a “legal vacuum” in a big country like India (Cernea 2005: 22). rR Michael Cernea in his more recent articles have suggested investment financing by the governments which takes into consideration the cost of proper resettlement and rehabilitation of ev the populations to be affected by development projects. He cited many positive examples from the different countries of the world (Columbia, Brazil, China, Norway and others) in which the ie governments have made formal arrangements for benefit sharing by the project affected people (e.g. distributing electricity free of cost to the people affected for the installation of hydropower projects) from w collaborations in situations of displacement caused by development projects (Cernea 2007). Cernea’s case studies however are limited to hydropower and big dam projects On and his examples also does not reveal any case of joint investment financing by the government and the corporate business houses. ly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Recently, the giant Indian multinational, the Tatas, have pulled out from the state of West Bengal in India, where about 997 acres of multi-crop farmland was acquired by the government for a proposed small car manufacturing company by the corporate at Singur in the Hooghly district of West Bengal. Tax reliefs and a number of financial benefits were also given to the Tata Motors and above all, the government had to fight a stiff battle against the unwilling farmers led by the major opposition party, the Trinamul Congress [a party formed out of Indian National Congress and doggedly opposes the Communist Party of India (Marxist)] often leading to violence for the URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr European Journal of Development Research establishment of the company. The then Governor of West Bengal made every sincere effort to overcome the stalemate which began about a month before the pullout. But the Tatas did not show any interest towards corporate social responsibility through benefit sharing and/or financing for rehabilitation of the displaced farmers who were unwilling to give up their rights over the farmland. Currently, the Singur situation has worsened since the character of the huge tract of farmland which was given to the Tatas has been transformed and cannot be used for agriculture. On the other hand, the land has again been taken back from the Tatas by the newly rP Fo elected anti-left Trinamul Congress led government and the whole issue is still being pending in the Court of law. The net effect is the dispossession of peasants from their major means of production and incidents like these are not new in the history of land acquisition in India. About a decade ago, far worse things happened in the Kharagpur area of West Bengal, although ee the opposition parties and the civil society organizations during that time remained almost silent (Guha 2007:3706-3711). The author of this paper had the opportunity of conducting micro level rR anthropological field work in the Kharagpur area during the mid-nineties. Let us move into the details. ev Generalized vulnerability net and how it spread over in a leftist state in India ie While both Kanbur and Cernea hope to meet the challenges of displacement by w generalized safety net, a kind of generalized vulnerability net has begun to spread over the countries which move towards a liberalized economy. One of the outcomes of the generalized On vulnerability net in situations of displacement is the pushing back of all pro-poor empowering institutions and activities of the democratic government as well as civil societies. One recent ly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 4 of 26 example of this comes from the left ruled state of West Bengal in India. In this state, the propeasant policies of the Left Front Government (LFG) (e.g. land reforms) are being pushed back by its own recently adopted industrial policy (Guha 2005a). The industrial policy of the LFG was rationalized by its protagonists by the success of its land reform measures, which as the argument runs has improved the conditions of the peasantry so that the rural areas of this state can now afford to have medium and large industries (WBIDC 1999). Some of these industries ironically are being installed on fertile agricultural land in land scarce monocrop areas where small and marginal farmers predominate. Furthermore, the land for those industries was acquired by the URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr European Journal of Development Research Page 5 of 26 colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 which only has provision for monetary compensation at prevalent market rate. The net effect of this kind of development effort has not only been impoverishment at the social and economic level but also disempowerment of the peasantry at the political level. The all-powerful, Land Acquisition Act which bypasses the democratically elected local self-government has no provision for rehabilitation nor the LFG has shown interest to create any kind of safety net for these group of small and reform benefited peasantry which included sharecroppers and tribal land losers. This is the broader context of risks, safety nets and rP Fo vulnerability of a group of peasants who tried to create a greater space for compensation for the land taken over by the government. In the following sections we would describe in some detail how the peasants of Paschim Medinipur district of West Bengal made attempts to manage the risks created by the acquisition of agricultural land for the industries through various kinds of legal and extra-legal means. But before we enter into the detailed description of the peasant ways ee of risk management let us contextualize land acquisition in West Bengal. The safety net tears apart rR In situations of rural poverty one of the best safety net is empowerment of the poor through land reforms which is done through the distribution of illegally held land by the rich ev farmers to the landless and poor households. In the Indian context the colonial Land Acquisition Law and the post-Independence Land Reform Act stand in a dialectical relationship. While the ie later empowers the peasantry the former does exactly the opposite function; it disempowers the w peasants. And quite frustratingly, Land Acquisition takes place at a faster pace than Land Reforms (Guha 2007). On The new era of industrial development in West Bengal or for that matter, in any other state in India is accompanied by dispossession of the peasantry from their major means of production that is land. Dispossession from one’s own means of production is one kind of ly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 displacement in which the dispossessed family not only loses its economic security but also social status and empowerment achieved through political movements and land reforms. The international funding agencies like World Bank and the various national Governments have also started to pay serious attention to the problem of development induced displacement. Most of the studies on displacement so far have quite justifiably given more emphasis on “forced migration” and involuntary resettlement of human groups (Cernea 1999; Fernandes et. al. 1989). But there are situations when people are forced to give up their rights over one of the most valued capitals URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr European Journal of Development Research possessed by them. In an agricultural society this precious capital is land which embodies not only an economic value but also manifests various social and cultural dimensions. Michael Cernea’s pioneering study on displacement has shown that impoverishment has several ‘dimensions’ and the primary among them is landlessness. According to Cernea, landlessness is one of the most vital components of displacement which should be given a major importance in devising rehabilitation resettlement and plans. To quote Cernea: “Expropriation of land removes the main foundation upon which people’s productive systems, commercial activities and rP Fo livelihoods are constructed. This is the principal form of decapitalization and pauperization for most rural and many urban displaces, who lose this way both natural and manmade capital” (Cernea 1999: 17). So, dispossession of the rural cultivators from their agricultural land is intimately interwoven with displacement even when they are not forced to leave their homes. This can also be viewed as a kind of displacement from one’s own existing mode of survival. ee The second aspect of dispossession of the farmers from their major means of production, rR that is agricultural land, is the differential impact of land acquisition on the heterogeneous group of agriculturists in a region. This is precisely because of the fact that when any Government acquires agricultural land it does not take into consideration the pre-acquisition land holding pattern of a region. ev Thirdly, dispossession also entails a political dimension. In a rural society where peasant ie movements had taken place in successive waves and the rights of sharecroppers as well as w landless labourers have been ensured by a Government just a few years ago, the acquisition of fertile agricultural land for capital intensive heavy industries by the same Government not only On dispossessed the farmers economically but it also created political disempowerment and despondency. In this paper, we would briefly describe the consequences of land acquisition for the ly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 6 of 26 private industries in which all three aforementioned risks had been observed, viz. (i) landlessness, (ii) differential impact of land acquisition on the peasantry and (iii) their political disempowerment. Although all the three phenomena took place within a very short period of time, neither large scale forced migration nor any long standing peasant movement had taken place owing to this dispossession and the plight of the farmers in the study area remained a little known event in the development and displacement discourse in the academic as well as activist circles of West Bengal and India. In the following sections an attempt would be make to depict URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr European Journal of Development Research Page 7 of 26 some of the consequences of land acquisition with the help of quantitative as well as qualitative data. Socio-economic Consequences of Land Acquisition for Tata Metaliks Before describing the socio-economic consequences of land acquisition for Tata Metaliks, a brief outline of the area from where the sample households have been selected from the affected villages are provided along with the methodology adopted for this particular fieldwork. The Area rP Fo The area lies on the bank of the river Kasai which is the largest river of Paschim Medinipur district. Cultivation of paddy (staple of the district) in the villages under study depends primarily upon rainfall and no systematic irrigation facilities have yet been developed ee by the Government. The villagers residing on the south eastern bank of the river cultivate a variety of vegetables on the land adjoining their homesteads owing to a very good supply of rR groundwater tapped through traditional dug wells. But just west of the South Eastern Railway track the groundwater level is not very congenial for cultivation of vegetables. The main agricultural activity on this side of the railway track is rain fed paddy cultivation for about four ev to six months of the year. Land for the two big private industries has been acquired by the Government on this side during 1991-96 in the wake of liberalisation in India. Selection of Households w ie The selection procedure of the households for this study followed a combination of purposive and opportunity sampling. At the outset, the main aim of the researcher was to locate On the households whose farmlands have been acquired for the establishment of the Tata Metaliks. Instead of searching through the records of land ownership kept in the Land and Land Records ly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 department of the district, this investigation depended directly upon fieldwork by following the traditional anthropological method of intensive interviews of the project affected people. Apart from knowing the current status of land ownership, (which are not promptly made up-to-date in the Land Records Office) micro-ecological variations and local level political movement centering round land acquisition within the first few weeks of fieldwork, it became also possible to know from the active members of the political movement the names of the villages whose inhabitants have been affected by the acquisition of agricultural lands for the industries. Later, at the time of conducting the household survey, snowball sampling was taken recourse to, wherein URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr European Journal of Development Research the affected households gave the names of other such household heads whose land have also been acquired. Household survey had to be completed within a period of three months owing to time constraints and as a result not all the affected households could be covered. A rough estimate about the total number of households affected by the acquisition of land was made available for us by the leaders of the peasant movement who took the help of the Congress party. They estimated that about 200 families have been affected by the acquisition. Within the stipulated time, a total of 144 households (72 per cent of the estimated total) belonging to rP Fo different landholding categories, caste and community affiliation as well as families residing in the two micro-ecological niches on both sides of the South Eastern Railway track have been covered by the survey. The sample households included Hindu caste groups, Muslims, tribals, owner cultivators, sharecroppers on both sides of the railway track which provide interesting ecological variations in terms of groundwater level and cultivation of non-cereal food crops. In ee the following section, the findings of enquiry on some consequences of the said act of acquisition have been described. rR Spreading the risk of landlessness The first and foremost consequence conforms to the observation of Michael Cernea ev which he mentioned in his publications on the “eight major risks” involved in involuntary displacement caused by development projects all over the world. Industrialisation in the ie liberalisation decade in Medinipur has led to dispossession of the small and marginal farmers from their principal means of production. w ly On 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 8 of 26 URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr European Journal of Development Research Page 9 of 26 rP Fo Table 1 Distribution of Households in Five Villages Affected by Land Acquisition for TML. Name of the village Ajabpur Gokulpur Mahespur (33.638)* 21 (14.583) 32 (22.222) 12 (08.333) 32 (22.222) 144 (99.998) ie Total 47 ev Liluakala Number of households rR Amba ee Figures in parentheses represent percentage out of column total in the table. w From table I it is found that the villages situated on the eastern side of the railway track On (Ajabpur, Gokulpur and Liluakala) have been affected more in terms of the number of families who have lost their farmlands. The people of these villages are excellent farmers who keep ly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 themselves engaged throughout the year in agriculture. Besides paddy, they also grow almost all kinds of summer and winter vegetables like green chili, lady'’ finger, mustard, water gourd, pumpkin, bitter gourd, brinzal, potato, cabbage, cauliflower, radish and others. These vegetables are grown in lands adjoining their homesteads which have not been acquired by the Government. The villagers mainly sell these vegetables in the local markets which fetch them some ready cash. On the other hand, the families who live in the village Paschim Amba, lying on the western side of the railway track, belong to the Kora tribe. Many of the Kora women and men now work as temporary unskilled labourers in the coke oven industry. URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr European Journal of Development Research Table 2 Distribution of Households of Different Castes and Communities Affected by Land Acquisition for TML. Name of the Caste/ Community Number of households Baisnab 4 (2.777) Brahmin 6 (4.166) Kayastha 13 (9.027) Kshatriya 15 (10.416) Muslin 8 (5.555) Napit 2 (1.388) Sadgope 56 (38.888) Scheduled Castes 12 (8.333) Kora (Tribe) 24 (16.666) Tantubay 3 (2.083) Teli 1 (0.694) Total 144 (99.368) Table 2 shows that the households belonging to Sadgops, who are one of the most enterprising rR ee rP Fo peasant caste of western Bengal, have been affected most, while the scheduled tribe and ev scheduled caste families comprise almost a quarter of the total number of affected households. Despite the presence of various constitutional safeguards and job reservation for the scheduled ie communities, there is no special provision for rehabilitation of these marginalised groups in India. In this region too, these communities have become further marginalised due to the w establishment of industries on their farmland and no step has yet been taken either by the State or the Central Government to rehabilitate these groups properly. ly On 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 10 of 26 URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr Page 11 of 26 Table 3A Pre-acquisition Agricultural Landholding Pattern of Sample Households Affected by The Acquisition for TML. rP Fo Size category of holdings (in Number of households acres) Landless Nil 19 (13.194) ≤ 0.5 0.5 – 1.5 58 (40.277) 1.5 – 2.5 32 (22.222) 2.5 – 3.5 13 (9.027) 3.5 – 4.5 8 (5.555) 4.5 – 5.5 6 (4.166) 5.5 – 6.5 Nil 6.5 – 7.5 8 (5.555) Total 144 (99.996) Mean size 4.73 6.43 8.84 8.60 8.86 12.6 13.3 5.76 household ev rR ee Table 3B Post-acquisition Agricultural Landholding Pattern of Sample Households Affected by The Acquisition for TML. w ie Mean size 6.36 5.48 8.25 7.57 12.07 9.20 10.33 15.00 5.76 household ly Size category of holdings (in Number of households acres) Landless 22 (15.277) 35 (24.305) ≤ 0.5 0.5 – 1.5 51 (35.416) 1.5 – 2.5 14 (9.722) 2.5 – 3.5 13 (9.027) 3.5 – 4.5 5 (3.472) 4.5 – 5.5 3 (2.083) 5.5 – 6.5 1 (0.694) 6.5 – 7.5 Nil Total 144 (99.996) On 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 European Journal of Development Research In the pre-acquisition stage, there was no landless family within the sample households and 75 per cent of these families belonged to the size category of 0.5 – 4.5 acres. According to URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr European Journal of Development Research the latest standards set by the Government of West Bengal, these families should be regarded as marginal and small farmers. The pattern of landholding among the same families after land acquisition shows that 15 per cent of the families have become landless and the number of households belonging to the lowest landholding category (≤0.5 acres) have increased from 19 to 35. On the other hand, the numbers of households within the size category 3.5 – 7.5 acres, have declined from 22 to 9 only. Landlessness has another interesting dimension. The post acquisition phase shows that the project affected families are forced to support bigger families with lesser rP Fo amount of agricultural land. rR ee BOX I Gokul Choudhury is a middle aged man of Gokulpur village in the study area, who owned 0.54 acres land from his father. He has read upto class-VI and his main occupation was agriculture. But after the acquisition his main occupation is vegetable selling. He used to till the land with his family members and got 2800 kg paddy per year. He cultivated different traditional varieties of paddy (Rupsal, Patnai etc.) which are usually planted in the rainy season. ev He came to know about acquisition of the land from a notice, which came from land acquisition office of Midnapore. After receiving the notice he however, attend meeting but never submitted any objection in writing. After a short period of time like other farmers of Gokulpur, he agreed to give away his land with the hope that a member of his family will get a permanent job in the industry. He got compensation of Rs. 4000/- for giving 0.22 acres land (located in the Pritimpur mouza) which was acquired for the Tata Metaliks Company. His other piece of purchased land located in the Amba mouza amounted to 0.32 acres, was acquired by the Government for the Bansal Cement Company in the year 1995. He got compensation of Rs. 48000/- for giving this land. He saved the money in the local State Bank. w ie On The land which he possesses, now cannot supply food for his family throughout the year. He now has to purchase paddy from the market for two- three mounths of the year. He and his son also sell vegetable grown in his homestead land. ly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 12 of 26 He stated that the most adverse and immediate effect of land acquisition in his family was scarcity food and fodder for he cattle. (Majumder & Guha 2008) URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr Page 13 of 26 Table 4 Land Acquisition Scenario Among the Sharecropper Households Affected by Acquisition for TML. Amount of Land in acres Number of households 2 ≤ 0.5 0.5 – 1.5 8 1.5 – 2.5 NIL 2.5 – 3.5 1 Total 11 ee rP Fo In table 4, the distribution of sharecroppers according to the size category of their landholdings has been shown. It is true that the number of sharecropper families constitutes only rR 7.63 per cent of the total number of affected families but the overall importance of this phenomenon has to be viewed in the context of the land reforms policy of the LFG in West Bengal. Not only have the political leaders of this Government, but also the academic researchers ev praised the Left Front Government for increasing the bargaining capacity of the sharecroppers through the recording of their rights over agricultural land (Lieten 1996). But here also the case ie of industrialization in Medinipur under the wider context of the structural adjustment programme w and economic liberalization policy shows that even a Leftist Government, which was committed to uphold the interests of sharecroppers, became instrumental to dispossess small and marginal On farmers along with sharecroppers from their means of production. No attention to the inevitability of the risk to the vulnerable category of peasants (since they are not the owner of the land they cultivate) has been paid by the Government while acquiring the land. In this ly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 European Journal of Development Research connection, it may be mentioned that even the administrative procedures for monetary compensation to the sharecroppers make them more vulnerable in terms of the amount as well as the delay towards its payment. The new industrial policy of the Government of West Bengal still does not have any safety net for the sharecroppers (Guha 2005 b).\ URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr Page 14 of 26 European Journal of Development Research BOX II Operation Sharecropper comes a cropper rP Fo The Statesman 5 May 2008 (page 1)Shiv Karan Singh KOLKATA, May 4: “As soon as I heard about the camp, I ran to get our name recorded”, said Mr Singho, remembering the events of 1984, when the effects of Operation Barga first reached his village, Liluakola, in West Midnapore. Mr. Singho remembers Land Reforms under the Left Front as a “good thing”, because under Operation Barga, his father, Sumanto Singho, a sharecropper, was protected from being evicted by the landowner and guaranteed a 75% share of the .3-acre area cultivated. This protection gave food security to the Singho family. ee However, for Mr. Singho, the benefits of Operation Barga have long expired. His father passed away. And, in 1991, the state government acquired the land that he and his four brothers continued to sharecrop in Kalaikunda Gram Panchayat to establish a Tata pig iron factory. The compensation was less than Rs. 2,000. Now, with but a small adjoining homestead plot where they grow vegetables and sesame, the Singho brothers are another example of the lakhs of beneficiaries of land reform that have been subsequently dispossessed of food, income, and status by state land acquisition. For, although land reform protected the sharecropper from the whims of the absentee landlord, it has been powerless against the whims of the state government armed with the Land Acquisition Act (1894). w ie ev rR On Utilization of compensation: A step towards risk management While the policy makers of the Government think that their task of rehabilitation ends with the payment of compensation, the project affected families begin to manage risk by ly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 spending the compensation money. The following table summarizes this risk management behaviour of the peasants in the study area. URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr Page 15 of 26 Table 5 Profile of Utilization of Compensation Money by the Land loser Households Affected by the Acquisition for TML. Number of household under the various categories of utilization Purcha Compensa Domesti Marria Purchas se of House tion Repaym Bank building c ge e of shallo category in ent of deposi and/or consum purpos agricultu w rupees Loan t ption e ral land tubew repair ell 1,000 – 6 9 31 9 2 18 10,000 10,000 – 5 5 5 12 9 1 16 20,000 20,000 – 1 5 5 4 2 6 30,000 30,000 – 1 5 5 5 1 6 40,000 40,000 – 1 1 4 1 4 50,000 50,000 – 1 1 1 2 60,000 60,000 – 0 0 0 2 1 0 1 70,000 70,000 – 80,000 80,000 – 1 1 1 1 90,000 90,000 – 2 1 4 1,00,000 Total 13 7 28 62 31 6 58 (9.027) (4.861 (19.444) (43.055) (21.52 (4.166) (40.27 ) 7) 7) w ie ev rR ee rP Fo ly On 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 European Journal of Development Research Busines s investm ent 6 3 1 2 1 13 (9.027) Here we have made an attempt to quantify the pattern of utilization of the compensation money received by the land losers in the study area. It needs to be mentioned at first that all the 144 households have received monetary compensation, although many land losers during the field investigation reported that they were yet to get the full compensation money. Secondly, all URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr European Journal of Development Research the families have utilised the compensation money in more ways than one. Eight categories of utilisation of the compensation money by the villagers could be identified, which were then arranged into ten compensation categories. But as the household members have spent the money under more than one utilization category so any row total achieved is the result of addition of the same household more than once under different categories. Understandably, the sum of all the row totals equal to the total number of households in the sample. However, each column total represents the actual number of households out of 144 under any particular utilization category. rP Fo This gives a fair idea as to how the villagers have tried to compensate their loss of land. The maximum number of affected households has spent some portion of the compensation money in domestic consumption, while the second highest number of households has deposited a part of the money in bank. But if spending on marriage of the family members and house-building and repair are also considered to be domestic consumption then clearly the latter item predominates ee in the compensation utilization process. The lower frequency of households who have tried to spend the money for agricultural purposes (for example, purchase of arable land or shallow tube rR wells) marks the beginning of the process of displacement of these small and marginal farmers from their traditional occupation and peasant way of life. It can be concluded that by and large ev the way this group of dispossessed peasants utilized their compensation money have led them to incur more risks on the economic front. ie Peasants protest against land acquisition: from risk management to strong bargain w The protests launched by the landowning peasants of the Gokulpur-Amba area against land acquisition took many forms, even though these did not last long maintaining the same On intensity. A good number of peasants took the statutory means to put up their objections against land acquisition under section 5A of the Land Acquisition Act during December 1995. A Government report dated 21.06.96 vividly recorded the objections and described in detail how ly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 16 of 26 the latter were overruled. The objections submitted by 342 land losers contained the following points : (i) The acquisition of agricultural land would affect the farmers seriously by throwing them out of employment, (ii) the land losers will not get compensation at the rate they expect and (iii) the proposed acquisition is against public interest and is beyond the purview of the Act. It is interesting to observe how the concerned officials of the Land Acquisition Department overruled all the objections raised by the farmers. Before rejecting the objections, the officials, however, recognised the severity and magnitude of the acquisition. To quote from the report: URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr Page 17 of 26 It is a fact that since large quantum of land is being acquired and the people chiefly subsist on agriculture many people will be seriously affected in earning their livelihood and avocation” (Departmental Report 1996). But this was the only sentence in the whole report which upheld the interests of the peasants. The rest of the 3-page report was devoted to justify the acquisition through the elaboration of some arguments. The arguments of the officials centered around the low rP Fo agricultural yield of the lands which are monocrop in nature. Moreover the report also mentioned about the merits of the location of the land, which provided important infrastructure facilities for the industry like nearby railway line and the national highway. It is learnt from the report that during the hearing of the objections the petitioners could not “specify their individual difficulty in parting with the land” although the same report said that “most of the objectors submitted that ee they have no objection if employment is assured to them, in the company in favour of whom acquisition is being done.” It is not clear from the report why the authors of the same could not rR understand the nature of “individual difficulty” in parting with the land which is their main source of livelihood. Three points raised in the report are quite significant and shows the ev bureaucratic way of dealing with such an action on the part of the Government which was going to have a severe impact on the subsistence pattern of a group of rural cultivators in a monocrop ie region. Firstly, at one place the report mentioned: “It is worthwhile to point out that objections have been received only from 342 landowners for the acquisition of 526.71 acre which will w affect at least 3000 landowners, if not more.” It seems the official position rested on the logic that as the overwhelming majority of the farmers would not face any difficulty so there was no On need to record any objection against this acquisition. Secondly, after citing the locational advantages of the land, the officials overruled objections regarding the question of earning a ly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 European Journal of Development Research livelihood by saying that the proposal had been approved both by the screening committee and by the state after considering all the aspects. Incidentally, the screening committee for the approval of any project comprises the Sabhadhipati of the panchayat samity and the Member of the Legislative Assembly of the locality. It is obvious that these people’s representatives who are members of political parties of the LFG would not object a proposal which has already been approved by the cabinet and the concerned ministries of their own Government. Thirdly, the report dealt with the point ‘job for land’ simply by saying that the Land Acquisition Act does not URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr European Journal of Development Research provide any relief except compensation. But the Government may take up the matter with the company particularly for those farmers who would become landless and would be devoid of any source of earning a livelihood. Now, after having overruled all the objections, the procedure for land acquisition made headway. Beside, recording objections within the legal framework of the Land Acquisition Act, the farmers of this area also took recourse to extra-legal means to fight against the acquisition of their agricultural land. The information on this part of the peasant protest have been collected rP Fo from interviews of the leaders and participants of this movement as well as from press reports and the various written memoranda submitted by the villagers to the district and state administration. In the following paragraphs the succession of the important events of the peasant resistance has been described. The vast rural area which lies between Medinipur and Kharagpur townships is dominated ee by the two left political parties of the state, namely, CPI and CPI (M), which are also the major partners of the Left Front Government. The Congress, which is the opposition party in the state rR has some followers in the area. This party being the major supporter of economic liberalization did not raise any objection when the news of industrialization in this area came to be known. In ev fact, Congress welcomed this decision of the Left Government. They only raised doubts about whether the industrialists would at all choose West Bengal as a suitable site for industrialization. ie In the study area Tata Metaliks was established on about 200 acres of agricultural land during 1991-92. Before the establishment of Tata Metaliks the leaders and cadres of CPI (M) and CPI w organized meetings and continued individual level campaigns on the “bright possibility” of getting jobs by the land losers in the industry. But when the Tata Metaliks started production, the On promise for providing jobs was proved to be a false one and the peasants also experienced the lengthy as well as tedious process of getting compensation from the district administration. All ly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 18 of 26 of these caused sufficient disillusionment among the peasants who were once hopeful about the positive effects of the establishment of an industrial estate in this region. The decision of the state government to acquire agricultural land in the same area for Century Textiles Company was taken under this background. The pessimism created among the peasants owing to the establishment of Tata Metaliks inspired some of the inhabitants of this locality to agitate against the acquisition of land for another pig-iron industry. The movement grained much popularity under the leadership of Trilochan Rana [a former CPI (ML) leader] URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr European Journal of Development Research Page 19 of 26 during 1995-96 who joined the trade union wing of the Congress Party and put considerable pressure on the district administration. Two interesting incidents may be mentioned in this regard which would throw some light about the reasons behind the popularity of this movement among the farmers. The first incident took place in the month of May 1995 when Trilochan Rana organized a good number of peasants to put a deputation to the Tata Metaliks Company authorities demanding some compensation for the damage caused by the movement of trucks carrying goods for the company over the rP Fo unacquired agricultural fields (there was no crop in the fields at that time) of those farmers. The trucks damaged the dykes of the fields (ails) and the soil. Under the pressure of the peasants the company authority had to pay compensation in kind to 75 peasant families in presence of the pradhan of the Kalaikunda GP. Some amount of fertiliser was given to those peasants whose lands were damaged. ee In the second incident Trilochan Rana put a deputation to the district administration about the damage caused to the unacquired agricultural fields of some peasants for putting pillars to rR demarcate the acquired lands for Century Textiles Company in Kantapal, Mollachak and other adjoining villages. Those cement pillars were fixed by digging at about 4 sq.ft. of land to a depth ev of 3-4 ft. and became permanent structures right on the agricultural fields of the peasants whose lands were not acquired. These pillars served as the boundary of the acquired land for CTIL. ie About 24-25 such pillars were constructed in early 1996. The peasants argued that cultivation of fields over a much wider area around those pillars was not possible owing to physical obstruction. w The district administration had to agree with this demand of the peasants and arranged for On payment of Rs. 420/- as monetary compensation to those families affected by the construction of those pillars. This compensation payment continued for 2 years but with the decline of the movement the administration discontinued this compensation. ly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Both these incidents reveal that under the pressure of an intelligent and organised peasant movement the company authority as well as the Land Acquisition Department had arranged compensation for peasant families having no provision under the existing legal and administrative framework. The movement reached its peak from the later part of 1995 up to April 1996 during which the farmers even went to the extent of violent means. In the first week of January 1996 hundreds URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr European Journal of Development Research of farmers in the Kalaikunda area stormed into the tent of the engineer who was conducting soil testing and land survey on behalf of Century Textiles Ltd. A leading national daily reported on 10 January 1996: Land Survey and soil testing work in Mathurakismat Mouza in the Kalaikunda gram panchayat area of Kharagpur rural police station undertaken by Century Textiles – a Birla group of Industries – had to be abandoned following stiff resistance from villagers last week….The farmers also blocked Sahachak for nine hours yesterday…They also lodged a complaint with the police against the firm” (The Statesman 10 January 1996). rP Fo On 22 March 1996, the same national daily reported about a mass deputation by a group of peasants of the Kharagpur region before the district administration (The Statesman 22 March 1996). In this deputation, the peasants demanded land for land or a job for the members of the ee land loser families. They also demanded a compensation of 3 lakh rupees per acre of agricultural land. After this deputation, about 100 farmers came to Medinipur Collectorate(the administrative rR headquarters of the district) on 10 April 1996 and submitted a memorandum to the District Magistrate saying him that they would boycott the ensuing parliamentary election to protest ev against the acquisition of fertile agricultural land for industrial projects. The farmers stated in their letter that this acquisition would disturb the local economy and distabilise the ie environmental balance of the region and this event was also reported in The Statesman on 2 May 1996. It is important to note in this connection that neither the state or district level Congress w leadership, nor any MLA of this party showed any interest in supporting this movement of the peasants in Kharagpur region. The local CPI(M) leadership and the elected panchayat members On of this area not only remained silent about this spontaneous movement of the peasants but they also made every attempt to smoother this agitation by labeling it as a disturbance created by ly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 20 of 26 Congress to stall the progress of industrialization under LFG. Without getting support from any opposition party and facing stiff resistance from the ruling left parties and lacking a coherent organization, this localized peasant movement against land acquisition gradually lost its intensity. The land losers also tried to organize themselves by refusing to accept compensation money for a very brief period under the leadership of a few local leaders but this effort too did not last long and the movement finally came to a halt in the Kalaikunda region. URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr Page 21 of 26 The old man and his political bullocks: dealing risks with semantics At the end of this paper, we would describe an anecdote from the field to complete our narrative of risk management by the impoverished peasants of our study area. The event occurred near Kantapal village at Kharagpur from where the huge chunk of land acquired for Century Textiles could be seen. A discussion with the author and his students was going on about the condition of the small dykes (‘ail’ in the local parlance) constructed by the farmers to rP Fo demarcate the plots of land possessed by different owners within the acquired area. Since no cultivation could be taken up for three successive seasons in the whole area, which had turned into a grazing field, the dykes had started to break down. Two consequences of this situation followed. Firstly, the farmers who still had unacquired land in the vicinity of the acquired area were facing a lot of difficulties in protecting their agricultural plots from the grazing cattle. ee Earlier there were other farmers who also shared the responsibility of driving out the cattle from the fields during agricultural season. Driving out the intruding cattle in the paddy fields is always rR a collective affair in rural areas. After acquisition, the number of farmers has decreased in this area. Moreover, cows and buffaloes of the milkmen of the urban areas of Kharagpur town have ev also ventured to exploit this huge chunk of land. Secondly, after the breakdown of dykes the poorer people of the area who used to collect ie a good quantity of small fishes of various types from those agricultural plots as a common property resource, are not getting any fish in those plots. In the discussion three to four persons w including one middle-aged women and old man were present. All of them were denouncing the Government for the takeover of the fertile agricultural land for Century Company which had not On yet been established. When the question arose that if people of this area had started to dislike the ruling party and the Government then why did they cast their votes at the panchayat and ly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 European Journal of Development Research assembly elections to the same party every year? The reply came from the old man which is reproduced here verbatim: “Look babu, (‘gentleman’ in Bengali) we poor people always have to ride on some animal almost blindfolded. After the ride for some time we start to realize whether it is a tiger or a bullock. But very often we have to twist its tail in order to keep it in proper direction” (translated freely from Bengali). All of us including the old man burst into laughter but we later realized that the joke symbolized the gap between aspiration and achievement of the URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr European Journal of Development Research peasants without the safety nets envisioned by the academicians of the developed nations of the world. References Cernea, M.M. 1999 “Why Economic Analysis Is Essential To Resettlement: A Sociologist’s View”. In M. Cernea ed., The Economics of Involuntary Resettlement: Questions and Challenges. PP. 5-49. Washington D.C.: The World Bank. Cernea, M.M. 2002 “For a New Economics of Resettlement: A Sociological Critique of the Compensation Principle”. In An Exchange on the Compensation Principle in Resettlement Working paper (2002-33). Department of Applied Economics and Management. Cornell University, Ithaca, New York. rP Fo Cernea, M.M. 2005 “Resettlement Management and Risk Analysis : Denying or Confronting Risks?” In H.M. Mathur ed. Managing Resettlement in India : Approaches, Issues, and Experiences. 2005 New Delhi: Oxford University Press. ee Guha, A. 2007. Land, Law and the Left: the Saga of Disempowerment of the Peasantry in the Era of Globalization. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company. rR Guha, A. 2005 a. “Pushing Back Land Reforms: The Case of Dispossession of Peasants by Industrial Projects in Medinipur, West Bengal.” Paper presented in a National Seminar on Urgent Issues in Displacement, Resettlement and Rehabilitation organised by Indira Gandhi National Open University held during 6-7 February 2003 in New Delhi. ie ev Guha A. 2005 b. “Eviction of Bargadars Under State Patronage in Leftist West Bengal: A Policy Perspective.” In Perspectives on Rural Development eds. R.K. Das, A. Basu and A. Guha [2005, Forthcoming]. Department of Anthropology, Vidyasagar University and Indian Anthropological Society. Kolkata. w On Guha, A. 2007. “Peasant Resistance in West Bengal: A Decade Before Singur and Nandigram”.Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.42, No.37, September 15-21, pp.3706-3711. ly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 22 of 26 Kanbur, R. 2002 “Development Economics and The Compensation Principle.” In An Exchange on the Compensation Principle in Resettlement. Working Paper (2002-33). Department of Applied Economics and Management. Cornell University, Ithaca, New York. Lieten, G.K. 1996 Development, Devolution and Democracy. New Delhi: Sage Publication. Lieten, G.K. 1996 Development, Devolution and Democracy. New Delhi: Sage Publication. URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr Page 23 of 26 Majumder, A. and Guha, A. (2008) ‘A Decade after Land Acquisition in Paschim Medinipur, West Bengal’. Journal of the Indian Anthropological Society, 43: 121-133 The Statesman 1996 News item dated 10 January 1996. Calcutta. The Statesman 1996 News item dated 22 March 1996. Calcutta. The Statesman 1996 News item dated 2 May 1996. Calcutta. West Bengal Industrial Development Corporation 1999. Destination West Bengal. Calcutta: WBIDC. rP Fo Acknowledgements I am greatly indebted to SA Khan and Alan Rew for inviting me to present a preliminary version of this paper in the conference” Integrating Planning Against Risk” sponsored by Centre for Development Studies, Swansea and Economic and Social Research Council, UK held during 17-18 September 2005 in Bangkok. I am also indebted to Michael Cernea who not only kept on sending his articles one after another but also for constantly inspiring me to write this paper. I would like to express my sincere thanks to the Land Acquisition Officer and the staff of the Land Acquisition Department of the Paschim Medinipur District who extended all kinds of help and cooperation while I worked in the Department during 1999-2000. Last but not the least, I express my deepest gratitude to the acquisition affected villagers of Kharagpur-I block who helped me by providing all kinds of information when I conducted the fieldwork during 1995-1999. w ie ev rR ee ly On 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 European Journal of Development Research URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr European Journal of Development Research Table 1 Distribution of Households in Five Villages Affected by Land Acquisition for TML. Name of the village Number of households Ajabpur 47 (33.638)* Amba 21 (14.583) Gokulpur 32 (22.222) 12 (08.333) 32 (22.222) 144 (99.998) Liluakala Mahespur Total rP Fo Figures in parentheses represent percentage out of column total in the table. rR ee Table 2 Distribution of Households of Different Castes and Communities Affected by Land Acquisition for TML. Name of the Caste/ Community Number of households Baisnab 4 (2.777) Brahmin 6 (4.166) Kayastha 13 (9.027) Kshatriya 15 (10.416) Muslin 8 (5.555) Napit 2 (1.388) Sadgope 56 (38.888) Scheduled Castes 12 (8.333) Kora (Tribe) 24 (16.666) Tantubay 3 (2.083) Teli 1 (0.694) Total 144 (99.368) w ie ev ly On 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 24 of 26 URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr Page 25 of 26 Table 3A Pre-acquisition Agricultural Landholding Pattern of Sample Households Affected by The Acquisition for TML. rP Fo Size category of holdings (in Number of households acres) Landless Nil 19 (13.194) ≤ 0.5 0.5 – 1.5 58 (40.277) 1.5 – 2.5 32 (22.222) 2.5 – 3.5 13 (9.027) 3.5 – 4.5 8 (5.555) 4.5 – 5.5 6 (4.166) 5.5 – 6.5 Nil 6.5 – 7.5 8 (5.555) Total 144 (99.996) Mean size 4.73 6.43 8.84 8.60 8.86 12.6 13.3 5.76 household ie ev rR ee Table 3B Post-acquisition Agricultural Landholding Pattern of Sample Households Affected by The Acquisition for TML. w Mean size 6.36 5.48 8.25 7.57 12.07 9.20 10.33 15.00 5.76 URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr ly Size category of holdings (in Number of households acres) Landless 22 (15.277) 35 (24.305) ≤ 0.5 0.5 – 1.5 51 (35.416) 1.5 – 2.5 14 (9.722) 2.5 – 3.5 13 (9.027) 3.5 – 4.5 5 (3.472) 4.5 – 5.5 3 (2.083) 5.5 – 6.5 1 (0.694) 6.5 – 7.5 Nil Total 144 (99.996) On 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 European Journal of Development Research household Page 26 of 26 European Journal of Development Research Table 4 Land Acquisition Scenario Among the Sharecropper Households Affected by Acquisition for TML. Amount of Land in acres Number of households 2 ≤ 0.5 0.5 – 1.5 8 1.5 – 2.5 NIL 2.5 – 3.5 1 Total 11 Table 5 Profile of Utilization of Compensation Money by the Land loser Households Affected by the Acquisition for TML. rP Fo Number of household under the various categories of utilization Purcha Compensa Purchas se of House Domesti Marria tion Repaym Bank e of shallo building c ge category ent of deposi and/or agricultu w consum purpos in rupees Loan t ral land tubew repair ption e ell 1,000 – 6 9 31 9 2 18 10,000 10,000 – 5 5 5 12 9 1 16 20,000 20,000 – 1 5 5 4 2 6 30,000 30,000 – 1 5 5 5 1 6 40,000 1 4 1 4 40,000 – 1 50,000 1 1 1 2 50,000 – 60,000 60,000 – 0 0 0 2 1 0 1 70,000 70,000 – 80,000 80,000 – 1 1 1 1 90,000 90,000 – 2 1 4 1,00,000 Total 13 7 28 62 31 6 58 (9.027) (4.861 (19.444) (43.055) (21.52 (4.166) (40.27 ) 7) 7) w ie ev rR ee ly On 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 URL: http:/mc.manuscriptcentral.com/fedr Busines s investm ent 6 3 1 2 1 13 (9.027)