Freedom of Assembly

Formally titled the “Transparency Requirements for Parties Supported by Foreign State Entities Bill 5766-2016,” the new law passed on July 11 2016 its third and final vote by 57-48: the Knesset approved the proposal by Israeli Minister of Justice Ayelet Shaked to provide a useful framework to inform the Israeli public about the donors, funding amounts received, and the nature of the projects implemented by NGOs. Shaked used the word 'transparency' to camouflage her objective i.e. to defame organisations opposed to government policy. The Israeli law, which regulates organizations receiving foreign funding, resembles the Russian law which requires NGOs to register with the Justice Ministry if they receive foreign funding for political activities. There is no universally accepted definition of political activities for the purposes of NGO engagement, and the term “political activity” is subject to multiple interpretations.

В статье рассматриваются вопросы, касающиеся введения дополнительных ограничений на проведение публичных мероприятий и ужесточения ответственности за нарушения, допущенные при их проведении.
Ключевые слова: свобода собраний, ограничения на проведение публичных мероприятий.
The article considers the issues associated with enactment of additional restrictions on public events and tightening accountability for violations committed while carrying out such events.

La Francia vanta una lunga tradizione giuridica per quanto riguarda il riconoscimento e la garanzia dei diritti e delle libertà fondamentali dell’uomo. È il Paese che ha dato vita al documento più importante della storia del costituzionalismo: la Dichiarazione dei diritti dell’uomo e del cittadino, rivoluzionaria nel 1789 e madre delle moderne carte costituzionali. La Francia, e l’Europa intera, hanno imparato da Tocqueville la lezione americana sull'importanza dell’associarsi nella vita quotidiana. Quella di associazione, essendo una delle libertà di più stretto raccordo con l’interazione tra uomini, segue le trasformazioni politiche, sociali, culturali ed economiche del mondo, e la dottrina ha il dovere di seguire puntualmente queste stesse trasformazioni.

Este capítulo aborda algunos de los aspectos constitucionales del derecho de reunión. Comienza definiendo los contornos del derecho de reunión, distinguiéndolo –ese es el objetivo central de esta sección– de otros derechos que, como la libertad de expresión, suelen superponerse a su análisis. Luego, se echa mano a una revisión general de la doctrina nacional chilena para, a partir de ella, identificar la titularidad del derecho de reunión, sus destinatarios y objeto. Cuando sea posible, las discusiones doctrinarias irán acompañadas de jurisprudencia que –no obstante ser escasa a este respecto– pueda mejor iluminar los debates. Esta misma sección servirá para encarar dos aspectos adicionales del derecho de reunión: sus condiciones de ejercicio y regulaciones.

U ovom radu autorka će se baviti pitanjem ostvarivanja zajemčene slobode mirnog okupljanja i zabranom diskriminacije na osnovu seksualne orijentacije. Zabrana diskriminacije i sloboda mirnog okupljanja su predmet kako međunarodnih dokumenata tako i domaćeg pozitivnog prava. Glavni naglasak u radu će biti na zabrani Parade ponosa koja je trebala da se održi u Beogradu u oktobru 2011. godine i zapravo na pravima i slobodama koja su odlukom o zabrani održavanja Parade prekršena odnosno uskraćena pripadnicima LGBT populacije u Srbiji. Nedavno se i Ustavni sud Republike Srbije oglasio po tom pitanju tako što je 22. decembra 2011. godine usvojio ustavnu žalbu organizatora Parade ponosa 2009. godine. Ovom odlukom Ustavni sud je zauzeo stav da su državni organi Republike Srbije zabranom Povorke ponosa 2009. godine zapravo prekršili Ustav Republike Srbije, zbog čega je ta odluka od velikog značaja za ovu problematiku i sam sistem ostvarivanja i zaštite ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda kod nas.

The Author notes verdicts of the European Court for Human Rights (ECHR) as to art. 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights in re Hasan & Chaush vs Bulgaria (2000), and The Metropolitan Church of Besarabia et alia vs Moldavia (2001). Both of them represent a significant development toward definition of collective religious freedom and its expression, and of status of churches regarding the religious freedom protection as well as freedom of association as guaranteed by the Convention.

The main purpose of holding an assembly is to communicate a message. As it is the core of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly, content deserves utmost protection. States should protect and facilitate peaceful assemblies and not interfere with their message. However, in some exceptional situations where this message constitutes incitement to violence or rejection of democratic principles, state authorities may interfere with the content of expressions during an assembly in compliance with their human rights obligations. Content that constitutes destruction of rights are outside the scope of protection, and some particular messages trigger positive obligations of States to interfere. After giving background information on the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and implementation standards, this study analyses the extent to which state authorities may place content-based restrictions on the right to freedom of peaceful assembly in accordance with the international human rights law standards.

В докладе проекта ОВД-Инфо рассматривается правоприменение статьи 20.2 КоАП в Москве с начала 2009 по 2014 год в статистическом измерении, а на примере дел, заведенных по итогам массовых задержаний в феврале-марте 2014 года, — в качественном: отслеживаются этапы судебного процесса, с которыми могут столкнуться участники митингов и акций в России.

Watchdog NGOs and other human rights defenders have been
under pressure during the humanitarian and rule of law ‘crises’. Several
EU Member States have passed laws that fall short of international,
regional and EU freedom of association standards. Some governments
have used the COVID-19 pandemic to further restrict civic space.
The study explores how the EU could protect civil society from unjust
state interference by strengthening freedom of association, assembly
and expression, as well as the right to defend human rights. The study
elaborates on four policy options: introducing a European association
statute; establishing internal guidelines to respect and protect human
rights defenders; developing a civil society stability index; and creating
a network of focal contact points for civil society at EU institutions. It
recommends strengthening the independence of critical civil society
actors and increasing funding for activities such as strategic litigation
to uphold EU laws and values.

This report links Egypt’s shifting political phases to debates more specifically about citizenship rights. It offers a general overview of Egypt’s recent political trajectory, before unpacking the various dimensions of debates over citizenship rights. In each of the three political phases since Mubarak’s ousting, citizenship rights have been curtailed. Crucially, the reasons for their constriction have been different in each phase. Some limitations have derived from largely political power plays, others from more philosophical-theological factors. It is important to distinguish between these different forms of debate if we are better to understand prospects for the future of citizenship rights in Egypt.

Every democratic system guarantees the right to freedom of peaceful assembly. Which forms are allowed to exercise this right? Conversely, what procedures can corrupt it? Is the issue of criminal evidence related to the right to freedom of assembly? This essay attempts to answer these questions through the case of four criminal trials against several inhabitants of the Susa Valley (Piedmont, Northern Italy) and activists of the Italian social movement called “No Tav,” which I have observed during a two-year judicial ethnography. In particular, the aim is to show the “procedural nonchalance” through which the due element of evidence is circumvented. The judges do not prove the accessorial liability but punish the participation in the protests as if it were a crime and not a right. On the base of this illegitimate deficiency, the right to freedom of assembly is emptied.

I. LA PROTECCIÓN DEL ORDEN CONSTITUCIONAL COMO LÍMITE AL DERECHO DE REUNIÓN. II. PROHIBICIÓN DE LOS TRATOS INHUMANOS Y DEGRADANTES: SALUD MENTAL, CONDICIONES DE VIDA EN LA PRISIÓN Y PRISIÓN PERMANENTE. III. DIÁLOGO ENTRE TRIBUNALES: INCIDENCIA DE LA JURISPRUDENCIA BRITÁNICA EN LA JURISPRUDENCIA DEL TEDH EN MATERIA DE LIBERTAD. IV. DERECHO A UN PROCESO EQUITATIVO: 1. Jurisprudencia contradictoria, recurso de casación y seguridad jurídica. 2. La inadmisión de un asunto alegando simplemente el carácter infundado de la demanda, supone una violación de la equidad global del proceso. 3. Denegación del planteamiento de la cuestión prejudicial ante el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea. 4. Derecho de la competencia y prueba. 5. Limitación del poder del Ejecutivo en el nombramiento de jueces. Nulidad del nombramiento y de los actos derivados del mismo. V. DERECHO AL RESPETO DE LA VIDA PRIVADA: 1. Inspección de obras y respeto del domicilio. 2. Educación y patrimonio cultural. 3. Límites a las potestades administrativas conferidas a la policía por la legislación antiterrorista.

En este artículo, el autor expone sistemáticamente algunas decisiones del Tribunal Constitucional Federal alemán de gran interés para el estudioso español. Asimismo, hace una referencia a la única reforma constitucional que se ha producido en Alemania en el último año y a las principales reformas legislativas más importantes. El trabajo se abre con una amplia descripción de algunos casos en los que se juzga la constitucionalidad de normas legales con base en el principio de confianza legítima. Con su cuidadoso análisis de un buen número de casos en materia fiscal y de seguridad social, el Tribunal se muestra consciente de la importancia los asuntos económicos. Otro asunto en que se ha centrado el Tribunal es la protección ambiental. Decisiones como el examen de la Ley de Ingeniería Genética o la restricción de los incentivos al uso de energías renovables han suscitado gran interés en Alemania. Éstos y otros casos son explicados claridad en este trabajo.

Під час Революції Гідності масовими були випадки застосування гранат зі сльозогінним газом органами правопорядку проти учасників протестів. При цьому, вплив сльозогінного газу зазнавали як протестувальники, так і працівники ЗМІ, спостерігачі та інші особи, які не брали участі в зібранні.

Законодавче регулювання застосування сльозогінного газу в Україні в подальшому було частково переведене з підзаконного рівня на рівень закону, водночас, підзаконні нормативно-правові акти не містять детальних інструкцій.

Актуальність теми курсової роботи полягає в тому, що в ній проаналізовано застосування сльозогінного газу на мирних зібраннях в контексті дотримання прав людини, яке може спричиняти порушення прав людини працівниками органів правопорядку.

Дослідницьке питання: Чи забезпечує законодавство України дотримання прав людини при застосуванні сльозогінного газу під час мирних зібрань?

Об’єктом дослідження є дотримання прав людини у разі застосування спеціальних засобів органами правопорядку. Предметом дослідження є дотримання прав людини у разі застосування сльозогінного газу під час мирних зібрань.

Мета дослідження – на основі аналізу міжнародних стандартів та принципів права встановити, чи забезпечує законодавче регулювання в Україні дотримання прав людини при застосуванні сльозогінного газу під час здійснення громадянами свободи зібрань.

Завданнями дослідження є:
- перевірка міжнародних стандартів прав людини на предмет захисту людської гідності у випадках застосування сльозогінного газу;
- з’ясування відмінностей в міжнародних стандартах гуманітарного права та права прав людини щодо застосування сльозогінного газу;
- аналіз національного законодавства, що регламентує використання сльозогінного газу.

Some of the most visible recent movements in Russia cannot be accurately described as either bottom-up or top-down. They are copycat movements, in that the initial idea for a new type of public activity spreads quickly across numerous locales with minimal organizational efforts on the part of those who originated it. This article analyzes three such movements and discusses the structural features they share despite their widely differing ideological background, objectives, and popularity: the Strategy-31 protests for the freedom of assembly, the ultranationalist temperance movement known as Russian Runs, and the commemorative processions titled Immortal Regiment.

The foremost purpose of holding an assembly is to communicate a message. States should protect and facilitate peaceful assemblies and not interfere with their message. However, in some exceptional situations where this message constitutes incitement to violence or is contrary to some democratic principles, State authorities may interfere with the content during an assembly in compliance with their human rights obligations. Content that constitutes an infringement of rights is outside the scope of protection, and some particular messages trigger positive obligations of States to interfere. This paper will analyze some of the relevant ECtHR case law and relevant laws to find the legitimate aims of restriction on the right to freedom of assembly in order to grasp to which extent it is protecting the right to freedom of peaceful assembly in accordance with the international human rights law standards and obligation.

Analiza položaja civilnog društva u Srbiji od 2014. do 2018. bavi se sužavanje prostora za rad organizacija civilnog društva, fizičke napade, medijske kampanje protiv civilnog sektora, normativni okvir i njegove promene, učešće OCD u donošenju odluka i kontroli javne vlasti, pojavu vladinih udruženja građana (GONGOs) i slično. Analiza detaljno obrađuje odnos vlasti u Srbiji prema civilnom društvu, trendove u poslednjih 5 godina i ograničenja slobode udruživanja u Srbiji.

釋字第445號並未成功解放台灣的集會遊行自由，因此社運團體仍舊時時面對國家針對集會遊行的管制壓力。正所謂「哪裡有壓迫，哪裡就有抵抗」，反對集會遊行法的法律動員不曾停歇，除了個別運動者面對司法的戰鬥外，自2005年起，成立「集遊惡法修法聯盟」，致力於立法與司法場域的法律動員：推動修法、提供當事人義務辯護律師等等；而2008年陳雲林來台期間，警方成立「協和專案」，以「維安」之名，使得許多表達意見的民眾遭毆打、拘捕、沒收旗幟布條等，激起了「野草莓學運」為時數月的靜坐抗議，其三大訴求之一就是「修改集會遊行法」，也與持續從事反集遊惡法運動的團體進行串連。而2008年的事件也衍生出了許多訴訟案件，有警方追訴集會遊行者(如李明璁案、林佳範案)的案件，亦有社運團體主動發起「我控訴」運動，串聯受害者向法院針對警察的濫權行為，提出刑事自訴、國家賠償等訴訟，要求追究國家暴力的責任
        本文將把焦點放在釋字第445號解釋之後，司法場域的反集遊惡法法律動員，以案件卷宗檔案與法院判決，介紹近年來此一運動取徑的訴求及變化，並就具體案例分析實際上進行法律動員時的攻防策略。

The report reveals that thousands of peaceful Egyptian demonstrators from across the political spectrum continue to be illegally imprisoned under the colonial-era ‘Assembly Law’ that was discovered to have been repealed nearly a century ago. Although invalidated through a unanimous repeal by the Egyptian Parliament on January 30, 1928, Law 10 /1914, known as the Assembly Law, continues to be unlawfully exploited in tandem with the notorious Protest Law, passed in November 2013.

This text analyzes the function of the chorus in Marta Górnicka’s open-air production Grundgesetz (Berlin, 2018) in redefining the political community of “the German people.” While examining its relation to the audience, the author refers to examples of German mass spectacles from the Weimar Republic that invested choruses to both represent a political community in the making and to shape political subjects through collective action. Based on aesthetic and political concepts of representation, which intertwine in the performance, the author shows how the chorus of Grundgesetz both portrays and enacts “the German people” as a plurality of bodies and voices united by fundamental rights. Making it thus an available community to stand for, the performance questions the agency of the audience as a collective body capable of acting together in public space.

The „Freedom of Expression and Freedom of Assembly in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2018 and 2019 Through the Case of the `Justice for David` Group“ contains a brief analysis of certain human rights standards in the domain of the right to freedom of expression and freedom of assembly, relating to the case of the assembly of the „Justice for David“ group, which gathered in connection with the murder of David Dragičević.

David Dragičević, a student from Banja Luka, was found dead on 24 March 2018, after six days of search and his death, according to a version presented by the state authorities, occurred under still unclear circumstances. It has been concluded only that David was killed, and so the prosecution launched an investigation against several unidentified persons on suspicion that they had committed the murder of David Dragičević, but only after enormous public pressure. The first version of public authorities was that David committed suicide after theft. To this day, the institutions of the RS and B&H had not yet determined who killed David.

The subject of the present study is the criticism meetings held regularly in the Village Institutes that were implemented to modernize rural areas of Turkey (1940-1946). Those meetings are entitled as the Assembly of Village Institutes in the present study. The purposes of the criticism meetings were to transform the Institute's students and villagers into modern individuals, eliminate the anti-reform and traditional mentality and spread the idea of a republic in rural areas. This study aims to address the success of those meetings. In the study, first of all, the situation in the villages, the life of the villagers and their mentality before the initiative were explained. Afterwards, Village Institutes initiative as well as, the impressions of the students on the first day they came to the Institute were examined. The criticism meetings held in the Institutes were elaborately assessed, and some events that took place in those meetings were stated in accordance with their sources. Finally, the achievements and success of those criticism meetings were discussed. The present study revealed that the Village Institutes that emerged as a result of the village realities were designed according to the needs of the village. The criticism meetings enabled the transformation of village children, who were docile, submissive, insecure and unaware, into self-confident individuals who knew and sought their rights, and who struggled against injustice. Although this initiative was halted by the change of government in 1946, it enabled to raise about 20 thousand people in a very short time and created a new social status group in the villages

Hope, illusion and manipulation
- comments on the success of the constitutionalization of the "rule of law"

The author writes about introducing the concept of rule of law into the Polish constitution. The author describes hopes, illusions and manipulations associated with the inclusion in the Constitution of the formula "the rule of law implementing the principles of social justice". The genesis of the constitutionalization of this notion in Article 2 of the Constitution and the persons who contributed to the current wording of this provision (Prof. M. Wyrzykowski and Prof. A. Zieliński).
The inclusion of anything in the Constitution, by itself, does not change the reality.  It is also necessary here to shape practice - especially by courts and tribunals.
In the years 1988-1990 M. Wyrzykowski also headed the constitutional team in the office of the Ombudsman, and motions to the Tribunal were mainly made by him.  The ombudsman, on the other hand, submitted his motions to the Tribunal, and "put balls out to it". In this way, he made it possible to clarify this concept in the practice of constitutional control. Thanks to the concept of the rule of law, the Polish Constitution has an open, inclusive character and is open to European literature and jurisprudence.  The article recalls four rulings of the Constitutional Tribunal from the period 2005-2009, which are important from the point of view of the rule of law and European law, where Professor M. Wyrzykowski was the rapporteur. These were the judgments K 21/05 (freedom of assembly), U 4/06 (on the competence of parliamentary committees of inquiry), Kpt 2/08 (division of powers between the government and the president as regards representation in EU bodies), P 1/05 (constitutionality of the European Arrest Warrant.

The right to peaceful assembly and association is protected under the International Bill of Human Rights. The Constitution of Botswana protects this right under Section 13. The Public Order Act, governs the exercise of this right. In terms of the Public Order Act, an individual is required to obtain a permit from a police offi cer prior to convening a public meeting. This requirement is a limitation on the constitutional right to peaceful assembly and association. This article examines the Public Order Act and in particular the manner in which the permit for a public meeting is issued under sections 4 and 8. The author argues that the Public Order Act is unconstitutional because it clothes the issuer of the permit with broad discretion to refuse a permit and offers the applicant little recourse where a permit is refused. The article argues that the wording of Section 13 of the Constitution incorporates the so called " three prong proportionality test " laid down in R v Oakes and that the Botswana Courts, in applying the test, would fi nd the provisions of the Public Order Act inconsistent with the provisions of the Constitution. A comparative survey indicates that similar provisions have been struck down as unconstitutional in Nigeria, Ghana and the United States. It is recommended that the Attorney General and the Law Revision Committee of Parliament consider a review of the Public Order Act.

South Africa has become a nation defined by its protests. Protests can, and do, bring societal problems to public attention in direct, at times dramatic, ways. But governments the world over are also tempted to suppress this right, as they often feel threatened by public challenges to their authority.

Apartheid South Africa had a shameful history of repressing protests. The architects of the country’s democracy expressed a determination to break with this past and recognise protest as a basic democratic right. Yet, today, there is concern about the violent nature of protests.

Protest Nation challenges the dominant narrative that it has become necessary for the state to step in to limit the right to protest in the broader public interest because media and official representations have created a public perception that violence has become endemic to protests. Bringing together data gathered from municipalities, the police, protestor and activist interviews, as well as media reports, the book analyses the extent to which the right to protest is respected in democratic South Africa. It throws a spotlight on the municipal role in enabling or mostly thwarting the right.

This book is a call to action to defend the right to protest: a right that is clearly under threat. It also urges South Africans to critique the often-skewed public discourses that inform debates about protests and their limitations.