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Ronnie, Director - Politics PHD Program, Uc Santa Cruz, 1998. "On Security" P. 7

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And, Security discourse defines who deserves authority these discourses shape

policy by determining what can and cannot be thought


Lipschutz 1998
Ronnie, Director Politics PhD Program, UC Santa Cruz, 1998. On Security p. 7

Conceptualizations of security--from which follow policy and practice--are to be found in
discourses of security . These are neither strictly objective assessments nor analytical
constructs of threat, but rather the products of historical structures and processes, of struggles
for power within the state, of conflicts between the societal groupings that inhabit states and
the interests that besiege them. Hence, there are not only struggles over security among
nations , but also struggles over security among notions . Winning the right to define
security provides not just access to resources but also the authority to articulate new
definitions and discourses of security, as well. As Karen Litfin points out, "As
determinants of what can and cannot be thought, discourses delimit the range of
policy options, thereby functioning as precursors to policy outcomes. . . . The supreme
power is the power to delineate the boundaries of thought--an attribute not so much
of specific agents as it is of discursive practices."

Assuming that politics has an endpoint without looking at the justifications and
processes that lead to that politics results in devastating consequences by
destroying the agency of discussing the linguistic acts that lead to political
choice
Bleiker 2000
(Roland, Popular Dissent, Agency, and Global Politics, p.242-243)

No dissenting writer can hope to incinerate immediately the dry grass of orthodox linguistic prairies. Discourses live on and appear
reasonable long after their premises have turned into anachronistic relics. More inclusive ways of thinking and acting cannot surface
overnight. There are no quick solutions, no new paradigms or miraculous political settlements that
one could hope for. Discursive forms of resistance, even if they manage to transgress national
boundaries, do not engender human agency in an immediate and direct way. Writing dissent is a long
process, saturated with obstacles and contradictions. It operates, as outlined in the Interlude preceding this chapter, through tactical
and temporal transformations of discursive practices. But this lengthy and largely inaudible process is not to be
equated with political impotence. The struggles over the linguistic dimensions of transversal
politics are as crucial and as real as the practices of international Realpolitik. They affect the
daily lives of people as much as so-called real-world issues. Language, in both speech and
writing, is a disguised but highly effective political practice. With this recognition emerges a new
kind of activist, situated, as Barthes notes, half-way between militant and writer, taking from the
former the commitment to act and from the former the commitment to act and from the latter the
knowledge that the process of writing constitutes such an act. The task now consists of removing
one more layer of abstraction, so that the practical and transversal dimensions of language-
based forms of dissent can become visible. For this purpose the next chapter now examines how a specific stylistic
form of resistance, usually thought to be the most esoteric of all poetry may be able to engender human agency by transgressing
the spatial
discursive boundaries of global politics.

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