Hijab in Islam

In April 2013 we conducted a survey on Islamic veiling at the Gulf University for Science and Technology (GUST) in Kuwait. The purpose of the survey was to establish reasons for veiling within the complex society of Kuwait and, in particular, to view the veil through the prism of recent international developments that have transformed veiling, at least partially, into a fashion phenomenon. International research has shown that in many Muslim and nonMuslim countries the veil is no longer necessarily a traditional item but is influenced by fashion and other contemporary phenomena. Such research has been undertaken since the late 1990s in several countries such as Egypt, Iran, the USA, the Netherlands, France, and Turkey (Gökariksel and Anna Secor 2012; Hoodfar, Homa. 2001; Karim 2006; Killian 2003; Laborde 2006; MacLeod 1993; Mir-Hosseini 2007; Nieukerk 2008; Sandikci and Ger 2010; Williams and Vashi 2007; Zuhur, Sherifa. 1992; Williams 1979). In North America, Williams and Vashi obse...

The documentary depicts the journey of a teenage girl and her mother who move to California in 2012 because of the Syrian civil war. Together they learn to live in a different culture and face challenges to their traditions - ­all while endeavoring to build a better future.

No campo religioso lusófono das primeiras décadas do século XXI, o Islã se faz presente com um número crescente de pessoas convertidas. Mulheres que tornam-se muçulmanas e que, por iniciativa própria, decidem fazer uso do hijab em seu cotidiano, buscando vivenciar esse novo código de comportamento e vestuário, passam a adaptar, produzir e/ou consumir roupas e acessórios adequados à sua nova condição. Longe de estar restrita às burqas e niqabs, tão propalados pela mídia internacional, a maioria das mulheres muçulmanas convertidas na Lusofonia, em especial em Angola e no Brasil, seguem tendências mundiais quanto às cores, estilos, tecidos, etc. Por intermédio de experiências pessoais, entrevistas e pesquisa virtual, a comunicação objetiva: O artigo tem como principais objetivos discutir a categoria nativa hijab, compreendendo a existência de distintas interpretações sobre a mesma, o que implica no surgimento de diferentes dress codes islâmicos; demonstrar que em diversos países despontam mercados não só consumidores, mas de produção de moda voltada para consumidoras muçulmanas; apontar a internet como instrumento de inspiração, compartilhamento de ideias, inspiração, divulgação e comércio de vestuário voltado para mulheres muçulmanas; e, por fim, apresentar brevemente os significados do hijab para mulheres convertidas ao Islã, em Angola e no Brasil, países majoritariamente cristãos e, portanto, espaços onde o referido código é pensado como “alheio à cultura ocidental/local”, o que pode implicar em impactos, muitas vezes negativos, para as muçulmanas.

Muslim societies, and especially Muslim women, have often received fetishized attention in (neo-)Orientalist literature. However, opening up spaces for the voices of Muslim women especially those wearing the hijab is long overdue. Therefore,
the representation of diasporic Muslim women and their multiple identities in Leila Aboulela’s Minaret and Shelina Janmohamed’s Love in a Headscarf is of paramount importance. These two texts show how, face to face with possibilities and pitfalls of diaspora, Muslim women negotiate and prioritize Islamic identity in the metropolis. While immigrant Muslim men are racked with somewhat unacknowledged exilic anxieties, the challenge and possibility of Muslim women largely concern gender and religion. For a group of Muslim women, the West facilitates a critical interrogation of their feeling of identity vacillation and creates a useful framework for thinking about their religious observances, which eventually helps them conceptualize and articulate their sense of belonging. For many others, it provides
a third space in which they can confidently engage in a reinterpretation of the Islamic texts and thus reclaim an identity which liberates them from culturally enacted practices of their countries of origin.

Since the early years of European contact with the Muslim East, hijab, in general, and the veil, in particular, have been seen by Westerners as symbols of the Islamic degradation and oppression of women. Interestingly, this perception has arisen almost exclusively without any input from Muslim women (or even Muslims in general) and without any attempt to understand why women who choose to veil do so. This essay seeks to critically examine this Western perception in an attempt to determine (1) whether it is reasonable and (2) from where it originates. It opens by giving some context to the Islamic understanding of the veil and outlining the meaning of hijab and how these terms will be used in this paper. Secondly, it briefly judges whether the perception is warranted based on Qur’anic hijab and modesty prescriptions and related later hadith and interpretive (tafsir, or exegesis) writings alongside commentary by later Muslim scholars. Third, this essay examines two potential origins – both historical and contemporary – of the Western view of the veil and its subsequent intolerance toward Islam. It also explores modern secularism as a potential perpetrator of this stereotypical modern Western view of Muslim women and the veil. Ultimately, the essay advocates an appropriate response to the Muslim veil for Australia today.

ABSTRAK Agama Islam adalah agama yang mentauhidkan Allah SWT dan diwahyukan kepada Nabi Muhammad saw melalui kitab al-Quran namun terdapat stereotaip negatif terhadap agama ini yang menggambarkan bahawa Islam adalah agama mundur dan tidak bertamadun. Manakala ekstremis orientalis melalui media, sering memaparkan Islam agama yang menindas wanita, wanita muslim (muslimah) adalah pasif, dan hijab menyekat hak asasi wanita tersebut. Stereotaip negatif tersebut wujud akibat daripada perbezaan pemikiran kesan daripada kepelbagaian agama yang dianuti oleh masyarakat di seluruh dunia dan seterusnya mencetuskan konflik antara kumpulan agama tersebut. Maka kajian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji identiti pemakaian hijab bagi wanita yang beragama Islam dan kaedah yang bersesuaian untuk menjawab kembali stereotaip pemakaian hijab tersebut melalui video daripada laman Youtube Talk Islam bertajuk The Hijab Challenge. Kajian ini menggunakan kaedah analisis kandungan terhadap video yang diterbitkan tersebut berdasarkan kepada Teori Identiti Sosial Agama. Hasil kajian mendapati Talk Islam mengambil satu alternatif untuk menangkis stereotaip negatif terhadap muslimah yang berhijab ini dengan menganjurkan program cabaran berhijab untuk wanita bukan Islam dan seterusnya memuat naik video tersebut di Youtube sebagai perkongsian penjelasan salah faham terhadap pemakaian hijab selama ini. Secara keseluruhannya, Youtube berupaya menjadi medium untuk penyebaran dakwah mengenai kebenaran agama Islam dan menjelaskan salah faham mengenai agama Islam kepada semua masyarakat.

This article explores how young displaced Iraqi Sunni Muslim women negotiate religious identity in diaspora, and how veiling becomes an expression of a new politicised Islamic feminism. Veiling continues to be the focus of ideological debates about Islam and women's rights in the Muslim world and in the global diaspora of displaced refugees. Young refugee and migrant women fi nd themselves at the intersection of new and old Muslim communities, secular and religious feminisms, and fi rst-and second-generation ideals of female modesty. Based on oral histories conducted with Arab and Kurdish Sunni Iraqi women now resettled in the Toronto and Detroit areas, the article traces a new trend in grassroots religiosity among young women in diaspora. New forms of a politicised religious subjectivity, in this case through veiling, suggest that these young women actively mobilise around a religiously constituted political consciousness. As a 'speech act' wearing hijab can in part be understood as a political performance that embodies the intersections of religious and non-religious symbolism. As the article argues, it is as migrants located at the intersection of new and old imaginaries of a global Umma that these reimagined religious subjectivities are forged.

This study intended to explore the attitude differences in university students wearing veil vs. those not wearing it and their cause of inspiration for veiling/not veiling in universities. Interviews were conducted in three universities of the Punjab, Pakistan, from sixty students, twenty from each university, ten wearing veil and ten not wearing veil. Data revealed very interesting patterns of attitude, of which most striking was strong attitude of veiled ones against the unveiled. Unveiled students were very careful in their comments but certainly were not in favor of adopting it. It was found out that personal preferences, religious obligation, family pressure and social value were the main causes of wearing veil. It was suggested that the phenomena of veiling needs to be understood more deeply in different educational contexts to know its implications for teaching and learning.

This study intended to explore the attitude differences in university students wearing veil vs. those not wearing it and their cause of inspiration for veiling/not veiling in universities. Interviews were conducted in three universities of the Punjab, Pakistan, from sixty students, twenty from each university, ten wearing veil and ten not wearing veil. Data revealed very interesting patterns of attitude, of which most striking was strong attitude of veiled ones against the unveiled. Unveiled students were very careful in their comments but certainly were not in favor of adopting it. It was found out that personal preferences, religious obligation, family pressure and social value were the main causes of wearing veil. It was suggested that the phenomena of veiling needs to be understood more deeply in different educational contexts to know its implications for teaching and learning.

Resumen Muchas han sido las discusiones que se han levantado sobre el uso del hijab (velo islámico), por ser considerado un símbolo de opresión a la mujer, instituido por los hombres con una conciencia netamente patriarcal sostenida en preceptos religiosos. Frente a dichas perspectivas está la postura de mujeres musulmanas quienes abogan por su uso desde la tradición y como símbolo de lucha contra el colonialismo, modo de subyugación que promueve la islamofobia, destruyendo identidades y diversidades a través de la estereotipación de la mujer islámica. Este artículo abre espacio al debate indagando sobre el uso del hijab como derecho de la mujer musulmana y su multiplicidad de simbolizaciones desde lo religioso, lo social, lo cultural, imposiciones y resistencias emancipatorias.

This book reexamines Islamic Thoughts and thus reinterprets them by using original sources. Such as it is well established in the Islamic sphere that Sculpture is prohibited in Islam but this book denied the above thought and therefore produces a new thought which is the Quran inspires Muslims to build Sculpture and building and showing Sculpture is not prohibited in Islam. Similarly, the book interprets the concept of Hijab in Islam and many other Islamic thoughts and thus launches new thoughts. Hope that these new interpretations and analyses may solve some of the ongoing debates on Islam.

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“A staff member told me she wanted to burn my scarf when I was changing so I would have no choice but to come outside the changing room without one.” This was the harrowing account of a British Muslim woman who participated in the world’s largest study I conducted into Muslim women’s experiences of work and career development, which was launched in Parliament in February 2020. In this article, I explore the implications of being a visibly Muslim woman and argue that for women who wear the hijab, Islamophobia is experienced simultaneously in multiple spaces, the burden and weight of each experience tarnishing the next.

Islam is one of the dominant religions in the Middle East. Therefore, it is not surprising that this region had experienced many Islamic movements that had special consequences on the appearance of Islam in the world. Iran was among the pioneer countries in experiencing a movement with Islamic aspects, in the form of revolution.


After about 3 years of 1979 (Islamic) revolution in Iran, a law was approved that forced every woman in Iran to have Hijab. It was meant that all women who wanted to go out of home had to wear Islamic Hijab, including a scarf which covers her hairs.

Nowadays, after 30 years of approving this law, we can see a new way of wearing Hijab which does not cover all the hair and so does not meet the Islamic rules of Hijab. It is totally different from traditional form of Hijab which was common in early years of the revolution. It is also different from the typical image of a Muslim woman in the world and has leaded to a unique way of wearing Hijab which seems to be common only among Iranian women.

The commonplace analysis about this form of Hijab is that it is the result of force. Women, who do not like to wear Hijab, are forced to wear it, so they show their disagreement with Hijab by putting on something that doesn’t meet the Islamic rules. But what is amazing here is that this way of wearing Hijab is continued outside of Iran by some of them. This proves that there must be other reasons too.

In this paper, I tried to analyze this unique form of Hijab nowadays Islam world by interviewing Iranian women who wear this kind of Hijab, outside Iran (in Kuala Lumpur). I wanted to know the social elements which force women to choose Hijab; and influence them in choosing its form.

I also interviewed some Iranian women without Hijab to see their experience of changing Hijab in a foreign country. It showed that the decision for keeping, changing or leaving Hijab is not a simple process. Using grounded theory, I could find many concepts and categories that play an important role in the lives of Modern Iranian Muslim women in Iran, and can lead to choosing a special form of hijab.

Keywords: Iran, Islam, Hijab, Grounded Theory


* This paper was presented in WOCMES 2014 (World Congress for Middle Eastern Studies) in Ankara.

Everyone knows about the extent of difficult challenges faced by Muslims in the world, due to cultural, intellectual, social and religious intrusions by the West. In fact, this cultural imperialism affects the Muslims negatively including the Muslim identity. In addition to the emergence of western ideologies such as globalization, secularism and other systematic methods of westernizing the Muslim life, the West has been trying to influence the Muslim women in particular in many ways. For instance, the emergence of "feminism" among Muslim women, following the western feminist tradition, without proper awareness of how Islam perceives women, often leads many Muslim women from the virtuous Islamic path.  Thus, feminism negatively impacts Muslim women‘s uniqueness, and induces them to reject the basic religious practices of Islam due to their illusive quest for “freedom” and the desire for a modern lifestyle. Consequently, wearing the hijab has been deemed as a form of oppression and as old fashioned. This essay sheds light on the challenges faced by Muslim women wearing the hijab, the hijab’s significance in Islam and the way we could keep true to Islamic dress codes.

My paper is focused on some comparative analysis of Western and Islamic feminist interpretations of hijab and their application to post-Soviet discourse on the hijab in present-days Kazakhstan. During recent years there are diverse forms of hijab wearing in the country from totally covering of a female body to some open “Arab style” of the hijab. In the same time, after extremist attacks in the Western and Southern Kazakhstan, the situation with the hijab is changed to the idea of traditional (“Kazakh”) Islam when the hijab is not preferred with the power discourse. My main research questions for my paper are following: What interpretations about hijab in the Western and Islamic narratives are applied to the Kazakhstan’s case? How the hijab discourse is constructed in post-Soviet Kazakhstan? What is the meaning of hijab after “atheism era” in the Central Asian country where majority is Muslims? What attitudes are between secular and religious discourses according to the hijab in Kazakhstan now? What hijab means for secular majority and young Muslims? What young Muslim men and women speak about hijab? My research is based on interviews of two males and two females who identify themselves as Muslims.

In its verdict of March 15, 2022, the Karnataka High Court upheld the state government's order of February 5 banning wearing of hijab in the state's schools and junior colleges. In the verdict, the judges based their opinion that hijab is not an essential part of the Islamic religion on Abdullah Yusuf Ali's translation and commentary of the Quran. The present paper is an examination of Yusuf Ali's competence as a translator and commentator and his comments on the verses dealing with Women's Hijab.

In the last ten years, France has increasingly limited religious expression
by banning ostentatious religious symbols in public schools in
2004 and face coverings in public spaces in 2011. Both of these laws
were drafted and enacted after public discussions around the management of rising religious diversity in France—most notably Islam. During these debates, the French openly wondered about differences that impacted or confronted national norms while respecting national values. This included questions around the meaning of secularism—broadly translated as la€ıcite—and the limits of religious manifestation in the public sphere.

This paper looks at the articulation of sexual arguments in political discussions about hijab in modern Iranian history. My main question is that how a seemingly nonsexual topic such as women’s Hijab could be connected to sexual anxieties? What could make this connection possible? Which groups were using these arguments, and how?
To answer these questions, I have analyzed some of the poems of two prominent poets of the twenties century, Iraj Mirza and Bahār, as advocators of unveiling, while bringing up some of the typical sexual arguments of more religious groups, supporting hijab. Finally, I have looked at a few examples of sexual arguments in contemporary debates and advertisements around hijab, trying to compare them with historical arguments.
In contrast to my expectation, it seems that the usage of these kinds of arguments in hijab discussions is not limited to anti-modernist, conservative, traditional groups, which indicates that the intersection of sexuality and politics in modern Iran is more than a matter of tradition and/or religion.

Muslim women attire is the most visible markers of the Muslim identity in the modern world. In west, people see the veil as a sign that Islam is not compatible with the European values. The aim of the paper is to investigate the accurate meaning of the Hijab in Islamic system of thought as derived from Qur'an and Hadith. It also tries to enquire as to why women choose to wear the Hijab or full face veil? Is it purely religious reason to symbolize their faith despite pressure from a traditionally secularizing nation of modernity, or some women wear Hijab for less religious reasons but more so for fashion or cultural reason?

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This article analyzes the representation of hijab and of hijab-wearing women in two post-9/11 British literary texts, Leila Aboulela’s Minaret (2005) and Shelina Janmohamed’s Love in a Headscarf (2009). It discusses the strong resolve of the heroines of these works with regard to wearing the hijab despite opposition to it from within their peers, friends and family members as well as Islamophobic hostility to this most overt and visible marker of Muslim identity. While many women wear hijab instinctively and without question in order to follow their religion and cultural tradition, Najwa in the fictional work Minaret and Shelina in the memoir Love in a Headscarf decide to wear it reflectively after long contemplation and much soul searching. Such experiences convincingly and creatively refute the assumption that hijab is imposed on Muslim women by male relatives and dispel the most widespread stereotype that it is synonymous with female oppression.

This study intended to explore the attitude differences in university students wearing veil vs. those not wearing it and their cause of inspiration for veiling/not veiling in universities. Interviews were conducted in three universities of the Punjab, Pakistan, from sixty students, twenty from each university, ten wearing veil and ten not wearing veil. Data revealed very interesting patterns of attitude, of which most striking was strong attitude of veiled ones against the unveiled. Unveiled students were very careful in their comments but certainly were not in favor of adopting it. It was found out that personal preferences, religious obligation, family pressure and social value were the main causes of wearing veil. It was suggested that the phenomena of veiling needs to be understood more deeply in different educational contexts to know its implications for teaching and learning.

The discussions on Muslim women’s oppression in the context of Muslim and non-Muslim countries are heavily focused on their position in Islamic society, their interpretation within feminism, and broader debates on donning the hijab. Primarily, the adaptation of hijab as a garment most of the time refers from religious to social pressure under the patriarchal influence and relates to political ideologies. This paper explores the stories and facts beyond those narratives finding there are identities which are entirely personal when it comes to the hijab. This paper also incorporates the theories such as ‘Orientalism’, ‘Male gaze’ and discussions base on books such as Mohanty’s Under Western Eyes, Islam vs Islamism by Peter R Demant, The Headscarf Controversies by Hilal Elver, Beyond the Veil by Fatema Mernissi. Furthermore, the primary discussion with students from different Muslim countries living in the UK light on the factors such as one’s cultural context or geographical location has impact on those decisions. Besides, tradition and ethnicity appear as having a significant influence on religious practices. Through comparative studies on the adaptation of hijab in different Islamic countries explains Muslim women’s subjectivity towards hijab is not away from political connotations.

Oleh @sorayawahaha Aku mulai lebih sering memakai kerudung sejak memasuki bangku sekolah menengah pertama. Itupun karena aku masuk sekolah Tsanawiyah, jadi mau bagaimana pun ya memang harus memakai kerudung. Aku berpikir perempuan memang memakai kerudung apalagi kalau sudah besar. Saat itu aku masih berpikiran seperti itu. Karena melihat beberapa orang yang sudah besar memakai kerudung dan ibuku sendiri juga memakai kerudung. Tapi saat keluar rumah-bukan untuk pergi sekolah-misalnya seperti main ke rumah teman, atau pergi ke kedai dekat rumah membeli sesuatu, aku masih bebas bebas saja tidak memakai kerudung. Masih memakai pakaian biasa seperti yang aku pakai saat di dalam rumah. Namun terkadang entah mengapa aku iseng, saat hendak kumpul dengan teman aku memakai baju lengan panjang dan celana panjang serta dilengkapi kerudung sorong yang tidak terlalu panjang. Temanku akan langsung senyum-senyum bahkan keluarlah mantra-mantra ciye-ciye-ciye. "ciyeee…. Ada apa nih? Tobat nih? Pakai kerudung, ciyeee.." Mungkin bila saat itu ada cermin, aku bisa melihat pipi ku memerah tomat. Aku pun hanya bisa tersenyum seadanya, tidak mungkin melepas kerudung saat itu juga karena akan lebih memalukan lagi. Saat di Tsanawiyah, kami belajar mengenai banyak pelajaran agama. Seperti fiqh, hadist nabi, sirah nabi, agama islam dan pelajaran agama lainnya. Aku tau, bahkan dari sejak sekolah dasar pun aku tau. Perempuan dan laki-laki harus menutup aurat. Aku pun tau batas menutup aurat. Perempuan seluruh badan kecuali muka dan kedua telapak tangan sedangkan laki-laki batas auratnya adalah dari pusarnya hingga lutut kaki. Aku sempat memikirkan, apa yang dimaksud menutup aurat bagi perempuan seluruh tubuh kecuali muka dan telapak tangan? Cuma aku tak terlalu memusingkan itu, karena toh aku pikir, kita pun solat pakai mukenah yang panjang dan besar banget. Seiring dengan hari hari ku yang biasa. Lepas jilbab tidak terlalu menjadi hal yang terlalu memusingkan bagiku.

Pernahkah terpikir untuk bergaya dengan jaket ? duh… apa gak panas ya ? secara kan kita di Indonesia yang udah gerah banget. Masa iya mau pake jaket lagi. Menjawab keraguan itu, berikut ini ada 5 gaya fashion hijab dengan jaket. Selain kece, ini juga bisa jadi opsi referensi fashion Sista dalam berbusana.

My paper is focused on some comparative analysis of Western and Islamic feminist interpretations of hijab and their application to post-Soviet discourse on the hijab in present-days Kazakhstan. During recent years there are diverse forms of hijab wearing in the country from totally covering of a female body to some open “Arab style” of the hijab. In the same time, after extremist attacks in the Western and Southern Kazakhstan, the situation with the hijab is changed to the idea of traditional (“Kazakh”) Islam when the hijab is not preferred with the power discourse. My main research questions for my paper are following: What interpretations about hijab in the Western and Islamic narratives are applied to the Kazakhstan’s case? How the hijab discourse is constructed in post-Soviet Kazakhstan? What is the meaning of hijab after “atheism era” in the Central Asian country where majority is Muslims? What attitudes are between secular and religious discourses according to the hijab in Kazakhstan now? What hijab means for secular majority and young Muslims? What young Muslim men and women speak about hijab? My research is based on interviews of two males and two females who identify themselves as Muslims.

This article explores the motivations of Arab Muslim women managers in Israel who adopt the veil just before or soon after their nomination to management positions. We used narrative research in order to understand this growing phenomenon and its meaning for the women managers in different life spheres. While the research findings stress the different motivations for adopting or rejecting veiling, all the women managers perceived veiling as a phenomenon that has direct consequences for their status in Arab Muslim society and for their ability to function effectively as managers and to introduce far-reaching changes with the support of their community and the staff. The article contributes to our understanding of Muslim women's visibility in private venues and in the public sphere and reinforces the need for more in-depth comparative cultural studies of veiling perceptions.

Le présent article présente deux perspectives fort différentes sur la loi 21. La première, qui a caractérisé le débat public à ce jour, consiste à analyser la loi comme véhicule et catalyseur de changement social, alors que la seconde analyse le contexte sociohistorique qui a probablement mené les Québécois à accorder une forte importance à la laïcité de l’État. La seconde perspective permet à l’auteur de redéfinir le débat relatif à la loi 21. Celui-ci conclut que la seconde perspective dépeint la loi 21 comme un acte symbolique, une façon pour les Québécois de se libérer des chaînes d’un passé asphyxiant et d’affirmer constitutivement leur identité. Dans la mesure où l’on accepte cette conclusion, l’enjeu quant à l’efficacité de la loi 21 comme véhicule de changement social perd presque toute son importance.