English School of International Relations Theory

This paper analyses EU and member-state responses to the Belt and Road Initiative and addresses norm contestation in Sino-European discourse regarding the primary institutions of Sovereignty, International Law, and Market Economy. The paper combines the toolset of the English School with norm contestation theory in its discourse analysis. The findings show evidence for contestation and increasing tension in Sino-European discourse and relations since the beginning of Xi’s presidency. Moreover, that the BRI, while at first a projection screen for substantive disagreements and contestation, eventually became subject to contestation itself. Based on these findings, the paper advances three arguments. First, that the BRI increasingly presented a challenge to EU cohesion and unity, especially in member states’ foreign policy vis-à-vis China. Second, that substantive disagreements between China and the EU, Germany, and Italy were based in a clash of pluralist and liberal-solidarist interpretations of Sovereignty, International Law, and the Market Economy. Third, that in contesting liberal-solidarist interpretations of PIs, China is resisting European solidarisation and arguably proposing a pluralist alternative to a liberal-solidarist order.

Burchill, S., ..., True, J. 2005. Theories Of International Relations "Third Edition". Bab 4: "The English School", Andrew Linklater. Bab tersebut menjelaskan bagaimana eksistensi Mazhab Inggris muncul kepermukaan sebagai via media antara revolusionis dan realis, serta menjabarkan pembenaran tersebut dengan cara memaparkan perdebatan mengenai subjek, dan menjelaskan pentingnya peran rasionalisme sehingga menciptakan perdamaian dan keadilan guna menggantikan tatanan internasional (Wight, 1966 : 91), serta menunjukkan tendensinya terhadap masyarakat internasional yang diyakini membawa perkembangan radikal (Burchill & Linklatter, 2005: 109). Bab tersebut didiskusikan, karena paham ini berbeda dengan dua haluan paham besar hubungan internasional, kecenderungannya terhadap kaum rasionalis menyebabkan sudut pandang mengenai norma merupakan hal dasar terwujudnya perdamaian dunia (Dunne, 2007: 140), sehingga menciptakan indikator untuk berpikir lebih kritis mengenai penekanan sistem internasional atau sistem anarki yang terdapat dalam paham realis, namun dengan memiliki kesadaran akan norma secara kolektif (Jackson & Sorensen, 2009: 185), serta penciptaaan keadilan dan perdamaian tanpa pembentukan identitas global yang terdapat dalam paham revolusionis. Eksistensi Mazhab Inggris berkembang pesat sealur dengan kebutuhan logi studi HI guna menciptakan masyarakat internasional yang teratur dan tertib terhadap norma sehingga terbentuk solusi ideal untuk melengkapi dua haluan paham besar HI tersebut jika dijalankan secara bersama revolusionis sebagai indikasi penggerak, realisme sebagai pengendali, dan rasionalisme guna mengadabkan politik dunia (Jackson & Sorensen, 1999: 191).

In recent years, there has been a growing interest in the English School concept of world society and how it helps to illustrate the role of non-state actors and the promotion of cosmopolitan values. Yet, less attention has been paid to the idea of science and technology as a key feature of solidarist conceptions of justice and as a unifier of humankind, usually expressed in the form of scientific interna-tionalism. The purpose of this article is twofold. First, it suggests that it is important to incorporate the role of scientists and engineers as agents of international society and to assess the significance of scientific internationalism in terms of its impact on facilitating world society. Second, however, it is also necessary to consider how this solidarist conception of science and technology is staged as complementary to a pluralist logic. This is because of the political and social embeddedness of scientists and engineers as actors who also think and act on behalf of the state. I develop this argument by examining two key turning points that paved the way towards the advent of the Space Age: the spaceflight movement of the 1920s and 1930s and the 1957-1958 International Geophysical Year.

The Middle East is commonly perceived as a zone of cultural and political differences within the global international society. Imagining the Middle East as a ‘unique’ region is not a new idea, but relocating this conception within the English School (ES) of International Relations (IR) is. This article challenges the perceived ‘exceptionalism’ of the Middle East, which claims that the European concepts of state, sovereignty and nationalism are alien to Islam, therefore preventing the emergence of a regional international society. The first part highlights the correlation between Eurocentrism in IR and the lack of interest in regional – area – studies through the critique of Orientalism and the ES. The second part moves to demonstrate why the ES is more explanatory than other IR theories in the context of the Ottoman–European relations. The third part explores the ‘institutional distinctiveness’ of the Middle East, disproving the notion of regional ‘exceptionalism’ and IR’s foundational Eurocentric assumptions. This article concludes by arguing that there is a strong case for calling the Middle East a ‘regional interstate society’, which remains to be a litmus test of whether or not a truly global international society is possible.

In 1999 NATO launched an air campaign against Serbia in order to force the withdrawal of Serbian forces and stop the onslaught against Kosovo-Albanians in the Serbian province Kosovo. The United Nations Security Council did not mandate the NATO operation, thus constituting an illegal aggression against Serbia according to international law. Yet, NATO persisted on the grounds of preventing a humanitarian disaster. The intervention thereby constituted a struggle between the need to preserve international order through respect of state sovereignty, and the pursuit of justice through the protection of individuals from repressive regimes.
In 2008, following nine years of international administration – but still officially a part of Serbia, Kosovo made a unilateral declaration of independence, which immediately was recognized by numerous Western states. Again the stage was set for a struggle between order and justice – between the need to respect state sovereignty and allowing a people to determine its own fate.
Arguing that the West’s unilateral intervention in 1999 and recognition of Kosovo in 2008 have caused an erosion of the international order, this paper uses a postdictive and qualitative research method to evaluate how the different institutions within Hedley Bull’s international order framework have been affected by the events in Kosovo. This paper concludes that the international order have been significantly weakened by the conduct of the West during the evolving Kosovo events.

Francisco de Vitoria is regularly included in the genealogy of humani- tarian intervention. He is invoked as both historical precedent and legitimizing author- ity, which raises the question of his trans-historical relevance in contemporary debates on humanitarian intervention. This article argues that Vitoria’s thinking about defend- ing the innocent cannot be abstracted from his theology and remain coherent. Specifi- cally, it argues that the illocutionary force of his position is entirely lost once it is separated from the belief that man is created in the image of God. The article con- cludes by arguing that Vitoria’s thought has little prescriptive value in contemporary debates. Nevertheless, his thought is still worth engaging because it is suggestive of the kinds of questions that contemporary scholars must pose and answer, albeit in the circumstances of their own time and place.

This is the table of contents of my forthcoming book, Political Theology of International Order, Oxford University Press, 2020. It investigates presuppositions of international order that originate in medieval theology. The main argument is that international order understood in terms of individuals—either states or human beings—and artificial relations, established by the operation of an impersonal mechanism or the adoption of positive rules, is a worldly application of a theological pattern. The book uncovers these presuppositions as they emerged in a medieval dispute about the nature of God and the extent of his power and its traces their assimilation into modern politics and law.

In this final chapter of Part Two, the author addresses arguably the central
stumbling block for those who would enlarge international society to incorporate
elements of world society, alternative levels of analysis, and subject matters:
namely, the problem of order. He argues that a concern with order, in its
methodological, theoretical, and empirical guises, is the principal feature of the
understanding of international society by the English School of International
Relations. While order may endorse methodological pluralism, the author argues
that the approach does not embrace it and has powerful canons that structure
its work, one being the requirement that to count as valid knowledge about
international society, a piece of work must begin by referring to the established
fathers of the tradition. This preoccupation with order carries over into the
empirical and theoretical work conducted by those associated with the School,
and the author attempts to critique this by challenging the assumption, central
to English School theorizing since Henry Bull, that a degree of order is
necessary for the achievement of social goods. Instead, he argues that an overpreoccupation with order can serve the cause of oppression, and therefore
insists that progressive change tends to come about through periods of disorder.

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The 'English School' of international relation theory, also known as Harold Mackinder, the International Society School or the British institutional which is have a same meaning to maintains relationship as a 'society of states' at the international level, despite the condition of 'anarchy' (the lack of a ruler or world state). The English School is a fundamentally constructive theory, emphasizing the non-deterministic nature of anarchy in international affairs. Generally, The English School stands for the conviction that ideas, rather than simply material capabilities, shape the conduct of international politics, and therefore deserve analysis and critique.

Recent scholarship on John Stuart Mill has illuminated his arguments about the normative legitimacy of imperial rule. However, it has tended to ignore or downplay his extensive writings on settler colonialism: the attempt to create permanent “civilized” communities, mainly in North America and the South Pacific. Mill defended colonization throughout his life, although his arguments about its character and justification shifted over time. While initially he regarded it as a solution to the “social problem” in Britain, he increasingly came to argue that its legitimacy resided in the universal benefits—civilization, peace, and prosperity—it generated for humanity. In the final years of his life Mill seemed to lose faith in the project. Finally recognizing the prevalence of colonial violence and the difficulty of realizing his grand ambitions, yet refusing to give up on colonization altogether, his colonial romance gave way to a form of melancholia.

The Catholic Church is the oldest and largest trans-governmental organization in the world and particular Pope Francis’ reign reveal some interesting puzzles for International Relations. Nevertheless, in social sciences it remains an underestimated and unexplored actor. As in terms of social theory, particularly in International Relations, it is hard to grasp “the” Church (e.g. body of believers, norm entrepreneur, state of the Vatican City, Holy See etc.) This article places the Catholic Church and its activities in international politics in a theoretical framework of International Relations. In doing so, it puts forward observations that help students of world politics understand and, consequently, explain this multifaceted actor beyond a mere description. Displaying first the different levels of analysis leads to approaching the Catholic Church from different theoretical angles. In doing so, the article provides an understanding of the Church on the individual (its members and their agency), unit (the institution), and international level (the Holy See participating in the international system and society).

Humanitarian intervention has been defined as a state’s use of “military force against another state to prevent or stop a gross violation of human rights in a state, where such state is whether incapable or unenthusiastic to ptotect its own people, or actively torturing them. 1990s have been identified as a decade of humanitarian intervention. There are a lot of events that occured in that decade with respect to humanitarian intervention , such as, Somalia, Rwanda, Sudan, and Kosova for “humanitarian purposes”. United Nations and other international comminities saw different human rights abuses and tortures in those states. And they immediately took an action in order to bring peace, order, stability, and justice to the regions. The theory of english school does seem to provide a robust key factors to determine the legitimacy of humanitarian intervention.

The Amarna diplomacy (ca. 1365-1330 BCE) has been of interest for specialists ever since the discovery of the Amarna letter collection in the late 19 th century. While it can be considered as one of the great archaeological discoveries of all time, it has largely remained out of academic purview in the field of International Relations (IR). IR scholarship continues to turn to the Greco-Roman experience in its attempt to delineate the chronological framework of the discipline. Far from being an anecdote in international history, this article aims to analyze what the letters convey for a student of world politics. What comes out of these missives through textual analysis of the primary sources is not only the various demands, wishes and security concerns of the actors involved but also classical IR themes such as power balancing, security dilemma and international anarchy. While there are question marks and lacunas, this paper asserts that the ancient Near Eastern world constituted an...

Targeted killing by drones is a systemic driven instrumental practice that overrides societal non-instrumental practices that are essential for international society. Doing so, targeted killing by drones is not simply another form of inflicting violence by technical means to political opponents. It also inflicts the agents applying this practice, tempting them to frame it as a permissible measure to preserve international society. The reliance on drones for targeted killing is a pursuit of non-societal practices that seek individual and retributive justice and anticipatory and preventive self-defence by means of force relying on technological advantage. Eventually, this practice permits military tactics to steer political strategy, mitigating standards and practices agreed on in international society's norms, rules of conduct, and institutions.

To a great extent, ancient Near Eastern international relations operated within covenantal frameworks. In light of renewed interest in world history and the Near East in the discipline of International Relations, this article provides a preliminary exploration of the important practice of covenanting as an alternative account of balance- of-power dynamics. The notion, structure and diffusion of the covenant as a common practice have been discussed to great detail in other disciplines, such as, for example, Old Testament Studies. Dialogue with these studies will be pursued, but covenanting is here addressed also in some of its primary sources in light of the English School approach. As it turns out, the practice accounts for a number of peculiarities in alliance formation of the period. The preliminary findings are contrasted with alternative IR accounts of ancient Near Eastern power-balancing.

UNESCO's ‘Memory of the World’ Programme promotes the preservation, universal access and public awareness of the world's significant documents as the common heritage of all humankind. The inscription of the ‘Documents of Nanjing Massacre’ into the ‘Memory of the World’ Register in 2015 reflects an increasingly globalised concern in the post–Cold War era over the remembrance of war and atrocity. Yet it has reignited the tension between Japan and China, resulting in strong pressure on UNESCO to reform its selection process for contested heritage. This paper addresses the limitations encountered by UNESCO in pursuing the promotion of global documentary heritage from an English School perspective. The 2015 controversy is relevant and indicative to an important question of International Relations on an inherent tension between the solidarist forces of promoting a normative agenda on human rights and common heritage and the pluralist pull of maintaining sovereignty and bringing heritage back to the hands of states.

This paper looks at institutional patterns of hierarchical arrangements between suzerain kings and vassal kings in the diplomacy of the ancient Near East (ANE). The focus falls on the 2nd and (to a lesser extent) the 1st millennia BC, with important structural differences between the earlier and later periods. Five recurring features are analysed, based on primary and secondary sources: Asymmetrical covenant treaties shaping suzerain-vassal relationships; Enforcement mechanisms for defection in in the periphery; Diplomatic communication; Diplomatic gift exchange; and royal marriages as part of the alliance policy. All five points not only helped stabilise hierarchical dyads in the ANE, but also reinforced domestic legitimacy on both sides. Regardless of the structural distinctions between the earlier and later periods, the portrait is that of a long lasting two-tier system in which core states actively pursued the construction of networks of vassal states. These five institutional patterns of hierarchical arrangements highlight the relevance not only of military power, but also of religion, trade and gender as important arenas of shared norms and values. Not all historical approaches in the discipline of International Relations regard those as important, yet their relevance in centuries of diplomacy in the ANE should not be ignored.

Uluslararası ilişkiler disiplinin altında özerk bir teori olması ve temsilcilerinin düşüncelerini anlatması bakımından İngiliz okulu teorisi hakkında kısa bilgiler içermektedir. Bu çalışma, Uluslararası İlişkilerde Temel Metinler dersi için hazırladığım sunumun taslağıdır. Keyifli okumalar dilerim.

Iran’s foreign policy is consistent and is fundamentally realist with a revolutionist vision while the means are rationalist is the central argument of this dissertation. I make use of the English Schools three traditions of realism, rationalism and revolutionism in analyzing the speeches of Iranian statesmen to identify the ways in which the dynamics of the three traditions have evolved since 1997 and what it means for interpreting the developments of Iran’s foreign policy ventures. I utilize both quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis in examining the speeches of the supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, the presidents since 1997. The quantitative method employs a customized software generating figures that represent the recurrence of realist, rationalist and revolutionist terminologies in all the documents downloaded from the official websites of the Iranian statesmen as well as the United Nations and select news agencies and affiliates. The quantitative phase of the analysis, meanwhile, carefully examined selected statements of the supreme leader and the presidents uncovering the foreign policy argumentations and justifications, which were studied alongside foreign policy actions and classified under the three traditions. The findings suggest that Iran’s foreign policy is the same as in the other states of international society – it is consistent and dynamic. It is simultaneously realist, rationalist and revolutionist with each tradition serving a specific purpose, which cannot be disentangled from the other two.

This paper will assess, investigate and explore the idea of the alleged relevance of realist thinking in International Relations theory vindicated by the notion of “timeless wisdom to Realism’. Examination of some core theoretical assumptions of Realism, its sub-schools, and assessment of the continuing significance of the realist thinking during the Cold War period and in contemporary International Relations will be undertaken. It will be argued that although the realist depiction of International Relations with its emphasis upon the material factors and the distribution of power, in particular, provides an important and continued insight into the understanding of the behaviour of states, it is not in itself definitive. Realism is not yet finished, but there are new, emerging theories which could be skillfully​ integrated into the mainstream. Theories are extremely important since they provide empirical relevance. They provide concepts to produce ordered and, thus, meaningful observations. In other words, ''theories provide intellectual order to the subject matter of international relations. They enable us to conceptualise and contextualise both past and contemporary events. They also provide us with a range of ways of interpreting complex issues. Theories help us to orientate and discipline our minds in response to the bewildering phenomena around us. They help us to think critically, logically and coherently'' (Burchill, 2001: 13). A natural evolution for a strong theory to emerge is through synthesis which is the hallmark of innovation. It is the ability to combine elements of different theories into a whole that is much greater than the sum of its parts. As such, it is beneficial and required tool In IR to push the discipline forward. Not without reason, the creation and refinement of theory is the most important activity in the whole enterprise. Theoretical synthesis, supported by substantial empirical work and applied with evidence, frequently leads to the production of new, objective knowledge, a new discovery. More importantly, the most obvious advantage of pursuing this analytical tool is that dialogue and synthesis encourage a sharpening of ideas what make theories more powerful. Dialogue between different theories helps ideas advance and become more refined over time rather than merely remaining static. None of the theories singularly can provide for a clear blueprint of the reality of politics. Norm-centred constructivism may be only one among many theories and applying it to analyse the effectiveness of climate action by global leaders may be just one out of many tools of analysis. Perhaps, this specific theory may be only relevant when modified or when applied in synthesis with other IR theories. What is clear is that ''scientific knowledge builds over time as theories are refined and expanded and as new observations and data confirm or refute the prediction of current theories and models.'' (NRC, 2010). Therefore, it is not predetermined that norm-centred constructivism is the one silver-bullet theory that can contribute to solving climate change through the transformation of the existing political system. The bottom line is that we will either solve climate change in a clever way, e.g.: through small-step, timely policy innovations such as introducing renewables (technological progress can make solar and wind power competitive with fossil fuels, or by direct personal incentives for members of the public or elites thereby changing the system...; or climate change will get us through system change whereby Gaia may be acting against humanity annihilating life on Earth, e.g.: through natural disruptions: volcanic explosions, earthquakes, massive hurricanes, wildfires, impacts of extraterrestrial objects, or variations in species or ecosystems. As Tickell (2012) noticed, climate change is only one among many novel, global challenges with profound sometimes rapid effects on the natural world. Other challenges include, ''widening divisions between rich and poor within and between countries, shortages of food and water, loss of confidence in ruling elites, the effects of large-scale migration, the high vulnerability of cities, the growth of terrorism, the risks of war with unimaginably horrible weapons, and the exhaustion of often irreplaceable resources.'' However, global leaders who are empowered can constructively approach these problems. The central problem with ideational arguments (as with realist arguments) is their inability to explain the change. Postpositivism recognizes that all observation is fallible, all theory is revisable but it allows for the study of change. In an ideational institutional structure, idea shifts and norm shifts are the main vehicles for system transformation. Norm shifts are to the ideational theorist what balance of power shifts are to the realist. A norm shift towards environmental sustainability and planetary stewardship was introduced by President Obama, who acting as a representative of global humanity tried to convince public opinion to act with urgency to address the climate crisis. The question is whether the public has listened? From space, the Earth looks like a small, blue marble floating solitarily in the cosmos where national borders do not matter. And yet, humanity is obsessed with the so-called growth and ever-increasing consumption. This model may be soon replaced by ''the need to make better use of resources, respect the natural capital of Earth, and measure health wealth and happiness in a more rational way.'' (Ibid). Global leaders could become global pioneers excelling in problem-solving and shaping public opinion. They can create norms that can be emulated by others being gradually accepted into the body of international law. Norms are standards of appropriate behaviour for actors with a given identity. Norms evolve according to a 'life cycle' of three stages, each of which has a unique origin, mechanism of influence, and condition under which norms will influence world politics (Finnemore and Sikkink, 1998: 98). Global leaders can become social enablers of change shaping global solutions since ''agency and structure operate interdependently''. Therefore, global leaders when wisely informed by science and following zeitgeist can initiate systemic transformation. However, this theoretical model is idealistic, every stage of it requires an infallible precision/perfection of a Swiss watch. Who could apply it? Besides, it needs empirical verification, since ''confidence in a theory grows if it survives the rigorous testing process, if multiple lines of evidence lead to the same conclusion, or if competing explanations are to be ruled out.'' (NRC, 2010). Effective norm entrepreneurs use organisational platforms motivated either by altruism, empathy, or ideational commitment to persuade fellow governments to adopt the norm. States motivated by a desire to adopt a norm to enhance their legitimacy, reputation, and/or esteem socialise other states by inducing norm breakers to become norm followers. Finally, domestic and international laws, professional training, and bureaucratic operating procedures widely incorporate the norm that becomes an inherent part of international law. Any remaining non-conforming states adopt it simply to conform. The norm is thereby institutionalised that it becomes a matter of habit and is taken for granted. At first, it seems that climate change does not fit into a perfect IR theory-led solution. For a typical leader, this model is unachievable. But, imagine a committed entrepreneur interested in leaving an eternal legacy by championing a powerful norm of environmental stewardship with rich and positive energy supplies. Through small actions, all world's decisionmakers would soon follow suit. This method is only a suggestion in which climate change could be addressed thanks to the emergence, cascade and internalization of environmental norms promoted by climate leaders. The challenge remains unsolved because nobody has followed this model with sufficient energy and diligence to bring about effective change. Rees (2003) concluded that our civilisation has only a 50 per cent chance of survival beyond the end of this century. If true, it is still a tragic paradox that we have more theoretical models rather than capable individuals, or leaders, who could put ideas into good use. Policies to reverse climate change are known, yet global leaders are still about to turn into proper doers rather than remaining only talkers. Managing and adapting to climate change may be one challenge that could define resourcefulness of our civilisation and whether future generations will think of us as an intelligent species. To paraphrase a famous and established scholar, ”let a hundred of flowers bloom in the world of International Relations” (Buzan, 2012). Because this makes our inherently complex world much more interesting, inspiring and diverse.

The aim of this thesis is to analyse current American foreign policy through International Relations Theory. The idea is to develop a theoretical and practical foundation that offers suggested ways in which the United States of America may restore international legitimacy in the world. It is not to create a completely new theory, but to develop better, more accurate and more useful concepts for capturing the world. Clear thinking brings our knowledge into close and correcting of the empirical reality. Working towards this aim the political scientist seeks to sharpen the conceptual toolkit by revising and refining, or if necessary inventing new concepts to build better theories and improve our evaluating techniques. According to this thesis, any leader ought to try to gain that something special called international legitimacy whether it is associated with ‘the mandate of the heaven’ or whether it comes from acceptance of the whole society. Legitimacy is an underestimated process linked to power that facilitates compliance more subtly. Legitimacy is driven by the logic of appropriateness, whereby compliance can result from  a self-imposed obligation to do what is right. It reflects widespread positive experiences and favourable outcomes resulting from previous encounters with complaint behaviour. But as Weiss (2013: 110) observed, "the main strength of legitimacy stems from the societal compunction to behave in a manner consistent with generally accepted norms - when the standard becomes internalised by actors and is accepted without question." Consider if legitimacy could be understood internationally where in the condition of a lack of global government it could be quite handy. Since unlike coercion or self-interest, international legitimacy could result from collective understandings of what is appropriate international conduct.

America currently faces serious dilemmas in its global policy and more specifically in the formulation of its foreign policy. These difficulties can be attributed primarily to the loss of international legitimacy. Consequently, America must recover international legitimacy, leadership and respect around the world. Numerous scholars, engaged in a debate over the future of American foreign policy have advanced many suggestions of how to recover international legitimacy. However, there is no clear choice between them as many are incompatible and contradict one another, so none of the suggested theories is​ sufficiently persuasive.

This thesis synthesises the most promising ideas within three theories of International Relations: the English School, Constructivism and globalization to suggest ideas for recovering international legitimacy. This synthesis suggests that America’s main tool for restoring its legitimacy will be skilful diplomacy based on the principle of ‘consensual leadership’, which will require an individual to act as ‘a transformational leader’. From American President, Barack Obama’s campaign rhetoric it may be suggested that he aspires to fulfil this role. Equally, one of the main findings of this thesis is based on a combination of both: Realist and Constructivist insights. Constructivism has offered a challenge to Realism with its focus on states and their security. If the nature of international political reality is socially constructed, human beings have in their power to construct a better world thanks to ideas, norms and discourse. The impact of Constructivism on conflict resolution is yet to be discovered, as is its influence on world politics. Consistent with Constructivists, diplomacy is one of the main methods of conflict resolution.

Diplomacy, which traditionally has been preoccupied with advising, shaping and implementing foreign policy, is not a simple concept. And today, it is a far more diverse and challenging process. In the present, interactive, interdependent and unstable world, traditional diplomacy may be not enough. More importantly, the nature of diplomacy is subject to constant change. Therefore, modern diplomatic practices, such as: negotiation, persuasion, agenda setting and coordination must be understood properly and applied adequately in the context of ‘transformational leadership’ and ‘forward-deployed’ diplomacy. This kind of diplomacy could perform its traditional function of contributing to international dialogue, peace and stability. Good diplomacy must rest on the will of the people, display a preference for working with allies and reject the war option.

Different regions of the world assume different importance at different times. The circumstances, in which modern diplomacy takes place, imply that all actors have to adjust their goals and actions to the new, emerging, geopolitical reality of the shift of the centre of economic gravity from Atlantic to Asia-Pacific. One of the central tasks of diplomatic engagement at an international level is a contribution to the pacific settlement of disputes. In the coming decades, diplomacy and its primary function of negotiation could be still useful because of the lack of strategic trust among leaders of great powers. Thus, there is a high risk of militarized responses leading to ‘spirals of insecurity’ and self-perpetuating ‘security dilemmas’.

One task of modern statecraft may be a reform of the United Nations system so that it is more capable of taking on the heavy responsibility of managing the planet’s serious problems, such as climate change. Climate governance implies adopting diplomatic measures that aim at steering advanced civilisations towards preventing, mitigating and adapting to the risks posed by climate change. Improved problem solving on a global scale, however, need not involve the establishment of additional, powerful and formal institutions. It does involve building consensus on norms and showing the unity of efforts in building climate-resilient infrastructure systems that are crucial areas of investment required to adapt to a climate-uncertain future. It will be a long-term project to transform international politics, not to be based on universal principles of morality, but on rules of coexistence, common understanding and environmental sustainability.

After dismissing the Sino-Russian partnership for the past decade, scholars now scramble to assess its significance, particularly with US foreign policy in disarray under the Trump administration. I examine how China and Russia manage their relations in East Asia and the impact of their approach to great power management on the creation of an East Asian order. According to English School theorist Hedley Bull, great power management is one of the ways that order is created. Sino-Russian great power management involves rule making, a distinctive approach to crisis management , and overlapping policy approaches toward countries such as Burma and the Philippines. I conclude with a comparison between Sino-Russian great power management and the US alliance system, note a few distinctive features of the Trump era, and draw some conclusions for East Asia.

Ever since the end of the Cold War, regionalism is on the rise. However, the regional organizations formed in various parts of the world look markedly different. Existing Comparative Regionalism literature largely neglects the way in which regional norms contribute to the reproduction of these differences. Against this background, my thesis aims to identify the social conditions and the political mechanisms that cause regional organizations to develop along divergent pathways. Using concepts and arguments from the English School, social constructivism and institutionalism, I develop an approach to the analysis of change in regional organizations that takes into account their connection to a regionally specific normative context. I argue that actors talk about regional governance on two levels: that of abstract norms (‘primary institutions’) and that of concrete rules and procedures (‘secondary institutions’). A historical comparison of decolonization, regionalization and enlargement processes in the EU and ASEAN as well as their respective predecessors demonstrates that pathways in the development of regional organizations depend on how actors connect these primary and secondary institutional levels in the discourse about regional governance. The analysis illustrates that the normative context of regional organization-building is often malleable and ambiguous, and that decision-makers use different strategies to translate this dynamic framework into concrete rules and procedures.

Critical theory is a school of thought connected with the Institute for Social Research called the Frankfurt school (Institute fur Sozialforschung). The Institute was founded in Frankfurt, Germany in the year 1923, as the first Marxist oriented research and was directed by Carl Grunberg (Kellner n.d). His contribution to the institute was the establishment of an historical collection mainly oriented to the study of the labour movement also known as the Grünberg Archiv (Corradetti 2012). In 1930, Max Horkheimer became the Director of the Institute and continued with the Marxist revolution. Horkheimer explained the Institute’s goal was to be more directed towards an interdisciplinary integration of the social sciences (Abroment 2011).

Aula-resumo sobre os principais autores, conceitos, características e limites da Escola Inglesa, Marxismo e construtivismo. Ministrada a alunos do curso de Relações Internacionais do Centro Universitário de Belo Horizonte como parte do Curso de Aperfeiçoamento Discente Direcionado (CADD), promovido pelo Instituto de Ciências Humanas do UNI BH.

A key debate within the English School centres on the concepts of pluralism and solidarism. Pluralism describes international societies with a relatively low degree of shared norms, rules, and institutions. Solidarism describes international societies with a relatively high degree of shared norms, rules, and institutions. In other words, pluralism presupposes coexistence in recognition of the value of diversity; solidarism presupposes the pursuit of one or more substantive goals that are true for all states and peoples. The debate to which these concepts lend their name is about how international society relates to world society, which is wider and more fundamental than an association of states (Bull 1977: 22). It is about reducing the tension between the needs and imperatives of states and the needs and imperatives of humankind. This tension is often framed by the ostensible con ict between order and justice. Most English School scholars operate within the parameters of this debate. The civil war in Syria illustrates the basic claims of debate. According to a pluralist interpretation, Syria is a sovereign state, responsible for its territory and population, and this status should be respected so long as the war does not threaten international peace and security. A solidarist position stresses the overriding obligation to protect human life and justi es

I examine transformations of “world orders,” of the basic norms governing relations between powers and between powers and peoples.  I present three historical transformations of the world order:  First, the transformation at the end of the Eighteenth Century of the order in Europe based on the equality of states and the balance of power, into a world order based on nationalism and imperialism.  Second, the transformation in the aftermath of World War II in which imperial domination was rejected, national self-determination affirmed, and territorial acquisition by force outlawed (what I call “1945 rules”).  Third, the present collapse of 1945 rules in the face of the Russian invasion of the Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea.  I assess these transformations with help from Nicholas Onuf and the English School of International Relations.

The paper discusses Hugo Grotius’ international political thoughts and their influence on the formation of constructivist thinking in international relations from the perspective of modern constructivism. In relation to Grotius’ thought different constructivist approaches to international politics are taken into consideration. Therefore, the paper proceeds with the conceptualization of the influence of Grotius’ political thought on the theory and practice of international relations in the light of constructivism and speech act theory. Hence, Grotius’ idealistic and holistic approach towards nations and society of nations is regarded within the framework of Alexander Wendt’s theory of structural constructivism. According to these approaches, nations (states) are constructed with common beliefs and organizational structures that give them territorial monopoly of legitimate violence. This comprehensive perspective allows us better understand the evolution of holist and structuralist theories of international relations and Grotius’ role in the formation of constructivist theories in international relations.

The Amarna diplomacy (ca. 1365-1330 BCE) has been of interest for specialists ever since the discovery of the Amarna letter collection in the late 19 th century. While it can be considered as one of the great archaeological discoveries of all time, it has largely remained out of academic purview in the field of International Relations (IR). IR scholarship continues to turn to the Greco-Roman experience in its attempt to delineate the chronological framework of the discipline. Far from being an anecdote in international history, this article aims to analyze what the letters convey for a student of world politics. What comes out of these missives through textual analysis of the primary sources is not only the various demands, wishes and security concerns of the actors involved but also classical IR themes such as power balancing, security dilemma and international anarchy. While there are question marks and lacunas, this paper asserts that the ancient Near Eastern world constituted an international arena where we see the makings of a genuine system of states more than a millennium before the writings of Thucydides. The Amarna letters, although incomplete, are a gateway to gain deeper synergy between IR theory and international history.

Russian Federation has been recognized with the strategy called as “Putin Doctrine” at the beginning of the 21st century. Accordingly, the West is no longer a reliable partner of Russia. The sovereignty of the post-Soviet countries is under the protection of Russia. Russian World and Russian Orthodoxy have become strong.
Today, the term “Russia's Way” has become almost acceptable throughout the world. Therefore, Russia began to be recognized as a society and state that has not accepted or want to accept the philosophy of “the way of common reason”. In both domestic and foreign policy, there is no effective force that can oppose this 'special' situation to Russia. Russian poet and diplomat Fyodor Ivanovich Tyutchev says in his famous quatrain:
Russia can't be understood with the mind alone,
No ordinary yardstick can span her greatness:
She stands alone, unique –
In Russia, one can only believe.
This aphorism is the most common phrase that describes Russia. According to Tyutchev, if we want to understand Russia, it is necessary to “believe it”. To understand the role of the “savior” that the Russians have assigned to them since history, it is necessary to know their history, foreign policy and security doctrines.
When you read this book I'm sure you can find answers to some of these questions. In this book, the change and transformation of Russia in Putin Period and the general reasons of these policies are explained. In addition to this book, I would also recommend you to read our book “Is Russia & Turkey Eurasian Pact Possible?”
In addition to the general reader, this book has been prepared to provide guidance to experts, diplomats and students working in the field of “Security Studies”, “Political Science and International Relations” and “History”.
I wish you a good reading.