Alcuin's Life 1837
Alcuin's Life 1837
Alcuin's Life 1837
THE
LIFE OF ALCUIN/
DR.
FREDERICK LORENZ,
LONDON:
THOMAS HURST,
ST.
M.DCCC. XXXVII.
PREFACE.
THE
following translation of the Life of Alcuin has
J.
G.
minister of the
German
Protestant Re-
formed Church in London, author of one of the best German Grammars which has been published in
this
country,
sole object in executing the work, has been to render an individual, who contributed
students.
My
so
eminently to the revival of literature, at a period when learning was well nigh extinct, more extenhis
countrymen.
However
defects, the reader may, I hope, rely upon the accuracy of the translation, the MSS. having had the advantage of being revised
by so accomplished a scholar as Mr. Tiarks. It is, perhaps, needless to say, that as a mere translator,
I hold myself in no way responsible for the sentiments expressed by Dr. Lorenz; from some of
IV
PREFACE.
has
may
the
be disposed to
Scriptures
is
differ.
The
quota-
from
are
translated
from
universally adopted in
M. SLEE.
CONTENTS,
PAGE
INTRODUCTION
.1
SECTION
I.
EDUCATION AND CIRCUMSTANCES OF ALCUIN UNTIL HIS FIRST APPEARANCE AT THE COURT OF CHARLEMAGNE. . . A.D. 735 782.
.
.6
SECTION
OF CHARLEMAGNE.
1
.
II.
A.D. 782790.
Of the State of
Charlemagne
Civilisation in the
.
Kingdom
.
of France
.
14
2.
.16
.
3.
4.
20 Alcuin as Instructor to the King and Royal Family Establishment of the Higher and Lower Schools in the . .48 . Kingdom of France
. .
5. Alcuin's
Return to England
.60
SECTION
III.
ALCUIN'S RETURN TO THE COURT OF CHARLEMAGNE, AND HIS PARTICIPATION IN RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS UNTIL HIS
PERMANENT SETTLEMENT
1
.
IN
796
64
2.
Rise and Progress of the Doctrine of the Adoptionists Alcuin's Theological Opinions . .
.
66
.77
.
90 History of the Controversy respecting Image-worship Decision of the Council of Frankfort upon the Doctrine of .110 the Adoptionists and Image-worship
.
.
VI
CONTENTS.
PAGE
5.
Alcuin's Permanent Settlement in France, and his Participation in the Complete Suppression of the Doctrine of . the Adoption
. . . .
.27
SECTION
A.D.
/
IV.
796804.
.
1.
.138
P^8. Concerning
Charles' Endeavours to improve the National 146 Language, and the Academy he is said to have founded.
.
.
^3.
4.
.152
.
168
5. Alcuin's Philosophical
6. Alcuin's Poetical
Works
7.
8. 9.
Renewal of the Roman Empire in the West Dissension between Alcuin and Theodulph . Alcuin's Death
.
. .
SECTION
V.
j^- 2.
^3.
NOTES
.... ....
.
22
ERRATUM.
Page
40, line
1
3, for
Till
LIFE OF
\l.<
UN.
INTRODUCTION.
I
in
by the West of
Human
Empire, combined with the degenerated state of Roman ;\ ilisation, necessarily required a new development of the minds of those whose energy and valour had subdued
<
( the degraded descendants of cultivated antiquity. as were the powers of mind possessed by these hardy conquerors, the rude and warlike habits acquired in their
>
native forests were too firmly interwoven with their very nature, to le immediately exchanged for the refinement of the country they had vanquished. The effeminate
readily to the
and hence, in a short space of time, the remembrance, and a few fragthe frail s of former civilisation alone remained
memorials
of departed
grandeur.
It
was,
therefore,
unaided by external influence, that the faculties of the The process was northern warriors were developed.
H
'
2"
'
'
THE.
'.LJF'E'
OF ALCUIN.
indeed, slow ;
was
requisite to enable
them
first
to profit
by the
arts
and
approach, had been overwhelmed by the tide of barbarism. This insensibility to external influence tended essentially to the preservation
sciences, which,
on their
of their independence. Fortunately, most fortunately, the heartless, prejudiced, enervated character of the then
faculties
even to com-
new
possessors of the
soil,
who
The imbibed only the vivifying element of Christianity. Christian religion was the main spring of all intellectual
efforts, during the whole of the interval that elapsed between the loss and the recovery of ancient civilisation
;
and
trol
literature
was altogether under the conduct and conof her ministers. Few were the intellectual lumi-
naries that shone forth in those days of darkness, very few were so brilliant as to exercise any direct influence on
The venerated names, the hallowed the present age. of that period, ceased to retain the importance writings
with which opinion had invested them, so soon as the progress of intellect enabled mankind to appreciate and
to study those models which a gracious Providence had rescued from destruction and oblivion. Their labours,
however, have not been in vain, their utility has surpassed their fame. To extend the knowledge of the merits of a
celebrated
his
man
memory, by redeeming a portion of that debt which mankind should gratefully acknowledge to one who
laboured so zealously and so actively for their benefit, the object of this work.
is
INTRODUCTION.
J3
We
magne
may
is
more celebrated than known, and that the founder of the new Romish German empire has found
more panegyrists than
of Charles
the
first
is
historians.
too dazzling to admit of our beholding, at glance, the surrounding objects so as to distin-
But
gaze longer upon it, the inquiring eye will discover other forms beaming, not undeservedly, with a ray of glory reThe more accurately flected from the principal figure.
the
delights only in those hardy pursuits inseparable from a soldier's life, and seeks his friends and confidants in
the
army.
ruler
who
is
a mere
politician
prefers
prince or at
ardour for conquest with the love of literature, the sword and the pen will be held in equal estimation ; he will
attach himself most won his intimately to those who have confidence by a similar direction of mind, and have manifested the desire
and the
ability to
of his subjects. One single man, even on a throne, can but little without the co-operation of kindred accomplish When, therefore, a sovereign possesses an intelspirits.
lect
sufficiently capacious
to
and
he
talents best
is
fit
them
;
justly celebrated
memory
is
held in grateful
To honour, and his example commended to posterity. him belongs the rare talent of availing himself of the
various powers of others, and of uniting them for the attainment of one object. Not equity alone, therefore, requires, but it is indispensable to the right understanding
of facts,
vidual
that
to
the indi-
who laboured
life
The
man whose
work, devoted his energies to the execution of Charles' noble project of advancing his subjects towards that civilisation, the light
of which
still
This
of this
of Charles' reign, than he to whom the king was indebted for the chief of his learning, his children for the
whole of their mental attainments, and such of the young Franks as evinced either inclination or ability for study,
for all their
centre of the awakened energies of this period; not because he was the only man remarkable for literary acquirements,
but because he had pursued all the paths of knowledge which at that time lay open to the human mind. Neither
splendid actions nor marvellous adventures, nor any of those striking incidents that are calculated to arouse and
gratify curiosity, distinguish the life of Alcuin
from that
and
his
of ordinary
men
But miracles, belong to legends rather than to history. the successful labours of the confidant and instructor
of Charlemagne will prove, to
history, a
the
reflecting lover of
more
effectual
more renowned./
If the
INTRODUCTION.
investigation
under
its
different
subject of history, our attention must be chiefly directed who have prosecuted, with the greatest ardour and success, some one of the pursuits of their
to those individuals
Their influence upon their own times increases in proportion as they are animated by the universal spirit of
day.
the community, comprehend and unite in themselves the various attainments of individuals, and advance them to a
perfection sufficient to constitute a new era in the progress of the human mind. In times so remote, so destitute of
various and complicated interests, and so deficient in cotemporary records as those of Charlemagne, we must
be contented to produce the king as the representative of the political and military state, and one other personage
to represent thc^literary
times.
and
With
this view,
exhibited
the
life
We
order to shew more clearly Alcuin's literary attainments. shall afterwards accompany him to a more extensive
We
action,
of external dignity, which his modesty always declined, he for years effected more than was accomplished by prelates adorned with the most splendid
aid
titles.
SECTION
I.
EDUCATION AND CIRCUMSTANCES OF ALCUIN UNTIL HIS FIRST APPEARANCE AT THE COURT OF CHARLEMAGNE. A. D. 735782.
THE
commenced
under circumstances the most unfavourable to the arts and sciences of the western world. The successful
irruption of the
tion introduced
Arabs into Spain, repelled the civilisaby Christianity, and confined it to the
The
constant feuds
between the Lombards and the Greeks, scared the gentle muses from the north of Italy and they found no refuge
;
in barbarism,
and
weak-
ness of the Merovingian house. Germany and Scandinavia were still under the dominion of Paganism. The
kingdom of the Anglo-Saxons alone offered them an The Anglo-Saxons had been converted to asylum. Christianity by the immediate influence of Rome, and were therefore in more intimate union with the papal
see than any other of the western churches.
The
arch-
bishop of Canterbury dying at Rome in the year 668? whither he had gone to solicit the pontifical ratification of
his
title,
He archiepiscopal throne a prelate elected by himself. nominated Adrian, an African, who declined the proffered
dignity,
and recommended a
monk
in
Rome named
Theodore, a native of Tarsus in Cilicia, whom, at his own The Anglo-Saxons request, he promised to accompany.
made no
opposition to the right thus arrogated by the Theodore pope. accepted the appointment and at the age of sixty-six departed with his friend Adrian for England. 1 These men were well versed in Latin and Greek literature
;
and, speaking those languages with equal fluency, they awakened among the Anglo-Saxons an ardent desire for
learning, and
scholars,
such progress that, according to Bede, they were as well acquainted with Greek and Latin as with their mother tongue After having held the
several of
.
whom made
archbishopric twenty-one years, Theodore died : his friend Adrian survived him nearly eighteen years. Their pupils diffused the knowledge they had acquired through-
of the laity as evinced any inclination for literature. The Theoonly deficiency was a competent supply of books. dore
had brought with him Josephus, the poems of Homer, and probably several other works of inferior note still they were inadequate to assuage the thirst for know:
Many journeys
to
Rome
were therefore undertaken, in order to augment the number of books from the collections in that city and a
;
library
be the pride and ornament of monasteries. Benedict, the founder of the abbey at Weremouth, distinguished himself by repeated visits to Rome, for the sake of introducing into his own country many
began
to
works then entirely unknown. From his school, issued one of the most influential scholars of the early part of
the middle ages, the venerable Bede, whose learning and writings embraced the most opposite branches of know-
and were held in equal estimation with those of At that period Aldhelm the early fathers of the church. and Winfrid were no less celebrated ; the former for his
ledge,
1
skill in
latter
Christ to
merit of these
The the heathen population of Germany. men consists, not so much in any new disof existing knowledge.
and
diffusion
They
erected a
barrier against the threatening tide of barbarism ; and in the seclusion of the cloister, unruffled by the storms that
forth into
the light.
now
utility ceased; and any attempt them for the purpose of intellectual improvement, would be to retrograde instead of to advance.
restore
Amongst the
after
kingdom of York became the most famous, Egbert had been appointed archbishop of York and
Youths of the noblest families
the rules of grammar, in the in the various branches of
in
arts,
and
theology
Alcuin was born at York about the year 735 at least some inference to that effect be deduced from may
:
a letter written by him to the fraternity 3 of that city, in which he observes that it had watched over the tender
years of his childhood with a mother's love, had borne
of his parents, nor any particulars of his family, have been transmitted to posterity either by himself or others.
Having
in early youth
was brought up
self,
in a monastery,
succeeded him in that dignity, superintended the school. They divided the subjects of instruction between them,
Egbert undertaking the explanation of the New Testament, and Aelbert the sciences and general literature.
Alcuin enumerates the various
latter
subjects in
which the
Jurisprudence, Poetry, Astronomy, Physics, and the explanation of the Old Testament 2 . It is to him, therefore, that he
received by
gave instruction:
Grammar, Rhetoric,
He
applauds
tinguished talents,
structions
draw around him youths of disand to attach them to him by his inkindness 3 .
and
his
perienced. Nothing shows more conspicuously the high estimation in which he was held by his master, than the
fact, that
4 he selected him for the companion of his ex-
peditions to foreign countries for the purpose of transplanting to his native soil whatever he might discover of
of novelty and value either in books or in the pursuits science. The age of Alcuin at that time probably ex-
ceeded twenty, and he was qualified both by years and education to avail himself of all the advantages which such
10
a journey
the
lover of
literature.
They
and to
their ulti-
mate destination
Rome.
mentions neither the impression made upon his mind by his wanderings among the Franks, nor young the feelings awakened in him by the first view of the
He
Rome. may, however, suppose that the ignorance and rude manners of the Franks tended to make
city of
We
Rome
appear to
still
greater
advantage.
For
if
any
place in the western world could captivate a young mind once ardent in the pursuit of knowledge, it was Rome
the metropolis of the civilized world, and whose very ruins recalled to mind the magnificence of by-gone
centuries,
art.
state of science
and of
Even
that time,
spot
in the west of
;
Europe,
sciences
new
that de-
stroyed by the Germans, was to be upheld not by force of arms, but by spiritual power ; and which, by means of prejudice and superstition, was one day to bind the nations of the earth in inextricable chains.
Alcuin's resi-
dence at
probably strengthened the ideas he had conceived of the dignity of the pope, and prepared early him to contribute a stone to the boldly constructed edifice
Rome
of the hierarchy.
After his return, Alcuin remained at York as assistant to his master Aelbert, till the latter was appointed to the
archbishop's see on the death of his relation Egbert, 1 1th of November, 766. Being
LIBRARY AT YORK.
11
formerly to the school, Aelbert consecrated Alcuin deacon, situation he himself had oc-
him the superintendance of the attached to the school. If we compare this collibrary lection of books with the admiration and excessive encomiums of cotemporaries, and consider that throughout the whole kingdom of France, its equal not only did not exist, but could not be procured, we may form some idea
of the state of literature at
that period, and
of what
Here," says Alcuin, in a poem, wherein he celebrates the church of York, its " superintendants and its saints, here may be found monu-
"
fathers,
works produced
in
Latium
by the Romans themselves, and those which were transferred to them from the glorious land of Greece ; truths
received by the Hebrew nation from above, which Africa has with pure light extended." If the following list does not comprise all the books, we may rest assured that the
principal are enumerated.
Aristotle, Cicero,
fies.
Boethius are the only classical authors whom he speciIn addition to these, a few ancient grammarians,
poets,
some Christian
in
the Latin tongue, are mentioned. Even in those days, as in the times of was chiefly oral, the instruction antiquity,
art of printing not having as yet given rise to the great and extensive prevalence of books. A school was therefore elevated into importance by the fame of an able
teacher
this
institution at
:
York derived
Liudger, a
thither to
12
and perhaps many others, whose names being unaccompanied by any remarkable Alcuin mainevent, have not descended to posterity.
canonized, repaired to
,
York
tained a correspondence
by
letter
guished
scholars,
to
fill
many
whom
were subse-
Aelbert died on the 8th November, 780, and was sucIn ceeded by Eanbald, a pupil in the school at York. order to obtain for him the archbishop's pall, Alcuin
the following
year travelled to
Rome.
At
by
the
same
his family,
was on
his
the winter.
He
was
that city, where he had passed returning to his own country, medi-
tating splendid projects for the amelioration of his people, but in considerable embarrassment as to the means of
effecting his wishes.
without regretting that so highly cultivated an era should have passed away, and without wishing again to call it into
existence.
him
to
Parma, whilst
2
not personally , was at all After a conevents by reputation well known to him. versation, in which the king probably communicated to
him his designs for the improvement of his people by education, and his difficulty in finding competent instructors,
the
institutions
all
in
France.
wishes, if permitted
by
ALCUIN'S ASSISTANTS.
13
York, he easily obtained the permisand returned, accompanied by some of his pupils as assistants .5 Amongst these were Wizo surnamed Candidus, Fredegisus or Fridugisus surnamed
his arrival at
On
sion required,
Nathaniel, and Singulfus, all of whom we shall have occasion to mention frequently, and who deserved and enjoyed his confidence for the faithful service which they
rendered him. Osulf, however, who likewise followed him, had not sufficient firmness to withstand temptation,
but yielded himself up to a course of life unworthy of a scholar, and still more unworthy of an ecclesiastic.
Alcuin tried every means to bring him back into the He wrote three letters to him, the language of which is forcible and earnest, addressing him " in terms alternately eloquent and feeling. Why," he
1
right path.
exclaims in one passage to his lost son, " why hast thou abandoned thy father who has educated thee from thy
childhood,
who has
in the
ways of
virtue,
life ?
Why
youth who was praised by every tongue, lovely in every Alas alas now thou eye, commended to every ear ?
!
art censured
every eye, and cursed to every ear." He represents to him, in the strongest colours of those times, the torments of hell and th? joys
to
of heaven.
Then he attempts to work upon his feelings of ambition, and proposes to him, as an example, his fel-
14
But neither the hopes nor low-pupil, Eanbald of York. fears of an obscure futurity, nor the sentiments of honour
had the
duce.
effect
to pro-
With
these
as
assistants
in
his
new and
vocation,
SECTION
II.
COURT OF CHARLEMAGNE.
1.
A. D.
782790.
Kingdom of
Of the
France.
AT the period of the conquest of Gaul by the Franks, the natives were far superior to their conquerors in intellectual cultivation.
The permanent
no influence
their
manners
new
settlers
acquiring a share of civilisation, the natives assimilated themselves to them more than the Romans had done to
other tribes of Germany, by whom they had been subdued. In times when religion forms the sole subject of mental interest, we can judge of the general state of
civilisation
priests.
From
the
moment
ties in
15
many
ecclesiastics,
Gregory
were as
himself.
Intemperance
8
,
drinking
as
1 ,
perjury
debauchery, adultery
of the Franks.
cruelties
among
the rest
their evil
example
spread among the inferior clergy ; and had not some resisted the general depravity, and distinguished themselves by lives strict in proportion to the profligacy of the rest,
or had not ignorance and barbarism of the times been so great that the most absurd superstitions found a ready acceptance, it would be difficult for us to conceive how a
religion could continue to
men
of the clergy being subject to no inspection, they sank still lower throughout the whole Christian world during the restless and warlike times when the sceptre
lives
The
line
of the Mero-
vingian house to the more vigorous hand of the race of Charlemagne. system, therefore, such as Popery developed itself in its commencement, was a positive
both attacked and defended, it is but too often Popery overlooked, that there was a time when it was beneficial
to
the abuse of
mankind, as well as a time when it degenerated through its power, and ripened for the destruction
connected with the accomplishment of its objects. Every human expedient is the result only of peculiar exigencies ;
it
it
artfully
16
Were
the
Roman
hierarchy
now
surrounded even by an army of Jesuits, we need not The depravity of dread the thunders of the Vatican.
the clergy, however, proves
how
necessary
it
was
in those
an authority distinct from the temporal and we shall see hereafter, to control their lives power in the reform undertaken that, thorough by Charlemagne
days to create
;
necessity.
Charles Mart-el had imposed military service on the church, as well as on the other fiefs, and left it to the
choice of the ecclesiastics either to resign their tempoor to perform the obligations under which
ralities,
they
greater part preferred retaining them this tenure, to the alternative of being disgraceful by Charles Martel even deprived of their possessions.
held them.
The
rewarded many of his adherents for their services in and offices belonging to the church,
and appointed bishops who had neither capacity for their 4 charge, nor any conception of its dignity Although, through the zeal of St. Boniface, some of the most unworthy were displaced in the following reign, yet these
.
solitary instances
had
little
effect
To reform
the power
2.
Charlemagne.
life
At
of Charle-
him with
information
the
birth,
17
to
childhood, and youth of his hero ; and he deemed it absurd hand down unauthenticated reports to posterity 1 . Surprising as is this confession, it will appear less strange
when we
reflect, that
only during the latter part of his reign ; and that he did not enjoy that intimacy with the monarch which has been recorded by history, from the tradition of his
king.
Pro-
life
found no
difficulty in collecting
he
himself of his leisure to prosecute the work, style exhibits the most convincing proof of the impulse given by Charles's institutions to the
whose
classical
national
civilisation;
memory
or seemed to
be incorporated into a description, which, while it paints such a character in the most glowing colours, should
represent only the true features.
This assertion of a
contemporary must
from availing
ourselves of the account given by Einhard, and other authors, to produce a sketch of the early education of He was brought up after the ordinary manner Charles.
of the French nobility, being taught the use of arms, and the usual athletic exercises of hunting, riding, and
swimming.
so
little
Intellectual cultivation
was considered of
importance for the future sovereign of a warlike notpeople, that he did not even learn to write; and, life to after in took the he all which withstanding pains
18
in-
structed in the Latin language ; he understood it, indeed, as it was then commonly spoken in Gaul, but not ac-
He
cording to rule, and the usage of the ancient Latin authors. endeavoured, at a more advanced age, to remedy this
;
and, if
we may
believe his
In conversation, where inaccuracies are less striking, he, perhaps, made himself understood with as much facility as he understood others
;
but the difficulty he experienced in expressing himself in writing, is evident from a letter which he wrote from his
camp
rest
at
Ens
to
his
wife
Fastrada,
in
in
79 1. 2
The
of his
letters,
which are
better
and more
easy style, were either composed by others to whom he communicated his ideas, or were examined and corrected
by some learned
Although
qualities
friend, as
to develop
did not, at
events,
stifle
his nobler
and
it
to satisfy
amid
the most intricate, and business the most urgent. Deterred by the fearful example of others, he early learnt to shun
excess and intemperance and throughout his whole life, not only practised moderation himself and introduced it into his family and household, but also issued salutary
;
in order to
eradicate that
19
and noble
resolutions.
We
all
is
readily
which really awakens the imagination, in order to be able properly to estimate the effect produced on the youthful
throne, and his
Charles by his father's accession to the Merovingian own consecration and coronation by Pope
Stephen the Third. As Charles increased in years, and especially after he had ascended the throne, he felt more and more keenly
the want of education, both in himself and
all
who
sur-
rounded him.
than
A monarch
possessing a
mind
less exalted
his, would, in his situation, have protected the ignorance which he so strenuously sought to banish, and would have despised in others that in which he himself
had no
participation
noble to admit of his adopting such a course, and he endeavoured rather to remove the causes to which this
deficiency in civilisation
was to be attributed.
His
first
step was to restore the court school, wherein the princes and sons of the nobility had formerly been educated, but which had been neglected during the tumult of the late
tempestuous times. In consequence, however, of the deficiency of competent persons to establish any regular system, he was compelled to have recourse to foreigners.
On
his return
from
of_
20
from him
grammar : probably, he either died soon afterwards or was incompetent to his situation,
in
the Latin
as the establishment
made no
of Alcuin.
3.
Alcuin as Instructor
to the
.
Family
Alcuin arrived in France in the year 782, for the purpose of undertaking the management of the court school, the instruction of the king, and the education of
the princes and princesses.
rebellion
commenced such a
how Charles
complicated political events, that it seems inconceivable could snatch a moment from the cares of
state to devote to literary objects. Two years of undisturbed tranquillity among the Saxons, had induced Charles to believe that he might venture to introduce
French regulations among them. Accordingly, he commenced by ordering a general levy of the Saxon troops
no sooner, however, did the
collected in
Saxons
see
themselves
hands, than the general feeling of hatred produced the determination of turning them, not against the enemies of
the Franks, but against the Franks themselves. The cruel severity with which Charles punished this mutiny
of the soldiers, united the whole body of Saxons against him. Two sanguinary engagements, the only pitched battles fought in this tedious war, distinguished the
following
year
(783)
Saxons were
21
compelled to quit the field, from the superior discipline of their opponents, they continued, in separate parties, to make such an obstinate resistance, that Charles did not
venture to lay aside his arms during the whole of the summer and winter of 784-5 ; and it was only by
dreadful and barbarous devastation of the country, and
by winning over some of the principal people by flattery and condescension, that he was at length enabled to
reduce the chiefs, and afterwards the people, to submission. The repose thus obtained was not of long duration. Duke Arigis of Beneventum, confiding in the
distance at which his territories were placed from those of France, in the number and strength of his fortresses,
and
still
more
Greeks,
who were
the son
Lombardy
of Desiderius,
at Constantinople,
assumed an independence which obliged the king to cross the Alps. Charles knew well how to estimate and
to
overcome the
difficulties
Had
till after the May-meeting, across the Alps, he would have reached Beneventum in a season when the heat would have rendered all military operations im-
practicable, or
Franks to serve him, that he commenced his march towards Italy in the autumn of 786. The Duke of Beneventum had, in his calculations, overlooked the
power and
abilities
and when,
22
but not
till
he had made a
to ensure obedience.
No
sooner, however,
had he
re-
crossed the Alps for the purpose of chastising the duke of Bavaria for the part taken by him in this design against France, than Arigis, having entered into fresh
negotiations with the Greeks, projected a scheme that
might have proved dangerous to the Frank supremacy in as Italy and Germany, had it been as skilfully executed
it
rians
was ably conceived. It was concerted that the Bavaand Avari on the one side, and the Greeks with
the
Lombards on the
it
while
profit
to
by
moment
yoke of
good fortune of Charles, oppression. 1 however, hurled back upon the author the blow aimed The untimely death of the duke of at the Franks.
frustrated the landing of the
The
decision and
Beneventum, and the wise measures adopted by Charles, Greeks in Italy and the
;
second participation of Thassilo in this treasonable alliance was punished by the deposition of the duke, and the
extinction of the
dukedom of Bavaria.
in
encountered,
nent,
political annihilation.
The Saxons,
from venturing
on any hostile movement, accompanied the king in a campaign which he undertook the following year, 789,
against the
Sclavonians, a people inhabiting the right He looked upon this river as the
23
but by reit, not only by erecting fortresses, ducing the Sclavonians on the opposite bank to subjection. It was during these troublous times, that Alcuin first
took up his
abode at the court of France, and commenced his labours for the mental improvement of the
king, the royal family,
One
cannot but
1 admire, with Alcuin , the noble mind and extraordinary and of Charles, acknowledge the superiority of a activity
man who,
in the midst of so
cares
and warlike operations, could occupy himself with literary far from pursuits, the value of which was at that time
It was only by scrupubeing generally acknowledged. that he could himself of moment, every lously availing find time for these various
his meals,
instructive conversation
The
it
political
constitution of
allowed the king to pass the winter months in tranquillity in the bosom of his
family
to do
;
and
if
him
he was compelled
from the year 784 to 785, he required his family to him 3 He had therefore nearly eight winter months
and
in literary occu-
the subjects of study were, and how they pations. were treated of in those times, we may best learn from
What
Alcuin's works
state
to the
24
on the
Ecclesiastes,
Alcuin
speaks
of the
to him,
known
sciences.
According
they are divided into Ethics, Physics, and Theology, and were really taught in the order in which they are here This is more clearly explained in a discourse placed.
to
be found in the
The students desire to be Introduction to his grammar. conducted to the higher branches of learning, and to behold the seven degrees of theoretic doctrine, so often The teacher points out to them, Grammar, promised.
Rhetoric, Dialectic, Arithmetic,
or, as
it
called, Astrology. The first Astronomy, three (afterwards called the Trivium) formed the Ethics of Alcuin, and the four others, or the Quadrivium, the
was then
Physics: these two parts were only preparatory studies for the highest of all, Theology. The knowledge of these sciences was to form and strengthen the mind for the
understanding of the true faith, and to protect the erroneous doctrines of heretics.
it
against
There are
his
still
mode of treating them. As far as regards the first part of the Trivium, Grammar, he adopts the form of a conversation between two students, a Saxon and a Frank,
receive
who
from
their
master
information on
those
points which they do not comprehend. Latin was not, in those days, in the same degree as at present, a dead
it was still spoken in several parts of the Frank and kingdom, constantly used in all public transactions, and also in the church. A grammar written at that period,
language
practical.
In our
schools
ALCUIN'S
Latin
is
GRAMMAR.
medium
25
of instruction for
young people
because
it
vantage of being the best means of developing the understanding in a logical manner, and of imparting at the
same time the knowledge of a foreign language. None of the modern languages, which, on account of their
practical utility,
tute for
it,
Who-
ever
well grounded in Latin, may readily acquire a knowledge of all the modern tongues ; less because some
is
it,
has been strengthened by the study of the Latin grammar, only requires a little practice, in order to comprehend the
peculiarities
facility.
But
of a modern language, and to use it with in Alcuin's times, Latin was not learned so
;
and his grammar is consea more than system of forms. (He treats quently nothing
perfectly,
of single words and their forms, without specifying they are to be used in the construction of a sentence. )
how
We
do not find any thing that is necessary to be known, omitted still, we cannot but disapprove the inconvenient
:
arrangement, and want of accuracy in the definitions. The beginning of the section on prepositions, may To the question, " What is a preserve as an example. 1 position?" the answer is, "An indeclinable part of speech.''
is
made
the principal
and
is
so
much
are
many
other
words
indeclinable.
the reply to the second " on the of use the They must be question prepositions, either of before other by being placed speech, parts
Equally defective
26
compounded
this
peculiarity like
can only be a sign, not a definition; and, besides, this explanation excludes all the prepositions that are
placed after their cases. Alcuin^sgrammar is evidently written more for the memory than the uiiderstanding.
The examples
from Virgil
Cicero.
;
are selected
from the
classics,
most of them
some from
'Ference,
An
It is
no small merit in Alcuin, that he recommended by his example, and facilitated by his instructions, accuracy
(But for him, many of the manuscripts of the middle ages would have been still more defective than they are.) He is, therefore, entitled to the thanks of the whole of western Europe, whose high
degree of cultivation and enlightenment
is
derived from
those works of antiquity preserved by the care and diliIn the monastery of St. Martin of gence of the monks.
transcribers.
On the
walls, verses
were written 1
strictly
enjoining them to avoid inserting any words not warranted by the original, but founded only on their own
ideas,
writing.
and cautioning them against too great rapidity in They were also recommended to make the
2 proper breaks , and to be careful of the right^ punctuation. For this purpose, Alcuin had written a book on
made by a monk
others.
orthography, of which there remains only an abstract of Saltzburg, for the use of himself and
It contains a short list, alphabetically
arranged,
ALCUIN'S RHETORIC.
principally of such
differently, of
27
spelt
acquainted the learner simply with the formation of sentences was taught by Logic ; in the most extended sense of the term, which naturally
The grammar
words
two parts;
convincing others,
The
subject of Rhetoric
the principles
of the
teacher.
;
The treatiseis entirely confined to forensic eloquence anda the rules are taken from the Romans, so also do
their principles of jurisprudence
this composition.
It
sure,
had
it
Frank court of
and from history. In cases were easily decided, and the more complicated submitted to the judgment of God, such a system of rhetoric was of no practical importance ;
real life
when simple
it was calculated to give acuteness and precision to the understanding, and accustomed the student to express At the conclusion of the himself with ease and fluency.
but
is a short discourse on tEc virtues. Here, also, Alcuin retains the classification of the ancient philosophers, This but with an adaptation to the ideas of Christianity.
treatise
appears to
deserve a literal " that we the observes wonder," king, quotation. Christians should so often depart from virtue, though we
sufficiently interesting to
me
"
28
have eternal glory promised as its recompense by Jesus Christ, who is Truth itself whilst the heathen philoso;
phers steadily pursued it merely on account of its intrinsic worth, and for the sake of fame." " must rather deplore than wonder, that Alcuin. most of us will not be induced to embrace virtue either by
We
the fear of punishment or the hope of promised reward." " I see Charles. it, and must, alas ! acknowledge, that
there are
many
such.
me
as briefly as possible,
how we,
stand and regard these chief virtues." " Does not that to Alcuin.
is
after the
appear you to be wisdom, manner of human understanding, and his future judgment believed ?"
;
"
is
more
it
excellent than
is
understand you and grant that nothing I also remember this wisdom.
that
written in Job, Behold, the wisdom of man is And what is the fear of God, but the
worship of God, which in the Greek is called Geoo-^ia." " It is so and Alcuin. farther, what is righteousness
:
mandments ?"
"I perceive this also, that nothing is more than this perfect righteousness, or rather that there is no other than this." " Do Alcuin. you not consider that to be valour
Charles.
is
enabled
Nothing appears to me more glorious than such a victory." " Is not that Alcuin. temperance which checks desire,
Charles.
"
ALCUIN'S LOGIC.
restrains avarice,
29
all
the
agrees to this also, and thus the whole dialogue concludes. The treatise on the second part of Logic, or the third part of Ethics, is a continuation of the former ; and
therefore, also, in the
The king
and
form of a dialogue betwixt Alcuin The rules and examples given for
are quite
in
the style
is
of
founded,
schoolmen, who were disputants by profession, and could not calculate upon a victory on which depended their reputation and their very existence, unless they
possessed sharper weapons of attack, and higher entrenchments of dialectic forms for their defence than their adversaries.
The examples
The three subjects of the Trivium had no particular reference to the daily interests of life, affecting them only in so far as they tended to the general improvement of the
mind. They were useful as the handmaidens of theology, and intended for the support of the true faith but when
;
it is
imposto
philosophical research, boldly instituted an enquiry into the dogmas of the church, testing them, not by their exIt will be ternal authority but by their internal worth. seen that during the reign of Charlemagne, the pre-
30
men
like
Agobard,
considered a reform in the state necessary, and who hoped to see accomplished in their own way, by the sons
who
had neither
sufficient
The
science
was then taught, was important as a means of liberating the mind from the shackles of Had it extended throughout superstition and despotism.
of Ethics, therefore, as
it
as Charlemagne intended, it would have given a very different aspect to the character of the middle ages but the laity being opposed to the clergy merely as
all classes,
;
a physical force, the latter had all the advantage of education on their side, and of course obtained the victory in
every intellectual contest. The four component parts of Physics were of a more practical kind, and applicable to the objects of ordinary
life.
his views in
sufficient
Although Alcuin has not systematically developed any work on the subject, still there exists a
number of passages
and the share which the king took pursuits. Astronomy was the study that
This science affords to the mind
which has not yet arrived at a perfect consciousness of its own capabilities, an external object to which it may
elevate
itself,
it
may
;
obtain a standard
is
whereby
to
measure
own power
for there
some-
CHARLEMAGNE'S CALENDAR.
31
thing sublime in the thought that the laws of nature, to which our material being must do homage, are subordinate to our intellectual faculties.
also,
The king studied it, with a view to the accurate admeasurement of time,
fixed calendar so important for the
state.
life
He
required
from astronomical observations, the cause of the overplus of ten hours and a half in each month, in consequence of which the year gained
five
The com-
of the nineteen years' cycle, in the year 797, having rendered the intercalation of a day necessary, in order to avoid confusion in the calendar, Alcuin pro-
posed counting thirty-one days in the month of November. At that time, but contrary to his will, a new
method of
calculation,
the
when the year should commence. Those who adopted the new method insisted that the year ought to begin at the autumnal equinox, when the light of day
is
becoming
shorter,
commencement
of in-
creasing light, the winter solstice, a time which also coincided with the festival of Christmas, was a more con-
venient period.
He
much
" Darkness/' he says, might be very suitable to Egyptians; but he rejoiced that he had escaped from it, with Moses, to live and to abide in the
ingenuity and bitterness.
"
and that on no account would he, precious land of light nor should the king either, return to Egyptian darkness.
;
32
and awakening
his reflection.
From
the
month
of July, 798, till the same month in the following year, the planet Mars was nowhere visible in the heavens
wherefore, the king,
who had
it
in the
constellation Cancer,
its
disap-
pearance was to be attributed to its own natural course, or to the power of the sun, or to a miracle. These facts
sufficiently attest the interest
in as-
tronomy, and confirm the passing remark of Einhard, that the king devoted more time and pains to astronomy 2
It seems he was desirous of than to any other science. constructing a German almanac at all events, the intro;
duction of
;
German names
He
;
called
;
Horning-month
May, Fallow-month July, Hay-month August, Harvestmonth October, WindSeptember, Meadow-month month November, Autumn-month December, Holy;
;
;
Easter-month
month.
Astronomy, like the other branches of physics, was, in Alcuin's opinion, to be regarded as a science principally in its reference to theology. Its object was to afford to
the doubting mind the most convincing evidence of the existence of a Creator, to awaken in the believer the
highest veneration of the wisdom of the A Imighty, and to Even arithmetic first derived its strengthen his faith
1
title to
its
adaptation to
INTERPRETATION OF NUMBERS.
Theology.
it
33
The numbers
in the
Holy
which
give,
held to be essential to the right faith they were supposed to contain a hidden meaning, which Arithmetic would
Alcuin's method, and the acuteness help to disclose. with which he traces through all its windings a theory,
destitute
which, however perverted it may seem, was by no means of ingenuity, will be best seen in a letter of
which the following is a literal translation. It is addressed to one of his pupils named Onias or Daphnis 1 and explains the passage in the Song of Solomon, wherein
it is said, vi. 8. There are threescore queens, and fourscore concubines and virgins without number." He " An accurate writes thus : with numbers, acquaintance teaches us that some are even, others uneven ; that of the
"
and
some are
greater,
others less.
All
divided into two equal parts, such as 7 or 9, which, if Of the divided, will be found to contain unequal parts.
equal numbers, some are perfect, others imperfect. perfect number is one which is formed entirely of
aliquot parts,
tional
A
its
which
will
neither
Take, for example, the greater nor less than the whole. number 6 ; the half of 6 is 3, the third is 2, and the sixth
1,
no
which parts added together make 6 thus producing fractions by division, nor overplus by the addition of
;
made
all
The perfect Creator, therefore, things very good, created the world in six days,
who
34
in order to
was perfect
the
less
On
we
divide
numher
we
shall find
sum
The
half of 8
of
when added
together, produce
7 not 8.
On this
account,
race after the flood replenished the earth, they originated from the number 8 ; for we read that 8 persons were in Noah's ark, from whom all man-
kind
is
descended
is less
thus indicating that the second race first, which had heen created in
the
sixth day Redeemer, the restorer of the primitive perfection was born of the Virgin
number
out of the
virgin earth,
our
Mary
by
his
coming the perfection of the number 6, which had first man. We see, moreover, the progression of numbers in certain regular
been intimated at the creation of the
they become
is
series until
infinite.
of numbers
from
1 to 10,
The same rule of perfection or imperfection that applies to the first series from 1 to 10, For applies also to the second from 10 to 100.
as the
divided by tens, the 10 in this case taking the place of the unit. The division of 60 into its aliquot parts is as follows ; the half
is
found to be
of 60
is
30, like as 3
;
is
the half of 6
the third
is
;
20, as these
-
is
of 6
and 10 stands
parts,
10
thus
The same
INTERPRETATION OF NUMBERS.
rule cannot be applied to the division of
35
for of 80,
80
the half
is is
of which
40
= 70.
who
" The sixty queens and eighty concubines are the members of the holy church. Of these, some devote themselves to teaching purely
from love
to Christ
others
seek worldly advantage, labour, indeed, in the church, but it is for the sake of temporal gain, not from a longing after the heavenly country, that they are willing thus to
toil.
the
number 60.
They
queens, because they, simply from love to the bridegroom and a desire to multiply the heirs of heaven,
name of
seek to perpetuate
designated by the
also,
r
name of concubines, because, although through baptism and instruction, often produce they w orthy sons, yet, being actuated by the love of this world and the ambition of acquiring earthly honour, they themselves remain unhonoured.
With
my
mercy of God
who shed
be an instructor, labour unceasingly from love to him his blood for thy salvation, in order that thou
mayest obtain in recompense, not perishable riches, but everlasting glory round the throne of our Lord Jesus
Christ, to
whom
Amen/'
were at that time interpreted
All the numbers that occur in the Holy Scriptures in a similar manner; and it
36
was only in
this point of view that Alcuin would allow arithmetic to possess any scientific utility or any power to
afford intellectual enjoyment Consequently, geometry, which would admit of no such application, held a subordinate rank, so long as the value of science was calculated
.
while, on the other hand, music was held in high estimation. The importance of music in divine service was too great, not to secure for it a
;
prominent place amongst the subjects of instruction in the schools at that period. To the service of God, solemnities are essential which are able to set the spirit free from the
common
cares
and interests of
life,
and
to attune
it
to the
men
between
the arts and religion, to banish all ceremonies and to substitute a cold morality for the heart-stirring doctrines of The churches robbed of their decorations religion.
became mere lecture-rooms, the pulpit was degraded into the professor's chair, whence the teacher delivered to his
audience a discourse on morals.
But
citement produced by such contests has subsided, a mere address to the understanding will be found incompetent
to rouse
men from apathy, and the necessity of adopting some mode of external worship that shall appeal directly to the feelings will become apparent. In the absence of other means, appropriate music and singing are and ever
tual.
be the simplest, and at the same time the most effecWhat at that time was called music, was nothing more than chaunting but this defect Charlemagne
will
;
37
for he
The
The system of Theology, and the interest taken by Charles and his friends in the studies appertaining to it,
will find
a more appropriate place for discussion, when the controversy betwixt the orthodox church and the new
It is probable sect of Adoptionists passes under review. that during his first residence at court, Alcuin communicated to the king his views on many subjects of importance
especially his
sentiments
As an Anglowith regard to the position of the Pope. humble and profound the most with was imbued he Saxon,
first
In a letter to Hadrian the reverence for the holy see. 2 the he , acknowledges Pope as the worthy successor of St. Peter, and styles him the heir of the power granted
by Christ
the apostles, of binding and loosing in He found the papal authority in the French kingdom, particuestablished already firmly it which was in of that purely German ; for portion larly
to
the restoration of Christianity in those parts, where had been formerly professed, and the introduction of
it
it
where
it
effected
principally
veneration felt by the Germans for their heathen to was priests adroitly transferred by these Missionaries the ministers of Christianity, and particularly to the
The
whom men
the
conceived ideas
magnified
in proportion
to
distance at which he
38
governed.
establishment of a hierarchy
Jewish
medium
tament, the people were more conversant than with that of their own country, and which could not fail to have a
considerable influence upon their political opinions.
The
Jewish polity afforded not merely the only rule that could be applied to public measures, and the only source from
but
which the principles of administration could be derived it was a pattern which seemed so much the more
worthy of imitation, as
it
had originated
in
God
himself.
Carlovingian family availed themselves of these opinions to promote their own advancement, and gave the
The
Pepin concealed his usurtheory a practical adaptation. of the under the Pope, and sanctified his authority pation he had which so unjustly acquired, crowa and the person
by causing himself and his family to be solemnly anointed first by St. Boniface, and afterwards by the Pope himself.
It is
Samuel nominated and anointed a king at the command of God, and that at the bidding of the same God, he deposed him in order to place another on his throne.
priest
The
Pope was
to be regarded as a second
was authorised to depose Samuel, who, one king and consecrate another, was too convenient, not to become henceforth an important principle in all the movements of the middle ages. Alcuin, therepolitical
like the former,
fore, naturally regarded the authority of the
Pope
as the
highest upon
to
earth,
and ventured
himself.
to
avow
his
sentiments
Charlemagne
In
the
same
degree
as
the
was
39
earthly power.
Pope who occupied be considered superior to every Next in rank to the papal came the imByzantian emperors who governed and then followed that of royalty.
the second
Rome
pill
Alcuin adds, however, by way of sweetening the bitter with a little flattery, that if King Charles theoretically
held the third rank amongst the rulers of the earth, he and the splendour of practically by his power, his wisdom,
his
first. 1
It is
by no means surprising,
that while opinions such as these were current in the world, the decretals of the false Isidorus should have
credit. Though the grossness of the forgery is apparent on the very face of the work, the sentiments which it contained were neither new nor
unheard
of,
universally acknowledged,
The whole scheme of the Roman those principles. it afterwards as displayed itself, was devised at hierarchy,
this period,
favorable circumstances,
spirit in
imposing grandeur. C The sentiments of Alcuin with regard to the war in which Charlemagne was engaged with the Saxons,
the
deserve some notice, although they had no influence on He could not but applaud the course of events. efforts of the king to introduce the Christian religion
accomplish his wish by no means met his approval. Men of energetic character, like Charles, are usually inflexible
40
and look upon every concession to existing circumstances as a proof of weakThe acceptance of Christianity by the Saxons, as ness.
Charles desired, involved not merely a change of their religion, but also of their civil constitution, which was
founded upon
it
whose pre-eminence
struggled
was derived
less for their
solely
from
istence.
gods than for their rank and political exAlcuin was aware of the manner in which his
pagan ancestors, who were descended from the same stock, and had professed the same religion as the Saxons,
to
Christianity.
He knew
that
it
by external violence, but by permisThe king and his nobles willingly resigned the
effected
influence they possessed as priests, since the new religion secured to them equal influence through the medium of
He thought it his duty to bishopricks and abbacies. recommend to the king a similar mode of proceeding. He counselled him to present Christianity to the Saxons
under
its
fairest
it
aspect,
and to
alleviate
the burthens
attached to
as
much
Above
all things,
he warned the king against the immeThe Christian clergy were in-
debted for this tribute (the idea of which was borrowed to the artfulness with which
they laid claim to the position of the Jewish priesthood, thereby transferring to themselves the advantages enjoyed by that body. Alcuin's reasons do honour both to his
heart and to his understanding, since they prove that he was entirely free from the blind zeal of the priests. He
doubts, in the
first
place,
whether the
tithe
be a necessary
41
would be
difficult to find
bequeathed to their successors any right so to do. If Charles, however, were determined to insist on the tithe,
he entreats him
established
which the
1
pay , reluctantly would naturally alienate the minds of new converts from a doctrine which they saw to be oppressive even at its
Christians
consented to
announcement.
tithe
system would not be advisable, until Christianity had been acknowledged by the Saxons as the means of salvation, and had become endeared to them in such a
with
degree, that they would consider no burthen connected He urges, therefore, the sending it as too heavy.
of such of the clergy as were more concerned for the welfare of the church than for their own advancement,
three
which they taught. In conclusion, he mentions which converts should become subjects with
acquainted, previous to their baptism ; first, the doctrine of the immortality of the soul, with a description of the joys prepared for the good in heaven, and the torments
in
hell
Trinity ; and lastly, the most important doctrine, that of 2 the redemption of mankind by Jesus Christ . Charles
did not follow this salutary advice ; and to his obstinacy, may be attributed the long continuance of tiie Saxon
war for
years, and which he could not bring to a conclusion until he had executed some of his chief adversaries,
42
during his
Court,
we
residence of eight years at the Frank are ignorant, as the portion of his extensive
first
correspondence, which is extant, refers to a later period) but we know that his (chief efforts were directed to litera-
not only the king, but his sons and daughters likewise were under his tuition. The more Charles felt
ture, for
more anxious he
became that
be carefully instructed, that he might never hear from them the reproach which he, perhaps, sometimes silently cast upon his father.
his children should
easily
wrong
direction, for if
it
is
few,
neglected by the many, and appreciated only by the it inevitably tears asunder all sympathy between the
Whilst he looks upon pupil and his contemporaries. them as Barbarians, they regard him as a Sybarite, and thus is engendered a feeling of mutual which
hostility
state.
proof of this
was exhibited
in the
schemes of Otho
III.
Rome.
error
by combining
The
beautiful simplicity of
those times
of
the
may be seen in a picture, sketched by Einhard, domestic life of Charlemagne. Whilst the
sons perfected themselves in corporeal exercises, rode with their father to the chace, or accompanied him to
battle, that
arms so necessary
to
a Frank
43
the
daughters
weaving or spinning.
At
sembled at the same table. When travelling, the king rode between his sons, and his daughters followed likewise on horseback. Both were instructed by Alcuin in
small treatise still to the learning of the times. be found among Alcuin's works containing the substance of a conversation between himself and Charles's second
all
1
son Pepin
2
,
of expression. For example, Pepin is asking for information respecting certain words, Alcuin explains them, not by giving their precise signification, but by circumlocution, or
by rendering the sense with a poetical turn of expression. Many of the answers are sufficiently and to awaken reflection. The prince asks acute striking
for answer,
"
W hat
7
is
What is the liberty of man ?" and receives " Innocence." To Pepin's question Alcuin replies, " The eye of the Moon ?"
:
night,
the
nature or
moon belonging either to its arrayed in the mantle of poetry. At the conclusion, they exchange parts, and Alcuin proposes to his pupil problems to solve, and questions to answer,
These are
its effects,
mind
to quickness of appre-
hension, and a
facility in discovering
e perceive from hensive terms to express every idea. Alcuin's letters, that at a later period, the princes Charles,
Pepin, and Louis, honoured and respected him as their a master, and that the king's sister and daughter, Gisla ,
44
In the year 796, Louis having made a successful campaign against the Avari, and taken numerous prisoners, Alcuin wrote to King Charles, entreating him to ransom
them, which request, being seconded by the prince, was Alcuin expressed his gratitude in a letter to granted.
the prince, and annexed to it a list of exhortations which deserve to be quoted as a specimen of his style, and as illustrating the position in which he stood towards his
royal pupil,
to adorn thy noble
all
" seek " Most illustrious prince," he writes, rank by noble deeds, endeavour with
almighty God, that through his favour, which is above all price, the throne of thy kingdom may be exalted, its limits extended, and the people subdued to thy government. Be liberal to the poor, be kind to strangers,
devout in the service of Christ, and hold in reverence the
ministers of his church, whereby thou wilt receive the assistance of their fervent prayers. Let thy conduct be
Love the wife of thy youth, and upright and chaste. suffer no other woman to share thy affections, that the
blessing of God that rests upon thee may descend to a Be formidable to thy foes, be long line of thy posterity. true to thy friends, favourable to Christians, terrible to
Heathens, accessible to the poor, prudent in following counsel. Listen to the counsel of the old, but employ
the young to execute it. Let justice and equity prevail, and let the praise of God resound at the appointed hours
Such pious regard to the duties prescribed by the church, render thee acceptable to God, and honoured by man. Let feelings of humility dwell in thy heart, the words of
45
truth on thy lips, and let thy life be a pattern of integrity, that it may please God to prosper and protect thee ."
1
Alcuin
is
young
than a
more
inefficacious
In communicating the doctrines of morality, they must be addressed either to the feelings, or to the understanding a cold enumeration, therefore, of
of precepts.
;
nor any fail to produce the must necessarily glow desired effect. Alcuin himself was a living example to the pupils who immediately surrounded him but to his
virtues that imparts
to the other, distinct ideas to the one,
;
no
friends at a distance, he wrote these, as they-seem to me, well intended rhetorical flourishes.
Two
letters addressed
to
The first king's eldest son, contain similar sentiments. congratulates him on his coronation, an event with which
we
are made acquainted only by these letters, and which must have taken place in the year 800. It admonishes him to fulfil the duties of his high station, and advises him
model for
his conduct
2
.
Although
Charles the younger exactly resembled his father, and was his favourite, Alcuin does not seem to have been
well satisfied with him.
of this active prince of life than for business stirring the stillness of contemplation, and was less influenced by
The mind
expected
perhaps also, like Charlemagne in his younger days, he was more attached to the society of
;
women than
At
all
events,
he thought it necessary to ask his permission to lay before him, in a friendly correspondence, some remarks on many
46
He
proposes to him as an example, his brother Louis, who None not only listened to his counsel, but followed it.
of his letters to Louis are extant
just quoted,
we may
but from the passage infer that he held the highest place in
;
his estimation,
The submission golden days under his administration. to the will of God, which Alcuin admired so much in
Louis, and his humility towards the ministers of the church, were qualities that originated less in real piety
It is, therefore, than in a want of independence of spirit. a mark of narrow-minded partiality, if Alcuin wished that
Louis might become the sole successor of his father, and no proof of his great political sagacity, if he considered him the most worthy. 2 The very docility which, in his
youth, Louis displayed towards Alcuin, became afterwards ruinous to the French empire. prince must, at all but under circumstances such as those times, especially
of France, at that
period, be something
more than a
of the
was, however, quite natural that the female part family of Charlemagne submitted to Alcuin's
confidence,
and found
his
system of Theology so
scope
it
much
the
more
pleasing, the
more
of the understanding or of
Charles's sister, Gisla, often speculative reasoning. applied to him for consolation and information ; he wrote
expressly for her, and one of her Christian friends, Richtrud, or Columba, a commentary on the Gospel of St.
John, of which
I shall hereafter
47
similar advantages.
confirmed by facts.
quests him to reply to some questions which had been In a psalm proposed to Alcuin by one of the princesses.
service, she
" All
men
are liars."
whether
lips
explanation of a passage in the same psalm, which is to " What shall I render unto the her incomprehensible. Lord for all his benefits towards me." In another psalm, " The sun shall not that the it seems to
her,
assurance,
"
is
falsely
the same proexpressed perty could be ascribed to the moon, whose nature is cold
how
and damp, as
to the sun
and caused his family to be instructed therein, could not As the taste of the fail to influence all around him.
Court
refined, a literary tone
could
It was, however, principally the appreciate or enjoy. immorality of the clergy that shocked the religious
feelings of Charles, and their ignorance that disgusted his cultivated understanding. Whoever, therefore, now
aspired to preferment, either in the church or state, was obliged to imitate the example of the king, and obtain his
favour on conditions
entirely
different
from those of
former times.
without
;
48
Athens arise in France, possessing privileges higher than the ancient, in proportion to the superiority of the wisdom 1 In the new system of Christ to the philosophy of Plato.
light illuminated,
of civilisation, Charles was, as it were, the sun, whose first the narrow sphere of his own
family,
to spread over the everacquaintance, and was finally The establishment nation. whole the widening orbit of
of schools was, however, requisite for the attainment of and this became Charles's first care, as soon this
object
;
as
the preceding exposition of Alcuin's opinions respecting the theory and practical adaptation of the sciences then in use, it will be readily concluded, that in the
schools
From
would form the chief subjects of education. What the church and state require of those who devote themselves
to their service,
depends upon the exigencies of the times and the nature of circumstances. The government of
France with regard to its finances, its military constiand its laws, was so simply organised, that there needed not a distinct profession for each branch of public
tution
business, nor
which was
essential to
common
life.
courageous heart,
man
state
management of the
of
so that
49
or,
at another time,
was seen
a
in a foreign court
diplomatic
requisite, that he should be acquainted with Latin^as all written negotiations were carried on in that language.
The ecclesiastic, however, had to pursue another course of study, yet Latin formed also the groundwork of his learning for none but a few distinguished men made
;
such progress in Greek and Hebrew as to be able to read the sacred writings in their original tongues-
Amid
the strife of contending sects and contradictory had been gradually erected
The
Roman
Catholic.
The
had philosophically expounded the Holy Scriptures, or was the It heresies of their times. necessary opposed
that the ecclesiastic should study these also ; and in order rightly to understand them, he was obliged to make himself acquainted
with the
sciences
which
have
been
characterised in a preceding chapter. In the establishment of new schools, regard was naturally paid to these demands of church and state ; but as ordinary minds aim
at
some
no higher objects than those proposed by the state institutions which may be denominated Universities,
who were
enlarged the course of instruction for the benefit of those ambitious of knowledge. In the latter part of the ninth century, a monk of the
50
monastery of St. Gallen, collected the anecdotes of Charlemagne, which were current at that time, but like
similar records of the great
men
of
modern
times, they
are for the most part either fictitious, or the truth is so They have, disguised, that it cannot be recognised.
relates
much information respecting the made by Charles to promote civilisation and the following anecdote when speaking of the estab;
lishment of schools.
Two
all
came with some English merchants to the coast of Gaul, and offered wisdom for " Does sale, any man lack wisdom ? Let him come and
take
The king no sooner it, for here it is to be sold." heard of these adventurers, than he sent for them, and
inquired whether they really had the article. They answered in the affirmative, and assured his majesty, that
they were willing to dispose of it to every man, if the king would grant them a convenient dwelling, assign them
pupils of promising abilities,
without which
clothing.
human
life
Charles retained them in his palace for some and when the affairs of his kingdom called him into time, the field, he commanded one of them, named Clemens, to
remain in Gaul, and placed under his tuition boys of all ranks from the highest to the lowest class. The other
St.
Augustine
at
Encouraged
PREPARATORY MEASURES.
51
by this favourable reception, proceeds the monk, Alcuin came to Gaul, where his endeavours were crowned with
" that the modern Gauls or Franks such success, have been might compared with the ancient Romans or
Greeks."
in the transition to
This narrative confounds earlier with later events, and Alcuin betrays evident marks of a
;
which is founded, indeed, upon fact but to which additions have been made without much regard to
tradition
with
eminent professor among the Franks in the middle of the eighth century ; but who, by his heretical opinions, incurred the displeasure of St. Boniface, on whose accusation
But
tradition
has embellished his history with those fanciful decorations which are observable in the narrations of the monk
of St. Gallen, and, like every thing else that regarded improvement, have a reference to CharleIt appears,
intellectual
magne.
arrival,
no public school of importance, except the courtschool existed on the Cis-alpine territories and even
;
any decided
step
bishoprics
promote to necessary and abbacies, men capable of seconding Charles' designs, before he could attempt to execute
taken.
It
was
was
to
them. The court-school, under Alcuin's superintendence, furnished, as might be expected, some able scholars ; others were attracted from foreign countries by the king's liberality, or rescued from obscurity by his penetration,
to a posi-
52
tion
He
;
Leidrad obtained the to the patriarchate of Aquileia of archbishopric Lyons. Theodulph, the bishopric of Orleans Arno, Alcuin's most intimate friend 1 the arch;
bishopric of Saltzburg ; all men illustrious for the extent of their learning, and full of zeal for its diffusion. When
in-
in
singing,
the
bishops and abbots in his kingdom, commanding the In these letters, he says, that establishment of schools.
in the official reports that
to
monasteries, he had perceived with much displeasure the imperfect and awkward manner in which thoughts in
themselves correct were expressed ; and could not, therefore, help doubting whether the meaning of the Holy Scriptures, and the doctrines of the Christian religion
To
call
their attention
to
words, he reminds them where it is said " By thy words thou shalt be justified, and by thy words thou shalt be condemned." In order,
therefore, to
remedy
this
evil so
commands
that a
school
kind of
evil
more minutely what was to be taught 3 The to be removed this designed means, proves by
.
53
ideas upon this point, however, soon became more enlarged, and, in pursuance of supplementary edicts,
instruction
laity.
The command
ment, which, by means of its emissaries, was acquainted with the condition of the most distant provinces, neglect
was not
likely to ensue*
The
of Fontenelle afford
an
which the king's mandate was executed even where there were no competent teachers. A man named Gervold,
was, at that time, abbot of this monastery to whom the king's indignation at the ignorance of the clergy must
;
have been so much the more formidable, as his own conHe hastened science was not quite clear in this matter.
to
was
obey the king's command in the best manner he able. He opened a school in his monastery, in which
if
singing,
nothing
else,
was
taught
skill in
for,
adds the
chronicler, "if he
other sciences, he
was a
defi-
1 He soon after power of voice. associated with himself the presbyter, Harduin, who had
cient in sweetness or
for
but as an opportunity his talents and acquireof presented employing ments for the benefit of others, he returned to the society
some time
lived as a hermit
itself
of men, and gave instructions in writing and cyphering. This monastery of Fontenelle, may serve as a representation of all
the
54
to sufficient celebrity to be even incidentally mentioned in the writings of that period. Without entering into
a detailed account of each separate school, a general description may suffice. They were divided into three
classes
arts,
:
although chiefly designed for the education of the clergy, were open nevertheless to all who were desirous of
The qualifying themselves for secular employments. school belonging to the monastery of St. Martin at Tours,
which Alcuin founded
to eminence at a subsequent period,
and raised
consi?
by
may be
:
dered as a specimen of this class. In a letter to the king " Alcuin gives the following account of it I, your
Flaccus, in accordance with yonr admonitions and wishes, endeavour to administer to some in the house of St.
Martin, the honey of the Holy Scriptures others I would wine of ancient wisdom ;
;
many
I seek to enlighten
all
But above
to your
kingdom
that the
your liberal kindness, may not " be altogether fruitless. This account states distinctly enough, that the object of the school at Tours was to give a liberal education to
the officers of the church and state. the
first class
had not
the same
means of
UNIVERSITIES.
55
who were
From what we
appears that the greatest part of them stood in the same relation to the school at Tours and the court-school, as with us a public*^
,
it
The
title
or character
of university, or, in other words, of an institution where all the sciences of that period were taught, depended the upon personal qualifications of the director, and was
not conferred on any particular place. The court-school this character the maintained naturally longest, because
in that institution there
men
of dis-
tinguished abilities,
talents
rest,
who
however,
would be best appreciated and rewarded with the it was changed with the Principal, and was
At
Parisian council held in the year 829, the assembled fathers presented a petition to the emperor,
the sixth
besought his highness to establish by royal authority public schools in the three most convenient places in the empire,
after the
forts
to fail
to
to
knowledge from neglect. "This," added they, ''will conduce the advantage and honour of the holy church of God, the benefit of the state and to the everlasting glory of
made by Charlemagne
the emperor himself2 ." From this passage it appears, that in the reign of Charlemagne, there were places of
tuition specifically
the church and state, was so generally acknowledged, that their re-establishment was desired. They must have
56
been something different from the monastic schools, as they, so far from having ceased in the reign of
Louis
the
most
tion
;
flourishing,
an
at that time precisely the most vigorous operainstance of which may be found in that of
Pious,
were
in
and
These public schools were probably the superior establishments or universities, which were under the imFulda.
state,
to
any
The council urges the erection of three bishop or abbot. such schools, evidently with the design of establishing one
in each of the three
French
monarchy France, Germany and Italy. Whether, however, among the schools founded by Charlemagne, three only were characterised as public schools is un-
known
to us,
situated.
of the
at its
In order to attain the object proposed by the schools first class, a it consisted library was indispensable
;
commencement of only a small collection of books, which, as we shall presently see, was augmented by copies
of works deposited in English libraries, and also by presents from Italy arid even from Constantinople. The
alliance entered into
by Charles'
Byzantine court, had also influenced the literary efforts of that period, by affording an opportunity of acquiring the
Greek language, with which Alcuin appears to have been but imperfectly acquainted . native of Greece, the eunuch Eliseus, resided some time at the Frank court,
5
Greek
to the
to Charles' daughter,
Rotrudis,
emperor Constantine
of his assistance
VI.
CHURCH MUSIC.
57
in learning the little, which, according to Einhard's account 1 he knew of that language. The discipline in
,
these schools was severe, and the pupils were under constant superintendence, in order to restrain them from
habits of idleness,
2
occupations . To the second class, belonged the seminaries for singing and ctiurch music ; of which those established at
originally the only ones, and continued to be the most renowned. Charles was long the French mode of singing for, greatly annoyed by that was by no means their harsh dialect besides, guttural
;
adapted to melody, the people imagined the beauty of singing to consist in the loudness of the tone, and conse-
The quently endeavoured to out-scream each other. French the of that the Italians was not reproach unjust,
roared like wild beasts. It was only necessary for Charlemagne to have once heard the Roman church music,
to cause
him to desire and attempt an improvement in that own subjects. The national vanity of the French rendered them unwilling to admit the superiority of the
of his
Roman
and
it
was far
better,
for the reformation of the church, presented him with his two best singers, Theodore and Benedict, one of whom
Charles established at
Metz and
There, every one who desired to teach singing in any of the other schools, or to become a chorister in a church,
to acquire the
Roman method
of
in
58
forth general on this side the Alps, and as perfect as the discordance of the French voices would permit . Instruc1
tion
was also given at those institutions in organ-playing but so long as organs could only be obtained from foreign countries, a few, and those probably the principal,
The first churches could alone be provided with them. organ seen in France was sent in the year 757, as a present from the Byzantine emperor, Constantine V. to king Pepin and it was not till the year 826, that
;
At that time, a organs began to be built in France. named himself to Louis the Venetian, George, presented
art to others
Pious, and offered both to build organs, and to teach the offer which the emperor accepted with ; an
pleasure,
requisite.
artist to
The
for
schools
in
which
in the
the
commonest
education
class,
who moved
subordinate ranks of
to
be confined merely to the clergy, or to those among the laity whose birth and wealth called them to fill eminent stations in society but
Intellectual cultivation
;
was not
knowledge was
lowest classes.
point,
to shed its
beneficial influence
upon the
this
The
decree
made by Charles on
was published
schools,
and again upon the monasteries the duty of establishing in which reading, writing, cyphering, and
3
.
We
bishop Theodulph, of Orleans, how that obeyed; and there exists no reason to
it
command was
suppose, that
to
by the
rest of
in
the bishops.
to be
opened
59
every village within his diocese, and expressly forbade the masters to accept from their pupils any other remuneration for
the
instruction
afforded,
presents which the parents might bestow, as a proof of This regulation was necessary, in order their affection.
1
might not be deterred from attending the Thus, was a more universal education secured
France can boast of in the nineteenth
tury, than
is
and
it
impossible to calculate what might have been the effect, had the same spirit and zeal that first called these schools
into existence, protected
them
until they
had taken
suffi-
For
mental superiority of one class of society would never have been so great, as to allow of their op-
pressing the minds of the other classes, and assuming a kind of guardianship over them. Charles himself omitted nothing that could be serviceable to these insti-
and is even said, personally, to have acquainted himself with their arrangement and management, and to have ascertained the progress of the pupils by actual
tutions,
visits,
exciting
them
to diligence,
idleness.
is
An anecdote
related
by the monk of
it
Gallen.
illustrative of this,
and though
vented at a subsequent period, it is on the fact, that thanking himself personally inspected the schools. According to the worthy monk's account,
his
Charles once visited the school erected in pursuance of command by the Irishman, Clemens. On examining
the pupils, he
60
in
no degree answered his expectations, whilst, on the other hand, the poor availed themselves of the opportunity afforded them of obtaining, by their own exertions, that
which fortune had denied them.
commended
The king graciously the latter, and encouraged their zeal by pro-
mising to promote them to high offices, and honourable The idle scholars, stations in the church and state.
on the contrary, he reproved sharply, assuring them, with an impressive oath, that their birth was of no value in his
eyes,
and that
it
was
would e^er
.
entitle
them
to receive
Sentiments like
and no doubt
could not
which they
fail to
produce an
effect.
5.
Alcuin
Return
to
England.
The relation in which Alcuin stood towards Charlemagne, during the time of his first residence with him,
may be compared
the court of
They
lived at
without rendering
themselves his subjects by accepting any appointment, and without entering into any closer connection than that
of mutual good-will and reciprocal benefits. In the same the Alcuin was of and counsellor simply way, preceptor
and the two monasteries assigned him 2 are to be considered less as an office under the government, than a
Charles
;
He looked provision for defraying his necessary expenses upon his residence and exertions among the French as
.
temporary, and terminating when the king's wishes were He, therefore, avoided seeking any accomplished.
ALCUIN'S
ATTACHMENT TO ENGLAND.
61
permanent appointment, and refused to accept any when offered. So little did he desire to break off his connection
with the church at with the kingdom of Northumberland as a subject, and York as a deacon, that he longed for
difficulties
consequent upon his residence at the court of Charlemagne , and to be able to reliterary privations
1
and
never been unfaithful to the people of England," he could conscientiously reply to the accusation, that he had become
a Frank and
had forgotten
He
made of
his in-
tages for the English church, and to maintain a good understanding between Charlemagne and the princes of the Saxon heptarchy, among whom Offa, king of
first
rank.
He
;
declined,
it is
true, the
him by the Anglo-Saxon princes, to propositions take up his abode at their court but he sent some of his own pupils to supply his place. But there were duties which he owed to the kingdom of Northumberland, and and these he remembered so soon the church at York
made
to
as he
in
by Charles and the surrounded king operation, by men the work when of and capable continuing extending begun.
literary institutions established
saw the
active
He then asked Charles's permission to return to his own Charlemagne knew too well how to value country. a man like Alcuin, to be willing to lose him, and prized too dearly the rare happiness of possessing a true and
sincere friend, not to desire his longer, and, if possible, permanent residence, and to offer every thing that might
62
him testimony
that he
France
by any prospect of worldly gain, but solely by the hope of being useful to the church and to science, the offer of
high dignities and great riches made less impression upon him than the condescending request of a powerful prince. He therefore replied, " My lord king, I will not refuse
thy wish if I can fulfil it without violating the commands of the church. Although I possess no small inheritance
in
country, I will willingly resign it, and in serve Let it be thy thee, and remain with thee. poverty care to obtain the permission of my king and my bishop."
my own
wish to
k
This seemed reasonable to Charles, as well as Alcuin's revisit his native country after so long an absence.
therefore dismissed him, with letters to the king of
He
In order
him
he invested
him with the character of a public ambassador, and commissioned him to renew the good understanding between the French monarchy and Offa king of Mercia Offa, in
2
.
consequence of the superiority of his talents, and the vigour of his operations, which were not restrained
by any regard to right or wrong, had become the most powerful among the Anglo-Saxon kings and Charles had
;
Alps.
harmony had been interrupted by misunderstandings occasioned by the political affairs of Wessex, so that even the commercial intercourse between France and England had ceased. After the death of Cenulph, king of Wessex, in 786, Offa, by his interposition, had procured the
63
The deposed prince sought first in Mercia that which he could no longer hope to find in Wessex, safety
Egbert.
marriage of Britherich with Offa's daughter Cadburga, rendered this retreat also dangerous. He therefore quitted England in 788, and took refuge at the
until the
Great, where
he experienced a
and found an opportunity of cultivating and of forming himself upon the model of a
great king.
The
protection which
many
at the
French court, were regarded by Offa and Britherich as expressions of hostility against them, and occasioned the
interruption of the harmony which had hitherto existed between the two nations. Alcuin acquitted himself of
his
commission so successfully, that peace was not only re-established with Offa, but was, a few years later, con-
to
firmed by a treaty, in which Charles engaged to secure the Anglo-Saxon pilgrims, who were desirous of
making a pilgrimage to Rome, a safe and free passage through his dominions, and also to take the merchants under his especial protection
1
64
SECTION
III.
ALCUIN'S RETURN TO THE COURT OF CHARLEMAGNE, AND HIS PARTICIPATION IN RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS UNTIL HIS PERMANENT SETTLEMENT IN FRANCE.
A. D.
790796.
SHORTLY after Alcuin's arrival in his native country, there occurred one of those revolutions, of which the
annals of Northumberland present so many instances. The division of the natural atrength of the kingdom, the mixed population, and the vicinity of the Scottish frontier,
beyond which every rebel found safety, and frequently support, facilitated and occasioned sudden changes in the government. One king hurled another from his throne?
only to give place in his turn to a third within the space of a few years. Alchred was scarcely seated on the
throne,
elevated
him
to
it
deserted
his
him.
He
took refuge in
Scotland
and resigned
crown to Ethelred, against whom the thanes, Ethelwald and Heardbert, raised the standard of rebellion in 778,
and compelled him to seek safety by flight. The sceptre was now transferred to the hands of Alfwold, who wielded
it
with sufficient vigour to retain it for the space of ten He could not, however, eventually escape the fate of his predecessors like them, he fell a victim to
years.
;
the inconstancy and treachery of the nobles of Northum1 Alchred's son, Osred, took berland, in the year 788
.
65
possession of the vacant throne, which he occupied at the period of Alcuin's arrival at York, in 790. strong
was already formed against him, who were desirous of recalling Ethelred from exile, after a
party, however,
revengeful
punished
the
injuries
he
had
cruelty for-
involved Alcuin in occupations from which he had hoped to escape at York, and rendered him the more disposed
to return to the
repressed the aristocracy, instead of becoming their tool. similar scene of confusion was soon repeated, which
so
disgusted
Alcuin with
his
own country
that
he
sought in France,
and
at length
of Tours, the repose and advantages no longer to be found at York. He 'was, moreover, recalled to the continent
by pressing letters from Charlemagne, who needed Alcuin's counsel and learning, not only for the purpose
of investigating and suppressing a religious doctrine which had sprung up within his dominions, and threatened a
council
66
importance
religion,
to the theory,
as the practice of
and
dom,
to allow Alcuin to
in the
management of
;
and happily succeeded in securing the worthy zeal maintenance of the orthodox doctrine, and the public
tranquillity.
The first point was concerning a of the relation of Jesus to God as Father.
new view
1.
No
state,
persecution
sooner was Christianity secured from external by becoming the prevailing religion of the
it
rendered
adequate distinctness and the subject of controversy. Hence the adjustment of one cause of contention origiThe temporal power nated a new subject of strife.
with
accuracy, that which was
which had regulated spiritual affairs during the time of paganism, was no longer in a condition to interpose for,
;
with Christianity, an organised ecclesiastical body had forced its way into the political constitution, and arro-
gated to
doctrine.
itself
party desirous of securing the victory, and a solid foundation for its own favourite sentiments, under the pre-
THEOLOGICAL CONTROVERSIES.
67
tence of an anxiety to maintain the public tranquillity. In every contest of that description, it had to encounter
who
and
opinions, regardless of existing circumstances, even of the danger of involving in one common ruin
own
The only means, therefore, of preserving the tranquillity of the state, was to summon an oecumenical council; but if such an assembly were
the altar and the throne.
with
much
it
difficulty
convened, and
if after
many
fierce
very decision usually the fruitful of cruel proved germ persecutions, and of conflicts still fiercer and more dangerous. In subsequent
debates,
came
to a decision, this
times wherein different interests prevailed, and colder spirits received the dogmas of the church with indifference,
or regarded them as absurd, these controversies have been considered errors of the understanding, and deplored
as the lamentable result of ignorance
and
superstition.
mind
is
in a state of activity,
it
may
develop itself;
employed.
among
the noblest
benefits conferred
by Christianity on mankind, that at a time when political freedom was groaning under the iron
yoke of despotism, throughout the whole extent of the Roman empire, she opened new prospects to the mind, inspiring apathy itself with animation, and supplying men
with courage and strength to support their convictions in Freedom the face of tyranny, or to die in their defence.
politics,
and
F 2
68
and although the contentions concerning the Trinity and the nature of Christ have not the same practical utility as the disputes upon political rights
precincts of religion
and the best form of government, yet they are equally important in the history of the human intellect. Convictions are errors only in the eyes of those who do not participate in them. So long as they serve to stimulate the powers
later times they appear
human
efforts
of the objects of interest, cease to be interesting. The mystical portion of the history of the founder of
the Christian religion was a boundless field of contention, and an inexhaustible armoury for the controversialists of
The
relation of Jesus
to
his
ous union of the Trinity, long agitated the Christian world. At length, after many furious debates, and when the
passions of mankind had been exhausted in persecution, the decision of the first oecumenical council at Nice prevailed, and the divinity of Christ, as well as his identity
with the Father and the Holy Spirit, became an established Arianism, on the ruin principle of the orthodox church. of which the orthodox system was founded, was speedily
avenged by the
it.
startling consequences to be
deduced from
of the controversy upon the Trinity, arose the yet fiercer contest concerning the single, or the double The orthodox doctrine of the union nature in Christ.
/Out
human
soul and
human
body,
was
69
was impossible to prove the union of the two natures, without new doctrines, new sects, and new disputes.
Some, in order to avoid dishonouring the Divine Spirit by any gross admixture with a material substance, supposed Christ to have had a merely apparent, not a real body
;
God had
permitted himself to be born of a woman in the ordinary way of human birth, by regarding Jesus merely as a
perfect
man who was filled, at his baptism, but not before, with the Logos or Divine Spirit. So little effect had these and similar views in removing previous convictions, that
the worship of the Virgin Mary as the mother of God began Such a practice, which was no where auto be universal.
thorised in Scripture, was revolting to the mind of Nestorius, patriarch of Constantinople. He vented his indignation in sermons couched in the most violent language ; and
was led on from one position to another, till he asserted that the two natures of Christ were
separate.
at length
distinctly
He
allowed that
united in
Christ, but maintained that all that was exalted and sublime in him was to be ascribed to the divine, whilst all
that was inferior or ordinary must belong to the human The elevated station of the patriarch gave connature.
siderable weight to
his opinion,
and
his doctrine
found
of opponents, partizans, but a still greater number who, after many turbulent synods, finally succeeded in him depriving the heretical patriarch of his see, driving
some
into exile,
and surrendering
secution.
The
established,
70
received to the present day by both the Catholic and Prothat there existed in Christ two natures, testant church,
but only one person. This decision, instead of putting an end to the controversy, only gave it a new direction, and theology continued to nourish the flame of spiritual excitement in the Byzantine empire,
it
gration.
The west
much
greater
and the people too much occupied by other interests, to admit of such commotions as those which agitated the East. Since the extinction of Arianism, the Pope had
become the champion of Western orthodoxy, the representative of the West at the Eastern councils, and the source The ignorant and the of the true and only saving faith.
indolent were well content to acquiesce in this arrangement, and to pronounce, without further examination, a
them.
sentence of condemnation against all who differed from Before the time of Charlemagne especially, the
better
qualified to
use temporal
weapons against the enemies of the country, than to wield the spiritual sword against the enemies of the church.
Since the accession of Charles, society had undergone so great an alteration, that men of ability and intelligence
were no longer wanting both for attack and defence in a When, therefore, even in the kingdom religious dispute.
trine out of
of France, people began to entertain views of the docwhich the Arian, Nestorian, and so many
other
disturbances
had
arisen,
differing
from
those
of discord were raging at that very time, served as a warning of the consequences of a schism in religion.
Charles' interference, therefore, in a dispute concerning
religion,
is
to
be re-
welfare
a proof of his piety than of his anxiety for His duty as a sovereign of his subjects.
required that he should stifle at its birth a contest, in which excited passions and conflicting interests might easily overslep the limits of a theological controversy, and
form the commencement of a violent and protracted struggle, which would shake the church and state to their
foundations.
able
;
The mode of
his interference
this affair,
is
remark-
and
his
whole behaviour in
affords the
honourable testimony, that he paid such regard to the exercise of the reason and the freedom of investigation,
as to authorise an impartial examination of truth. Instead of persecuting with fire and sword those who dissented
advanced in a
Mahommedan
country.
Whilst Spain was under the dominion of the Saracens, the Christian religion was tolerated there, as in all other
Mahommedan
countries
Spaniards with the rest of the Christian world, the passiveness of the temporal government with respect to the creed
of its subjects, and the scoffs of the infidels which compelled an examination of many of the dogmas of Christianity,
72
concurred in rendering them liable to deviate from the orthodox faith. Hence the defection of Archbishop
Elipandus of Toledo. He had probably heard so many doubts respecting the divinity and incarnation of Christ, He was impressed with that his belief began to waver.
the idea, that Christ, as man, could not stand in the same
God, as Christ, as God and that what might to the divine nature of the Redeemer be attributed justly must be denied to his human capactiy. Distrustful of
relation to
;
his
arid elucidation,
he was
and accordingly applied to Felix, bishop of Urgel, one of the most esteemed prelates in that part of Spain which,
since the year 778,
dom of
France.
had been incorporated with the kingFelix had so distinguished himself by his
1
learning and virtues, that Alcuin, at an earlier date, had The answer entered into a correspondence with him.
of the bishop was such as to confirm his doubts. 2 " he most imprudently, contemporary chronicler says, in and opposition to the doctrines of the thoughtlessly,
Catholic church, not only replied that Christ was the adopted son of God, but in some books written to the
aforesaid bishop, endeavoured most obstinately to defend the wickedness of his opinion." Elipandus was so con-
vinced by his reasoning, that he immediately assented to his proposition. The tenets of the new doctrine represented Christ in a double relationship as Son and God. According to his divine nature, he was a real, as man he
was only an adopted son of God ; and his Godhead itself was, in the former case, a true, in the latter, a merely
3 nominal, or titular divinity.
many
proselytes, and thereby become more firmly persuaded of the correctness of his own views but the
;
number of
able.
his adversaries
Amongst
these,
Etherius, bishop of
Uxama,
or
Osma, and the presbyter Beatus, were the most distinThe bishop of Toledo loaded both with such guished.
accusations, that they deemed it due to their own honour and the welfare of the church, to expose the errors of the
doctrine of the
itself,
Adoption.
As
The they appealed proofs which they adduce from the testimony of the Reapostles, the miracles of Jesus, the words of the
in their writings to faith.
deemer himself, and also from the confessions of the devils, are calculated rather to justify faith, and to expose
the errors of their opponents, than to render the subject itself more clear and distinct. They maintained that
faith
in religious matters
in every especially, the preponderating principle, because, snares the into hazard of incur the we falling investigation,
of destruction. 4
tionists,
To
Adop-
they opposed the orthodox symbol of faith, and demonstrated that their deviation from it was unauthor-
ised
New
Testament.
In
order to terrify the heretics, they exhibited the splendid array of faithful and triumphant heroes who adorned their ranks. " With us," said they, "is David, that mag-
infidel
74
head with a
the earth
:
stone,
is
felled
him
to
Moses, who overwhelmed Pharaoh with the Egyptian host in the Red Sea, whilst he led his own people through on dry land with us is Joshua
with us
:
kings in a cave, after he had defeated is father Abraham, who, with his three
:
hundred servants, overcame and spoiled five kings with us is the bravest of mankind, Gideon, who with the assistance of his three hundred chosen men, discomfited
the Midianites as one
man
with us
is
Samson, who,
stronger than a lion and firmer than a rock, overthrew, alone and unarmed, a thousand armed men : with us are
the twelve patriarchs, the sixteen prophets, the apostles, the evangelists, with us are the martyrs and ministers
of the church : with us is Jesus, son of the Virgin, together with the whole church which has been ransomed by /ris blood, and extended throughout the world." In conse-
quence of the struggle respecting the new doctrines, a more exalted and divine position was assigned to the Man in
Christ,
whom
man.
the Adoptionists regarded as an ordinary In this the two prelates were very successful.
The pure and immaculate conception, of course, makes a wide distinction between the incarnate God and ordinary
men who
nothing
is
are
in
sin
besides,
even as man.
The
doctrine of the
in itself;
destroys the Son, as effectually as the assertion that God may be partly God, and partly not God, annihilates the
SYNOD OF NARBOXNE.
75
On represents the church, of which Christ is the head. the other hand, all who secede from the orthodox church,
To represent the body of the devil who is Antichrist. and thus overturn this the doctrine of position, prove
Elipandus, is the object of the second book of the work quoted above.
1
From
spirit
this refutation,
which
is
deficient in
acute logical
evident that the passions of the parties in Spain had been sufficiently enkindled to burst forth into a flame which might have proved dangerous to the
reasoning,
is
state,
The
and
regard in the
through the
medium of Bishop
soon extended
itself
beyond the Pyrenees, and raged in Septimania with such violence as to awaken the attention of Charles. On this
account,
788, but separated without even examining, 3 coming to a decision upon the new doctrines.
continued to
increased,
and the necessity for the interference of the became sovereign imperative. A more timid prince would
have interposed the strong arm of power but Charles was too just to condemn, unheard, a man renowned for wisdom and morality and as he possessed sufficient
;
76
in check,
authority to hold the passions of the contending parties he was enabled to show the deference due to
He
therefore
commanded an
Ratisbon in
appear,
in
synod
at
Felix to
his
Felix obeyed ; but failing, either in learning or courage, to defend his opinions in the presence of the assembled bishops, he abjured them as heretical and de-
serving the condemnation pronounced upon them by the 1 From Ratisbon, he was sent to Rome, accomsynod.
panied by Angilbert, in order to renounce his confession of faith in the presence of Pope Hadrian I. Here he again recanted his errors, and declared (confirming
the declaration with a solemn oath) that he regarded Jesus Christ, not as the adopted, but as the real and
but
here he encountered so
lowers for his
entreaties
again returned to his former doctrines. Charles might now have punished
heretic,
him
as a relapsed
and have suppressed, by forcible means, errors which had been condemned by their very author but it
;
is
probable that Felix justified his relapse by fresh arguments, so that the king deemed it more advisable to
This determination oppose argument by argument. may have been also in some degree influenced by the
situation of the Spanish frontier.
violent persecution
might
throw themselves
their
dominion that toleration which Elipandus enjoyed, but which was denied to them by a Christian king. Charles
therefore wrote to Alcuin, inviting him to return, and ent renting that he would not withhold his assistance in an
affair
of such
1
dom.
He
moment both to the church and to his kingcould not have selected an abler or more
Alcuin, nor one
more ready to oppose the innovations of the heretics. He had been educated in the church, all his studies had
orthodox doctrines.
been directed to theology, and his soul clung to the It may be proper here to exhibit his
theological views, and his
mode of interpreting
this,
the Bible.
The
best
means of
accomplishing
will
be to
some specimens of
his exegetical
works.
2.
If the Christian religion be not regarded as the summit of devotional feeling, but only as the immediate revelation of God, afforded to us by the books of the New and
Old Testament,
The mode
it appears of conduct
which
ages
the
;
it
prescribes,
it is
and
becomes a law for all succeeding only necessary to oppose that which has
been, in order to refute any deviation from it. Whatever Holy Scriptures, according to their usual interpretation contain, and whatever the distinguished and recognised Fathers of the church have taught,
truth,
is
received as
and
is sufficient is -not
The
struggle
78
truth.
nance of an historically authenticated and acknowledged This position, which by a new party-name may be denominated that ol^ supernaturajist (in contradis-
tinction to a rationalist)
in
In the Bible, he discerns not only the spirit, theology. but the words of God ; and perceives in the sacred
writings of the Jews, the latent indication of a future salvation and mercy, which has been realised in the New
Testament.
necessary to
dialectic
In order to maintain
this position,
it
was
have recourse to mystical interpretations and subtleties ; both of which peculiarities distinguish
the explanatory works of Alcuin. To ordinary expressions an importance is attached which renders them
extraordinary
;
simple meaning which often surprise us by their ingenuity, or please by their spiritual turn, but which, on closer
inspection,
/We
have a short commentary of Alcuin's, in the form of question and answer, on the first book of Moses or
Genesis
tions
1
is
tained
simple
and
sublime tradition
of the
origin of the world, the state of innocence and simplicity in which our first parents lived, their elevation from this condition to that of self- con-
sciousness and intellectual perception, and the historical -The account of the description of the patriarchs.
woman, for example, gives occasion to the " following questions : Why was the woman made of man whilst he was sleeping, instead of being rib of the the
creation of the
formed
like
?"
The answer
to
which
79
Evidently on account of the mystery, to indicate that Christ, out of whose side the source of our salvation
the sake of the church
fell
flowed, for
cross."
asleep on the
Q.
"What
<
reference
to Christ
passage,
Therefore shall a
man
?'
mother, and cleave unto his wife A. " The Redeemer left his
to
father, because
he appeared
men
:
not
in the
left his
form
in
Father
he
the synagogue of the Jews, of whom he was born after the flesh, in order to cleave unto the church that was to be
gathered together from among the heathen." Even the most secret thoughts and designs of the
Almighty are made the subjects of interrogation and Alcuin is so little at a loss for an answer, that one might
;
suppose he had
world.
sat in
council at the
creation of the
Amongst
Short
his
explanatory
Explanation of the
two
parts.
The
first
ment
God the Father as the only object of our the second forbids us to regard the Son of God worship as a created being, because every created thing is perishexhibits
;
Holy
Spirit,
through
whom
we
TheJPsalter was, at that time, one of the most imThe portant and favourite books of the old Testament. fine selection it offers of sacred songs, was so well suited to
80
X^HE
LIFE OF ALCUIN.
it
indispensable
Such a
psalms in which David breathed out Kis. noble spirit his repentance for former sins, his mourning "ewer afflictions
at the |^fp vouchGod's greatness and such truth of nature and such glory, are expressed with fail to touch cannot as every human heart. poetical beauty,
his rejoicing
his praise of
In addition to this interest, which Alcuin experienced in common with the rest of mankind, he felt the peculiar
satisfaction of discerning, in these sacred songs, the latent
mysteries of the Christian religion, and saw everywhere In his the Redeemer and his redeemed church glorified.
exposition of some of the psalms of David, he either to the words of the psalmist amplifies the idea, subjoins some moral precepts, pious meditations, and beautiful
ing
The
latter is especially
tion of the
Song of Degrees, or the fifteen psalms of 2 David in full choir . These, according to his view, conto the joys lowest as the first placed Humility step this leads us to the second step, Faith, and thence to the
stitute the steps
is
;
of the Lord.
third,
The
fourth
and the fifth, Patience, must be surstep, Confidence, mounted before we can attain on the sixth the firmness
of the eternal Jerusalem, and those
it.
who
Here, repose from the exertions that have been made, and the delightful view of the lovely prospect is granted.
On
COMMENTARY ON ECCLESIASTES.
81
of sin. In like manner, each of the following psalms forms one of the higher steps which conduct to the habitation
reaching the topmost, which is placed immediateljsjlbefore the entrance (Ps. cxxxiv.) we are instructed in the duty which those have to perform
of the Lord.
On
who
are
admitted; and what could this duty be, but to praise the Lord with heart and voice ?
In the commentary on the Song of Solomon 1 , Alcuin not only endeavours to prove that all the expressions in the Old Testament have a reference to the future re-
demption of man by Jesus Christ, but also attempts to explain the mystical signification of the numbers that occur therein. As specimens of the most remarkable
passages have already been given, and as opportunities
will yet occur of exemplifying his peculiar style,
we
will
merely observe, with regard to this treatise, that neither the amorous expressions, nor unequivocal admiration of
female beauty, which so strikingly characterise this portion of Scripture, prevent the commentator from discerning in them a representation of the Christian
church under the figure of the bride of Christ. Alcuin wrote a commentary on the Book of Ecclesiastes for the benefit
Nathanael, after, as he expresses it, "they had flown from the nest of his paternal care into the open firmament of
worldly occupation;" that is, after they had repaired to the court of Charlemagne, where they continued to be
the objects of his unceasing anxiety, and of the hope that they would not disgrace their teacher. No book appeared
to
him
better calculated to
arm them G
82
ments of worldly grandeur, by exhibiting its nothingness and vanity, and to turn their hearts to that which is
eternal and unfading, than the
book of
Ecclesiastes.
The
greatest part of the commentary is copied from St. Jerome; a fact which Alcuin by no means desired to
conceal, nor indeed
it,
had he any cause to be ashamed of have already had occasion to remark, the scarcity of books in those times, rendered an accurate,
for, as
copy of a useful work as valuable as a correct edition of an ancient author is at the present day.
1
the ancestors of
and moral
For example
may
lievers, to
whom we must
be-
name
is,
The that we
many
virtues,
and possess by
inheritance, an accumulation of
2 good works.
tations
All the peculiarities which are observable in the disserupon the Old Testament from which we have
John 3
work which
affords
other,
an
opportunity for speculation, allegory, and the mystical Whenever an established interpretation of numbers.
principle of religious doctrine
settled, or violated
is
in
sense
is
In other
places,
where
construction overleaps
83
the most ordinary into extraordinary circumstances, and to transfer the scenes of simple and
life
natural
and heavenly.
of the
The
to judge of the
spirit
times.
Gospel John
Wordy and
God."
Father
is
the
Word was
This
may
" In the beginning was the with God, and the Word was The be understood in two ways.
1.
the beginning, therefore the expression is synonymous with, in the Father. In the Father is the
Son,
whom
not, however,
must the Evangelist calls the Word. be led into error from the answer of the
We
Son of God, who, in the course of this Gospel, replies to the question of the Jews, " Who God himself was ?" " The If then the beginning, 1, who now talk with you.
Son is the beginning who has a father, how much more must God the Father be the beginning, since he has a
Son of
whom
he
is
the father?
is
the
the Father's Son, and the Father truly the Son's Father, and God the Father ; but not God of God whilst the
Son
light
is
;
God
is
of God.
is
The Father
is
light,
but not of
the Son
So the
Father
Son
is
the beginning, but not of the beginning ; the the beginning, but a beginning of a beginning.
in the beginning
it
Son, therefore, as the beginning, ceases not with time, by the beginning, whether we
refer the passage, in the Beginning was the Word, to the beginning of creation or of time. Every created thing
G 2
84
which had a beginning, was then the word of God, b} which all things are made. The Evangelist, therefore,
in order to express repeats four times was, was, was, was, that the co -eternal Word of God the Father preceded all
time.
The
other
Evangelists
relate
;
that the
Son of
appeared suddenly among men but John declares that he had been with God from eternity, for he says, " and the Word was with God." The others call him
God
but John assures us that " he was very " God," in the expression and the Word was God." The " he that lived others say, among men for a time as
"
very
man
;"
man
with
;"
God from
John, on the contrary, represents him as God the beginning ; for he says, " the same in
Alcuin discovered in
this
passage, and explained according to the received doctrine, he transfers by means of allegorical interpretations
He considers to passages wherein it does not exist. number to involve some every mysterious meaning, and
the
name
mere
appellation.
of every place to imply something beyond the When the Evangelist relates " And
:
day there was a marriage in Cana ;" both the number and the place appear to the commentator to be
the third
the
human race, on attaining which, they are worthy to receive the divine doctrine of Christ. The time when
lived merely in imitation
first
men
of the
;
example of the
the period
85
" In Cana of Galilee," signifies that the marriage was celebrated in the zeal of perfected conversion, (in zelo
1
transmigrationis perpetrate,) emblematically representing that those are chiefly deserving of the favour of Christ,
who, in the zeal of pious enthusiasm and devotion, have by good works passed from vice to virtue, and from earthly
to heavenly things.
The
had
been defaced and corrupted by the Pharisees. Here, again, Alcuin's strong bias towards allegory, leads him to
seize
And
and expatiate upon the most trivial circumstancesthere were set six water-pots of stone, after the
manner of
the purifying of the Jews, containing two or three firkins a piece. The six vessels which held the water, are the pious hearts of the saints, whose perfect life and faith, during the six ages that preceded the an-
as a pattern to the
human
race.
The
(Dan.
"
that
is,
ii.
34-35).
stone,
Upon one
in
Christ
speaking of it, " seven eyes (Zach. iii. dwells the universality of
Zachariah,
are
spiritual
knowledge.
The
"
to
apostle
Peter alludes to
are come as
built
to
it
whom ye
4-5.)
ye also as
ii.
up a
With
propriety, also,
were the water-pots set after the manner of the purifying of the Jews for to the Jewish nation only was the Law
;
given by Moses
86
truth of the Gospel both to heathens and to Jews. are told that each contained " two or three firkins a
piece," to intimate that the writers of the
We
Holy
Scriptures,
sometimes speak only of the Father and the Son, for instance " Thou hast made all things in wisdom :" for the
;
strength and wisdom of God is Christ. Sometimes also they mention the Holy Spirit, as in that passage of the Psalms ; " By the word of the Lord were the heavens made, and all the host of them by the breath of his mouth" The
Spirit,
constitute the
triune
Quite as great a difference as between water and wine, was there between the sense in which the Holy Scriptures were understood, previously to the coming of
them
the Redeemer, and that in which he himself expounded to the Apostles, and their disciples bequeathed as
things out of nothing, could indeed have filled empty water-pots with wine, but he chose rather to make wine of water, in order, emblematically,
all
at the
commencement
to teach that
the Prophets.
It would be unjust to desire that our knowledge, and the degree of moral and political civilisation which we have attained, should be regarded as the sole criterion of
judgment, instead of using it as a mere standard of comThe parison between earlier times and the present.
we are apt to regard the efforts of past ages, one may day be bestowed upon many of our pursuits, should posterity feel equally disposed with ourselves to
87
really good,
which
former
is
defective,
We
society has risen to its present grade of refinement, with the same respect as that with which a man of mature There age regards the feelings and ideas of his youth, seems, therefore, little cause to fear that the portions of
the merit of his laudable exertions in the opinion of the reader, especially, as notwithstanding the weakness of
argument, so much talent is displayed, that even in those who had no concern in ecclesiastical affairs great interest
was
Omitting the commentary on St. Paul's Philemon and the Hebrews', which are composed in a manner precisely similar to those already
excited.
Epistles to Titus,
quoted,
letter
we
will
which also exhibits the participation of Charlemagne and his courtiers in these theological investigations.
An
felt
officer in the
and
passage in which Jesus bids his disciples buy a sword, (Luke xxii. 36.) with another passage in the Gospel of " all St. Matthew, wherein he they that take the says, Mat. sword, shall perish with the sword." (St.
xxvi. 52.)
an
He, therefore, applied to the king for Charles was so thoroughly acexplanation.
quainted with Alcuin's manner, that he would not have hesitated to explain the sword as meaning, allegorically,
the word of
God
had
it
88
word.
*k/
before
him
his
own
Alcuin solved the question, and the soldiers' scruples attention to the different circumthe king's by directing
L
same word
is
By
to be understood revenge for injuries sustained, because whoever practises this crime brings ruin upon himself.
The sword spoken of by Luke signifies, throughout, the word of God, which we must purchase with all our possessions; as
it
of the old serpent. The king also desired to know what Jesus meant to " He that hath a imply by the words, purse, let him take
it,
and likewise
sell his
his scrip
and he
him
enough ?"
that
;" and why, when the had two swords, he said, " It is Alcuin interpreted the purchase of the sword
he supposing
by the scrip and the word garment denotes sensual pleasures, which must be resigned before we can become by the purse
;
is
to be understood private,
public property
soldiers of Christ worthy of wearing that sword. The two swords indicate body and soul because, if we do the
;
Alcuin requested the king to communicate this explanation to the warrior and then, for the benefit of the king, proceeded to remove
it
will of
God
with these,
is
enough.
difficulty in
The question arose, Why does the sword, if it is the word of God, cut off the ear of his adversaries ; as it is through the ear that the word
ravelling this knotty point.
89
God
"
by the
and
that,
we maybe transformed
into
new
creatures.
On
for
is
this
Malchus means, by
sin,
to be king (regnaturus)
because we,
in the
in
our old
state,
but
new
state,
when healed
shall be kings and rulers in common In order to impress upon us that every one who confesses Christ must never cease to forgive his enemies, he himself omitted not to heal his persecutors,
by God's mercy,
with Christ.
even during the period of his agony." It had already been attempted to establish the principle that the Scriptures should remain closed to the laity, in
order that they might produce more magical effects in the hands of the clergy. Alcuin was far from entering into the narrow policy of desiring to base the power of the
clergy on the ignorance of the people ; but rejoiced that the laity had at length begun to occupy themselves with the Gospel, and wished that the king possessed many
such soldiers as him, to whose questions he had replied . Alcuin's intimate acquaintance with the sacred scrip-
and the works of the Fathers, his anxious care for the purity of doctrine, and his skill in maintaining it with the light weapons of dialectic art, or the weighty
tnres,
fittest
champion of
of the
the
innovations
His aim was neither to establish any new, nor to destroy any ancient principle, but simply to uphold
heretics.
90
and confirm those which already existed, and which he His presence was the more desirarecognised as true.
ble to Charles, as besides the controversy respecting the adoption, he was engaged in a theological dispute con-
nected with his diplomatic relation to the Byzantine empire. This was no other than the contention regarding
image-worship, which was at length decided, after having for many years excited the most violent commotions in
the Christian world in the East
;
the Pope to separate himself from the Byzantine empire, thereby paving the way for the restoration of the western
Roman empire. The decision, however, was such as accorded neither with the religious sentiments of the western part of Christendom, nor with the political pretensions of Charlemagne.
subject may, therefore, be proper, before we proceed to consider this decision, which, as well as the determination
Frankfort-on-the-Maine
we
shall thus
be
The
primitive
aversion to
deavoured to
and the more they enmark the distinction between the new reli-
their abhorrence.
gion and pagan idolatry, the more confirmed became The adoration of Gods, the work of
strictly prohibited by the Mosaic law, and so totally irreconcileable with the doctrine of Christianity, which teaches that God must be worshipped
only in
spirit
and
in
INTRODUCTION OF IMAGES.
91
custom derided and despised by the Christians, into the Christian church, seemed of all evils that which was least
to be feared.
Yet, no sooner had the religion of Jesus become predominant, than the great mass of mankind, who had been led to embrace Christianity, less from conviction than from expediency, transferred some of the
the state.
customs and sentiments of paganism to the religion of These abuses obtained a firm footing with
the greater facility, since the
latter
encounter opposition, the vigilance of jealousy was reThe feelings of the people, which require to be laxed.
excited
by some material impression, were readily ina visible object of reverence and it was with dulged the cross as the symbol of our rehonour to permitted
;
demption, or relics of the saints as cherished memorials There of the excellence of distinguished and pious men.
from the
If
was, however, but one small, almost imperceptible, step relics to the images of saints; and from regarding
them with
respect,
to worshipping
God, as such, could not be depicted, still his incarnation afforded an opportunity both to the pencil and the
chisel, of presenting
him
in a visible
of the faithful.
for art
His divine mother also became a subject and adoration. Miracles were related of the
their
images, which magnified their importance arid increased number; and in a short time, all the churches and
chapels in the Byzantine empire were filled with pictures Since the of Jesus, of Mary, of saints, and of angels. sixth century, believers had again bowed the knee to
92
images, and probably even worshipped, in the ancient deities of Olympus, the heroes of the Old Testament, or
the saints of the Christian church.
mere
alteration
all
of the names of
many
was
that
was
requisite to adapt
How
easy was
it
to convert the
the
name
of
Samson and by a
;
safety
Art
is
To
and
if
the practice was maintained, which would produced, have entirely ceased, had the same abhorrence of the arts of painting and sculpture prevailed in the Christian, as
in the
Mahommedan world.
felt that
she was acting in opposition to her precepts, and was placed in an element, which to her, was not only
It
and
create a
formidable party. The lower order of the people were too much attached to images, easily to suffer themselves
to
be deprived of them the monks who derived a considerable revenue from the preparation and sale of these
:
objects of adoration,
The
selfishness
ignorant fanaticism of the people inflamed by the and superstition of the monks rushed to the
when
93
Leo, the Isaurian. urged their removal. Political interests mingled in the contest, and gave it an extension and an importance which few theological controversies have attained.
The
talents
Isaurian
Leo the
III.
was indebted to
his military
Byzantium,
already tottering from internal convulsions, and assailed by external foes. He merited, however, his good fortune by the vigour with which he defended the state from the
and protected its internal tranWith his reign, thereof traitors. plots quillity commenced to the have of a fore, period prosperity might his had not repugnance to images inByzantine empire,
attacks of the Arabs,
from the
volved him in a quarrel with his subjects, in which he and his successors impaired the strength without increasing the glory of the state.
endeavoured to trace
convert the
Mahom-
in
his
dominions.
Their abhorrence
of the image- worship of the Christians was the great stumbling block to their conversion, nor could force
compel, nor persuasion induce them to exchange their worship of the one true God for Christian idolatry. The
determination of the emperor to remove this obstacle by reforming the service of the church, became the more confirmed, in proportion as he became convinced, by a
comparison of the present state of Christian worship with that of the primitive church, and with the precepts
of the Old and
reproaches
New
94
also rendered
it
more easy
who
were favourable to his views to prove, by philosophical and historical reasons, the sinfulness of image-worship, and
the right possessed by the sovereign of checking by his The difficulties, imperial authority a dangerous abuse. however, attending the measure, restrained the emperor
He
first,
though
unsuccessfully, endeavoured to draw over to his interests the theological academy at Constantinople, a learned institution connected with the public library.
The members,
consisting partly of monks, of course opposed a system which would deprive the monastic order of a lucrative
Leo
retired
to wait for a
which, appearing to have arrived in the year 726, he assembled a Silentium or secret council of clerical and
lay officers, and required them to declare the worship of images to be unlawful, and dangerous to the salvation of the soul. In pursuance of this sentence, all the images in the churches were removed from the altars and lower parts
These
half measures, however, only rendered the emperor odious without attaining their object and two years later, he found himself compelled to command, in a second edict,
;
what he had merely advised in the first, viz. that all images of angels, saints, and martyrs, should be entirely removed from the churches. The refusal of the patriarch Germanus to
execution
till
subscribe
the
year
95
favourable to
the system of the emperor, took possession of the paResistance now commenced on the triarchal see.
part
of the
instigated to
monks, and the people whom they had Their first attack was made rebellion.
mounted a ladder
The captain of the body-guard open day, and endeavoured with an axe to hew down the image which was in high reputation, on account of its wonder-working power. The concourse
of the palace Chalke.
in
of people attracted by this outrage first used entreaties, but finding these ineffectual, they had recourse to violence.
ladder was overthrown, and the captain and his companions slain. Once freed from restraint, the passions of the people hurried them on to the commission
The
of
still
greater excesses
patriarch, and yielded only to the military force which The the emperor despatched to restore tranquillity.
obedience to his
his throne,
attachment of the troops enabled the emperor to enforce commands but he did it at the peril of
;
The
veneration to the islands of the Archipelago. There, their fanatic zeal and hopes of assistance from heaven
fleet, with which they boldly before appeared Constantinople, for the purpose of hurlthe of Christ from his throne. But as the ing enemy
expected miraculous assistance was not vouchsafed, they were easily defeated and punished. Italy, however, lay at a greater distance, and possessed in Pope Gregory
II.
96
could
flee.
Byzantine empire; and, to protect himself against the Greeks and Lombards, entered into that alliance with
the French, which was afterwards productive of such important consequences. His exhortations and example, together with the writings of John of Damascus, kept alive
An earththe spirit of contention in Byzantium itself. in converted of which the most 741, many magquake,
of Asia and part of Constantinople into afforded the monks an opportunity of of ruins, heaps this calamity as the effect of the wrath of representing
nificent cities
God at the impious attacks upon the images, and of exasperating the minds of the people against the emperor, who had rendered himself still more obnoxious, by
the imposition of taxes, for the purpose of rebuilding the cities which had been overthrown. Such was the situation of affairs at the time of Leo's
place in 741.
bequeathed to his son, Constantine V., who had already been associated with him in the govern-
He
ment, the empire, and the task of executing the measures which he had begun 1 The Byzantine historians describe the emperor Constantine as an incarnate
.
they do not allow him one good quality and yet, what they themselves relate of his actions, contradicts their sentence, and is indeed as convincing a proof of
devil,
;
of
severity
the calumnies propagated by his enemies. The and cruelty which he exercised towards a faction
his authority
which was labouring for his overthrow, and either defied by open rebellion, or sought to undermine it
secret intrigues, instead, of being matters of reproach
by
REVOLT OF ARTABASDUS.
97
of the necessity in which he was placed, either of giving up his convictions, or of establishing them on the ruin of
his
adversaries.
had manifested
itself at
implacable hatred of the monks the beginning of his reign, in a out of his power to adopt milder meafor the use of images
The
had formed on
political party,
and
Artabasdus, brother-in-law to the new emperor, who secretly favoured image-worship, or at least professed to
do so in order to gain popularity, and thereby the throne. The suspicions of Constantine were indeed awakened, but he durst not make any attempt against his brotherin-law in Constantinople, and, therefore, under pretence of needing his advice, ordered him to join him in an expedition against the Arabs, which he undertook immeThe guilty conscience of diately after his coronation. Artabasdus divined the motive of this command, and
urged him to anticipate the emperor. He appeared at the head of an army, and had almost succeeded in
capturing the surprised Constantine. This step rendered the breach decisive, and whilst Constantine was assembling
a force in his native country, Tsauria, for the purpose of repossessing himself of the throne, Artabasdus was
crowned emperor
changed
at Constantinople, and immediately restored the worship of images. The patriarch Anastasius
his sentiments,
much vehemence
The
civil
was now breaking out was so intimately connected with the dispute regarding images, that they must stand or
fall
98
victorious.
On
of a greatly superior force, on that of Constantine energy of mind and military talents, which compensated for the
The unskildeficiency in the number of his troops. fulness of his adversaries afforded him an opportunity of attacking them singly : he defeated Artabasdus himThe Sardio, and his son Nicetas at Ancyra. same month, September 743, he appeared before the
self at
walls of Constantinople; but, as his adherents within the walls durst not hazard any attempt to deliver it into his Artabasdus had hands, he was compelled to besiege it
capital,
and defended
it
with the
to be relieved by Nicetas, who greatest obstinacy, hoping was endeavouring to form an army in Asia from the
wreck of
In October, Nicetas approached with his party. an armed force, but was driven back to Nicomedia by Constantine, and there not only defeated in a general
The perseengagement, but himself taken prisoner. verance with which Artabasdus, notwithstanding this disaster, continued the defence of Constantinople only
Constantine took the city delayed his inevitable fate. of second the on storm November, and his enemy, by
who had
vainly attempted to escape, not long after falling was punished by the
more
it
in possession
of the
by the total destruction Search was made for those who of the opposite party. had adhered to his enemy, and all were punished either
with death or mutilation.
The contemptible character cf the patriarch Anastasius, which rendered him a useful
99
of images, the
more
imperative
his
to maintain
and propagate
The abolition, therefore, of imageopinions. worship was not merely a matter of religious discipline, but a necessary measure for the security of his person
and dynasty.
own
had, however, taught him sufficient prudence to delay the execution of his design until he had restored tranquillity to the distracted
with
him
in
the
government.
and rendered
still
Preparatory to their publication throughout the empire, he introduced them in those provinces, the The governors of which were devoted to his views.
severe.
more
simplest means would have been to have it abolished by a resolution of a general council ; but as neither Leo nor
Constantine could calculate upon the majority of the bishops being favourable to their system, this method
may
be,
the temporal power, to submit to its decisions, he assumes a very different position when the support of a numerous
The mining, raises him above the influence of fear. from of which in is dumb individuals opposition, spirit
conscious
weakness,
then
displays
itself
openly
and
H 2
100
vigorously.
This impediment, so justly to be feared, seemed, however, to be removed by the death of AnasThe hope tasius, which left the patriarchal see vacant.
of obtaining the
first ecclesiastical
was a
bait at
which Constantine
felt certain
would catch, and by which they would suffer themsehes As it was easy to foresee that the emperor to be taken. would be guided
in his choice
of a patriarch, by the
degree of zeal displayed in his cause, he might reasonably look for support rather than opposition from the bishops, among whom there were few who did not aspire to the patriarchate.
Relying on
this circumstance,
Constantine
council at Constantinople, in the year 754, which so well answered his expectations, that the assembly,
consisting of three
summoned a
acceded to his wishes, and adopted them as a law of the church. Image-worship was rejected as an invention of
the devil to allure
mankind
to a
as
new
species of idolatry,
God
clusion, a curse
was pronounced upon all the worshippers of images, especially upon the former patriarch Germanus, and the monk John of Damascus .
1
in
obtaining, in a
a canonical manner, the right of suppressing imageworship and, accordingly, commanded that all images should be removed from the churches and sacred edifices,
but with as
to deprive
little
violence as possible
wishing merely
and
their sanctity in the eyes of the people, the adoration paid to them, without denying thei
art.
them of
But
it
was no
eas;
101
task to put the decision of the council into execution. First, as regarded the pope, he was placed at so great a distance, and was so secure under the protection of the
fail
breach with the Byzantine court to an irreparable extent. Any attempt to reduce him to obedience by force would
have been as expensive as ineffectual no other course, therefore, remained to the emperor but that of endeavouring to withdraw from him the protection of France,
;
and thus compel him to resume the relation in which he formerly stood to the empire, if he would avoid becoming the prey of the Lombards. For the accomplishment 01
this purpose, Constantine entered into negotiations with
whom
he sought to attach
still
more
alliance
sister of
between his
danger
French monarch
their
still
tendency to promote
images,
common
interest.
fairest provinces
from the
position,
Byzantine empire, placed the pope in an independent and laid the foundation of a princely power
established in his
nified
own
territories,
him
from
and also furnished the French king with an of obtaining a firm footing beyond the Alps. opportunity
Sicily,
102
It
THE LIFE OF
was
not, however, in the
'ALCUIN.
West only that the spirit of it still remained unsubto continued rage opposition dued in the Eastern provinces, and even in the capital
;
notwithstanding the decision of the council of Constantinople. The fanaticism of the monks considered no means as unlawful in the defence of a sacred cause,
itself,
a year elapsed wherein we do not find recorded some act of violence against the images, and of cruelty towards
But as the persecution of individuals increased the obstinacy and fury of the rest, the only
their worshippers.
to
all
who
In the year 768, the monasteries at Constantinople were dissolved, and the buildings either demolished or converted into barracks.
either
voluntary banishment. tended to the refractory provincial monasteries, and carried 1 into execution by military force for the army was devoted
,
and attached to
his principles.
There can be no question that a commission entrusted to such rough hands was often executed with as little regard
for the preservation of literature
and
and
but the impossibility of suppressing an exjustice and at the same time keeping within faction, asperated
;
the bounds of moderation and equity, and the necessity of exercising severity towards all who refused to comply
103
with the decree for the abolition of images, which had been regularly issued by a convocation of the elergy, will
sufficiently excuse the
impartial mind.
emperor in the opinion of every Constantine was indebted to the energy of his character, for the satisfaction of seeing the public
worship of images abolished before his death, and of receiving a guarantee for the future, in the oath taken
would never again pay them This oath would have been performed, had his successor prosecuted his measures with the same
by
adoration.
energy and firmness with which he had adopted them in 775, but Leo IV. who ascended the throne
Under the
who
concealed her
veneration for images and monks, that she might be enabled to promote their interests the more effectually,
The apparent
;
making concessions, which contained the of future and by granting the monks disturbances germ
into
him
permission to return and hold high offices in the church, he again introduced into the state practices subversive of
the existing order of things. When he discovered the of saints adored images by his wife, it was too secretly
late to repair his error
;
for,
determination on the subject, he died, September the 8th, 780. Irene, as guardian to her son, Constantine VI., who
was yet a minor, was now intrusted with the reins of government and nothing but the fear of resistance, especially on the part of the army, withheld her from
;
She,
104
however, commenced preparations for this measure by putting a stop to all persecutions, and placing no im-
pediment in the way of erecting images in various places. At the same time she made advances to the Roman
pontiff,
magne,
to the
VI.,
French
princess, Rotrudis.
But, notwithstanding
that she openly displayed her predilection for images, it was long before she ventured upon taking any decided
step.
More than
commencement of the
half a century had elapsed since the controversy, so that the greater
part of the existing generation had been educated in the prevailing opinions, and most of the bishoprics were
occupied by
hostility
their
elevation
to
their
to
The empress,
therefore,
durst not attempt so important a change as the restoration of image -worship without some plausible pretext.
This was immediately afforded by the patriarch Paul, who, as had been previously concerted, publicly resigned his dignity. Paul had been appointed to the patriarchal
after he had, in presence of the declared himself inimical to images. emperor, solemnly In the year 784, he suddenly abandoned the archiepis-
throne by
Leo
IV.,
professed to all those who visited him, either at the instigation of the empress, or from motives of curiosity, that remorse had driven him from a see, the acceptance of
with other
.
churches, and deprived him of the favour of the saints that he could only hope to obtain pardon for his sin by
deep repentance
COUNCIL OF CONSTANTINOPLE.
105
in that
same year.
upon her
The pliant courtier testified equal readiness her wishes, by the condition which he with comply annexed to his acceptance of the highest ecclesiastical
patriarchate.
to
dignity, namely, that a general council should
examine
adopting the artifice of admitting some ecclesiastics as ambassadors from the patriarchs of Antioch and Alexandria, the synod
council.
assumed the authority of an ecumenical Although the adverse party was unable to prein great
vent the
numbers
couraged in their opposition to the court by the veteran troops of Constantine, who declared themselves ready to
protect them, and to defend the principles of their revered
general.
in the
When,
therefore, the
first
Church of the Twelve Apostles, August 7th, 786, the soldiers, who had taken possession of the church on
the preceding day, rose and excited such a tumult that the patriarch was unable to obtain a hearing, and the
empress herself was compelled to request the assembly to yield to a force which it was useless to resist, and to
106
the decrees
against images.
The
empress, rendered her aware of the obstacles to be surmounted before she could make a second and more
successful effort.
Regardless of the interest of the state, she artfully contrived to disarm and disband the veterans and, after having surrounded herself with a guard of
;
newly levied troops, she summoned, in September 787, a council at Nice, not daring to trust the citizens of
Constantinople.
plans, or
On
their sentiments.
willing to change detachment of the new legions was Under despatched thither to be ready in case of need. these circumstances, there could be no doubt as to the
at least
who
showed themselves
The
reso-
and
condemned, together with all who adhered to them, and the worship of images again made an ordinance of the church, with, however, the nice distinction, that to the
saints
rrjffiQ)
and images only prostration of the body was due, whilst the worship of the heart
belonged to
In that city
God
also,
alone.
that every thing passed off with the utmost tranquillity. Amidst loud acclamations of joy, the empress, together
GERMAN INDEPENDENCE.
107
an oecumenical council, was to be received as valid by It was, therefore, sent to the whole Christian world.
Pope Hadrian
In the
I.,
in order that
he might communicate
it
West.
position, in relation
to divine worship,
had hitherto been assigned to images. They served rather to ornament sacred edifices, and to deepen the solemn impression which such places are
calculated to make, than to
objects
of devotion.
the
The
which
Romans had transferred from paganism to Christianity, was unfelt by the Germans who had adored their former deities, not so much in artificial representations as in
natural objects.
them
also,
Superstition existed nevertheless among but under a different form. They worshipped
the relics rather than the images of saints, and expected to receive from the former, what the Greeks hoped to
obtain from the latter
assistance in the time of need,
protection in the hour of danger. Nicene council was the less likely to
The
decree of the
among
Greek
meaning
it
The imparted to the subjects of Oriental despotism. free-born German was accustomed to behold in his feudal
his
among
;
his equals,
whilst the
think of denying to the saints offered to the emperor. Neither the language nor the habits of the Western nations accorded with a practice,
108
empire, might be adapted to religious purposes, without exciting in them any painful feelings. In addition to the
aversion of the Western church to image-worship, the friendly correspondence between the Byzantine and
at the
off
the blame
of which, indeed, rested entirely with Irene. The ambitious empress was not disposed to suffer the reins of
government
to be wrested out
of her hands
and the
friends of image-worship,
from
Irene, and,
pediment to her design, as it was easy to foresee that the French monarch would not permit the degradation of his
son-in-law.
Armenian maiden
At
of Beneventum and Prince Adalgis of Lombardy, and endeavoured to put an end to the French influence in
Italy,
by restoring
to the
Lombardian kingdom
it
its
former
entirely failed.
may
easily
be imagined that the pope found himself placed in a dilemma, on receiving the resolutions of the Nicene
to Charlemagne. the French
council for the express purpose of communicating them He was aware of the aversion felt by
clergy to
109
a court which displeasure entertained by Charles against had so grievously offended him. Hadrian had, therefore, abstained from giving him any intimation respecting the
council at Nice, and of the part taken by himself in their
deliberations, but
had endeavoured
to keep
him
in igno-
Now, however,
that con-
cealment was no longer practicable, he despatched a copy of The the Nicene resolutions to Charles in the year 792. French monarch would, at any time, have hesitated to con-
summoned without his knowledge or which the West of Christendom was repreand in consent, sented only by two nuncios from the pope, a right to imcede to an assembly, pose laws on the whole Christian world but he had now a double motive for refusing to permit a hostile court to He, prescribe to him the course he was to pursue.
;
the Nicene council, but to reject them through the instrumentality of a general council, to be held in the
West
to
of Christendom.
He
England, and requested Alcuin to refute them, and to procure their condemnation in that country then he
;
begged him to return to the continent, in order to be present at the council, which he proposed summoning to
decide upon this matter, and upon the doctrine of the
Adoptionists.
Alcuin composed a
treatise, in
which he
proved that the worship of images was inconsistent with the doctrines of Scripture, and the authority of the
Fathers.
English princes and bishops the Nicene council, though attended and sanctioned by the pope, whose authority had formerly been undisputed by the Anglo-Saxons, was
110
pronounced to be
full
powers
1
to
impart
their
the
French
monarch
4.
Decision of the Council of Frankfort upon the Doctrine of the Adoptionists and Image-worship.
Alcuin returned to
Charlemagne
at the
conclusion
of the year 792, or the commencement of the following year, attended, as ambassador of the Anglo-Saxon
church and
state,
by a retinue of English
ecclesiastics.
was about
Their presence was necessary to give the conference, which to be held, the authority of a general council
;
of Western Christendom
command
could
ensure the attendance of the bishops and abbots residing in all the German states, which had been Christianized
sceptre.
she pleased,
situation, so secure, as to
the resentment of a king who was destitute of a navy. That she nevertheless showed herself willing to unite
is
Alcuin.
Alcuin
endeavoured to convince the Adoptionists of their error. He wrote to bishop Felix 3 earnestly importuning him to " Venture " to he renounce his
,
heresy
not,"
exclaims,
The truths of the Gospel enter upon a useless contest. Let us only maintain and illuminate the whole earth.
propagate the doctrines
mortals, amongst
so
it
teaches.
What
can we,
frail
many
of
whom
love begins to
grow
COUNCIL OF FRANKFORT.
cold,
Ill
imagine better than to adhere to the principles of the Apostles and Evangelists, with all the firmness and
of true faith, without inventing new names, bringforward strange conceits, or desiring to acquire a vain ing
fidelity
reputation
by some novelty
in doctrine,
whereby we may
bring upon ourselves censure, whilst we hoped to obtain The tone of this letter was not calculated to praise ?"
Alcuin too hastily preproduce a favourable result. to be in the path of error, and exalted Felix supposed himself above him with too much arrogance 1 not to
,
provoke a quarrel.
tise
in
;
defence of his
and
in
opposition to
but before he had completed and transmitted it to him, the Spanish bishops, who concurred in the new doctrine, appealed to the justice of King Charles, re-
Alcuin
presenting, in their letters, that their opponents were heretics, whilst they, on the other hand, only endeavoured 2 to uphold the true faith in its purity . Nothing, therefore,
decision of an ecclesiastical
remained to be done, but to refer the matter to the council, which was accord-
ingly
summoned by the king, in the year 794. The place appointed for the conference was Frankfort, a royal This place was then villa on the banks of the Maine.
of recent origin, and owed the foundation of its future splendour to the number of bishops and abbots, and the
vast concourse of lay nobility,
who were
attracted thither
from
the
The natural conparts of the French kingdom. of and numerous and of convocations, sequence frequent
all
retinue, to
more than usually long residence of the court and its was to draw together a number of people, anxious supply the demands for the commodities of life which
112
794, proves that the prosperity and importance of this town began and increased with the meetings
The number
of bishops
is
said
have been three hundred, in which computation the abbots and clergy who accompanied them are not in-
cluded.
Many
the
West
It
is,
of
the
was constructed on principles which formed henceforth the basis of the political and ecclesiasfirst
which
tical privileges
of the
manner of
its
constitution possess
occupied by the members according to their nation and rank. The church of Rome, which was represented by the Pope's legates, Stephen and Theophilactus, naturally took
Next
the precedence as guardian of the Apostolical traditions. in order, came the church of Lombardy, at the head
of which stood the archbishop of Milan and the patriarch of Aquileia the third part was formed by the Cis-alpine
;
clergy.
To
a spiritual character, was added a fourth, consisting of Charles, as the son and protector of the holy church of God, and his chief lay nobility for their consent was
;
order to execute by temporal means, that which might be spiritually determined2 To the king
essential, in
.
DISPUTATION AT FRANKFORT.
113
and of appointing the order in which forward. should be Amongst the subjects brought they proposed for the deliberation and decision of the council,
to be treated of,
the doctrine of the Adoptionists and the worship of images came first under discussion ; and as it was with these two
points only that Alcuin was engaged, they merit a detailed and exclusive narrative, Alcuin was recom-
mended
assembly by Charles himself, and on this admitted. recommendation It appears that he powerful took with him the first book which he had written in refuto the
1
and
in
which he had
collected the testimony of the Fathers against the 2 doctrines. At least, it is certain that he presented
new
it
to
the
at
Frankfort
to take
it home with him, in order to fortify the clergy of Septimania against the dangerous influence of their 3 Neither Felix, nor any of the heretical neighbours.
Adoptionists, attended the conference of Frankfort ; consequently there was no one to be found who possessed
either the desire or the ability to oppose the testimony of
the fathers, the decree of the pope, and the majority of the bishops, whose adherence to the ancient doctrine was
probably the result more of convenience than conviction. The decision of the council at Frankfort was, therefore, a ratification of the sentence of condemnation which had
been pronounced two years previously at Ratisbon. 4 The resolutions of the council were communicated to the Archbishop
Elipandus, and the bishops residing in those of Spain which were subject to the Saracens, by parts means of a document transmitted in the name of the king ;
114
but in
of
the
Elipandus,
was
in the
form
mand than an
principle that so
could not err, was therein assumed for if the Lord had promised that where two or three were gathered together
in his
name, he would be in the midst of them, could any one doubt that he had been with, and enlightened the
minds of a venerable assembly convened for his honour ? The Adoptionists were required to return into the bosom
of the church, and to subscribe the annexed orthodox
confession of faith, or to prepare themselves to be
de-
nounced as
heretics,
found
In this document, no notice was taken of Felix, because it seemed evident that he, as a French bishop, must ac-
knowledge the authority of a council summoned by the king, and ratified by the pope, and submit to its deciWe shall, however, presently see that he did sions. neither the one nor the other, but, on the contrary, brought
forward new arguments in favour of his opinions, which
appeared to the king of a fresh examination.
sufficient
importance to
call for
For the present, however, the affair seemed to have been settled in a legitimate way, to the great satisfaction both of the king and the pope. Their views differed
with regard to the decision of the second point imageRegarded as a matter of religion, imageworship.
worship was an abomination to the inhabitants of CisConsidered in a political point of view, the alpine Gaul.
unreasonable demand of the
115
summoned by
its
and that resolutions adopted in a great measure by military constraint, should be received as general laws of the church, was a claim which wounded
as oecumenical,
the pride of the French king. Willing, as Charles might be, to concede to the pope, as head of a church which inherited the Apostolical traditions, a superiority in wisdom, and authority in ecclesiastical matters ; still the pope had
not been represented at the council of Nice as the head of the church, but simply as an equal among equals. There, he was no more than any other archbishop of the Byzantine empire, a
In the course of the controhis totally altered position. in which he stood to the relation versy upon images,
France, had procured for him so much influence with that nation, and so important a part in its constitution, that it was impossible for him to return to his former position
with regard to the court of Byzantium, without causing the utmost confusion. By the re-introduction of imageworship, the cause of disunion had indeed been removed ; but it was not so easy to annihilate consequences as to annul resolutions, or to restore a state of things, when
once
it
as statues
and
pictures.
It
was
necessary, therefore, to substitute a new subject of dissension for the opposition to images, which, for the moment
at least, was* terminated.
declaration of independence on the paii of the Western church, in no way affecting the supremacyof the pope, would prevent him from renewing his alliance*Vith the Byzantine empire, and lead him by
116
Charles was endeavouring, at the expense of religion, from the confusion in which they were involved, he rendered the most essential service to
to disengage politics
The defenders of the interests of the papal authority. the holy see have cause to be dissatisfied with the decision of the council of Frankfort, only in so far as it rejected a doctrine which has subsequently become preIt may, however, afford know, that the assembled fathers were led astray by misunderstanding and passion. For in the manner in which Charles had the subject laid
to
before them,
sition
it
and rejection but it is difficult to determine whether ignorance of Greek or wilful misrepresentation was the cause of the misconception. In the first place, the council summoned by Irene was not acknowledged as
oecumenical 1
the
official
It may, indeed, appear strange, that in documents, Constantinople is mentioned as the place of that meeting but this change of name is easily accounted for by the fact, that the legates of the
.
and
when the
commenced
its
delibera-
was compelled to dissolve in conseof the tumultuous quence proceedings of the soldiers of Constantine, they remained, in order to accompany the
assembly to Nice, without requiring or receiving any The Synod at Nice was considered by
fresh credentials.
them merely as a prolongation of that at Constantinople, and the more so as on the breaking up of the assembly,
the
members returned to Constantinople for the purpose of procuring the signature to their resolutions. The less
CARLOVINGIAN PAPERS.
importance
is
117
names,
as, in
the
first
place,
it is
and
in the
But the meeting resolutions of the Byzantine council were perverted, and brought before the council at Frankfort in a hateful form
were not ignorant of the
;
for, regardless
of the distinction
made by
the Greeks
was due to images as to the Holy Trinity, which had been disclaimed by the Nicene council, was represented
as the decision of that body.
denounced as heretical2
It
pecting that the king abused his privilege of propounding the subjects of deliberation, and by a false representation
endeavoured to excite the passions of the assembly, and bring them over to his interests. Although nuncios from the pope were present, and could have explained to
members that they were under a mistake, it does not appear ihat they either did so, or had any authority so to do. The Catholic church, therefore, can more easily
the get over the decision of the council at Frankfort, which was the result of a false statement, than the treatise
which appeared
in
the
name
of Charlemagne, justifying
the rejection of image-worship. This work is best known under the title of the Carlovingian Papers, and would deserve especial notice, as one of the most remarkable literary productions of that period, even were Alcuin not its sup-
posed author.
As
it
vehement
language, and not without considerable strength of argument, an object which has become dear to the Catholic
118
church,
it
The
first
out the
name
printed edition appeared in the year 1549, withof the printer and editor, who did not ven;
but
it
is
known
that
we
1
are
It a French bishop . was immediately reprinted in Germany but the scarcity of the two first editions proves how eagerly and success-
indebted for
it
to
Jean de
Tillet,
them. Fortunately, the Protestants took under their protection a treatise exposed to such danger, and thus rescued it from the an-
The Roman hierarchy, thus failed in the work, endeavoured, having suppressing
nihilation
which threatened
it
upon
its
authenticity.
Taking
advantage of an external similarity, the Catholics asserted it to be the production of Karlstadt, who, in the beginning
of the reformation at Wittemberg, began, and preached
in favour of, the destruction of images, although the contents throughout
clearly refuted this statement.
It is
only necessary to read the Carlovingian Papers, and see "how exalted a position is assigned to the Pope and church of Rome 3 to be persuaded that so zealous a reformer as
,
Karlstadt could not have had the remotest share in such a composition.
as the language
The
and
;
sentiments therein expressed, as well style, belong much more to the time
will
is
of Charlemagne
doubt
its
genuineness, when to
added the
by a passage in from Archbishop Hincmar to his nephew, wherein he not only mentions that he had read the Carlovingian
incontestible historical testimony afforded
letter
Papers,
when
119
was the
Whilst author of this production, as of its authenticity. in England, he had written a treatise against imageworship, which he took with him to the council at Frankfort.
man
entitled than any other and was called upon to do so by the confidence of the king, which no one possessed to prosecute the subject,
He
or deserved in a higher degree than Alcuin. In this work, abounding in quotations, both from the Fathers and classical authors, we discern no symptom of a paucity
felt
of books, the want of which, Alcuin, some years later, so much in France ; which also furnishes a proof,
that the greater part of
it
was written
in
England.
The
1
But the
his
treatise
it is
may
name of
Charles, as
mind.
throughout stamped with the impress of The feeling which he entertained towards the
court and pretensions of Byzantium, transfused its bitterness into the pen of Alcuin, and led him not merely to
expose and systematically refute the errors of the Nicene council but also prominently to exhibit every thing that
;
might wound
the pride of the empress Irene, or render the of the Greeks ridiculous. This is apparent in the vanity criticism upon the letter of Irene, addressed to Pope
and likewise
in this
in the
manner
in
is
placed in
The
principles
avowed
work are
of Alcuin, which have already been expressed, regarding 3 the dignity and infallibility of the papal see It is
.
all
times
120
own judgment
in such
remarkable
the
which the author makes in the name of the king is very he declares that he had endeavoured, from
;
commencement of
his reign, to
churches on the model of that of Rome, and to establish a perfect unanimity with that church, to the head of which
the keys of heaven were committed 1 . So far, the advocates for the rights of the Roman church have no reason
to complain of a treatise
tious wishes.
which
satisfies their
most ambi-
But the pope had declared himself the of images, and the author of the Carlovingian protector was In a series of Papers decidedly opposed to them.
by step the acts of the Nicene council, the arguments drawn from the Bible in favour of image-worship. This refutation constitutes a
large and important portion of the work, but requires the less minute description, as it is throughout written in the
style
hibited.
as
The Nicene council, for example, had adduced a proof of the admissibility of image-worship, that Solomon set up the images of oxen and lions in the
In refutation of this, the author observes, that temple. he himself did not condemn images when used as memorials
or ornaments, but only when they were regarded as but as to the images in the objects of sinful adoration
;
Temple
council
at Jerusalem,
it
when
sought to support its errors by a circumstance which signified a mystery of the church. For the oxen
it
NICE.
121
were symbolical figures of the apostles, and by Christ in his church, who were
of oxen, but
who were
1
the fury of a lion. In the third book, the author proceeds from the consideration of the general testimony of the Holy Scriptures,
to
decrees of the bishops forming the and could with the greater facility refute them both by argument and ridicule, as they were in contradiction not only to the manners of the West of Europe,
the particular
;
council of Nice
but likewise to
common
sense.
It
was not
difficult to
de-
monstrate that the reverence paid to the statues of the emperor was no justification of that shown to the images of saints, but that the one was as objectionable as the
other.
If heathen customs were to be adopted in the churches, then it would soon come to pass that the houses
of
God would
filled
with the performances of gladiators. The apostle, however, enjoined us not to take the emperor and the world for our examples, but said, " Be ye followers of me, even as I also am of Christ" 1 (ICor.xi. 1). "There-
peace be
"far be
it
religion,
that the perverted customs of profligate heathenism should " be imitated and adopted by Christian sobriety. 2 To various
weak
by resting their arguments upon and rational principles? maxims were added which were revolting to the moral
local interests, instead of general
had exposed
feelings.
They adduced,
anecdote, as an
122
worship
:
certain monk had been so long and grievously tempted by the devil to sensual indulgence, that he longed to rid himself at any price of the torment; and at
last, at
him the
worship of images, binding himself with a solemn oath No sooner never again to offer adoration to an image. did his abbot hear of this, than he cried out in a transport " It had been better for thee to have visited of
rage.
every brothel in the city, than to have denied to the images of the Lord, or of his Holy Mother, the adoration that is due to them." The council at Nice assented to this
principle,
in their acts,
and by
bringing exclaims
" Is not forward as an argument. this," or author of the the Alcuin, Carlovingian " is not this an Papers, unparalleled absurdity ? a ruinous evil ? an wilder than has ever yet been known ? insanity
had been better for him, he says, to have been guilty of an action forbidden both by the law and the Gospel, than to abstain from that which is commanded by no law,
It
either
human
or divine
It
says, to
crime
have committed a crime, than to have avoided a better to defile the Temple of God, than to despise
!
the worship of senseless statues Let him tell us, whether he can any where find that the Lord has said, ( Thou
shalt not refuse to worship images
commit
adultery.'
can any where find that the seest an image and adorest
x
whereas, it is known commanded this, Thou Let him tell us, whether he Lord has declared, If thou
;'
'
it
not,
while every one knows that he has said, ' Whosoever looketh on a woman to lust after her, hath committed
123
Whoever adultery with her already in his heart.' attempts to support his assertions by such examples as this, proves that he possesses folly of no ordinary kind, " but that it surpasses that of all others.
1
carried their
to
image-worship
extremes, and
consequently
solid
argument.
of the Carlovingian Papers, on the contrary, had assumed a moderate position between the contending
parties,
The author
and was thereby enabled, unfettered by partiality, and expose the absurdities of
their speculations.
He
often feels himself obliged to rehe did not prohibit the pos;
images that he desired not should turn away with disgust from the images which had been placed in churches either as decorations
session, but the adoration of
that
men
it
Having taken
this position,
the decree of the Iconoclasts at the council of Constantinople, appeared to him just as reprehensible as the oppoerror into which that of Nice had fallen, whilst the
site
was recommended by the apof Western Christendom, probation by the assent of the and the understanding, authority of one of the most by
result of his investigation
In pursuance, therefore, of the sentence of this pope, it was enacted as a fundamental law of the Western churches,
that images
should be permitted to remain outside the it was equally unlawful to insist upon
and
4
.
124
Angilbert, the acts of the Frankfort council, together with the work composed in his name, to Pope Hadrian
requiring
wards the Byzantine court, the formal condemnation of the Emperor Constantine, and his mother, Irene. This
On the placed the pope in an embarrassing situation. one hand, he durst not be guilty of the inconsistency of
condemning a council to which he himself had sent a and, on the other, legate, and of which he had approved
;
it
was equally impossible to refute the arguments, and overcome the aversion of the French clergy as to dispute
This occurrence the authority of Gregory the Great. might easily have produced a breach between the French
monarch and the papal see, had Hadrian not been a man of too peaceful and estimable a character to sacrifice, to the passion of the moment, the advantages which the Romish
church derived from her close alliance with France, and
the respect and regard which he entertained for the king. He pursued the line of policy by which the papal power has become so enormous that of never attempting to
wrest from circumstances what they did not warrant The Carlo vingian Papers freely, or, at least, apparently.
him
recognition of his supremacy by a general council of the West, sufficiently indemnified him for a departure from the opinions which both he and some of his pre-
The
when, as in
125
of these popes could so easily be secured, by ascribing to which coincided with the principles
the opposition of his predecessors to the Iconoclasts, on the ground recognised even by that council, that the
destruction of images was as great a crime as their adoration ; and exonerate himself on the plea of desiring to
terminate
the
dissensions
between
the
Eastern
and
Western churches.
justification of
This consideration
induced him
once more to lay before the king some arguments in image-worship ; but as he at last granted
Gregory were
waved
of
unreasonable
demand
of a formal
declaration
clouds hostility against the Byzantine court ; and thus the amicable their while for a obscured which had dispersed
relation to each other.
The decree of
in
the year 825, on account of the controversy which had 1 . But, in again arisen in Byzantium, respecting images
of more process of time, this subject, as well as others its interest ; and as the lost to the church, importance
images remained in the churches, and, as it was left to the conscience of each individual to determine in what
were to be regarded, the worship of images, which had been so strenuously resisted by Charlemagne
light they
and
his contemporaries, gradually insinuated itself into The elements were in existence ; the Catholic church.
and
would have afforded cause, both for surprise and In a state of regret, had they not developed themselves.
it
civilisation,
126
Charlemagne, a sensible object of adoration was requisite. such an object and in that
;
point of view retained their importance: but, besides these dark and gloomy objects, images presented themselves
in a brighter and more cheerful light, and maintained the reputation which miracles had conferred upon them, by miracles 1 So long as the efforts of art are principally
.
conceptions An corresponding with religious narrow-mindedness. is furnished of fact this the stiff and interesting proof by
universally,
we
find,
uniform figures which constituted the first attempts of the Greek art of sculpture, as well as by the spiritless pictures of saints and gods, which were the humble beginning of an art which has since been carried to such Art was contented to be the hand-maid of perfection.
religion, until she acquired
laid
from
The
sanctity
and reputation
of miraculous power belonging to an ancient picture, conferred on it an importance which would never have
work of art. But the Jupiter of of Raphael, instead of borrowing In splendour from, reflected a lustre upon, religion. as art had freer and increased in proportion scope, energy, religious views were expanded ; and as religion, by albeen accorded to
Phidias, or a
it
as a
Madonna
lowing the use of images, contributed to accelerate the perfection of art, so she, in her turn, advanced the interests of religion.
But
would not
have been attained, had the Frankfort council carried their principle to the extreme and not only prohibited
;
ALCUIN'S
PERMANENT SETTLEMENT
IN FRANCE. 127
the worship of images, but also excluded them from The plan pursued respecting images sacred edifices. does honour to the intelligence and sagacity of the men
who
devised
it.
The animation
of style, ingenuity of
argument, and extent of learning, displayed in the Carlovingian Papers, render them a striking monument of the high state of mental cultivation of that period, and of
intellectual superiority to the succeeding centuries.
is
its
It
them that the Romish hierarchy disputed their authenticity, and ascribed their origin to a period eminent for intellectual energy, and which, by emancipating the mind from many of the fetters of preno
slight praise to
his
Two
fort
years elapsed between the period of the Frankcouncil and Alcuin's permanent settlement in
;
France
mained
the
King.
At
the
request of Charles, he delayed his return to England, without altogether relinquishing the design, and with-
out suffering his attention to be withdrawn from his native country, the state of which filled him with the
greatest anxiety.
The Normans,
make
unwelcome descent upon more distant The skilful measures taken by Charlemagne, deterred them from repeating their fruitless
their
shores.
128
but England,
among weak
princes,
In the year 793, they landed at Lindisfarne, prey. devastated the country with fire and sword, profaned
the sanctuary, murdered some of the monks belonging monastery of that place, and dragged away others Alcuin was on the continent when this into captivity. 1
to the
event took place. He regarded it with more anxiety, perfor, taught by haps, than others of his cotemporaries the experience of the past, he had a deeper insight into
;
A comparison between the present state of the condition of Britain at the time of the and England,
the future.
invasion of the Saxon pirates, forced itself upon him and the similarity which he fancied he discovered,
;
afforded
fore,
him
little
consolation.
Every
letter,
there-
addressed by him to his friends in England at this period, contains a warning of the threatening danger,
and an exhortation
5
to
" Our order to be able better to repel an external foe. ' 3 he writes to the archbishop of York, ancestors, " with God's although heathens, acquired possession, What a reproach would it assistance, of this country.
be to lose as Christians, what they gained as heathens I allude to the scourge which has lately visited those
!
territories,
for nearly
which have been inhabited by our ancestors 350 years. In the book of Gildas, the
we
of the rapacity and avarice of their princes, the corruption and injustice of the judges, the carelessness and indolence of the bishops
in consequence
in preaching,
Let us take heed that these crimes prenot in our times, that the blessing of God may preserve our country in that prosperity which his mercy He concludes his letter has condescended to bestow."
of the people.
vail
with an exhortation to keep a vigilant eye upon the morals of the people, that the mournful catastrophe might be averted which he saw but too distinctly approaching, if the disturbances which had so often convulsed the kingdom of Northumberland were not
In order to contribute to the exspeedily terminated. tent of his ability towards the maintenance of internal
tranquillity,
he addressed a
letter to
king Ethelred,
1
and
to
the nobles
and
endeavoured, by depicting hell in the most appalling colours, to deter the king from injustice, the nobles
2 At from sedition, and the people from disobedience. the same time he resolved to return to York, that
might add weight to his admohad already obtained the consent of Charlemagne to this journey, and received from him presents for Offa, and other Anglo-Saxon princes,
his personal authority
nitions.
He
when, in the year 796, Ethelred was murdered. Alcuin saw, with equal indignation and sorrow, that his deluded country was beyond the aid of exhortation or advice,
offer;
3 permanent abode. altered, when, a few months after Ethelred's murder, the death of Eanbald I. archbishop of York, which
and therefore abandoned the make France This resolution remained un-
130
took place
the
him
most
is
There
been
elected,
not the slightest doubt that he would have had he accepted thB invitation which he
received as a
ever,
member
As, how-
he conjectured that he was invited not to assist in the election of another, but to be raised himself to
the archiepiscopal throne,
to
purchase, at the expense of repose, high ecclesiastical dignity, he excused himself on the plea of sickness and
King Charles' absence in Saxony; and merely admonished his spiritual friends in York to regard merit
and worth only, in their choice, and to beware of simony, a crime which he compared to the treachery of Judas for whosoever betrays and sells the church,
:
whom
it
forms one body. Alcuin had the pleasure of seeing his former pupil, Eanbald II. chosen. Had he him-
been ambitious of church preferment, the highest dignity in the kingdom of France would not have been
self
which would afford the repose necessary to his years and constitution, enfeebled by sickness, and enable
him
tions.
amongst
his pupils.
The king
131
man
like Alcuin
to live as a simple
control
of an
abbot.
But
I therms,
abbot
of
the monastery of St. Martin, at Tours, dying at this identical period, the king appointed Alcuin to his office ;
thereby providing for him the tranquillity he desired, and affording him an opportunity of extending his
labours for improving the condition of the clergy and The monks of the younger part of the population. St. Martin lived in a manner which was anything but
becoming
and Charles knowing profession ; Alcuin's vigour of mind and exemplary conduct, expected that when the community was placed under his
their
'
management, the abuses which prevailed there would 2 cease. We shall hereafter see how far Alcuin justified
these expectations.
ance to the
desist
new
it.
work
to
Besides, he had received a personal affront from his adversaries. Felix had composed a
from
book in answer
to the letter in
horted him to abandon his errors, and, having completed it, sent it first to Elipandus and the other adherents of
his doctrine,
and then, by
to
Alcuin
himself, but to
King Charles, from whom they hoped to experience more equity and impartiality. Charles transmitted it to Alcuin, against whom it was chiefly
directed, charging
him
at the
same time
to reply to
it.
As
Alcuin, however,
saw,
132
Adoptionists had assumed towards him, that his arguments alone would make no impression upon them, he entreated the king to transfer the commission to more
suitable
to
persons,
at
the
power
" Arise''
thy Lord
letter, arise, thou champion of by God himself, and defend the bride of Think how thy enemy would rejoice were
!
"
Reflect that the wrong which thy bride dishonoured thou sufferest to fall upon thy son, will recoil upon thyself.
How much
to
avenge with
all
thy might, the injury and reproach cast upon the Son of God, thy redeemer, thy protector, the dispenser of
all thy blessings ! fence of her whom
and protection,
thee
in order that
may
assist
treasures of spiritual gloiy." 1 This letter is evidently dictated by a spirit of anger, on which, perhaps the wound inflicted on his vanity had
in acquiring
the
little influence. Charles, however, did not comply with Alcuin's wish of immediately interposing with passion and violence, but had sufficient forbearance to
no
For
this
purpose, he required Alcuin to nominate the persons whom he desired to have as his coadjutors in the disIt is interesting to discover on this pute with Felix.
which, amongst Alcuin's learned friends in France, enjoyed most of his esteem. He, of course, first nominated the Pope as being the source of the true
occasion,
faith
;
SYNOD OF AIX-LA-CHAPELLE.
133
1
Richbod of Treves, and Bishop Theodulph of Orleans. Charles selected from the names submitted to him, besides the
cessor of Hadrian
but through the organ of a by The assembled at Rome. of Italian synod clergy doctrine of the Adoption was, as might be anticipated,
a written manifesto,
again rejected, and Charles urgently required to execute a sentence which had been pronounced for the third
time.
In consequence of
this,
the king
summoned
in
799, a numerous meeting of the bishops and theologians of his kingdom at Aix-la-Chapelle, and dis-
May
patched Archbishop Leidradus, of Lyons, to Urgel, to bring Bishop Felix himself by force. It was insisted upon, that he should here, in person, either prove the truth of his opinions to the satisfaction of all, or
by the king to oppose Felix, and to dispute with him publicly. 2 He had prepared and brought with him his seven books against Felix, which he afterselected
wards published, and from which we may judge of the manner in which he handled the subject in the disputation,
in the
middle of May.
The words
of Scripture, taken in their strictest sense, and the decrees of the fathers, were to him sufficient arguments to
refute the
to be
new
doctrine.
is
New
Testament,
nor yet in the works of the Fathers, ought of itself to have convinced Felix of his error. 3 " Could God,"
asked Alcuin, " produce from the flesh of a virgin, a real son or not ? If he could not, he is not omnipotent
;
134
if
why
he could and would not, then you must give a reason he has not chosen to do so. But, if you can tell
hensible
that
by
is
the
1 In a similar incomprehensible, is false." manner, he avails himself of the words of^ the Holy
God
Scriptures.
When,
baptism of Christ
" This
is
by John, the voice of God proclaimed beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased" my Alcuin iii. asks to which person of Christ 17), (Matt If the voice refers to Christ as one does this refer ?
whom
addressed
is
;
two natures
for
refers
human
nature,
was to that which had received baptism that the voice was addressed. But it was not God, but the Man in Christ that was baptised by John in Jordan it was therefore the man in him that was called by God the
;
Father, the Son of God, upon whom," (it is thus that Alcuin proceeds) " the Holy Spirit also descended in the form of a dove, to prove that he who was baptized, even he was the Son of God. And on this point the " And I saw and bare record that himself
baptiser this is the
t6
says
Son of God."
In a similar strain of argument, and with consummate learning, Alcuin contended with his opponent at
synod of Aix-la-Chapelle, in the presence of Charlemagne, numerous prelates and learned men. It is to be regretted that we are not in possession of the
the
but
135
that they were weighty, and that Felix acquitted himself valliantly this time, may he inferred from the fact
He was, that the disputation lasted nearly a week. his error a recant to however, ultimately compelled
second time, and abjure
issue
it
The
which he stood alone against a host, the advocate of an opinion contrary to the auof a
conflict
in
thority of the fathers, whom his adversary regarded as the sole standard of truth, and by whom he would
have
justified
doubt the sincerity of his recantation, and in order that he might be punished for the obstinacy with which he
had defied the authority of the Pope and the council, he was not permitted to return to his bishopric, but was publicly deposed and consigned to the custody of the Bishop of Lyons, who assigned him a monastery within
his
Although Felix here of faith, he aphis confession and published composed to his old heart to attached in his have continued pears
diocese for his residence.
opinions until his death, which took place in the year 818. But after the disputation at Aix-la-Chapelle, he sank into insignificance, and his doctrine was supIt seems, from Charles' conduct pressed in France. towards the Adoptionists, that the principle of the that all things are lawful against heretics, was priests
at that time
unknown, or
else
that Charles
was too
It was not until honourable to admit or practise it. after he had allowed Bishop Felix a second time to
defend a doctrine which had once been condemned by its author, and then rejected by a general council, that
136
he punished him, and that not by the stake, but by deposition and banishment to a monastery.
The orthodox party being now victorious, could employ the enormous power of the French monarch against Felix and his adherents on the Spanish frontier, and
enforce their arguments by menaces and violence ; but Elipandus cared little for the decrees of the French
His clergy and councils against his favourite tenets. and the with which old adheres years, pertinacity age
to its opinions
at-
tempts
in the
to convert
him
ineffectual.
He
wrote to him
letter
year 799,
by
the
envoy whom
from Spain.
the king had commissioned to bring Felix He addressed him in the most affectionate
;
but terms, imputing the whole of the fault to Felix Elipandus was so satisfied of the truth of his opinions
and the
reply, the offensive vehemence of which appeared even in the style of the address. In this he calls him a new
Arius, an opponent of the holy Fathers, and hopes if he should be converted, that he may have everlasting
salvation, but if not, eternal damnation.
this epistle
2
The tone of
to per-
man would
due to his injured honour and the well-being of the " in 3 " that the church, to answer it, order," as he says,
that letter
minds of any may not be led astray by the perusal of for we have heard that it has fallen into
;
it
reached us to
whom
it
was
This was the origin of the four books against Elipandus, in which Alcuin again refuted the
addressed."
137
by
citing passages
from
That they
effected the conversion of the archbishop of Toledo, is but he was silenced and the tempest not probable which had threatened the unity of the Western church
;
:
passed away, without injury to the constitution of the church or state. We must not, however, on that account, be restrained from considering the contest in all
its political
as the principal
sect,
importance, and from ascribing to Alcuin, and successful opponent of the new
a large measure of the applause due to the preserver of the tranquillity of the west of Europe.
SECTION
IV.
now
tion,
cost
him a
consequence
his co-opera-
by
he found himself placed in entirely different circumstances from those which attended him on his first
arrival in
France,
when he came
for
the purpose of
striving, in conjunction
with a few others, against the He of the French clergy. and barbarism ignorance could at present obtain in France, his adopted country,
sidence in England agreeable to
him
quiet, to
pursue
and a
circle of learned
and
in-
138
men, who either reckoned themselves among numerous pupils. His correspondence shows him to have maintained a friendly intercourse
telligent
all
with nearly
tensive
the eminent
men
inhabiting the
exthe
territories
of the
French kingdom.
to
As
greater part of
him
them and
their labours
may
here find
an appropriate place, and the rather, as the biography of Alcuin is merely a frame in which
exhibit the
to
have already sufficiently adverted to the period. encouragement which they received from Charlemagne
;
We
not only did his commands operate upon the ecclesiastical order, but his example affected no less powerfully
the laity
In addition to his
favourite science, Astronomy, he pursued, from motives of piety, the study of Theology, which, even in the
latter years of his life,
occupied so
much
of his atten-
by
comparing them with the Greek original and a Syriac 1 translation. He was both a competent judge of the literary qualifications of the clergy, and capable of
superintending the means employed to produce a reformation in that body.
I.
On
Charles' accession to
ECCLESIASTICAL DISCIPLINE.
head of the church
intelligent
139
and
influential clergy.
the
the effect of the persevering efforts which he made from first year of his reign to wrest temporal weapons from
them
camp and the chase for their own peculiar and to confine them to a sphere of action in province, which they might render themselves of more importance
than
they stood exactly on a level with the feudal tThe military service imposed by Charles nobility. Martel on the clergy, had been followed by the debaseif
discipline of the
The
first
step, therefore,
taken by
Charlemagne, was to issue a proclamation prohibiting the ministers of the church from bearing arms, or
appearing in the camp, with the exception of a few
relics
who
But though the warlike bishops might was unlawful to shed Christian blood, they held it quite consistent with their vocation and dignity to draw the sword against heathens. Charles, however,
of saints.
it
forbad their taking any part in the war against the Pagan Saxons and Sclavonians, requiring of them no other
assistance but their prayers for the success of his arms.
To this prohibition was annexed another, forbidding the clergy to hunt or to range the forests with dogs and
hawks'.
its
That
this
edict
was
ineffectual, appears
from
republication the following year, 789, in a more severe form2 . Hunting was a national amusement, of which a
free
man would
and therefore,
was
140
obliged to connect the permission to hunt, expressly granted to some monasteries, with objects which might be The regarded as consistent with the clerical profession.
clergy were permitted to kill the hart and the roe, but only so many of them as were necessary to procure leather
for the binding of books.
1
of
books, as the love of sport among the clergy might be gratified in proportion to the extent of their library.
The
ecclesiastics
love of spectacles, and the pleasure which the derived from the jests of buffoons, and
dramatic representations was, to Alcuin especially, as reare ignorant, pulsive as their passion for the chase. indeed, of the nature of the theatrical and mimic perform-
We
ances which were then practised ; but they must have been, on the one hand, sufficiently interesting to captivate and rivet the attention of men of letters and, on the
;
other,
must have contained something which induced Alcuin to believe that an indulgence in them was perilous
;
to the soul
although it is very possible that he went too many sanctimonious persons of our own day,
condemned, with unreasonable and ridiculous zeal, the His friend and pupil
Angilbert,
who
under the name of Homerus, a man whom Charles honoured with his confidence, and frequently employed in important embassies, drew upon himself the censure of
Alcuin on account of his love of shows.
letter ad-
dressed to another of his pupils, Adelhard, who lived with Angilbert, proves to us his anxiety for the salvation
of the soul of his friend, his efforts to wean him from that
141
which he regarded as injurious, and his joy at having suc" That which thou hast written to me," he ceeded. says,
" concerning the amendment of a Although he delight to my eyes. my Homerus, has ever pursued an upright course, still there is no one in this world who ought not to forget the things which
in the letter to
Adelhard,
is
crown of perfection. The only thing in him which grieved me, was his passion for theatrical representations, which
I have vain shows placed his soul in no small jeopardy. therefore written to him on the subject, to prove to him
that my affection is always on the watch. Indeed, it appears to me inexplicable, that a man so wise in other respects, should not perceive that he is acting in a manner
unworthy
is
his dignity,
and
in
no way commendable
."
It
probable, that it was at the instigation of Alcuin, that the king, in the decree against hunting, published in the
year 789, also interdicted theatrical amusements to the But mere edicts and clergy under pain of deprivation.
prohibitions
would have
habit, if the king had manner already described, provided for the education of competent men, and conferred appointments
upon them, and, by the respect with which he treated, and the influence which he allowed them, given others
an example to stimulate their imitation, and spur their
ambition.
I He frequently required the bishops, and superior clfergy throughout his realm, to preach upon a subject selected by himself, which sermons were reported 2 to him by his emissaries He also, by the advice of
.
Alcuin,
who
much
142
instruction
was to be gained by philosophical queries , often proposed various questions to the clergy, to which The queries they were obliged to give a written reply. had a reference to literature, or afgenerally proposed,
forded an opportunity of embarrassing by irony,
those
who were
manner unbecoming their profession, and of forcing from them the confession, that their actual
acting in a
For
"
following passage. us truly what they understand by the declaration that they have renounced the world, and how those who have renounced it are to be distintell
We
who
still
cleave to
In this way, a
spirit
;
among
the clergy
any
ecclesiastical office,
who was
the requisite qualifications. hat by the year 796, when Alcuin resolved to settle in France, the reformation of the ecclesiastical order
We
priest
was completely effected, and that only here and there a was to be found who belonged to the old system. Charles was now enabled practically to evince the respect
which he entertained for the clergy, and to yield to them that influence which was due to their profession and ex-
ternal power,
their intelli-
gence and
signed to
talents.
the
rank
the
asfirst
constitution
in the state.
throne on
CARLOVINGIAN DYNASTY.
143
It transformed the French into a Christian government. is true, that the Merovingians had embraced the Christian religion,
;
their court to be
but they changed nothing beyond the outward baptised form, and that with the same indifference, as, under other
circumstances, they would have adopted a new uniform. The Merovingian king retained the same relation to the
the Carlovingians,
From
became acquainted with kings, who, elected by the nation and consecrated and crowned by the Almighty, derived ' their authority from God. Consecration by the priest
placed the Carlovingian kings in this position. They subscribed themselves " by the grace of God," and were
accustomed to regard their authority as derived immediately from God, and to consider every other power in the state as proceeding from, and subordinate to them.
Whilst, therefore, the Merovingian sovereign was satisfied at his inauguration to be borne aloft on a shield,
before the eyes of the people, amidst the acclamations of the by-standers, the Carlovingian system rendered consecration by a priest an essential and important
ceremony.
The
Christian doctrine of the sacredness of the marriage contract formed also one of the fundamental laws regard-
Under the Merovingian dynasty, ing the succession. the son of a concubine was as eligible to succeed to the
throne, as the son of a lawful wife
;
and
it
would even
house practised polygamy. Under the Carlovingian race, all illegitimate descendants were excluded from the succession and examples of a
of that
;
144
and
and
this
departure from this rule occur only in times of confusion distress, and were the consequence of revolutionary
illegal
commotions.
The same
principle
from which
and similar proceedings arose, induced the Carlovingians to exterminate every vestige of paganism from among
the
Germans
and to enact
strict
;
observance of Sunday, and fasts as maybe found among the ordinances concerning the discipline of the church. A reformation of the clergy was, therefore, necessary in
a political point of view. They were the principal supand therefore held the second rank the of throne, port
in the state, but it never entered into the contemplation of Charlemagne, to regard the ecclesiastical power in any other light, than as subordinate to the regal authority.
The king
political transactions,
military pursuits, and was the more willing to entrust them with an extensive jurisdiction, as he felt convinced that a
would be the most impartial Charles had adopted administrator of law and justice. measures for the administration and superintendence of
faithful minister of religion
means he
if
leaves scope to wicked men to commit must doubly be expected from a kingdom injustice such as France was at that time, notwithstanding the most upright intentions and utmost precautions of the sovestill
this
" I have no doubt of the good intentions of our lord the king," writes Alcuin to his intimate friend, Arno, " and am convinced that he desires to order all
reign.
things by
who seek their own advantage than the glory of God." Arno proposed to Alcuin that he should advise the king
to
empower
and
deputies to
vinces,
be selected only from among the clergy, or the highest ranks of the laity and we find, that, influenced by Al;
nominated certain deputies in the year 801, selecting especially such men as were possessed of sufficient wealth to despise the despicable gains obtained by bribery and corruption, and who were not deficuin's counsel, the king
cient in acuteness
and information
2
to investigate the
most
complicated it were not expressly mentioned, that they consisted of Possessing archbishops, bishops, and abbots. chiefly now an influence so great, it was easy for the clergy to
if
affairs.
It
Charlemagne at the diet at Worms, them from the duty of feudal In the contract which secured to the bishops
to
release
it is
expressly enacted,
that for the future, only many ecclesiastics should were as requisite for the performaccompany the army ance of divine service, the administration of the sacra-
ments and preaching. At the same time, the assurance was added, that their honour was in no wise injured by but rather would be augmented in this arrangement
;
146
and proportion as they fulfilled their duty towards God much be said the holy church. Though against may
1
the position which was assigned to the clergy by Charlemagne, and though it cannot be denied that they were
thereby placed in circumstances inconsistent with their still the exertions of the king to peculiar vocation,
elevate the church which
to fall into
contempt, to encircle so venerable and important an institution with external splendour, and to encourage a spirit of holiness within it, entitle him to the applause which
2 Frederick subsequent times have bestowed upon him the Great, the admirer and imitator of Charlemagne, and surely his genuine caused him to be canonised
. ;
to promote discipline in the church, piety, his endeavours to maintain the true faith, and to reform the ecclesiastical
order, render
of saints, than
superstition
him more worthy of a place in the calendar many others who owed this distinction to
spirit.
and party
2.
Concerning Charles' Endeavours to improve the National Language, and the Academy he is said to have founded.
As
the
chief
instruments
in
the
restoration of literature
and
science,
and as
it
it
was for
principally intended,
followed,
theological character, and that Latin was more cultivated than the national language. The clergy, whose taste had been refined by the cultivation of classical learning,
them
to shrink
from
it
as dangerous,
from
its
asso-
The
particularly desirous, not only that the language should be neglected, but that every trace of the heathen condition of the country should be obliterated ;
in
which opinion,
as those
all
in his school,
as well
directed,
prelates
concurred.
more
and
cestors;
fix
and they sought to withdraw attention from them, it on those cities glittering in the splendour of
and philosophy. Hence, we find, in the writings of that period, that whenever a reference is made to history, the examples are taken from Judea, Rome, or
religion
which even
Greece, and rarely from the records of national history, in those early times was strangely disguised,
deified heroes of an-
Trojan warriors and Alexander the Great. f/But notwithstanding the education of Charles had given his mind also a bias in that direction, and that
the
he was compelled by the Carlovingian constitution to eradicate all the remains of paganism from among the people, still his penetrating genius, unshackled by the
trammels of religious
zeal, saw the importance of cultia national literature, and the necessity of improvvating the national language. As Alfred the Great ening
Anglo-Saxons, and as he, in order to inspire the laity, in particular, with a taste for the sciences, himself translated
some
interesting
so
148
civilisation,
Charlemagne perceived, that to advance the national it would be necessary to introduce a foreign
education, like as a
hushandman
branch from a superior stock to improve their quality and The only man in his immediate increase their produce.
circle,
tor
Deacon Paul of Lombardy, son of Warnefried. His history of the Lombards proves that he was well acquainted with the songs and traditions of his country, since it is in part composed of them in the same way as
the historical
work of Jornandes is compiled from the Gothic poems and legends. But, after a short residence with Charlemagne, Paul, probably dissatisfied with the
relation in
King
until
Desiderius, had
to the
monastery of
Monte
Casino,
where he
lived
Charles appears to have met with little support from Alcuin in his schemes for the promotion of the national
literature, as is evident
from the
on
fact, that
amongst the
matter
numerous
is
letters written
not
deterred from putting his biographer relates, that the king caused to be written down, and learnt by heart, some old German, or, as they are called in elegant Latin, barbarous songs, which cele-
brated the deeds and wars of former kings. 1 It is well known, that the Germans, like other nations, who were
ignorant of the art of writing, or amongst whom it is not in general use, perpetuated the memory of their heroes?
CHARLEMAGNE'S GRAMMAR.
149
both from a sense of gratitude and to kindle emulation, by songs which were communicated orally from one to
another.
The
seem not
indeed,
in those times as
They were probably limited to the race of the Franks, and to the deeds and praises of the Merovingian kings. By this collection, the king hoped to form a
one nation.
on which to construct a grammar of the German He, himself, commenced the task, but did language. and nothing remains of this work of the not complete it
basis,
1
great monarch, but the German names which he bestowed on the winds and months. The extinction of this species
Heathen
songs were to them an abomination, and the mind of Louis was too feeble to shake off the thraldom of the
priests
;
opinions unswayed by them. Bishop Theganus boasts of Louis, that, in his later years, he would not listen to
the heathenish
songs
which
he had
learned
in
It
his
was
clergy became distinct from the ordinary education of the people ; and if any effort were made to associate the German language with Christianity, as was attempted by
of the Gospels, it proved from want of support from the superior clergy. Learning again retreated to the monasteries and clerical institutions, and the people sank into profound ignorance.
Ottfried's
ineffectual,
German paraphrase
civilisa-
150
community chose to adopt a path which separated them from those who were yet uneducated. One consequence
of this was, that the clergy, from their political position,
in-
stead of disseminating learning amongst the people, introduced ignorance into the church. Although, from
these unfavourable circumstances, the glorious attempt of Charlemagne failed to attain its object, still its singularity places
it
in
it
the valour by which he conquered, and the wisdom with which he governed, such a vast extent of territory.
ment of the German language and literature, Charlemagne stood almost alone, and that there is no foundation for the assertion
the academies founded by Alcuin at the court of France, was established expressly for the study and advancement
German language. Opinions and statements are be met with in history, which have been originally introduced from a certain external probability, and which,
of the
to
raving once succeeded in obtaining admission, claim a prescriptive right to the place they have usurped, although
owing
it
solely to misconception.
To
Charlemagne's academy. Charles, as well as his learned friends, are mentioned in the writings of that period under
assumed names, from which it has been inferred, that some literary society or academy existed at the French court, in which, as in modern times, the members adopted
ASSUMED NAMES.
some name according
this or that author.
151
to their fancy or their partiality for Fixed rules, and a distinct object, to
in
attain
which
all
the
members labour
an academy
;
common,
are neis
cessary to constitute
to a society
but no allusion
made
of that description, either in cotemporary works, or the letters of Alcuin, who had ample opportunity of mentioning the
fact,
and was, of
all
men,
least likely
refer to
a literary society, unless a meaning be assigned to them belonging to the habits of a later period, rather than to
days of Charlehowever, only necessary to have read Alcuin's works with attention, to discover, that, from his
in the
predilection for allegory, he often bestowed names on his friends in jest, which, from their appropriateness remained
names
Rabanus Maurus.
to them, is signification proved to be erroneous by the circumstance, that not only one surname was given them, but two, and even three, which varied with the circumstances to which they re-
The
usually called David, but As, in those days, historical references were chiefly derived from the Old Testament, so, on the one hand, nothing could be more flattering than
ferred.
is
So King Charles
many
a comparison with him who was peculiarly the founder of the Jewish kingdom, the brave, the single-minded, devout
son of Jesse
famed
and
his intelligence,
and who,
wisdom.
middle ages, was honoured as the type of spiritual Alcuin himself was called Flaccus and Albinus;
152
the former, probably for the same reason as procured the name to the Latin poet, or because he was particularly
partial to
judgment of
his
Horace, whose lyric verse he imitated in the the his cotemporaries, not without success
;
mere accommodation of
Anglo-Saxon name to the euphony of the Latin Amongst others, the two brothers, Adelhard tongue.
and Wala, had double surnames the former was called Antoninus and Augustinus, the latter Arsenius and Jeremiah. Einhard, the private secretary and biographer of
;
Charlemagne, is a striking instance of the reason why, and the way in which, these names were given. He was
a mathematician, and skilled in architecture, for which
reason, Alcuin calls
whom mention
is
made
may, therefore, venture to affirm that this pretended academy is a mere fiction, without in any way detracting from the renown of Charles, whose zeal in the cause of
literature
is proved by too many splendid examples to need the aid of such suspicious evidence.
We
3.
men
Although there existed among the clergy and learned of France, no society regulated by formal and fixed
and united for the purpose of
still,
rules,
effecting
some
specific
a similarity of sentiments and education led them in one and the same direction, and gave to their efforts a character of uniformity, especially as Alcuin
purpose,
was
their
common
;
perceptible
centre. His influence is every where throughout the whole of that period the
ST.
PAULINUS.
153
predominating system was that introduced by him, and favoured by the principles of the Carlo vingian constitution
;
all
science of Christianity. Science, like the government, was Christianised, if the purpose to which it was applied?
that of establishing
and defending the dogmas of the church, and protesting against every thing that savoured of heathenism and heresy, entitled it to that distinction.
As Alcuin advanced
ject
in
on
this sub-
became more
acute, and
at length led
him
so far
astray, that
he forbade
phical
and poetical compositions of antiquity, the perusal of which had cultivated and fascinated his own youthful
mind.
1
We, therefore, feel the less surprised, on finding that he took no part in the plans of Charles for the
improvement of the German language and literature, and that, from his great influence, his example had a The greater part of the dispowerful effect on others.
tinguished ecclesiastics in France were his pupils, and the few who were not among that number, were too
feeble
to
resist
the
general
current,
this
case, adopted contrary opinions. as his friends, whose education had been entirely inde-
But
Amongst pendent of him, entertained similar views. them was St. Paulinus. He was a native of that part of
the French
but had been brought up and educated in Italy, where he was still residing, when Charles, for the first time, crossed
the Alps.
He
does not appear at that time to have atbut when the treason;
154
Lombardy, with Duke Rotgaud of Friuli, at their head, compelled Charles to march a second time into Italy, in
the year 776, Paulinus was amongst those on whom the king bestowed the confiscated estates, after he had
forcibly suppresed the rebellion.
interest of the
It was, of course, the
French monarch to place a portion of the lands of Lombardy and the highest ecclesiastical dignities in the
hands of Franks
and
it
was to
this cir-
cumstance, and the confidence which he had inspired, that Paulinus was indebted for his installation at that
time, or soon after, as patriarch of Aquileia,
whose
re-
sidence
was
in
Friuli. 1
" Since I have become acquainted with thee, dearest " I have ever loved friend," he writes to him, thee, and
my
heart."
heart has formed a bond of friendship with thy 2 He gave a proof of the estimation in which he
held him, by proposing him as his coadjutor in the controversy with the Adoptionists. Paulinus engaged in the
much ardour, that almost all his writings are upon the doctrine of the Trinity. 3 He died shortly before Alcuin, who had, therefore, an opportunity of
contest with so
honouring him by an epitaph. Theodulph, likewise, was at the court of France when
Alcuin arrived,
time with him.
or,
at
all
events, entered
it
at the
same
appears to have been the teacher of the court school, until he obtained the abbacy of Fleury and the bishopric of Orleans. have already noticed
He
We
how zealously he here endeavoured to mands and wishes of the king, and by
rally acquired the confidence
THEODULPH.
155
well as the friendship of Alcuin. Alcuin mentioned him, as well as Paulinus, amongst the most learned men of
The good understanding which subbetween them, was so much interrupted by an event which will be noticed hereafter, that it was not restored at the time of Alcuin's death, which occurred not
long after, and was possibly accelerated by the grief which it occasioned him. Theodulph survived not only
Alcuin, but Charles also.
At
the
commencement of
his
reign, Louis the Pious evinced towards him the same but Louis, as is respect as his predecessor had done
;
well known, by degrees neglected the experienced, and tried counsellors of his father, and thereby excited the
indignation of the wisest and most distinguished persons, which could not be otherwise than dangerous to him.
Theodulph was amongst the number of the discontented, and fell a victim to the court intrigues, which must inevitably exist under so
weak a prince
as Louis.
He
was
impeached on the charge of having participated in the rebellion of King Bernhard of Italy, and deprived of his
dignities
and benefices
against these proceedings, and maintained that he could be judged and condemned by the Pope alone, from whose
pall.
After an imprisonment
of four years in a monastery at Angers, he was liberated and reinstated in his dignity. But the anguish of a long
and unmerited
captivity,
strength to such a degree, that he was unable to reach Orleans, but expired on his way to that city, on the 18th
156
a poet, and, compared with his cotemporaries, whose poetical compositions were nothing more than prose thoughts and expressions forced into elegiac rhyme,
teeming with errors in prosody, he deserved the proud His poems are on moral and appellation of Pindar.
theological subjects, and some of them have the honour of retaining their place in the psalmody of the church,
inti-
His noble birth opened to him a splendid secular career, which he pursued with some success and distinction in the early part of his life,
under Pepin and Charlemagne.
became
so
much
the tumult of business, that he retired, in the year 774, to the monastery of St. Seine. When a man like Benedict, weary of the world, has sought refuge from its cares and anxieties in the tranquillity of a cloister, he must be
greatly mortified at discovering that the same jarring interests which had distracted him without, prevail within the sacred walls ; arid the desire would naturally suggest
itself,
little
life,
which he found so
The
in the
failure of his
attempts to produce an
community of which he had become a member, determined him to withdraw from it, and embrace the life of a hermit. He
constructed a cell on the banks of the river Anian
;
amendment
but
to
remain long
fame of
great a
around him so
his instructions
to con-
and shared
he was compelled
ST.
157
vert his hermitage into a monastery, over which he presided as abbot, and
therefore,
contributed
little
towards the
on that account, and Louis the both esteemed Charlemagne by highly He lived in the most friendly intercourse with Pious.
reformation
whom, as we are informed by Alcuin's anonymous biographer, he frequently visited, to ask his counsel
Alcuin,
for the salvation
As
the
place
of
both of himself and his community. his abode was in the immediate
doctrine of the
Adoption, and consequently exposed his flock more than any other to its influence, he also laboured diligently to
oppose
it,
in which, as has
been already
related,
he had
Auricular confession
laity
of
of Benedict, Septimania, Alcuin, probably at the request addressed an epistle to the monks and priests of that
province, in which he proved the necessity of auricular confession, both by texts from the Bible and from the
2 The editor of Alcuin's works nature of the thing itself. considers these arguments sufficiently solid and convincing, to reclaim the Protestants of the present day from their
Leidrad,
who
still
number of Alcuin's
secular
for
friends, exchanged,
life.
a monastic
Charles
in
employed him
all
of which he
158
acquitted himself with such success, that when the archbishopric of Lyons became vacant, the king considered him the person best qualified to restore order in the
diocese, which,
;
fallen into
great confusion and also to organise it entirely accordLeidrad justified the expectations ing to the new system. of the king he caused the decayed churches and monas;
teries to
be
rebuilt,
of ecclesiastics
gaged
his
in politics) left
him too
little
sentiments
but they
from the opinions of his pupil and favourite Agobard, who, in the subsequent reign, was eminent for his enlightened understanding and political talents. Agobard speaks in terms of the highest comtolerable accuracy
mendation of the theological learning and orthodoxy of his masters After the death of Charlemagne, Leidrad
resigned the archiepiscopal throne to Agobard, and retired
to the monastery of St.
Medardus
at Soissons,
is
where he
unknown.
entirely hide"
many
others whose
names
which chiefly engaged was much more likely to be the case with those whose minds had been formed under his immediate influence.
Amongst
his pupils
who accompanied
FREDEGIS.
159
him from England, and settled with him in France, Wizo, Fredegis, and Sigulf were the most eminent. Wizo, who was surnamed Candidas, has not, indeed, rendered
himself remarkable, either by his writings, or by occupying an exalted station in the church but he was, therefore, the more active in disseminating instruction, and augOn Alcuin's menting the number of books in France.
;
retirement from court, he was succeeded by Wizo, who, it appears, in the year 796, undertook, at the head of a
deputation formed of Alcuin's pupils, a journey to England for the purpose of supplying France with some books
in
by transcribing works in Alcuin's letters testify the confidence reposed in him by his master, and the estimation in which he was held by Charlemagne
which she was
still
deficient,
Fredegis, who is designated in the writings of Alcuin by the name of Nathanael, was for a while the associate
court of
Charlemagne together, on which occasion, as we have already noticed, Alcuin dedicated to them his commentary on the
picture of the vanity
affairs, to fortify
when placed
in a situation
where they might be easily tempted to forget his precepts*. Fredegis appears, on many occasions, to have formed
part of the king's retinue,
and was,
in
all
probability,
frequently employed
in a
him
as his
Fredegis,
who more
successor in the abbey of St. Martin; for frequently resided at court than in
who was
160
Chancellor by Louis the Pious, suffered the discipline, which Alcuin had established at the cost of so much
labour, to fall into utter decay.
is
vours to prove that they are not negative properties, but material substances. The Bible is the source from which
he draws
his arguments. He affirms that Nothing must be something material, because out of it, according to the testimony of the Holy Scriptures, God created the world
although the truth of this proposition may not be evident, it is to him not less certain than many other
and
that,
appear incomprehensible, without In the same way, he will rather insist upon Darkness being a substance, than interpret the It will be texts of Scripture in any but a literal sense.
declarations
which
being so in
reality.
found almost universally that men, whose minds are of too contracted a nature to embrace any peculiar and individual opinions, adhere with remarkable pertinacity
to the
and even
system of their masters, and will urge it to extremes, to absurdity, rather than surrender it, though
it
Fredegis affords
this obstinate
Having
taken offence at a treatise written by the enlightened and unprejudiced Agobard, he entered the lists of controversy
with him, and displayed, in the contest, that his theological views perfectly coincided with his philosophical notions.
But a veteran combatant, like Agobard, speedily vanquished an adversary, unskilful and awkward in the use of Fredegis, weapons to which he was unaccustomed.
SIGULF.
161
affirmed, in opposition to him, that the commentators on the Scriptures were no more guilty of grammatical errors than their authors ; that the Holy Spirit inspired not only
the sense and substance of what the prophets and apostles wrote, but the very words and expressions which they were
to adopt
they therefore stood in the same relation to the Balaam's ass did to the angel, who spoke by the animal. He made other similar assertions with
;
Holy
Spirit, as
tion,
which we are acquainted only through Agobard's refutain which he demonstrates, not merely their actual
1
absurdity, but the still more absurd consequences to which they led Sigulf, surnamed Vetulus, was Alcuin's most faithful ally in the court-school, and also in that which he subse.
quently established in the monastery of St. Martin. When Alcuin resigned his benefices, he, with the consent of the
bestowed the abbey of Ferriere on Sigulf, who superintended it with dignity, encouraging and promoting
king,
learning.
The
We
life
are indebted to
him only
and labours, which a monk of the monastery of Ferriere, with whose name we are unacquainted, committed
to writing
The sphere of
his vocation.
a host of young men resorted to him, the most distinguished of whom continued to enjoy his esteem and
affection,
entitled to
some mention
in the
162
To none of those who had been his pupils present work. at the court-school was Alcuin so firmly attached, and in
none did he repose such unlimited confidence as in Arno, whose surname, Aquila, denoted the qualities which Alcuin
esteemed, and value'd in him, namely, the sublimity of his genius, which bore him as on eagle's wings above the
common
more
interests of life.V
He
says of
him
in a letter,
whom
he reposed
discourse
nestly desired,
or the
he more longed to enjoy, both by conversation and episSo sincere an attachment pretolary correspondence ."
1
supposes a correspondent degree of merit in the object, and we may, therefore, conclude, without knowing the
particulars,
moted the
power, and that he acted in entire conformity with Alcuin's He founded a library at Salzburg in which he views.
placed a careful and accurate copy of the works of his
master, Alcuin
' v
2
.
Angilbert, called also Homerus, was likewise indebted to Alcuin for his education; and although he, in the early
part of his life, pursued a secular career, and that with considerable success, still he constantly maintained an intercourse with his former master, and devoted liimself to
memory
to him.
Char-
lemagne, on sending his son, Prince Pepin, to take possession of the kingdom of Italy, which had been assigned
him, committed him to the care of Angilbert, who, for some time, conducted, as prime minister, the affairs of the
state.
At
Charlemagne himself. he During gained the affections of Charles' daughter, Bertha, to whom he appears to have been privately married. At all events, they had two
his residence at court,
secretary or chaplain to
able eminence in the subsequent reign . It was, probably, in consequence of the discovery of this union, that Angilbert
life.
In the
retired
dignities,
and
over which
died.
he presided as abbot,
None
of a few poems 2 . Adelhard, with his two brothers, Bernarius and Wala,
reigning family, being the children of Bernhard, brother of Pepin 3 . ^ The highest dignities in the church were
open to them
in fact, as collateral
house, nothing remained to 'Jiem but to seek protection in the church from the suspicious jealousy of the reigning
monarch.
In
this
respect,
the
French court
at
that
period, resembled pretty much those of Turkey and Persia, only with this difference, that in France the
younger branches of the royal family were buried in the obscurity of a cloister, whilst in Turkey they are murdered, and in Persia, deprived of sight. The natural inclination
164
of Adelhard,
eldest of the
brothers,
had already
;
induced him to select the church as his profession and in order to qualify himself by study for his spiritual
calling,
at
Monte
he had spent his early youth in Italy, particularly Casino, then the most renowned seat of learn-
On his return to France, he being in that kingdom. came acquainted with Alcuin, under whose instructions
he completed his education. V^Adelhard was installed abbot of Corbie, in which capacity he had ample opportunity of co-operating in the reformation of the clergy, and of contributing his part to the dissemination of
learning.
That he was
these duties,
in
may
manage-
In the ment, state affairs of considerable importance. in he became minister to 796, King Pepin prime year use the expression Italy, in the room of Angilbert $ and to
of Hincmar, frequently appeared at the court of Charlemagne, the chief amongst the principal councillors of the The generous confidence which Charles reposed king.
in his relatives
was withdrawn by his pusillanimous sucwhose timid cessor, jealousy prompted him to treat them with injustice. Without any reason assigned by cotemporary writers, and probably merely in consequence of calumnious reports, Adelhard was banished to the island
Hero or Hermoutier. monastery in the island of Lerin was appointed for the residence of Bernarius and Wala, who had not yet taken holy orders, was compelled
of
;
to
become a monk.
Even
their sisters
sometime
in captivity.
165
He was of too gentle a nature to avenge the wrongs he had sustained, otherwise than by exerting himself zealously
in the general assemblies' of the state to
ing,
promote the welwhich the emperor neglected, from evil design than from weakness of understandand partiality to his favourites. Adelhard died in the
and
state,
year 826, previously to the breaking out of the civil war in France He was succeeded by Wala, who, unlike
1
as one of the most violent opponents of the emperor, and avenged himself on the cruel tyrant who had driven him
from the world, by hurling against his enemy the spiritual weapons with which he had armed him. Little remains
to us of the writings of Adelhard.
Of
his
most consider-
and Management of the Royal Household, and the whole French Monarchy, under Pepin and Charlemagne, we have merely an abstract made by Archbishop Hincmar of Rheims, for the benefit of King Carloman 2 This abstract has superseded the original
.
On the Order
work
for, at
a time
all in
manuacript,
works by the name of Flavius Damotas, still remains to Of him but little is be mentioned amongst his pupils 3
.
he presided at a council held at Mentz in the rendered remarkable by the wisdom of their 813, year deliberations, and the prudence of their determinations.
;
known
Amongst
tion
was particularly urged and it was declared to be incumbent on the clergy, not merely to afford parents an
opportunity of procuring instruction for their children,
166
but also to see that they availed themselves of the opporRiculf's name is likewise associated with the tunity .
1
false
Decretals ascribed to
Archbishop Isidorus
for
Hincmar of Rheims accuses the archbishop of Mentz of being the first who conveyed this unlucky production
In across the Pyrenees, and circulated it in his diocese. this Riculf has been of accusation, suspected consequence
of being himself the author of the Decretals of Isidorus.
it is impossible to believe, that a prelate educated in Alcuin's school, and elevated by Charlemagne to the primacy of Germany, would, had he wished to impose
But
as
nor
is
it
conceivable, that so
accomplished a scholar, as there is every reason to suppose Riculf to have been, would have put into the mouth
of a
Roman
bishop of the
first
Roman
literature,
when Seneca,
Tacitus, and Pliny wrote, words and phrases which owed their origin to the barbarism of the French. Neither
induced Riculf to represent the archiepiscopal dignity, as so dependent upon the See of Rome, as it is pronounced to be in the Decretals of Isidorus. This collection is
manifestly the production of one not very well acquainted with the classical language of antiquity it is equally evident that it was written by an inferior member of the
;
church, who, in order to avenge himself upon one archall. Suspicion rests with the
greatest probability upon Benedict, an ecclesiastic of Mentz, the individual who collected the capitulars of the
167
which
This imposition, however, would pronot attended by any important consehave been bably quences, had not, on the one hand, the elements of which
it
existed,
so as to render
it
easy to transfer them to an earlier period ; and, on the other, had not the bishops, and the rest of the clergy, found it to their advantage to make themselves inde-
pendent of the archbishops "and laity, by submitting to an authority so remote as that of the Holy Father at
Rome.
Richbod, archbishop of Treves, surnamed Macarius,
also deserves a place in this brief sketch of the
most
dis-
tinguished
instruction.
all his
men who
men
and
other pupils, to aid him, in conjunction with the mentioned, in the controversy with the Adoptionists, affords a flattering testimony of his learning
already
talents.
The
treatise
master speaks of
it
regard to the style and the matter, and considers There alone sufficient to confute the heretics. 1
as
is
no
doubt that the industry with which he promoted the designs of Charlemagne, acquired the confidence and com-
mendation of Alcuin.
JVe omit the mention of other eminent men, as Einhard, Agobard, and others, whose minds were formed during
this period,
till
because, although they were indebted for their intellectual cultivation to the institu-
168
tions
ducted by Alcuin, still they were not personally instructed by him. It is evident that Einhard became a pupil at
the court-school, .subsequently to Alcuin's resignation of the directorship and although he never ceased to interest
;
mathematics
,
and applause 2 as it is plain it did still, his connection with him was too remote to require a particular description.
We,
therefore,
consideration of the school established by Alcuin, in the monastery at Tours, and the men who there received their
education.
4.
first object which engaged Alcuin's attention after he had undertaken the superintendence of the abbey at To one who, Tours, was the establishment of a school.
The
whole
life in
and
in
whose very
perceptible, teaching
cise.
The
moves with alacrity and pleasure, j It is probable that he had at first many difficulties to encounter, from the rude and unpolished habits of his community, who had hitherto been more occupied in tilling the ground, than in cultiUseful as the monastic orders had vating their minds.
been in the early stages of society, especially
the hills with vines
in
Germany, and
was required of a
little
spiritual fraternity.
implements of agriculture from the hands of the monks, and to make them comprehend, that transcribing books was more profitable than dressing vines, inasmuch as the former occupation was more ennobling to the mind than the latter | He suc1
ceeded, however, in overcoming every obstacle ; and as the monastery soon became one of the most celebrated
for
its
cations speedily obtained such extensive reputation for the school which he had established there, that numbers re-
Next
to the court-school,
the kingdom, and would not have been had Alcuin been able to overcome the that, surpassed by of old age ; and had he not been so pedantic as irritability
was the
first in
to exclude
from
his
have already laid before the poets and philosophers. reader, part of the letter in which Alcuin describes to
2 to which he Charlemagne his exertions in the school adds, that he did not possess the books necessary for the
;
We
attainment of his object, and that nothing excited in his mind such a longing after his native country as this defi"
He therefore subjoins to this comciency in books. a he may be allowed to send by royal that plaint, request
as he authority some of his pupils to England, in order, wisdom of fruits that these invaluable may expresses it,
be transplanted into France, and flourish in the garden " It is not unknown of Tours as luxuriantly as at York.
" that in every page of your wisdom," he proceeds, the sacred Scriptures we are admonished to learn wisdom,
to
170
for there
is
of a happy
according to the of philosophy, nothing more requisite in governing a people, than the ornament of wisdom, the praise of learning, and the influence of education. Hence,
in
station, and,
an exalted
and
to
all
it.
things that
compared
She
it
is
Wisdom is better than may be desired, are not to be who exalteth the humble and
(
abaseth the proud. By her kings reign. Blessed are they who keep her ways and watch daily at her gates.'
viii. Exhort then, my lord 11, 15, 32, 34). the in the of king, youth palace your highness, to learn
(Prov.
with
all diligence and to strive daily to acquire wisdom, that they may make such progress in the bloom of their youth as will bring honour upon their old age, and finally, by wisdom, obtain eternal blessedness. I also, according
to the
measure of my poor
ability, will
wisdom amongst your servants, " In the remembering the exhortation morning sow thy seed, and in the evening withhold not thy hand, for thou
;
whether
better." (Eccles.
6).
It
granted this request, even did Alcuin's letters not inform us, that Wizo undertook a journey to York about
this time, at the
we may reasonably suppose, of the desire expressed by Alcuin. The copies which were made at York by the
WIZO's
JOURNEY TO YORK.
171
among
commissioners, were multiplied at Tours, and dispersed Libraries the principal libraries in the kingdom.
in
had increased
France, as in
number
since
England, the chief ornaments of a monasto the favour of Charlemagne. introduction an and tery,
It
has been already mentioned how earnestly Alcuin recommended accuracy and care in transcribing, and how successfully we may judge from the manuscripts of that
period,
of execution. 1
The smaller Roman letters began how to be adopted instead of the pointed Merovingian characters
the large letters, also, again came into use, for besides the monogram and coins of Charlemagne, whole manu2 in this character. From scripts are to be found written
the scarcity and costliness of writing materials, rich monasteries only were able to furnish extensive libraries ;
for since the conquest of
interruption
of the
articles
country, paper, which had formerly been one of the of import, ceased to be used, and parchment
its
became
It is, doubtless, to this cironly substitute. of loss the that cumstance, many valuable works is to be ascribed. In an old parchment volume, how often
may
the writing have been effaced, in order to afford space for the insertion of a subject possessing greater
novelty and interest, although, perhaps, it was only a miserable legend, that usurped the place of a masterwork of antiquity ? Under such circumstances, it was
be expected that the royal library, or that connected with the court-school, having more resources at command
to
172
the following century, the general interest in this subject ceased, and only a few persevered in augmenting the
rare treasure.
Louis the Pious received, amongst other from Michael the Stammerer, emperor of Bypresents zantium, a work of Dionysius the Areopagite, which, at
the
command
Latin by John Erigena, and became the source of many of the enthusiastic and mystical ideas of the middle
The Abbot Lupus, of Ferriere, who in his letters ages. cannot sufficiently express his admiration and envy of the splendid efforts which had formerly been made for
the advancement of learning, informs us that he himself sent for the works of Sallust, Cicero's treatise
Institutes
of Quintilian,
from
Italy, because throughout the kingdom of France, he could find only detached portions, and no perfect copy of
these books 2 .
the
Whilst Alcuin was actively engaged in augmenting number of books and increasing their circulation, he
at the
was
same time
minds of
men, so
profit by reading. of the most eminent scholars of the succeeding century, were educated in the school of St. Martin,
as to enable
them
and
Some
amongst which number may be reckoned Rabanus, surnamed Maurus. A letter of Alcuin's is still extant,
addressed to him, as
it would appear, after his return to Fulda, in which he desires that he would keep his pro-
RABANUS MAURUS.
mise,
173
in praise of the
Rabanus became first Abbot of Laudibus S. Crucis). Fulda and when Alcuin's school at Tours lost both its
;
reputation and usefulness, under the careless management of the Abbot Fredegis, that at Fulda rose, through the ability of Rabanus, to so high a degree of celebrity,
as to be regarded as one of the first in the kingdom. He rigorously pursued Alcuin's method of instruction,
in obedience, at once, to the
commands of
his sovereign
and the conviction of his own understanding. 2 His talents were speedily acknowledged, and magnificently
rewarded, being raised by Louis, the German, in the year 847, to the archbishopric of Mentz. The strictness with which he endeavoured to enforce Alcuin's principles,
more extensive sphere of action, is evident from the circumstance, that before he had enjoyed his new
in this
dignity a year, he was called upon to suppress and chastise a mutiny among his own people. The severity with which he attempted to restore the discipline of the
church,
which had
fallen
into decay
ministration of his predecessor Otgar, was, in all probability, the cause of this rebellion, since no other is
assigned.
His
When Rabanus
the abbey of
Fulda, to assume the archiepiscopal see of Mentz, he transferred the direction of the monastery, and the
management of the
school, to Hatto, who had formerly been his fellow-pupil at Tours, and subsequently his assistant at Fulda. As a disciple of Alcuin, Hatto,
174
therefore,
continued the same system. Another distinguished scholar of this period, Samuel, who first became a teacher at Fulda, afterwards abbot of the monastery of Lorsch, and finally, in the year 838, was elevated to the bishopric of Worms, is likewise to be noticed
1 Haimon, also, who amongst Alcuin's pupils at Tours. in the year 840, was appointed bishop of Halberstadt,
is
mentioned
2
with
in
his letters,
and
at Tours.
Adelbert
distinguished himself while abbot of Ferriere, by conducting, on Alcuin's system, the school which had been
founded by his predecessor Sigulf, and by maintaining the discipline which he had introduced. Upon his early
death, which took place in 822, his fellow-pupil, Aldrich,
by his orthodoxy and learning, and was, therefore, not permitted to remain long in a subordinate station, but was elevated by
Louis, in the year 828, to the vacant archiepis copal see of Sens. He remained, from a sense of gratitude, firmly
attached to the imperial party, during those years of confusion and distress, when Louis was exposed both to the
hostile attempts of his sons,
and
relatives.
He
and
zealously to abolish the measures adopted by the rebels, Ama. to effect the complete restoration of Louis.
larius still
at Tours.
Two
ARCHBISHOP AMALARIUS.
bore this name, both of
175
it
whom
rendered
illustrious
the one by the high dignity to which he attained, as archbishop of Treves, and the performance of the duties
They
were, probably, both pupils of Alcuin, and, therefore, of both, brief mention may be made. Archbishop Amalarius,
in a high degree the confidence of Charlemagne, who entrusted to him, in the year 811, the important charge of regulating the
churches in Transalbingia, that part of Saxony which had striven the longest against the dominion of the
On this Franks, and the introduction of Christianity. the in Amalarius consecrated church occasion, Hamburg, and executed the whole of his commission with so much
success, that the emperor, a
ployed him on a no
order to arrange the treaty of peace, which had been concluded with the Emperor Michael I., who had at last,
title
of Charles, and
some
little
These occupations left him but time for literary composition; and there is no doubt that the works published under his name, and which
of their dominions.
have been ascribed to him, are the productions of another cotemporary, Amalarius, surnamed Symphosius, who
enjoyed considerable reputation in the theological world,
His
and
discipline
At
the
command
he compiled
176
" Rules for Canons," which were as universally adopted " Rules for Monks." His in France as St. Benedict's
1
being to render divine service uniform throughout Western Christendom, to bring it into accordance with the Roman
church, as the most perfect model, and thereby complete 2 As his the work which Charlemagne had commenced.
system was directed against the mode of worship which had been introduced into many churches, he could not
fail to
resistance of a
man
like
great renown in Lyons, the deacon Florus, the Roman form of worship eventually prevailed, and thereby extended and confirmed still farther, the authority of the
Pope*
Bible,
The manner
in
him
to
have been
5.
Alcuin
monastery and His extensive correspondence, of which we possess but a small portion, embraced, in its wide range, the whole kingdom of France, and every At one time topic of interest belonging to that period.
his
superintendence
of the
and
political
enquiries of King Charles, at another, to maintain an intercourse with his friends and pupils, animating their
zeal
by the fervour of
his style,
and guiding
their judg-
177
his remarks.
In this way he
educated portion of society throughout have already had occasion to adduce an instance of the ardour with which many of the lay nobility pursued the course which Charles had adopted.
France.
We
The example
who
frequent of thinking.
it
by which the majority of those their course of action and mode regulate
highest offices
find, therefore, persons holding the of the state in the Carlovingian empire, manifesting for the sciences a regard previously un-
We
Amongst this number was Wido, who was for some time margrave of Brittany. 1 The town of Tours was situated within this district, and frequent intercourse
known.
with Alcuin inspired
his opinion, that
Wido
with so
much
reverence for
he requested him to write a book by which he might judge of his actions and regulate his conduct. Alcuin composed for this purpose, his treatise
on the Virtues and Vices, 2 that it might, as he says, serve the margrave as a mirror wherein he could discover
at a glance,
what he ought
to
undone.
subject so entirely practical could not be treated according to the strict rules of philosophy. The
Wisdom, and
Hope and
and
vices.
He
characterises each,
and
endeavours by a striking description of the individual peculiarities of each virtue and vice, and by interspersing
178
texts
latter odious.
the subject of a separate section, and is, as it were, a short sermon. The chapter upon Humility may serve as a specimen of the mode in which the author treats of
may learn how great a virtue is humility, from the words of the Lord, who, in order to reprove the pride of the Pharisees, said, ' Whosoever exalteth himself shall
be abased, and whosoever humbleth himself shall be exalted.' The path of humility conducts to heaven, for
the high and lofty
4
We
One
is
God
resisteth the
humble.'
(James,
proud, but giveth grace unto the It is also said in the iv. 6).
' The Lord is high and regardeth the lowly, Psalms, but knoweth the proud afar off.' (Ps. cxxxviii. 6).
He
regardeth the lowly in order to exalt them, and in order to humble them. Let us
;
by which we may draw nigh unto God he himself says in his Gospel, * Take my yoke upon you, and learn of me, for I am meek and lowly in heart,
and ye
29).
shall
find rest
unto your
souls.'
(Matt.
frail
xi.
Through
is
tion, fell
from heaven
through humility,
human
'
nature
raised to heaven.
A
;
honourable
pride
is,
among men
is
for
there
also
xi.
shame
2).
but wisdom
with the
lowly.'
(Prov.
by the prophet,
a contrite
spirit,
Even so saith the Lord, But I look to him that is poor and of and who trembleth at my word.' (Isa.
'
EXHORTATION TO HUMILITY.
Ixvi. 2).
179
Whosoever
is
the grace of the Holy Spirit cannot dwell. humbled himself for our salvation, that all
be ashamed of pride.
The lower
the heart
sunk
in
humility, the higher is its reward above ; for whosoever is lowly here, shall be raised with power and glory
there.
The
first
step
in
humility,
is
to
listen
with
word of God, to keep it in faithful refor truth membrance, and obey it with cheerfulness departs from those minds which are devoid of humility.
patience to the
;
The more humbly a man thinks of himself, the greater does he become in the sight of God ; and, on the other hand, the more dazzling the proud man is to his fellow
beings, the
more abominable he
Lord.
How carry dust in the wind. ashes be proud, when all that he appears to have heaped up by fasting and alms-giving, is scattered abroad by the
blast of pride ?
Oh man to glory in thy thou wilt be judged not by thyself, but by another, before whom thou must humble thy heart, if thou wouldst be exalted by him in the day of
Cease then,
!
retribution.
Descend from thy high estate that thou much higher humble thyself that thou greater glory, and not be deprived of that
;
Whosoever
is
little in his
own
self, is
great before God ; and whosoever abhors himwell pleasing unto the Lord. Be therefore little
in thine
own
it
of God.
the
less
Thy worth
thou mayest be great in the eyes be the more esteemed by God, has been esteemed by thee. When in the
sight, that
will
180
humility.
is
enjoyment of the highest honours, maintain the greatest The brightest gem in the crown of honour,
humility." In a similar manner, the author treats
of individual
specimen, we will select his dissertation upon not because it is the most beautiful, but because anger ;* " it is the shortest. Anger is one of the eight principal
vices. vices.
is
As a
When no longer under the control of reason, it converted into fury in which case, a man is no longer master of himself, but is hurried into the commission of
;
actions the
most unbecoming. When this passion has once taken possession of the heart, prudence is banished,
impartially, of
;
wisely,
or
of
deliberating
maturely
but
Anger
is
It is to be overcome by and forbearance, and by the exercise of the reason which God has implanted in man also, by re;
membering, what injustice and sufferings Christ endured for us, and calling to mind the Lord's prayer, wherein it
is
said,
"
Forgive us
our debts
as
we
forgive
our
debtors."
This treatise, which, from the nature of its contents, deserves to be denominated moral, rather than philosophical, continued to be held in high estimation in the
following century, and single chapters of it formed the material of elaborate sermons 2 It would, probably,
.
have assumed a
posely adapted
it
different form,
to
had the author not purthe object for which it was designed,
181
whom
In
fact,
we
is
of a totally
character.
And
sister,
still
although
it
is
dedicated to a
woman, Adelhard's
theological speculations, and was as eager in the pursuit of knowledge, and as capable of comprehending abstruse
doctrines, as Gisla
and Richtrude.
An acquaintance
with
the
prevailing opinions respecting the science of psychology is so important, and so interesting, that we
then
the more willingly present the render with the substance and general tenor of this elegantly written treatise. Ac-
cording to Alcuin, the soul is of a threefold nature, conDesire and sisting of Desire, Passion, and Reason.
the brutes
Passion are properties possessed by man in common with but Reason is peculiar to him, and is that ;
The
virtues
belonging to Reason, are the four cardinal virtues ; which, in this treatise, as well as at the conclusion of that upon
Rhetoric, are
Christianity''.
made
In order to distinguish between the good and the bad, we must ascertain whether Desire is so entirely under the dominion and guidance of Reason, that it seeks
Passion.
those things only which are profitable and reasonable; and Passion or Anger is excited by, and exercised only against
that which
is evil
;
or whether Reason
is
strain these
two propensities.
so, as
The Soul
it
an image of
long as
sin, this
image cannot be
182
effaced.
love
God and
The Soul transgress against ourselves, and our bodies. possesses three faculties, Understanding, Will, and Memory, by which, however, it is no more divided, so as to lose its unity, than the Godhead by the Trinity, for
are merely relative. Independently of the of likewise, these, power imagination, both possesses, in reference to the objects which we behold, for the first
these
faculties
it
we have formerly
But, however
seen, or
of which
we have only
heard.
many ima-
ginations or thoughts may pass through the soul, they are Herein consists a always consecutive or simultaneous.
human nature and the perfect essence of the Deity, whose infinite mind comprehends all things at the same time, which constitutes his omniprewide distinction between
The superior origin of the human soul is also sence. evinced by its constant restlessness and activity, which cease not even when the corporeal senses and powers, exhausted by
toil,
Even
immortality, which would have been quite perfect, had the soul continued as pure as when it first came from
God's creating hand ; but it may lose a portion of its imFor as the soul is the life of the body? mortality by sin. so God is the life of the soul ; when the soul departs from
the body, the body dies in like manner, when God defrom the soul, or when it departs from him, its
;
parts
better
part
is
destroyed.
its
It retains
its
imperishable
All these
capacity for the enjoyment of eternal properties being combined, the soul
may
183
motion, and never ceasing to exist ; equally capable of good and evil, and consequently perfectly free to choose between the two; to the free will, therefore, of the soul, is to be ascribed every
perpetually in
is
which
action,
whether ennobling or degrading. It may further be defined as an essence, which has been created and
united to the body, in order to regulate its passions, and therefore invisible, incorporeal, without weight or In the colour, and pervading every particle of the body.
is
beginning,
though
it
was stamped with the image of God and may depart from its creator, and thereby forfeit
it
;
everlasting bliss, still its immortality remains, together The soul is variously with a consciousness of its worth. denominated according to its various capacities, but
" As the
applied to
is
when it rises to contemplation, it is designated the Mind; when its sensibilities are awakened, Feeling ; when it approves or disapproves, Taste, or Judgment ; when it draws conclusions, Reason ; when it discriminates, Understanding ; when it consents, Will ; when it recollects,
Memory*"
As
As
it
is
impossible to arrive at
any certainty respecting its origin, we must be content to derive it from God. The treatise concludes with two
poems, one in Elegiac, the other in Adonic verse. Alcuin states, that he made choice in these verses of the number
being the most perfect, in order to signify his desire that she might continue to advance towards perfection. Should she meet with any subject which she did not
six,
comprehend, she
is
King
184
Charles (at whose court Gundrada must then have been whose mind could " Thou hast no never be sufficiently admired. need," he continues, " to enquire of us concerning the causes of things, or the hidden principles of natural phenomena,
residing), that wise king, the nobility of
whilst thou hast daily an opportunity of applying to the enlightened wisdom of the king, and beholding his
honoured countenance.
to travel the long
Neither
is it
upon the nature of things. Behold, he is near to thee, whom the Queen of Sheba visited, regardless of distance and of difficulty.
Many more
letters
philosophical subjects are discussed, might here be adduced, were these examples and analytical investigations
form.
of education, history It was natural to anticipate, that men, who, like Einhard and Nithard, had grown up under the influence
of an improved taste, had lived at court, had been enin politics,
method of reasoning on With the general extension assumed a much more attractive
gaged
in
dif-
ferently from a monk who had rarely emerged from the walls of his cloister. And, although the form of a
chronicle, as being the
preserved, yet the style in the chronicles of and the this, succeeding period, is much purer, and the
generally
descriptions
more
copious,
to
and
in better
taste.
Alcuin,
however,
appears
have been
least
adapted for an
185
His
florid,
style,
as his tendency to moralise, and to life to suit some favourite theory, have been compatible with the truth, or at least with
which passing events may are announced in a declamatory tone, and painted in the most glowing colours for the purpose of exhortation or admonition.
life
now
remain, was formerly mentioned amongst Alcuin's historical writings, in the hope that the work might yet be
This expectation and hope originated in a note by Einhard to his life of Charlemagne, wherein it is stated, that a more particular account of the actions of Charles might be found in the biographical work of
found.
affixed
Alcuin 1 be
If such a
work
;
sufficiently deplored
for,
is
impos-
many
West
of Christendom.
It
seems, how-
ever, probable, that Alcuin's biography of Charles would have been nothing more than a panegyric. If it is at all
times difficult to write the history of an eminent personan age of our own times, whether it be attempted by or an admirer, so as to avoid undue censure or ap-
enemy
plause,
as he it was a task doubly difficult to Alcuin could not yet review the whole of the life of Charles, and was, besides, too closely connected with, and too firmly
;
186
The
from confounding it with Einhard's biographical work from which passages are cited under Alcuin's name.
The historical writings of Alcuin, which are still extant, are of a description perfectly analogous to his style and sentiments. They consist of the lives of the saints ; consequently of men, who, by their zeal for the propagation of Christianity, or by their sanctity, had acquired great reto others.
nown, and the privilege of being exhibited as an example In writing their lives, the author's object was
not so
tions
much
to present
an
and sentiments, as to display the profitable use to which they applied their talents, so that he might thereby
stimulate the piety of the living generation he looked not merely at that which they had accomplished, but
;
likewise at that which they might yet accomplish. These biographical sketches may be denominated sermons to
which the
written
life
life
well
greatest ornament
may, therefore, naturally be supposed that Alcuin, the most accomplished and eminent author of that day, would
not
fail to procure this desirable possession, for the abbey over which he presided. He revised a Life of St. Martin,
which already existed and, as it was intended to be read on the anniversary of the saint's death, he added the
;
reflections. He was quickly assailed from all quarters with entreaties, that he would confer the same
usual
benefit
request of the
upon other monasteries, as upon his own. At the Abbot Rado, he re-wrote the Life of St.
187
Vedastus
to
At
his desire,
Alcuin compiled from an ancient and somewhat barbarous work, the Life of St. Richarius, which he wrote with
more
taste,
and
in
Charlemagne was so much interested in it, that he gave the author to understand, he wished it to be written, as
if it
Nothing
affords a
more
convincing proof of Alcuin's literary reputation, than that a man like Angilbert, who certainly possessed considerable skill as an historical writer, should have considered
and that Charlemagne should have taken so lively an interest in all his compositions, that he looked forward to
appearance with an eagerness which is scarcely equalled, by that with which the public of the present day hail the literary productions of the most fashionable
their
author.
Alcuin
wrote,
of his countryman and relation, St. Willibrod, not, as in the former case, from an ancient
Beornrad, the
life
record, but
it
tradition.
He
composed
for public reading on the anniversary of the saint, and the latter for the private use of the archbishop 3 .
6.
Concerning Alcuin
Poetical Writings.
When
a language has reached a certain degree of reits aptness for prosaic capacity for embodying the con-
compositions, and
its
188
ceptions of poetry,
those who have attained only a moderate proficiency therein, easily fall into the error of mistaking a poetic form for poetry. The most commonplace ideas and the most ordinary sentiments conceal their poverty under the pomp of metre, and parade
garb, in order to expose the ass under the lion's skin, and the daw in borrowed plumes. When once the
attention
is
fill
the ear,
and
fixes itself
mass of verses with which Germany is inundated the present day, and to the poetical attempts of the
offered
The elegant language of Rome, Carlovingian period. its classic forms to adorn the most paltry ideas
;
the poets of antiquity, who were known at that time, especially the harmonious Virgil, were plundered
and
all
There
is
scarcely one writer belonging to that period versification ; even the scribes
seldom concluded their tasks without annexing to them a few verses. This species of verse-making was accomplished with the greater facility, as accuracy in prosody was then as little attended to, as correctness in
rhyming
Alcuin attempted various kinds in our day. of poetry, but without avoiding the prevailing faults of It is very rarely, amid the multitude of cold the age.
conceits, affected play
ALCUIN'S POEMS.
189
passage, which if it does possess intrinsic beauty, is not spoiled by the repulsive form in which it is clothed. "They are usually prosaic thoughts, disguised in the
garb of poetry
are expressed with awkwardness, and make a ridiculous or pitiable appearance in a sphere, which is in no way
adapted to them.
Alcuin's
poems
consist
of
inscriptions,
epitaphs,
moral and religious reflections, and historical narrations. The measure is generally
;
hexameter, varied occasionally with the pentameter some of his verses are sapphics, and some written in
rhyme,
versification,
The play upon monkish poetry of later times has furnished a number of examples, is to be found even in his poems. One of the most common,
in
is to
first
half of the
The analysis of 'a poem of corresponding hexameter. some length, with the addition of a few specimens, will
be
sufficient to enable the reader to
I
We
gested to the poet by the unhappy fate of the monastery of Lindisfarne, which called forth the considerations
"Upon
subject
infinite
Human
Affairs."
The
in itself, fertile,
variety of ideas.
this
melancholy disposition
mutability with dismay, and seek refuge from the confusion of the earth, in the eternity and harmony of the spiritual world; whilst, on the
would regard
190
power, which destroys the forms of to-day, only to produce on the morrow, a new and fairer creation. Alcuin was incapable of contemplating it in the latter his consolation and his hope are derived point of view He commences, therefore, by from another world.
;
ascribing all the imperfection of our present condition to the sin of the first man, and dates from this period,
which, like an evil spirit, perpetubetwixt us and our fairest hopes and ally interposes
the course of fate
;
joys-
How transient
One
all that bears created form Revolving seasons endless changes show Fair shines to-day, to-morrow howls the storm
!
Soon do we
The
see our sweetest joys decay, Blighted by fate, inconstant as the main ; gloom of night succeeds the brightest day,
The buds
The
The
of spring
lie
starry roof
roll
blaze of
noon
When
The
loftiest
The highest branches most attract the flame More swift, more frequent, Fate's o'erwhelming crash
Descends on those most consecrate to Fame
1
.
To prove
the imagination of the reader through the whole circuit The overthrow of powerful empires, the of history. decline of flourishing cities, and the rapid decay of
institutions,
which the mighty spirits who framed them, supposed they had founded for eternity, are enumerated
191
with the dry ness of arithmetical precision, rather than depicted with the vivid colours of poetic imagery.
to escape
temples,
castles,
and
buried whole generations under their ruins, and from the endless confusion, consequent upon such horrors,
by recurring
to
some general
firmly adhere.
WHAT, though
Far other
life's
Where
As
reserved beyond the sky, peace resides, and battles cease to roar.
gold by fire refined, more brightly beams, So shine the just, by Satan's arts assailed Hence soars the soul, in purer, holier dreams,
',
To realms of
glory,
1
.
Life appears to him, to be merely a state of probation,' which becomes severe in proportion to the ardour of our desire to merit the love of God, but to which the splendour of the reward will likewise be proportioned.
Having exhibited
and Art are subject, he proceeds are not exempt from change.
show
that
mankind
WHO
Who Now
The
sought the stag, roused by the bugle's tone, See, age-oppressed, on slothful couch reclined erst in Syrian purple proudly shone,
shrinks, in tatters,
dimmed the eagle glance each mote, gay glittering in the sun The hand which waved the sword, and poised the lance,
lapse of years hath
Which marked
Enfeebled, faintly
lifts
the bread
it
won.
192
The poet proceeds, from these considerations to the exhortation, which derives from them additional force,
not to
fix the heart upon temporal blessings, but to look forward to that infinite reward, and those enduring joys in a future world, which will more than compensate for
all
this
it
With the losses and sufferings of this present life. he concludes the first part of the poem, to which
monks
of Lindisfarne,
for the
outrage which had been practised against themselves and their monastery. This consolation is offered in a succession of prosaic thoughts, which would have read
2
.
poem on
plain prose of Alcuin's poetical compositions, is an The Archbishops and Saints of the Church
at York*.
It is in no degree superior to the ordinary metrical histories of the middle ages ; all that Alcuin effected, was to versify the passages relating to York,
which he found
in Bede's History of the Anglo-Saxon Church, and to give, in addition, x the history of those dignitaries who had filled the archiepiscopal throne sub4 sequently to Bede's time . As Alcuin's poetical productions are distinguished by no remarkable peculiari-
ties, many, especially minor poems, have been unjustly imputed to him. Amongst the poems ascribed to him, is one on the meeting of Charlemagne and Pope Leo III.,
which
is
IN
THE WEST.
193
This
poem
is
with Virgil, and possessing no mean talent for poetry, but is composed in a style much more suited to the
of Alcuin's years. merely superof Alcuin's mode of writing, and the knowledge bent of his mind at this period, is sufficient to convince
us, that religious, not secular affairs,
man
pied the most prominent place in any work of his ; and that instead of an animated description of a hunting
party,
racle
which restored both eyes and tongue to the misused pontiff. The poem, whoever may have been its
author,
is
proof
how
one of the best of that period, and affords a successful had been the efforts made by
to
1
Charlemagne
generation.
improve the education of the rising This poem refers to an event which was
;
attended by the most important political consequences and as Alcuin contributed to produce them, we feel it
after
labours during his superintendence of the abbey of St. Martin, to give some account of the event itself, and
of the
manner
it.
in
complishing
in the West.
In Alcuin's system of government, the first plate amongst earthly potentates was accorded to the spiritual
the second, to the secular
power o
194
These opinions, which Alcuin communicated Charlemagne by writing, and doubtless inculcated still more forcibly by conversation, fell not upon un1
fruitful soil.
of Charles,
They took deep root in the aspiring mind and every mortification to which his pride
his
was subjected by
emperors in Constantinople, tended to inflame his desire The extent of obtaining the highest secular dignity.
of his kingdom rendered it worthy the title of an empire, and with regard to his personal pretensions, Alcuin had already declared that no one could compete in power
his royal friend. The desire of individual aggrandisement entertained by Charles, was Hitherto the strengthened by political considerations.
Romish Church, without claiming any authority over Pope or the Roman territories. In strict justice,
therefore, the
Rome, and
the
Byzantine emperors were still masters of title of Patrician, which Charles bore,
class of persons,
possessing peculiar political privileges in the Byzantine But this ambiguous and uncertain position empire.
could no longer be maintained with safety, now that the Pope had placed himself at the head of the French
clergy.
sever
Rome and
decisive step was necessary, in order to the Papal see for ever from the By-
Pope a place
in the
What
step
could
Charles take which would prove more decisive than that of assuming the position of the ancient Imperators,
DEATH OF HADRIAN.
195
and thus place himself upon a level with the emperors of Eastern Rome ? But a semblance of right was necessary, both
to the
accomplishment of
this
design,
;
and
as an
and
instance had already occurred, in which the Papal sanction and consecration had pronounced a race to be
worthy of the throne, and invested them with a more sacred majesty, from no one could this right be so
in the
properly derived as from the Pope, who was regarded West as the head of the church, and who, as
standing next in authority to the Almighty, was supposed to be best acquainted with the divine counsels.
The idea
was not,
Roman
empire,
been generally represented, the result of momentary excitement, but the gradual effect of circumstances, which Charles' ambition only seized
upon
Hadrian
I.,
have no inducement
is not supported by proof; but, must have been much more to his advantage, beloved as he was by the Romans, to have
been as independent of the French as of the Byzantine government. Hadrian died in December, 795. He had been, in every respect, an estimable pontiff, and with
the exception of their transient disagreement on the subject of image-worship, had lived with Charlemagne,
not
merely on peaceable, but on amicable terms. Charles respected his learning and piety, and, from a feeling of personal regard, bestowed upon him those
tokens of friendship, which his successors have since,
196
in imitation of his example, rendered the Pope as his But whilst the Pope was considered the head of due.
by those who were placed at a superior order, he was often hands of the in the tool a made factions, by whom he was The surrounded. tumultuary proceedings immediately
the church, and revered
distance, as a being of a
in
the election of a Pope, because considerable advantages accrued to a Roman family from having one of its
members
little
bark of
1
Thus was the seated on the Papal throne. St. Peter often tossed by the tempest of
passion,
wrecked.
III.,
and not unfrequently on the point of being No sooner had Hadrian expired, than Leo
to the pontificate, with a celerity
was raised
which
excites the suspicion, that his elevation was the work of To obtain the recognition and protection of a faction. the French king, was of supreme importance to the new
Pope, who therefore, with a degree of submissiveness which could arise only from his feeling of insecurity, despatched an embassy to Charles to announce his
elevation,
and
which had been displayed towards his predecessor. Leo appears to have applied to Alcuin also, as the king's
Charles conprincipal adviser in spiritual matters. ceived that he had no right to interfere in the election
of a
2
Pope
St. Peter,
and under
gratulatory epistle,
letter,
In this appropriate presents, by the Abbot Angilbert. he professes a desire to maintain with the new
ATTACK ON THE
pontiff, the
POPE.
197
amicable relation whioh had subsisted be" And as I," writes the
in the bonds of friendship to your predecessor, so do I desire to renew with you inviolably, this bond of faith and love. Be it my care to defend
the
without,
holy church against heathens and infidels from and to maintain the Catholic faith within ;
yours, most holy Father, to assist us with your
1
be
it
prayers /' After having secured himself in this quarter, Leo seems to have promoted his own friends, and to have discarded
those
his predecessor.
It
possessed the highest authority under was, therefore, natural that they,
feeling themselves aggrieved, should unite to oppose him in order to regain, under a pontiff, elected by themselves,
lost.
Two
of Hadrian's
the head
Paschalis, placed themselves at hostile of the faction, and commenced their pro-
Campulus and
ceedings by circulating injurious reports, respecting the character and conduct of the Pope, hoping thereby to excuse the deed of violence which they meditated; for the
or conspirators aimed at nothing less than the deposition On the 25th of April, 799, a destruction of Leo". solemn procession was to take place ; the Pope rode from
his
were assembled, ready to join in the sacred ceremony. On his way thither, he was suddenly seized upon by a his defenceparty of armed men, and being abandoned by
less followers, the assailants
pulled
him from
his
horse,
street, and attempted out his and cut tongue. But as they eyes,
198
could not effectually accomplish their barbarous design, they dragged him into a neighbouring church, where they left him weltering in his blood, in the belief that they
had deprived him of sight and quitted the spot before a party came to his assistance, who conveyed him in
;
safety to Spoleto, and placed him under the protection of The story that the the French governor of that place. his recovered sight after having been Pope miraculously
is
no modern
invention, but was generally believed at the time when it was said to have occurred, and accounted for in various
ways, by
men
1 of sense .
The Pope
persuaded that he was indebted to a miracle for the restoration of the faculty of vision, that he ventured to
assert the fact to
effectually justify him,
visible interposition of
Charles, notwithpersecuted and calumniated pontiff. some had doubts of the truth of this narration, standing,
thoroughly a priest to return any other than an ambiguous and equivocal answer to the enquiry. " Every Chris" must tian," he said, rejoice in the divine protection which had been extended to his Holiness, and praise God's
holy name,
From
its
frustrated the designs of the wicked ." commencement, Alcuin took the greatest in-
who had
had been committed against Leo, he saw not the individual, but the church which he represented insulted and
;
therefore urged the king in the strongest, and most impressive terms to fulfil his duty as the defender of the
199
church, and suffer no other object to claim his attention, while the church remained unavenged, and until she was restored to her former splendour. He recommends him
Saxons against whom he was, at that time, carrying on a war, and to delay the introduction of tithes amongst that obstinate people, that they might be more accessible to salutary council . The
to conclude a peace with the
1
king could not consent to relinquish the campaign which he had determined upon, but he commanded the Duke of Spoleto to cause the Pope to be conveyed to the camp at Here he was received both by Charles and Paderborn.
the assembled host with the respect due to the head of the church. But the affair assumed a different aspect
when Leo's enemies, in order to transfer the displeasure of the king from themselves to the Pope, appealed to Charles, and justified their conduct by accusing Leo of
various evil practices.
as guilty of
adultery and perjury, and as one who disgraced his high station, and deserved punishment rather than protection.
They proposed, therefore, that Leo should quietly resign the holy see, and conceal himself and his shame from the These eyes of the world in the privacy of a cloister.
charges could not have been entirely devoid of foundation, or they would have injured, rather than benefited the cause of the accusers. Indeed, it appears, that upon
a closer investigation, many circumstances transpired, by no means to the credit of his Holiness. Alcuin, probably
on account of
his
upon
He
200
advice to the king, both through the medium of Arno, and by letters addressed immediately to his sovereign.
Arno, in a letter written to his former instructor, deplores the iniquities of the Pope, which letter Alcuin burnt, to prevent its falling into the hands of any officious person, 1 and thereby become the cause of scandal . This letter
could not have contained a report of the accusations
brought against Leo by his enemies, for they were universally known, but must have communicated the actual
result of a
more
strict
examination.
to the pope,
That
is
this
examina-
tion
anxiety with which Alcuin sought to guard against a scanLess interested for the Pope than for dalous exposure. the church, Alcuin conceived that the papal dignity was
not to suffer from the crimes of which the Pope as a man might be guilty, and that there should be a distinction between the office and the person of the pontiff. His
eagerness to gain the king over to his opinions, increased
in proportion to his fears that Charles
He urged Archbishop measure injurious to the church. Arno, who, to a certain extent, may be regarded as his representative at court, to exert his utmost endeavours
prevent any infringement of the rights of the Pope, and any violation of the authority of the holy see, and the " that/' as he expresses it, purity of the Catholic faith
to
;
" the shepherd of the flock may not be delivered up a 2 prey to the wolves /' In his apprehension, the future
condition of the church depended on the decision of this intricate subject, and she must stand or fall with her lord
and head 3
That which he most dreaded, and consequently sought most earnestly to prevent, was, that the
.
201
justice.
submit the charges alleged against the Pope, and his defence, to a judicial inquiry, and to decide the question This mode of proceeding, was veheaccording to law.
He
on the accusation of
seventy-two witnesses, and those witnesses of such wellknown and unimpeachable characters, as to give weight
exalted a personage nay, more, it was doubtful whether the Pope, even in this case, would be compelled to submit to the sentence, for, accordto their testimony against so
;
ing to other canonical decrees, the Apostolic see was itself a supreme tribunal, and not amenable to any other
1
It
would have been most agreeable to Alcuin, had the king conducted the Pope back in triumph, as being beyond
sin,
the power of
How
sion
strictness of his
moral principles,
letters.
place, I
let
would
reply,
He
that
is
first stone at
him?"
more than
king by
letter
Were we
spondence that passed upon this subject, we should, no doubt, discover that the affair was terminated with the
understanding that the Pope should crown the king of France emperor of Rome. That the elevation of Charles
was concerted with the Pope at Paderborn, is so manifest, from the circumstances of the case, that we need no ad-
202
proofs which will hereafter be produced. Charles owed his elevation less to the gratitude of the Pope, or to his
foresight of the advantages which would thereby accrue
to the holy see, than to the
consummate
skill
with which
of the Pope, to realise his long-cherished wish of obtaining the power, the In order to feel title, and the privileges of an emperor.
critical situation
convinced, that nothing but the most urgent motives could have induced the Pope to accede to Charles' demand, it is
only necessary to reflect, that the measure which was contemplated, must inevitably alter his position with regard to the French monarch, but whether to his advantage or disadvantage, the future only could determine whilst, on the other hand, it would infallibly involve him
in hostilities with the
;
Byzantine empire, and deprive him of his influence over the Eastern church. The desperate situation of the Pope extorted from him a consent which,
re-
fused.tHe purchased the protection of the French monarch, and his reinstatement in the holy see, at the price of subjecting the city of Rome to the dominion of Charles, and renouncing for ever all connection with the Byzantine
empire
king and the Pope, which doubtless had not been effected without the influence and interference of Alcuin, Charles
dismissed his Holiness,
who returned
to
Rome
under a
military escort, accompanied by two archbishops, four bishops, and three counts, who were commissioned to reinstate
him
their protection.
provisionally in his dignity, and to afford him The enemies of the Pope were imprisoned,
203
in-
tended himself to proceed to Rome. That the king should undertake a journey to Rome at a time when his presence was urgently required in France,
tile
both on account of the war with the Saxons, and the hosattempts of the Normans, in order to settle an affair
satisfactorily
by
deputy, cannot but awaken the suspicion that he had some object in view beyond that of reinstating the Pope, and
chastising the
leaders of a
Roman
faction.
The king
made all his arrangements for a longer absence. In the summer of 800, he inspected the coasts of his kingdom,
for the purpose of providing against the predatory inroads
of the Normans.
to
Whilst on
this journey,
he paid a
visit
According to the chronicles of that to pay his period, the object of this visit of the king was but we may reasondevotions at the tomb of St. Martin
Alcuin at Tours.
;
with Alcuin, ably conjecture, that it was rather to confer was which pending, and respecting the important change
to
which Alcuin himself had greatly contributed. His of the illness of his stay was protracted in consequence She expired wife Luitgarde, who accompanied him.
June
mained
The king reuntil after the of St. Martin, monastery death and interment of his wife. Alcuin sought to con6th,
at
Tours
at the
loss
tained,
addressing to
him
letters of
but
supplied.
He
which his meditated journey into Italy travelled through Orleans and Paris to
204"
moned
the general assembly of the empire, to meet in August, and where an expedition across the Alps in the Charles was acensuing winter, was determined upon.
their advice.
companied by a retinue of ecclesiastics, to assist him with Nothing would have been more agreeable
have had Alcuin among the number.
to Charles, than to
renewed his invitation to him from Mentz, begging him to exchange for a time the smoky roofs of Tours for
the golden palaces of Rome, but Alcuin excused himself The king also desired to have on the plea of illness 1
.
He
Alcuin's opinion upon the manner in which the enemies It is evident, that he of the pope should be punished. was convinced of Leo's guilt, and considered the motives
which
his adversaries
little
had urged
in justification of their
deserving of chastisement, that he applied to Alcuin for advice, how to extricate himself from Alcuin's reply was ambiguous the affair with credit.
violence, so
Charles'
all parties,
the interpothe hands of his enemies, so firmly on his throne, that he would henceforth be able to serve God
spiritual
sition of
God from
without molestation 2
With regard
On arriving at Ancona, conformity with Alcuin's views. he commissioned his son Pepin to lead the army against
retinue
Beneventum, and himself proceeded with a considerable to Rome, where he arrived on the 24th of
On
205
church of
purpose of deciding
made
against the
In what capacity, and by what right Charles interfered in this examination, has become a matter of
factious dispute.
perfect,
Einhard's report
is
suspicious, to deter-
upon
mine with precision the part played by Charlemagne this occasion. Each party has therefore given a
different representation, according to
reality, the whole proceedto have mere been a form, and the report of ing appears Anastasius to be correct, since it contains nothing which
In
is
in contradiction to
not coincide with the sentiments of Alcuin, which have The assembled ecclesiastics realready been adduced.
fused to investigate the charges made against the Pope. " venture not," they declared, " to judge the apostolic
We
see which
is
placed over
its
all
We
can be judged by none. Whatever the Pope himself judges to be right, in that will we obey him, according to the ordinances of the church." Upon this, the Pope ascended the pulpit, with
are
all
subject to
jurisdiction, but
the Gospels in his hand, and in an audible voice pronounced an exculpatory oath, protesting at the same
free will,
by compulsion, but of his own and mentioning expressly that his example was not binding on his successors in the holy see as he
time, that he did so not
;
himself had adopted this mode of proceeding, solely for the purpose of removing unfavourable suspicions from
the minds of the The congregation then sang assembly. a hymn in praise of God, the apostles and saints, and
206
separated,
Pope.
The
formality.
that Leo III. was a legitimate of the Pope's enemies was also a mere For the sake of appearances, they were con;
demned
to death
Rome
and
Italy.
By the time this investigation was concluded and other and on Christmas affairs arranged, Christmas arrived
;
day, which
at that period
first
day of the year, Charles attended divine service in the church of St. Peter, habited in the dress of a Roman
patrician.
altar
;
The king had seated himself opposite to the when the Pope suddenly approached him, and
;
placed upon his head a splendid crown, amidst the joyful " salutations of the Roman people, who exclaimed Long
life
and victory
crowned Augustus,
the peace-bringing emperor of the Romans !" After this salutation, the Pope, according to an ancient usage, wor-
shipped him, by pressing one hand upon his lips, whilst with the other he touched the garment of the object of adoration ; and Charles exchanged the title of Patrician,
for that of emperor and Augustus. Such is the account given by cotemporary writers of this important transaction, which they represent as the result of the excitement
of the moment, unconnected with any preconcerted measures. At any rate, there can be no doubt that Charles
desired
it
should be so regarded.
He
professed to have
been taken by surprise, and declared, that had be been aware of the intentions of the Pope, he would not have
It is evident gone to the church on this solemn festival. from this expression, which Charles unquestionably used,
1
which had been conferred upon him. In this he have been actuated by two motives the first sugmay gested by the consideration, whether the French would
:
be
satisfied
ferred
with this elevation of their king, which conupon him privileges which might be oppressive to
them.
to recognise a political
Should they be discontented, they might refuse change which originated solely in
Charles' ambition, and withhold their support from an empire as being a form of government alien to their state But the affair would assume a different aspect, system.
if
Charles were nominated emperor by the pope without and even against his will. The transac-
to
which Charles, however unwillingly, must submit and the nations across the Alps were too much accustomed to revere the decrees of the Pope as the inspirations of the
Holy
Spirit,
of the Western
therefore of
Roman
and
God.
This was a
induce
Charles to conceal as
in
much
the event.
By
this
com-
pulsion,
and thus
in a great
of an opportunity of stigmatising him as an usurper. The Pope and the people of Rome would appear in the eyes of the Greeks, as the only culprits who had re-
nounced
elected a
and
worthy of observation, that after Charles returned from Rome, he caused every vassal
It is
new governor.
fealty to
him
as king, to
renew
his oath
208
to
him as emperor. are not to infer from this circumstance, that Charles conceived himself to have entered into any new relation with his vassals but only that
;
We
this
means, a recogni-
in a
For, supposing that his new war with the Byzantine em-
perors, his feudal vassals might have refused to aid him, on the plea, that this was a dispute which in no way con-
and bade him seek soldiers cerned the French kingdom of whom he was the emperor. But the Romans, amongst
;
by exacting this oath, Charles converted the affair into a French national concern, and thus gained the right to demand that the French should protect him, their king
and his successors,
in the
new
dignity.
Although Charles had reasons for concealing as much as possible his participation in the renewal of the Western
Roman
so far
succeeded as
the transaction in the light ; accidentally furnishes an evidence, that both the king and his confidants knew perfectly well what was about
to take place in
Rome.
and unusually correct copy of the Scriptures to be made, which he entrusted to Fredegis, one of his pupils, in order
that he might present
it
conferred by him upon himself and his pupils, as there were syllables in the book ; and on whom he hoped God
letters
would bestow as many blessings as the writing contained That this was no ordinary Christmas, or New
1
209
himself, wherein Alcuin expressly says, that he intended " to the it as a congratulatory offering, splendour of his
Alcuin knew as well as Charles himimperial power ." self, that he was to be proclaimed and crowned emperor
of
Rome on
Christmas day.
is
immediately after his coronation, even the very day on which it took place, Charles presented to the Pope, and the church of St. Peter, gifts of such a nature as must
Roman
church
When we
reflect
upon the vast influence which the reRoman empire, has had upon the
this
transaction as the most important of Charles' life. It is a conwe should that just acquire necessary, therefore, ception of the real nature of the imperial dignity at that
period.
to
be em-
Roman
emperors,
it
and under
different circumstances,
from
its
original
form and
object.
The
office
its
of Dictator,
when resumed by
long disuse
by the Roman republic, was totally different from that which had been exercised by Cincinnatus and other men
it was merely a constitutional name an usurped and tyrannical autocracy. In like manner, there arose, in the beginning of the ninth century, an im-
in former times
for
210
destroyed in the latter part of the fifth century possessThe new ing nothing in common with it but the name imperial dignity, according to the views entertained both
1
by Alcuin and Charlemagne, was the highest secular power on earth consequently it was not like the regal
;
power, divisible, but could only be represented by one inWith the exception of the kingdom of the dividual.
Anglo-Saxons, and the small independent province, situated among the mountains in the north west of
2 Spain all the nations of Germany were under the dominion of the king of France, who assumed as emperor, no new position with regard to them. But when the French
,
into several kingdoms, then the peculiar nature of the imperial dignity manifested itself. It formed the source whence others derived their
power and the centre of an ideal unity, which, in reality, had no existence. The emperor, to draw a comparison
;
the emperor was, in a certain sense, the and the He was the highest Augustus, kings his Caesars. in the scale of the point political powers of the middle
ages.
Roman emperors,
If
we now
stood to the emperor, we shall perceive that he was indebted for the advantages which accrued to himself and
his successors
less to
any arrangement which was immediately made, than to the circumstances which arose from time to time, and of
which he
skilfully and successfully availed himself. the mere defender of the church, Charles had become the sovereign of Rome, and consequently the
From
first
archbishop in his
211
Had the emperor fixed his residence at Rome, empire. the Pope would have occupied a situation at court, precisely similar to that held
On
this account,
Charles has been censured for not having made Rome the capital of his empire, but we have only to consider in
to the French, in
order to retort
the charge of want of sagacity upon his accusers. It was to the French that Charles must look for his chief
support
and
his
in-
and
he would have
which his presence alone could render effective. In Rome lost this influence, and probably expe-
rienced a disappointment similar to that of Otho III. who, some years later, dazzled by the idea of restoring the
Roman empire in its splendour, abandoned Gerthe centre of his power, in order to fix his residence many, at Rome. But the repeated treachery of the Romans, and the dislike of his German subjects to this system of
ancient
government, so thoroughly convinced him of the impracticability of his design, that he would indubitably have
renounced
it,
mature death.
Charles was restrained, by many weighty considerations? from making a conquered country like Italy the capital
of his empire. It is true, that the Popes thereby acquired a greater degree of freedom; but when the imperial for a dignity was first assumed, it was never supposed, to confer had the either that the moment, power, Pope
or withhold
it.
The
coronation of Charles, by
Leo
III.
no more influence
212
over the imperial crown, than the papal consent to the elevation of Pepin invested them with a control over the
During
his
stay
at
Rome,
Charles caused his eldest son, who bore the same name as himself, to be anointed and crowned as his successor
in
the empire
losing this
promising prince, as well as his second son without consulting the Pope, his he nominated, Pepin, only remaining son, Louis, his successor in the French
monarchy and also in the imperial dignity, and made him place the crown upon his own head 2 Louis adopted
.
a similar course in nominating his eldest son, Lothaire, emperor and he again, on the elevation of his son,
;
Louis
II,
to seize,
the popes, however, were sufficiently cunning upon each occasion, a favourable opportunity to
;
time, a legitimate
conse-
and authority. But the situation of things was changed, when, upon the death of Louis II. who died without issue, the kings amongst whom the French
power was necessary to settle and such a power was the Papal, from which,
A third
had
originally proceeded.
came
and tenth
centuries,
was claimed by German, French, Burimperial dignity Italian princes, that the pontifical coronation and gundian
was considered decisive
;
the imperial dignity was confined exclusively to the German kings, the principle was already recognised,
Otho
I.,
213
that the imperial crown could be conferred only by the hands of the Pope, with this indispensable condition, that
the emperor must repair to Rome, and receive the crown in the church of St. Peter, or some other principal church
in the city,
his delegate.
Thus
Each appeared
existed in the latter part of the middle ages. as the highest point of a graduated poli-
As man, from
his
peculiar constitution, not only appertains to the earth, and clings to its interests, but is, at the same time,
capable of higher views, and believes himself to be destined to a future and nobler state of existence ; so the
emperor and the Pope availed themselves of this double capacity, the former claiming his obedience as a creature
of earth, that order might be preserved in secular affairs, the latter assuming a power over his spiritual nature, in order to direct him in the way to heaven, and prepare
him for
eternal
it.
existence
life,
of this
secular potentate, especially as the latter could derive their power from God, only through the medium of the
As the husbandformer, as the vicegerent of Christ. man, from inspecting the seed, can discover the form of
the tree, which is hereafter to spring from it, so had Alcuin, whilst the Papal power was yet in its infancy, indicated its future splendour by the position which he had
assigned it, and to which he had contributed his mite. In recording the various transactions in which Alcuin
214
was engaged, we could, with the less propriety, omit an event which, in its origin and consequences, tended mainly to establish this peculiar position of the Pope, as
more deeply implithan can be proved by historical evidence. As Charles himself chose to concetti, under a specious prethere can be no doubt, that he was
cated in
it,
and
effects,
his reign,
so
we
have nothing but isolated expressions, and detached incidents, from which we can infer the extent to which
his intimate friend
in
it.
Alcuin was prevented by bodily infirmity, from being present at the solemn ceremony, which had conferred such
a distinction on his royal friend ; and therefore awaited the return of Charles with the greater impatience, that he might repeat to him, personally, those congratulations
which he had already offered by writing. He extols the happiness of the people to whom God had given so pious and wise a monarch and, in the example of Charles, be;
holds a confirmation of the truth of the Platonic sentiment, that it is well for a kingdom, when philosophers, that is the
lovers of wisdom, hold the reins of government, or
when
world can be compared . He expresses his desire for the king's return, with all the ardour of passion, and in a style indicating rather the enthusiasm and fervour of youth
this
1
than the prudence and coldness of advanced and decrepid " With a heart filled with He writes thus
age.
:
anxiety,
and an ear which devoured every word that fell from the lips of those who arrived, have I daily waited for some
tidings of
my
lord,
and dearest
CHARLEMAGNE'S SECOND
VISIT TO TOURS.
215
to
when he
his
,will
return home,
when he
will
come back
native land.
At
sound of a
Soon, soon gathering multitude rung in my longing ear. will he arrive ; already has he, whom thou, Alcuin, hast
so ardently desired to behold, already has he crossed the
Alps
voice
Many
Lord, wherefore hast thou not given unto me the wings of an eagle ? Wherefore hast thou not granted unto me to be transported, like the prophet Habakkuk,
:
brace,
for one day, or even for a single hour, that I might emand kiss the feet of my dearest friend, that I might
behold the brightness of his eyes, and hear a word of affection from his lips, who is dearer and more precious
to
all that is precious in the world beside ? Or envious fever dost thou hold me captive, at so wherefore, unseasonable a time and permittest me not to move,
me
than
usual activity; that I might be able, at least, to slowly accomplish that which cannot happen so speedily
even with
my
1
as I desire ."
On
his return
from
Italy,
turned upon the new position, in which his elevation had The supposition placed him with regard to the Greeks. that in matters of importance, Charles sought, and frequently pursued the advice of Alcuin,
is
confirmed by so
circumstances, that we conference to have had some reference to the subsequent although his letters are negotiations with the Greeks silent upon the subject, both because his opinion was
many
affair
de-
manded
secresy.
The French
chroniclers, therefore, in
a bare statement of
facts,
cir-
cumstances which produced them. The emperor believed he had merely revived an ancient, not created a
new political constitution, and therefore applied to Alcuin, who was well acquainted both with ecclesiastical and secular history, to supply him with the necessary historical information The division of the Rorespecting it.
man world
its
into
In restoring the Western empire, Charles seemed to have assumed the precise relation to the East,
unity.
in
it
was, therefore, only requisite to obtain the recognition of the Byzantine government. The Empress Irene was at that time sole monarch, having set aside her son Constantine,
who, as a descendant of an Iconoclast, was a thorn in the She eyes of the monks and the worshippers of images.
was a widow, and Charles' hand was also at liberty, his wife Luitgarde having died, as has been already related,
in the year in
to
Rome, The
amorous disposition of Charles, which his somewhat advanced age had not abated, would not suffer him to remain long without a wife or mistress ;' and Alcuin, both in a religious and moral view, must have preferred that
Fate
have paved the way for a union between the new Western emperor and the empress of the East.
seemed
to
The idea of thus restoring the Roman empire in its full extent and splendour, was too alluring to the aspiring
21?
to
be grasped. Irene
first
despatched
French annalists, of arranging the complicated interests of the French and Greeks in Istria, Dalmatia, and Lower
In the same year, Charles sent Archbishop Jesse and Count Helingaud to Constantinople. The Greeks aver, that the ambassadors were commissioned to offer
Italy.
the hand of Charles to the empress, in order, by this alliance, to re-unite the West and East under one govern-
and that she would have accepted the offer, had she not been prevented by the intrigues of her prime The French ambassadors minister, the eunuch Aetius
ment
were consequently eye-witnesses of a revolution, of which Aetius was the author, and to which he had been instigated
principally
by
French
Irene was alliance, the influence which he possessed. and her of the minister finances, Nicephorus, deposed,
Thus was
which, in any case, would have been impracticable, and to the formation of which, Alcuin had doubtless lent his
aid.
It
affords
Charles and his counsellor, misled by historical recollections, mistook the peculiar nature of their situation, and
proves the dangers and mischief arising from men of vigorous minds, wishing to shape the course of events
according to their
own pre-conceived
ideas.
It
was not
address
him
as his colleague.
218
8.
The visit of Charlemagne to Tours, on his return from Rome, was the last which he paid previously to and they appear never to have seen Alcuin' s death
;
Charles, in-
but he constantly excused himself, alleging his declining health, and the necessity of preparing to appear, with tranquillity and a good conscience, before the judg-
ment seat of Him who is no respecter of persons, and in whose presence all the fresh honours which Charles In could bestow upon him would avail him nothing another letter, he declared his resolution never more
1
and henceforward
.
to assist the
2 He, however, mainemperor only with his prayers for tained an uninterrupted correspondence with him
;
to,
who
his powerful intercession in their behalf in addition to which, he had occasion to write, in reply to questions
proposed to him by Charles, and also to offer him his We have an epistle of the advice, though unsolicited.
latter description, written shortly before
his death, in
which he submits to the consideration of the emperor, whether it would not be better to terminate the dispute
with the duke of Beneventum in some other
way than
by having recourse to violence. Tn offering this advice, Alcuin had no fear of involving himself in foreign affairs,
for
CHARLEMAGNE'S IMPARTIALITY.
or his kingdom, so
little
219
thought
it
his
duty
1
to
upon
sued than
his
own
life.
bestow more care upon them than Charles would willingly have per-
a war which cost him more was worth, had not the duke of Beneventum
himself, encouraged
by
empire, rejected every condition which he considered disadvantageous to himself. The war with Beneventum,
until the general peace concluded by Charles with the Byzantine emperor in the year 811.
services
Although Charles acknowledged, and rewarded the which Alcuin had rendered to himself and his
family, and returned the affection which the instructor entertained for his royal pupil, he was far from feeling
Rendered independent, a blind partiality towards him. of the natural his vigour understanding of favourites by
and
friends,
came
in
he hesitated not, whenever their interests competition with the claims of justice, to
An interesting proof espouse the cause of the latter. of this noble impartiality, is afforded by his conduct
respecting the misunderstanding which had arisen between Alcuin and Theodulph it exemplifies the cha;
both of Charles and Alcuin, but is honourable to the pupil than the master.
racter,
astic in the diocese of Orleans,
much more
An
ecclesi-
who was
be imprisoned for some misdemeanour. escaped from confinement, and sought protection in the sanctuary of St. Martin, at Tours.
Theodulph
to
He
220
emperor, to demand the restitution of the fugitive, or, in case of refusal, to take him by force from the asylum.
of
armed men
to Tours,
producing the imperial mandate, were accompanied by the bishop of Tours himself to the
monastery. "Without any previous explanation with the fraternity or the abbot, they rushed into the church. The monks hastened to defend the sanctity and privileges of their monastery, whilst others excited and exhorted the town's people, and especially the poor, who lived on the bounty of the monastery, to protect the
relics of the saint
from the sacrilegious violence of the infuriated populace would have torn the emissaries of the bishop in pieces, had not the monks
enemy
The
The whole affair veyed them within the building. but without Alcuin's happened previous knowledge after it had occurred, he did not disapprove it, and undertook, with great zeal, to defend his monastery and
;
the sanctuary of St. Martin. Fearing that the transaction might be represented to the emperor in an un-
favourable
2
,
light,
Fredegis who were then residing at court, a simple statement of the facts in writing, for the purpose of
enabling them to contradict the exaggerated reports which might reach the ears of the emperor. He also adduced many arguments in justification of the pro-
ceeding from the ecclesiastical code, the sacred Scripand history. " I beseech you, my dearest sons," he says in this letter, " throw yourselves at the feet of my lord David, the justest and noblest of emperors,
tures
221
and demand, if the bishop should appear, to debate this matter with him, whether it is proper that a man who has been accused of a fault, should be dragged by force
from the sanctuary,
-had escaped?
to the
it
Whether
Caesar,
it is
appealed
Caesar?
to
should
Whether
and whether the word even of his personal liberty of the Lord is to be regarded, when he says mercy If you (Jam. ii. 13.) rejoiceth against judgment. submit all this to the consideration of my lord
;
whom no
from the paths of truth and justice, I know that he will not annul the resolutions and decrees of the holy fathers."
for the purpose of investigating the affair
so
much
severity,
and acted
so
disturbance, as greatly displeased received a mandate to surrender the fugitive ecclesiastic, who had been the cause of the tumult, to his bishop, Alcuin refused to obey, under the pretext that the
.
run-away priest had appealed to the emperor, as the Apostle Paul had done in a similar case, and could, therefore,
he evaded combe judged only by the emperor 2 to The Charles and wrote emperor now pliance,
:
.
fraternity or congregation of St. Martin feel his displeasure, " One day earlier," he writes, " than your letter reached us, we received a
in
which he complains of
222
the injuries sustained by his people, or rather by himself, and of the contempt shown to our mandate, subscribed with our name, in which we commanded the restitution of the ecclesiastic who had escaped from his prison, and
lay concealed in the church of
issuing this order,
St.
Martin.
And
in
we do not
conceive, as
you
do, that
we
have committed any injustice. We have caused both your letter, and that of Theodulph, to be again read to us and yours appears much more violent and intemperate
;
than
his,
and
It
to
seems to us to be nothing less than a vindication of the culprit, arid an impeachment of the bishop,
charity.
since
it
declares,
accused not only may, but ought to be permitted to make an accusation whereas, it is decreed by the laws, both
;
of
And yet you have taken him under your protection, and persist in harbouring him, under the pretence, that he who has already been publicly accused and condemned by his own people has a right
against another man.
to,
the emperor. You lay much stress plea of appealing to upon the example of the Apostle Paul, who, when ac-
cused by bis
own
judged by him.
But
example is not applicable to For the Apostle Paul was merely not tried and since he had ap;
the
emperor.
223
sentenced to prison ; from which prison he has escaped, and in an unlawful manner entered the church, which he
should not have dared to approach until he had repented of his sins but where he continues to live, without hav;
ing, according to
report,
abandoned
has now, as you say, after the example of the Paul, Apostle appealed unto Caesar, but he shall never, like Paul, appear before Caesar ; for we command that
This
man
he
shall be delivered up to him before whom he has been accused, and by whom he has been condemned and imprisoned, and from whose imprisonment he has escaped.
By him he shall be brought into our presence he may speak the truth or not. It is derogatory to our authority, that our first order should be countermanded for the sake
:
of such a
man
as this.
But we
also
wonder
greatly, that
have ventured to
resist
our
com-
mands and
have
authority, since both ancient usages determined that the ordinances of kings
commands and
decrees.
marvel, that you should listen to the request of a wicked man, rather than to our orders. It is, moreover, plain, that
with this man, a disposition to rebellion, and a disregard of Christian charity has been introduced among you. For
,
yourselves the fraternity of this monastery, and the servants of God, (would to God you served him
you,
call
who
more worthily !) you yourselves know how often your own conduct has been evil spoken of by many, and not without reason. For sometimes you have represented
yourselves to be monks, sometimes canons, and sometimes neither. Anxious for your welfare, and wishing
224
to obliterate the
memory of your past misdeeds, we apa skilful teacher and superintendent we pointed yon summoned him from a distant land, that he might in;
struct you by precept and exhortation, and that the example of a pious man might teach you to live holy lives. we have been grievously disappointed the But, alas
!
found in you, an instrument to sow discord amongst those whom it least becomes, even amongst the teachers and doctors of the church. You, whose duty it
devil has
is
to correct
incite others to
the sins
of hatred and anger. But, with God's help, they will not approve of your evil designs. You, however, who have despised our commands, you monks or canons, by
whichever name you call yourselves, know that you are arraigned before our tribunal, which our messenger will announce to you. And should you even attempt, by
you
sending a letter here, to excuse your former resistance, shall, nevertheless, appear and make due reparation
Although Charles,
in this letter,
mentioned Alcuin
with indulgence and approbation, and vented his whole displeasure upon the monks, still its general tenor and been mortifying to him. It is certain style must have
that he
had taken
arid
if
infinite
munity,
his
we may
2 .
and
own
earlier reports to
siderable success'
all his
The
labours in reforming his monastery, represented as fruitless, must have outweighed the pleasure which he
by the emperor.
He
affair,
ALCUIN'S DEATH.
225
presided ; but in this unpleasant transaction, he acted, not from the dictates of duty and justice, but from the
impulse
of a petty jealousy.
Whilst, in a letter to
Charlemagne, he defended the character and conduct of his monks against the calumnies of their enemies, he
neglected to obey the imperial mandate, but dismissed He probably exthe fugitive to one of his friends 1 .
culpated himself on the plea that the culprit had escaped, affair should sink into
9.
Death of Alcuin.
the year 803.
injustice
The event just recorded, occurred in The indignation which Alcuin felt at the
which
he considered himself to have sustained, the vehemence with which he contended for the privileges of his monastery,
and
his
could
not
have an injurious effect upon his already enHe was attacked by an illness feebled constitution.
fail
to
which terminated
his life
It is.
own
Both
in
is
It is
said, that
died, so bright a light was seen to shine over the church of St. Martin, that it appeared
on the night
if
which he
as
the church
were in
flames.
Heaven seemed,
226
as it were, to have opened to receive the departing spirit 1 It was, also, generally reported and of the pious man. believed, that a hermit in Italy had seen, at the same
whom,
Alcuin, adorned with a splendid garment (Dalmatica), made his triumphant entry into heaven. 2 cannot,
We
therefore,
inanimate body, in order, that by touching or beholding it, they might be healed of their diseases, and that many
His soul having been deposited in could be interred with the greater body His funeral was performed with the utsatisfaction.
in the church of St. Martin,
most solemnity
and an
epi-
taph written by himself, and engraved on a copper-plate, points out his resting place to posterity.
HERE,
And
gentle traveller pause awhile to rest, note the sounds which issue from the tombj
!
A heart like
Then
doom.
What now thou art, I was well known to fame. What now I am, thou soon shalt be. Decay
Hath
left
no vestige of each
futile
aim,
Then haste to guard thy soul's eternal weal, Nor heed the frail integument that dies.
Why purchase
realms
Behold, vain
man
and
feel
in
which wealth,
glory, lies.
Why pant
Which, low in dust, the hungry worm invades ? That form shall sink, though born to rule the globe,
As, 'neath the foul Simoon, the flowret fades.
ALCUIN'S EPITAPH.
Some kind return, Oh gentle reader deign To these sad strains. Breathe out, " God rest And may this tomb no impious hand profane,
! !
227
his soul
Ere the
last
roll.
Then burst the sepulchre and spring to light The mighty judge, his countless myriads hail Wisdom's fond lover, he erst Alcuin hight,
!"
Now
Under these verses, the monks inscribed the follow" Here rest the blessed remains of Abbot ing words.
Alcuin.
He
calends of June.
that the
died in peace, fourteen days before the All ye, who read this, pray for him,
everlasting rest
2
."
A man
who devoted
whole
to religion,
the
of course, enjoy amongst his superstitious cotemporaries, There are not reputation of working miracles.
legends respecting his miraculous powers of foreseeing future events, and, by his blessing, restoring
wanting
the use of their limbs to the lame, and sight to the blind. He was also called to sustain sundry conflicts with the
Evil Spirit, which his biographer records as an especial 3 But posterity has accorded him proof of his sanctity the nobler praise, of having directed his energies to the diffusion of knowledge, and of having contributed to
.
maintain and encourage the church, in the form in which she alone, at that time, could have been beneficial.
o 2
228
SECTION
V.
THE business of history, properly so called, is not to delineate individual characters, but to record the total
amount of
large,
intellectual power existing in society at and the external forms which such powers assume.
The mental
divine
art.
it is
energies of a nation, manifest themselves in the formation of social institutions, the establishment of
worship,
and
in the
like
it is
and progress of these forms, which the province of history to describe. But these forms, every other, are in themselves, cold and inanimate
It is the origin
change alone which endues them with life, and the soul of this life is man. As a soft and plastic substance
mould
in
which
it
is cast,
so
do the generality of mankind adapt themselves to the circumstances by which they are surrounded. In performing
her task, therefore, history has usually only to represent the general progress of events ; and a history might be
written of
many
periods in which
it
sary to describe one individual, or to bring forward any other than general positions as the representatives of
peculiar rights,
views
and
interests.
But on a hard
mould leave
229
if external force be applied to produce the mould itself will be shivered in that danger that the image will be defaced, or or at all events, pieces,
but
there
is
obliterated.
stead of receiving, they impart a peculiar stamp to the period in which they live, and on quitting the world, leave it in a condition totally different from that in which
they found it on their entrance. In such a case, history The foreground is occuresigns her place to biography. the an individual opinions entertained by him, pied by
:
become laws
his decisions
to the rest of
;
mankind, who are guided by and whilst he has drawn from his own
mind
on
all
which have effected a change around him, he becomes the source and centre of
new combinations.
The
individual
who
thus ventures to
give to his opinions the influence belonging to a long course of events, may be said, in a certain degree, to
and
if
must
also
fulfil
their office.
As
all
period in
which he
it
lives, either
centrated in him,
a clear conception of that period, to pursue, in minute This is accomdetail, the development of his character.
plished by biography, whose province it is to relate the effect which individual men have had upon their own
Whilst the chief object of history is to record times. those events which have determined the condition of mankind
;
is
those events
and
if their
230
as to
divert
itself.
it
new
indeed, always important to be made the with character of princes, or other persons acquainted occupying high public stations, but their character should history
never be made the primary object of history, unless they were really the main-spring of the events recorded. Mankind have ceased to confine the history of a nation to the
personal qualities of its rulers, to consider a relation of court intrigues, as the annals of the country, and to deem
public affairs as sufficiently explained
been traced to the impetuosity of a princely lover, or the secrets of the chamber.
It is principally in times of great excitement and disorder, that individuals succeed in distinguishing them-
selves.
When
is
for a
ancient forms are destroyed, in order to new system already existing, but for
yet to be organised, bold and daring spirits upon the materials which lie scattered
around, and fashion them according to their own views. In the history of such times, therefore, biographical description predominates, because the achievements of the
premeditated plans.
The age
French nation, and subsequently usurped the throne, a number of alterations had been introduced, though the
principles
is true,
to
authority, which the Carlovingians themselves had assisted in degrading, but it was still as indeterminate and
was the
permanency and stability these fluctuating elements, and to sweep away every
to give
1
At that time, the organithing that impeded his views . sation of a government was not so well understood as at
present, when one day subverts a constitution, to which the previous night had given birth, and which the following morning is again revived under a different form. That
something of this spirit, so essential to every conqueror essential, because without it, he is a mere destroyer
and which displayed itself most perfectly in the French revolution, was possessed by Charles, is proved by his rapid organisation of Aquitaine, Italy and other con,
quered provinces. That which his father had cautiously attempted, the more magnanimous son boldly effected. His individual character is, therefore, so important in the that it deserves to be treated history of his own times,
biographically.
Of
all
the
obstacles
which ancient
himself and
which Charles already experienced, of cultivating in others the learning which he respected.
as the immediate
source of his legislative enactments, and his political and esteem for learning was all that military operations
could originate in himself, as he possessed no personal means of promoting it. He could not, like Peter the
Great, compare his people with those of a neighbouring
civilised country, in order to
deficient
determine in what they were nor could he himself acquire in foreign lands
232
information and ideas, and inculcate them on his subjects with the knout. The conclusion at which Charles
arrived,
not so
much by
actually contemplating a
facts,
more
and drawing by combining inferences from a former condition of mankind, was, that both himself and his subjects were destitute of knowledge,
perfect State of society, as
which
it
possess,
was not merely desirable, but needful they should and that the clergy, in particular, as forming the
must be rescued from their and worldliness, and rendered more spiBut the influence of external light was requisite
dim perceptions
in Charles
mind
and
it
guide him in
principally,
was likewise necessary, that another should his ideas of the mode in which the clergy
to be educated.
In this respect, Alcuin has -had a decided influence upon him. When we desire to peruse the biography of learned men, of artists, or of those who have distinguished themselves by a display of their intellectual it is only with the view of enabling ourselves the
;
powers,
and to see whether the mind of the individual, in developing itself in a certain form, and in no other, has been acted upon by external Had causes, and to ascertain what those causes were.
Alcuin been simply a man of learning, with whose name nothing was connected but the mention of his works,
his biography would be extremely short, if not altogether superfluous but it was his fate to be connected with the master-spirit of his age,
;
to
whose
was subaffect
jected,
the
233
of thousands.
The
whole empire he becomes an historical character, and his works may be received as specimens of the spirit and taste which then prevailed. This determines the form
which his biography must assume which- is no other than a frame in which to exhibit a picture of extraordinary
;
Alcuin's
sonally performed; for, in guiding the genius of a potent monarch, he rendered him the agent to effect his own designs.
in
this point of view, the reader will discover the reasons for relating the Life of Alcuin in the mode in which it has been attempted in the preceding pages. Presuming that he has awakened sufficient interest in
garded in
the
dividual,
mind of the reader, to render him welcome as an ineven when unconnected with important events, we will, in conclusion, endeavour to compose from the
scattered features of his history, a picture of his personal
appearance, and mental qualities. portrait becomes valuable to us, only when intellectual associations have
234
2.
Alcuin
Personal Appearance.
sideln,
painting was once preserved in the abbey of Einwhich is said to be a portrait of Alcuin . It ex1
hibits a
German
the austerities of monkish piety are visible. The individual is represented in an attitude the most appropriate
to his
calling-
reflection,
The gloomy counapparently upon theological subjects. tenance, the wrinkled brow, and the compressed lips,
indicate
not that
spiritual
which
the soul with rapture, and diffuses over the outward features a ray of the joy which beams within ;
fills
but profound meditation upon some abstruse subject. But when we, in imagination, behold the furrowed brow
smoothed, when we fancy the individual before us, unclosing his lips to communicate, with a delight that
illumines his melancholy eye, the discovery of the lookedfor result, we can discern in these harsh features, that
good-nature and kind-heartedness which Alcuin must have possessed, to gain, in the degree which he certainly acquired, the esteem and affection of an immense number
of persons
his life
whom
His eyes then sparkle with that intellectual vivacity which he evinced in many of his writings, especially in his polemical works. Nothing but
instruction.
and
the
traces of mortification
us, that
and penance
will
then resought,
mind
by
we
who
kingdom of
heaven 2
235
3.
Character of Alcuin.
may
As the counevery relation of his life. a powerful monarch, he endeavoured to procure for morality, and the prevailing religion, an influence
upon
legislation, quite foreign to not prescribe virtuous sentiments
its
;
purpose.
Laws do
evil.
they repress
The
manner
which Alcuin sought to make the Bible the basis of judicial decisions, and to deduce the legal appointments of private persons from moral principles, is
in
demonstrated by a fragment amongst his writings in which he seems to have communicated to Charlemagne
,
his opinions
He
says for
instance
1.
The testament
2
.
valid,
death
2.
Whoever
.
the testator, displays ingratitude towards own unworthiness to claim the benefit
3.
to
the son
nature,
natural
who
himself only can be a lawful heir, who has conducted the towards his parents as he is bound to do by precepts of religion.
He
236
4.
to an inheritance
(indebite),
by favour, and without any obligation and being appointed to it by will in conseright.
quence of a claim or
5.
all
blamelessly a man conducts himself in the relations of life, the more is his claim to the in-
The more
heritance confirmed.
The same
teacher.
him
as a
im-
prove the heart, and induce his pupils to pursue a moral * He belonged to that class of and Christian course.
persons, of
whom
and pathetic poem like a sermon, and one which is naive or witty, like an intoxicating draught, who are so destitute of taste,
as to desire to be edified
by a tragedy
or an epic poem, and are shocked at an ode of Anacreon or Catullus To this is to be attributed the dislike which
1
he exhibited
in his
an innocent
representations.
For, in his
more advanced
in ac-
cordance with the character above described, he regarded every thing only with reference to its fitness for im-
proving the moral sense, or its tendency to have a dan2 gerous effect upon the passions Such a character professes external humility. The ap.
pellation
self,
He so frequently of his own a distrust powers, a readiness to expressed confess his errors, and to learn of others, that it would
was that of the humble Levite.
reflect
ALCUIN'S HUMILITY.
237
sincere. But although, when upon one occasion, Charles begged him to re-consider a disputed point, in order to ascertain whether he might not himself be in error, he
and that he knew too well that men should use their ears
rather than their tongues 1 ; this declaration is as inconsistent with the imperious and confident tone of his
letters, as
more than
with his writings against the Adoptionists, and all, with his behaviour in his dispute with
humility
Theodulph, which has been above related. Although is the opposite extreme of pride, yet we know
easily
how
extremes meet.
verted into love than indifference, for this simple reason, that an object which is capable of exciting our hatred,
must possess
is
sufficient interest
So the
step
from humility
to
and imperceptible, that it is often made pride, and men continue, with a species of selfunconsciously,
mask of humility. Socrates detected vanity peeping through the rents in the tattered mantle of Antisthenes, so must we condelusion, to conceal pride beneath the
As
which
is
too ostentatiously
in
displayed.
our own day, attired in sombre grey, and wearing hats of the meanest description, should reflect that behind this
on the unprejudiced spectator. In the with which Alcuin, particularly in his letters complacency to archbishops, patriarchs, and other high dignitaries of
sarcastic glance,
the church, styles himself a humilis Levita 9 who does not discern the gratified vanity of a man, who, though
238
placed in an insignificant station in life, had rendered himself, by his talents, their equal, or even their superior. To this weakness, is to be attributed the authority which
with which he
His
anonymous
biographer relates
to
some anecdotes
in reference
though not
phy
is
usually adorned.
pupils,
vigils
and
sought to mortify his body by such excessive fastings, as brought on a violent fever. When
father Alcuin
came
2
to visit him,
he commanded
all
ex:
cepting Sigulf, to leave the apartment, and then began " hast thou, without asking counsel of any one, at-
Why
tempted to practise such extreme austerity ? Perceiving that thou hadst an inclination to do so, I caused thee to
sleep in the
as soon
as
were asleep, thou didst kindle a in and watch the whole night." Those lantern, light thy he which had done most secretly, things which things
thou supposedst that
God
added
only could know, Alcuin discoverd to him, and " When thou earnest to me, and I bade thee drink
:
wine, thou didst cunningly reply, Father, I have already drunk enough at my uncle's ; when thou wentest to thy
uncle,
didst say
Thou
didst intend
impose upon
us,
thyself.
Beware,
when thou
When Raganardus heard this, he was and and ashamed, frightened at having been detected conceal he could from that he Alcuin, nothing finding asked him, in astonishment, how he had become acso imprudently.
;
quainted with
protests that
this.
Even
he solemnly
repented of his foolish attempt, and never afterwards acted withThis anecdote out Alcuin's counsel or command ."
1
no man knew
but himself.
He
shows on the one hand, Alcuin's tender care of his pupils, and on the other, his vanity in wishing to appear
omniscient in their eyes.
" When simple style. messengers from the king, or some other of his friends were coming to him, he frequently, whilst they were yet at a great
own
what they were bringing with them, and what they would take away with them. Some of his pupils who
heard
this, attributed this
was
childish,
and
result
convinced them of the truth of the prediction. Benedict, that man of God, who was more intimate with
order,
often
came
his
and
On
one
occasion he wished to
come
to
Tours, without giving any one intelligence of his arrival before he reached Alcuin's door. Whilst he was at a
considerable distance, Alcuin called to one of his servants
and
said,
Hasten
to
at such
and
Alcuin's
240
messenger did as he was commanded, and after a journey of three days, arrived at the spot to which he had been
directed,
his
message.
Benedict, astonished to find his design disWhen both, filled with covered, hastened to Tours.
joy,
had embraced and kissed each other, worthy father " Father who informed Benedict began you of my intended visit?" Alcuin replied, "no man informed me of it by words." Benenedict then enquired: "what " " ? have received a letter from
:
No," any body you answered Alcuin. Benedict, upon this, rejoined " If you have received neither verbal nor written communication
then,
:
from man,
tell me, I beseech you, how you became ac" quainted with it." Enquire no further," was Alcuin's 1 reply . By such means as these, Alcuin obtained the
of
reputation of being divinely inspired, and by the practice all the duties enjoined by religion, confirmed the He has not, however, attained to the general belief.
title
of saint, but
2
is
who possesses marked pemaintains a constant struggle with external and it is their reciprocal influence on circumstances
;
An
permanent and steadfast, amidst perpetual change, must, if he would be distinguished, not only suffer no alteration in the universal
is
transformation which
so to
bring them into conformity must resemble an expert swimmer, who not merely governs the waves, but forces them to
events,
as
mould
with himself.
He
241
whilst the
up
to the current,
stream, or sink for ever. Every thing that constitutes the material of the labours of an individual, he receives
originally
recesses of his
It is,
from without, but fashions it within, own mind, before he brings it into
it
in the
action.
\ve
therefore,
the mental
racter.
which impart to his actions their peculiar chaThus, in recalling the achievements of Alcuin, which have been recorded in the preceding pages, the
reader will perceive that they all bore the impress of those mental peculiarities which have been described.
sciences, with him,
In him, everything received a religious hue; all the ranged themselves under the banner
of religion, and formed a rampart to defend theology from the attacks of heretics and scoffers. He wished to
rear a second
Athens
in
France
schools established according to his plan, are, therefore, now commended by many persons, on the very on which others might be inclined to censure
principle
The
namely, that they were confined to religion, and Alcuin's intended only to educate good Christians. character was adapted to the necessities of his times,
them
and as he had only to pursue the direction in which the natural current of events was flowing, he was enabled to
sucaccomplish his projects with the greater facility and relations in various the In reviewing his character cess.
of his
life,
the
first
sistent with
it, is
thing that strikes us as being inconNot that the nature of a life at court.
he wanted
ability to
242
every station. His letters to Charlemagne are admirable specimens of his skill in paying an elegant compliment
which he could
without being a flatterer, and of the agreeable mode in offer instruction or reproof, without displaying that presumption and self-complacency, into which a perceptive or admonitory style is so easily betrayed.
But the
its
bustle of a court, which was perpetually changing residence, was as little compatible with his love of
arms with
and
Charlemagne proves that he himself did not possess that versatility of talent, which was to the demands of the state and of scirequisite satisfy
his admiration of
ence
in the
boisterous element of public life. Although, in his intercourse with Charles, and in the education of the royal
family and the young French nobility, he found even at court, a soil so far congenial to his nature, as to admit of his producing much valuable fruit, still the interruptions
to
which he was exposed were so disagreeable to him, some abode where he might dwell in
it,
he would never
consent to exchange it for the court. In one of his letters to Charlemagne, Alcuin wishing to compliment him, addressed him in the words with which the queen of Sheba " expressed her admiration of king Solomon. Happy are thy men, and happy are these thy servants, which stand continually before thee, and hear thy wisdom."
Charles,
who
in all probability
Alcuin to his court without success, did not suffer these words to escape him, but in his reply, desired Alcuin, if
true, to
243
invitation,
:
cause
he begs the king to excuse him, as he could find happiness only in the land of peace, and not in the regions of discord and war. " Of " would be the weakness of what he
value,"
asks,
What
lions, an innocent sheep, that had been nourished and brought up in peace, and in igno-
What among
"
?
rance of battles 2
The
Charles had assigned him was as little congenial with his The disposition, as the burthen of secular occupations.
manner
in
modern governments.
diffusion
in its
and he endeavoured
and arduous duties of their profession, by placing them above the reach of pecuniary cares. The teachers who
were appointed to the cathedral school, have in latter times become canons, and still retain possession of their
immense revenues, without performing the duties for which they were originally granted. The title of Scholasticus or school-master, by which they continue to be
designated, seems like a reproach, since they
sider themselves disgraced,
would con-
that office.
How
were they really to execute much more anxious must Charles have
men
to the
state
by the
ties
of
temporal advantages,
whom he regarded
as the luminaries
244
holding a plurality of benefices, Charles conferred many His of the richest ahbeys upon his learned friends. motive for doing this, was his belief, that at that time,
ecclesiastics
was small, he
literature
and
piety.
;
Alcuin
and we are
assured by Archbishop Elipandus, who, during his controversy with Alcuin, reproaches him, amongst other things,
with his enormous wealth, and says that more than twenty thousand vassals were maintained upon his lands. But
to aspire after high dignities or great riches,
;
formed no
and we can entertain no part of Alcuin's character more doubt of the truth and sincerity of his assertion, that he had not been allured into France by any prospect of
temporal advantage, than of the desire which he repeatedly expressed to Charlemagne, that he would resume the benefices which he had bestowed upon him. Charles
this request, nor deprive him of the means of practising benevolence he complied with the wish of his instructor only so far as to permit him to distribute amongst his pupils, the business con;
nected with the administration of his property. With the exception of these two points, every situation
in
character.
which Alcuin was placed, was in accordance with his He was not called upon to contend against
opinions, nor to exhaust his strength in a
established
useless conflict.
The object against which he struggled, the ignorance and immorality of the clergy, was an evil to which the spirit of the times was opposed, a weed in
245
the garden of the clmrch, which men had already set The unsullied purity of his themselves to eradicate.
own
life,
his learning, in
which even his enemies could not impugn, and which no man of that period surpassed
him, qualified him particularly for co-operation in such a work. Considering the period in which he lived, he may
be regarded as a universal genius, combining the knowledge of rhetoric, grammar, astronomy, poetry and phiIt is evident, that he was suffilosophy, with theology.
that ciently acquainted with Latin, to express himself in
language with ease and fluency ; indeed, amongst the clergy, it was almost as well understood as their native
tongue.
this, he had acquired such a as was of Greek, necessary to enable him to knowledge compare the original of the New Testament with the
In addition to
translation
and had also attempted the study of Hebrew, a degree of erudition, in which few at that time particiBesides the sacred Scriptures, the works which pated.
;
he most esteemed, were those of St. Augustine, among the fathers, and of Virgil among the classical authors.
As
and as he willingly
on what model he
examples of
we may
It
easily conjecture
formed
his
style.
as well as of
As we the past, as rules for regulating the present. direct the student to the glorious days of Greece, and Rome, in order, that having contemplated their institutions,
he
may
246
interests,
and provide for their exigencies, according to the views which such an education must furnish so, in the
;
middle ages, the Bible and the writings of the fathers were considered as the most worthy of imitation. The style of Alcuin is formed more upon them than upon
classical compositions.
The
works demand a corresponding variety of style. The animation, acuteness and satire, which Alcuin displays in
his controversial works, gives place to a pious simplicity, and devotional sublimity in his religious writings, or to
arguments in his scientific treatises. The best specimen of his style, and more especially of that peculiar to his times, is to be found in his letters, wherein he adopts
solid
the prevailing tone of refined society. The language of Alcuin's letters is dignified, though sometimes inflated
and pompous.
It is true,
that if
we compare
his
Latin
with the classical language of ancient Rome, we discover an abundance of barbarous and ungrammatical expressions; but the Latin of the middle ages was a distinct
language, which
rules of a
is
by the dead
by
its
living
and
practical use.
Greek of Byzantium,
language of the old Greek authors. When Hegewisch avers, that he could see nothing to admire in the
and that
numerous works of Alcuin, but his facility in writing it would be in vain to take them up with the
expectation of finding either philosophical reasoning or elegance of expression, he proves that he uttered this opinion without having taken up these writings himself.
Whatever the
intelligence
247
gian period could produce, was combined in him, and the circle which surrounded him. From his connection
with a monarch, who, in his endeavours to enlighten and improve his subjects, accomplished more than the cir-
which he had at
cumstances in which he was placed, and the resources his command, seemed to render possible ;
less
who
no
who
considered an acquisition in the field of science, as important than the conquest of a province, and held a man eminent for learning in equal estimation
;
with an expert general Alcuin had an opportunity of employing his talents with so much benefit to mankind, as
to secure to himself a portion of the glory which his The idea, conexertions, procured for Charlemagne.
ceived by a powerful monarch in the eighth century, of basing he strength and stability of his government upon the increased intelligence of his people, an idea, which a
is scarcely recognised, and carried into effect, appears sufficiently extraordinary universally
NOTES.
Page
1
7.
I. c.
Bed. Hist.
lib. iv.
cap.
1.
2 Bed.
8.
cap. 2.
Page
1
Anonym. Vita
in the year 709, the latter in 755. Alcuini ap. Froben. p. Ixi: Erat siquidem
ei
(Hechberto) ex Nobilium filius grex Scholasticorum, quorum quidam artis grammatical rudimentis, alii disciplinis erudiebantur artium jam liberalium, nonnulli divinarum scriptuarum. 3 Epist. 5. The quotations from the Opera Beati Flacci Albini, are from the edition which has been published in 4 vols. fol. and
carefully revised
by Frobenius,
Abbot
of
St.
Emmeran,
at
Ratisbon.
after Alcuin's
pupil and friend Sigulf, calls him p. Ix. nobili gentis Anglorum exortus prosapia. learn from himself that he was related to St. Willibrord, whose father, Wilgis, had erected a monastery on the sea-shore in qua et post multiplices sancti laboris agones a Deo coronatus corpore requiescit, et posteri ejus usque hodie ex sanctitatis ejus traditione possident. Quorum ego meritis et ordine extremus eandem cellulam per successiones legitimas suscepi gubernandam. Vit. S. Willibrordi, in Op. torn. ii. p. 184. 2 Alcuin. Poema de Pontificibus et Sanctis Ecclesise Ebonu censis, vs. 1431. sq. 3 Alcuin. 1. c. vs. 1448.
We
Indolis egregiae juvenes quoscunque videbat, Hos sibi conjunxit, docuit, nutrivit, amavit. 4 This fact appears so clear to me from the two following passages, that I have stated it as certain. The first passage is in a letter to
the fraternity at Morbach, Ep. 222, p. 286 : Olim magistri mei vestigia secutus vestrse congregationis laudabilem conversationem videbam et amabam, meque ipsum inter vos esse desiderabam,
520
quasi unus ex vobis. The second passage is in a letter to Charlemagne, Ep. 85, p. 126: Dum ego adolescens Romam perrexi, et aliquantos dies in Papia, regali civitate demorarer, quidam Judaeus, It is Julius nomine, cum Petro Magistro habuit disputationem. Hie quoque said of Aelbert in the poem above quoted, vs. 1457. Romuleam venit devotus ad urbem.
Page
1
12.
Ludgeri, ap. Mabill. Sec. iv. Ben I. p. 21. Another life of the same saint, ibid. p. 37. Liudger endeavoured to propagate Christianity among the Saxons, and not altogether but unfortunately, the Saxons regarded Chriswithout success tianity as inseparably connected with the French yoke. He became the first bishop of Miinster after the subjection of Saxony, and died March 26, 809. 2 The anonymous writer asserts, c. 6, p. Ixiv, that Alcuin had been introduced to Charlemagne, previously to his meeting him at Parma Noverat enim eum, quia olim a magistro suo ad ipsum This passage cannot refer to the time when directus fuerat. Alcuin travelled to Rome with his preceptor Aelbert, as that event must have taken place betwixt the years 755 and 760, or at Charles did not ascend the throne all events not later than 766. If the passage is worthy of credence and consitill the year 768. deration, it relates to a mission on which Alcuin was sent to Charles as king, concerning some ecclesiastical or secular business
Alfridi Vita S.
; :
with which
we
are unacquainted.
Page
1
13.
217220.
Page
15.
Gregor.Tur. Hist, ecclesiast. lib. iv. cap. 12. 2 The Franks were notorious for perjury; and the bishops, instead of enforcing the solemnity of an oath, pursued the same course as the rest of the Franks. King Guntram reproached a bishop; Gregor. VIII. 2: Tertio mihi, quod de episcopo dici
1
iniquum
cap. 9.
many
other passages.
16.
Page
Gwielieb, bishop of Mentz,
re-
formation which was attempted by Carloman, with the aid of St. Boniface, may serve as an example of the mode in which bishoprics were at that time disposed of, and the way in which the clergy conducted themselves. Bishop Gerold was killed in a battle between Carloman and the Saxons in the year 743, and his son Gwielieb, pro sedando patris dolore, became bishop in his stead. In the following campaign he avenged the death of his
NOTES.
251
At the council father, by slaying his murderer in single combat. held by Carloman in 745, Boniface accused Gwielieb, and charged him amongst other things, with propriis oculis se per^pexisse ilium cum canibus avibusque jocantem, quod Episcopo nullatenus liceret. Vit. S. Bonifacii, ap. Bouq. torn. iii. p. 668.
Page
1
17.
Page
1
:
18.
Einh. 1. c. cap. 25 Tentabat et scribere, tabulasque et codicillos ad hoc in lectulo suo sub cervicalibus circumferre solebat, ut
manum
Men of learning who could not conceive that Charlemagne was ignorant of writing, have given, in their explanation of this passage, astonishing proofs to what absurdities preconceived notions on The words, tentahat et scribere philological subjects will lead. some understand to mean an attempt at literary composition, and liters, the large initial letters which it was usual in the middle ages to write and paint with elaborate ornament. Truly, a royal occupation Others have perceived the absurdity of this interpretation, and have therefore attributed to the word scribere the signification of pingere ; how easy to convert literis into lineament-is ! and then every thing agrees admirably with an attempt of the king to learn drawing. The meaning of the words is so simple, that no sound and impartial criticism can iniDart to them any other sense but, that Charles took great pains (though in vain) to acquire ease and rapidity in writing. Theodoric the Goth, obtained the surname of Great, without knowing how to write; and Otho the Great did not learn to read until instructed by his second wife, Adelheid. 2 Du Chesne Script. Rer. Franc, torn. ii. p. 187.
1
Page
1
23.
ii.
De Ratione Animce,
est
nobilitas,
in
Op.
torn.
p.
152:
"
Cujus mentis
miranda
dum
occupationes philosophorum quod vix otio torpens alius quis modo cognoscere studet." " 2 Einhard. Vita Car. Mag. Inter coonandum aut aliquod acroama aut lectorem audiebat." 3 Monach. Egolism. ad a. 784.
:
inter tantas palatii curas et regni pleniter arcana curavit scire mysteria,
Page
1
24.
i.
Comment, super
ii.
Eccles. cap.
in p. torn.
i.
Op. 411.
2 Op. torn.
p. 268.
Page
1
25.
Grammat.
1.
c.
297.
252
They
works of Alcuin,
vol.
i.
N. 67. 2 Speaking of this subject in a letter to Charlemagne, he says, Ep. 85, p. 126: Punctorum vero distinctiones vel subdistinctiones licet ornatum faciant pulcherrimum in sententiis, tamen usus Sed illorum propter rusticitatem pene recessit a scriptoribus.
p. 211.
sicut totius sapientiae decus et salutaris eruditionis ornatus per vestrae Nobilitatis mdustriam renovari incipit, ita et horum usus in
Page
1
27.
This treatise on orthography is to be found in Alcuin's works, torn. ii. p. 301 312. 2 Dialogus de Rhetorica et Virtutibus, torn. ii. p. 313331.
Page
1
29-
De
Dialectica, torn.
ii.
p.
335352.
2 Ep. 68, p. 93.
Page 31. Alcuin, Ep. N. 70, p. 99102. 3 Ep. 67, p. 90. cf. 61, p. 81.
1
Page
1
32.
This phenomenon is mentioned by most of the chroniclers amongst the remarkable events of that year. It is said by Monach. Egolism. ad a. 799: Sydus Martis a superioris anni Julio usque ad hujus anni Julium nusquam in toto coelo videri potuit.
2 Ep. 70, p. 101. Einhard says, in his Life of Charlemagne, praecipue astronoediscendae plurimum et temporis et laboris impendit. This word has been variously explained some derive it from drinking horns some from the circumstance, that in this month the stags cast their horns others from the word GOT\ which is synonymous with $ott) (dirt). Anton. (Hist, of German and Agriculture. Part I. Sec. 44), derives it from $orn (frost) supposes Horning to be a diminutive (the little Frost month) in
3 miae 4 the
:
contradistinction to January. 5 Alcuin thus writes to the king, Ep. 68, p, 93 : Quid aliud in sole et luna et sideribus consideramus et miramur, nisi sapientiam Creatoris et cursus illorum naturales?
Page
1
33.
This letter is not to be found amongst the collection of Alcuin's letters, but attached to his commentary upon the Canticum Canticorum, torn, i, p. 408.
Page
1
36.
7,
After having given a mystical interpretation of the numbers, 6, 5, and 4, Alcuin says in a letter to Charlemagne, Ep. 65, p.85 :
NOTES.
Potestis
253
quam jucunda
1
Page
The monk of
37.
: Legendi atque psallendi disciplinam diligentissime emendavit ; erat enim utriusque admodum eruditus, quamquam ipse nee publice legeret, nee nisi submisse et in commune cantaret. Of his choir he also says afterwards : Nullus alienus, nullus etiam novus, ni legere sciens et
canere,
chorum
Page
1
39.
Tres personae in mundo hucusque altissimae fuerunt Apostolica Sublimitas, quae Beati Petri, principis Apostolorum, sedem vicario munere regere solet. Alia est Imperialis digTertia est Regalis nitas, et secundae Romae secularis potentia. dignitas, in qua vos Domini nostri Jesu Christi dispensatio rec-
torein populi christiani disposuit, ceteris praefatis dignitatibus potentia excellentiorem, sapientia clariorem, regni dignitate sublimiorem.
Page
1
41.
that tithes must be paid, secundum mandatum Dei. Although he himself had set a good example by subjecting the crown lands to decimation (Baluz. Capit. t. 1, p. 332), still he found it diffiAt the synod, held at Frankfort cult to introduce them generally. on the Maine, in 794, the collection of tithes was again insisted upon ; and the failure of the harvest, in that year, was represented as a punishment for not having justly and quickly paid that tax. Baluz. 1. c. p. 267.
Page 43.
1
tuendos, ut tamfilii
et ipse
quam
filice
piimo
2 Disputatio regalis et nobilissimi juvenis Pippini cum Albino Scholastico. Op. torn. ii. p. 352354. 3 The elder Gisla is also called by Alcuin Lucia ; and he distinguishes her by the appellation of Soror in Christo from the younger Gisla, who is to him Filia in Christo.
p. 44.
Ep. 33.
Utinam mihi liceat saepius cdmonitionis Ep. 129, p. 241 cartulam dirigere Almitati vestrae, sicut nobilissimus Chlodwicus,
1
542
germanus tuus, me rogavit saapiusmittereadmonitorias illi literas quod jam et feci, et volente Deo faciam, quas etiam cum magna
humilitate legere solet. 2 It was reported amongst Alcuin's pupils, that upon one .occasion when Charles came with his three sons to visit his preceptor " at Tours, he asked him ; Master, which of my sons do you think should succeed me in the dignity which God, unworthy as I am, " has granted me?" Then," relates the anonymous writer in the Life of Alcuin, cap. 10. N. 18, "Alcuin looked at Louis, the youngest, but the most remarkable for humility, on which account Thou wouldst he was considered despicable by many, and said have a magnificent successor in the humble Louis.' Charles only but afterwards when he beheld those kings then heard this (namely Charles the younger and Pepin) enter the church of St. a with haughty step, and Louis with humble deportment Stephen for the purpose of prayer, he said to the by-standers Do you see Louis, who is more humble than his brothers? Verily, you shall behold him the illustrious successor of his father.' Afterwards, when he was administering to them with his own hand the communion of the body and blood of Christ, the humble Louis bowed before the holy father and kissed his hand. Whereupon the man of God said to Sigulf, who was standing beside him Whosoever exalteth himself shall be abased, and whosoever humbleth himself shall be exalted. Verily, I say unto thee, France will joyfully recognise this man as emperor after his father/" " This," subjoins the author, who wrote in the reign of Louis the Pious (829), "this, do we with joy behold fulfilled. They are fallen who appeared to be cedars, and the fruitful olive-tree flourishes in the house of the Lord
'
:
'
'
1'
Page
1
47.
Alcuin transferred to the king the task of replying to this question Quae omnia vestrae sapientiae nota Ideo non est opus nunc mini interpretaesse non dubitamus. tiones harum exponere interrogationum. Alcuin's Bible in the Per diem sol non uret te, neque luna per British iViuseum 6. noctem. Ps. cxxi.
Ep. 69, p.
:
:
9699.
Page
1
48.
In the seventy-first letter, p. 103, Alcuin says, that, if many would follow the example of Charles, forsan Athena nova perficeretur in Francia, immo multo excellentior, quia hac Christ!
nobilitata magisterio omnem Academicae exercitationis superat sapientiam. Ilia tantum modo Platonicis erudita disciplinis septenis informata claruit artibus, haec etiam insuper septiformi Sancti Spiritus plenitudine ditata omnem secularis sapientias
Domini
excellit dignitatem.
NOTES.
Page
1
255
51.
See Ep. 135 of the letters of St. Boniface, published by Serrarius. (Mentz, 1605-4).
to be the brother of he frequently designated him by this appellation, but only on account of the more than fraternal affection which he entertained for him. Alcuin's family must have been very numerous, if all those whom he, in his letters, denominates brothers and sisters, really stood in that relation to him. 2 Monach. Egolism. ad a. 787: Et Dominus Rex Carolus iterum a Roma artis Grammaticae et Computatoriae magistros secum adduxit in Franciam et ubique studium literarum expandere jussit.
1
Alcuin
it is
true, that
Ante ipsum enim Dominum Regem Carolum in Gallia nullum studium fuerat liberalium artium. 3 The circular letter addressed to the Abbot Baugulf, of Fulda, is to be found in Baluz. Capital. Reg. Franc, torn. i. p. 201, sq. The chief points contained in it are the following Notum igitur sit Deo placitae devotioni vestrae, quia nos una cum fidelibus nos:
consideravimus, utile esse, ut episcopia et monasteria nobis Christo propitio ad gubernandum commissa praeter regularis vitae ordinem atque sanctae religionis conversationem etiam in literarum meditationibus eis, qui donante Domino discere possunt, secundum uniuscujusque capacitatem docendi studium debeant impendere,
tris
ita
quoque
docendi et discendi instantia ordinet et ornet seriem verborum, ut qui Deo placere appetunt recte vivendo, ei placere non negligant recte loquendo. Then, after expressing his displeasure that this had not yet taken place, and his apprehension that the salvation of his subjects would thereby be endangered, he proceeds: Quamobrem hortamur vos literarum studia non solum non negligere, verum etiam humillima et Deo placita intentione ad hoc certatim discere, ut facilius et rectius divinarum scripturarum mysteria
valeatis penetrare. autem in sacris paginis schemata, tropi et cetera his similia inserta inveniantur, nulli dubium est, quod ea
Cum
citius spiritualiter intelligit, quanto prius in literarum magisterio plenius instructus fuerit. Tales vero ad hoc viri eligantur, qui et voluntatem et possibilitatem discendi et
Page
1
53.
Erat enim Gervoldus, quamaliarum literarum non nimium gnarus, cantilenas tamen artis peritus vocisque suavitate ac excellentia non egenug. 2 It is said of him, in the chronicle above quoted: Plurimos arithmeticae artis disciplina alumnos imbuit, ac arte scriptoria
a.
Chron. Fontanell. ad
787
quam
256
Harduin transcribed many ancient books, which at that erudivit. time was as useful a performance as a new edition of an ancient author in the present day, and was one of the first who brought the small Roman letters into use. See Histoire Literaire de France,
par des Religieux Benedictins, torn.
iv.
p. 367.
Page
1
54.
Page 55. See, for example, the report of Archbishop Leidrad, of Lyons, to Charlemagne, of the schools established by him, which may be found in Launois' treatise De Scholis celebrioribus seu a Carolo M*
1
seu post
iv. p. 14).
2 Laun. 1. c. p. 17. In the acts of the council, L. III. c. 12. Similiter obnixe ac suppliap. Harduin, t. iv. p. 1356, it is said citer Vestrse Celsitudini suggerimus, ut morem paternum sequentes saltern in tribus congruentissimis imperil Vestri locis scholce publics
:
ex Vestra auctoritatefiant, ut labor patris Vestri et Vesterper incuriam, quod absit, labefactando non depereat, quoniam ex hoc facto et magna utilitas et honor S. Dei Ecclesise, et Vobis magnum mercedis emolumentum et memoria sempiterna accrescet.
Page
1
56.
epistola,
from
ETTL
is
Page
1
57.
Grsecam melius
intelligere,
pronuntiare poterat. 2 At all events, Alcuin recommended this discipline to his pupil, Archbishop Eanbald II. of York, and it may therefore be inferred, that he practised it in the French schools. He writes, Ep. 50, p. 65 : Habeas et singulis ordinibus magistros suos, ne vacantes otio vagi discurrant per loca, et inanes exerceant ludos, vel aliis
quam
mancipentur
1
ineptiis.
Page
58.
Monach. Egolism. ad a. 787. ap. Du Chesne, torn. ii. p. 75. 2 Ann. Mettens. ad a. 757. Ann. Einhard, ad a. 826. 3 Baluz. Capitul. t. i. p. 237 Scholae legentium puerorum fiant Psalmos, notas, cantus, computum, grammaticam per singula
:
monasteria vel episcopia discant. He then urges the arrangement of good and correct books, and recommends care in their use and attention in transcribing them.
1. Laun.
1.
c. p.
NOTES.
et
si
257
quilibet fidelium suos parvulos ad descendas literas eis comvult, eos suscipere ac docere non renuant, sed cum summa caritate eos doceant. ergo eos decent, nihil ab eis
mendare
pretii
Cum
eis
Page
1
60.
Ferrieres and the moDedit illi duo nastery of St. Lupus, at Troyes. Anonym, cap. 6 monasteria, Bethleem scilicet, quod altero nomine Ferrarias vocatur et S. Lupi apud Trecas.
:
Monach. Sangall. lib. i. cap. 3. 2 The two abbeys assigned him, were
Page
61.
1 In the preface to his commentary on Genesis (Op, t. i. p. 305), Alcuin complains that secular occupations left him but little time for literary labours, and that troublesome journeys separated him more frequently than was agreeable to him from his books. 2 Ep. 7, p. H.
Page
1
62.
pro auri avaritia (testis est mei cognitor cordis), Franciam veni nee remansi in ea, sed ecclesiastics causa necessitatis. 2 See Ep. 3, p. 6.
Non
Page
I
63.
ap. Baluz. torn.
i.
Epist. ad Offam,
Regem Merciorum,
Page
64.
p.
273.
Page
1
72.
is
The fourth
letter of Alcuin,
Ad Felicem Episcopum,
clearly
addressed to the bishop of Urgel. Alcuin had heard him so highly spoken of, that he desired to enter into a correspondence with him. Subsequently, when he was endeavouring to convert him from his heresy, he reminds him of this circumstance Op. torn- i. vol. ii. p. 785. Olim me ipsum celeberrimam tuse Sanctitatis audiens famam per quendam ex illis partibus Presbyterum
;
commendare
curavi.
lib.
i.,
even at the
commencement
Nee
sibi
sufficiebat
est, negare proprium esse filium Dei, sed etiam hunc eundem non consentit verum esse Deum, sed novo et inaudito sanctse Dei ecclesiae nomine nuncupativum Deum nominare ilium non timet, dividens Christum in duos filios, unum vocans proprium alterum adoptivum, et in duos Deos, unum verum Deum, alterum nuncupativum Deum.
de virgine natus
258
Elipandus writes thus to the Abbot Fidelis. Qui non fuerit confessus Jesum Christum adoptivum humanitate, et nequaquam
1
adoptivum
exterminetur.
Auferte
malum
de terra vestra.
2 Etherii, iEpiscopi Uxamensis, et Beati Presbyteri adversus Elipandum, Archiepiscopum Toletanum, Libri duo de Adoptione This treatise is in Canisii Lectt. Antiq. torn. ii. Christi, filii Dei. 375. It was written in the year 823 of the Spanish era, p. 279 or 785 according to the Christian reckoning. 3 Ether, et Beat. I.e. lib. i. p. 297: Licet humana mens non
possit plene rationis investigatione comprehendere, fidei tamen plenitudo complectitur. Nam etsi non licet nobis scire, quomodo natus est Dei films, scire tamen nobis licet et credere, quod vere
natus
sit.
Ibid. p. 303.
Ergo
tantummodo
adsit,
et nulla quaestio remanebit, Quod si discutere voluerio et rationem de Deo et homine facere praesumpseris, continue in laqueos perditionis immergeris.
Page
1
74.
p.
342
Deum
Talis facta est ilia susceptio, quse Inseparabilis unitio est. hominem fecit et hominem Deum, et ex utroque unum
Christum.
Page 75. The title of the second book is De Christo et ejus Corpore quod est Ecclesia,-et de Diabolo et ejus Corpore, quod est Anti1
:
christus.
one of
3
2 At least Elipandus reproaches Beatus with having persecuted his adherents, quern tu persequeris in montibus, speluncis
it is
said,
et variis negotiis, prasertim pro Eelicis, Urgelitana sedis Episcopi, But in the acts of this synod, no trace can be pestifero dogmate.
came under
discussion.
Ann. Fuld. ad
a.
792.
Page
primum damnata
est,
damnata fuit.
Mansi Concil. torn. xiii. p. 1031. 2 Einhard, Ann. ad a. 792, 3 Alcuin reproaches Elipandus with Vobis exhortantibus.
Page
1
77.
says, (torn.
i.
Eodem
NOTES.
Page
1
259
78.
305. This treatise, composed by Alcuin during his first residance at the French court, and in the midst of secular cares and occupations, is dedicated to his pupil and friend, Sigulf. " As thou, my dearest The preface is to the following effect brother, hast so long been my inseparable and faithful companion, what thou ardour and as I know with studiest the Holy Scriptures, I have collected and dedicated to thee a few questions upon the book of Genesis which I remember thou hast at different times, I have this that thou done to me. mayest always have proposed at hand a means of refreshing thy memory, which often loses that which it should retain, if we do not preserve those things which we desire to remember in writing. This is especially the case with
.p.
:
Op. tom.i
us, whose thoughts are distracted by temporal business, and who are frequently exhausted by the fatigue of long journeys. As we cannot encumber ourselves with ponderous volumes, we must provide ourselves with abridgments, that the precious pearl of
lightened, and the weary traveller possess something wherewith he may refresh himself without fatiguing his hand with too heavy a burthen. There are, however, in this book,
wisdom may be
many
difficult
am
neither willing
and concerning which thou hast not desired information. Those which are here treated of are chiefly historical, and for which a simple answer will suffice the others, on the contrary, require more profound investigation, and a more copious
nor able to
solve,
;
explanation."
Then follow the phrases usually adopted in such prefaces, he hopes that he will amend that which is defective, and for that which is good thank not him but Ood, the giver of all
good.
Page
2 Brevis Expositio Decalogi.
1
79.
torn.
i.
Op.
p.
340.
Page
This
is
80.
tential
particularly the case in the exposition of the peniExpositio in Psalmos Pcenitentiales, ib. p. 346. sqq. and the 118, or according to our version, the 119. 2 Expositio in Psalmos Graduates, torn. i. p. 376 sqq.
psalms
Page
1
81.
ib. p.
Compendium
in
Canticum Canticorum,
391
408.
Page
1
82.
self says: In
He himEcclesiasten, Op. torn. i. p. 410. quern librum ex sanctorum opuscuHs patrum ac maxime de Beati Hieronymi commentario parvum composui breviarium. We are assured by the editor of St. Jerome's works, that he was indebted to Alcuin' s copy for an improved reading of many
Comment, super
passages.
260
2 This small treatise was dedicated to Charlemagne himself, as appears from the concluding verses. Suscipe, Rex, parvum magni modo munus amoris, Quod tuus Albinus obtulit ecce tibi. 3 This commentary was written for Charlemagne's sister Gisla, and her friend Richtrudis or Columba, and was so impatiently expected by them that he was compelled to send it to them piece
by
piece.
This
is
i.
p.
649 sqq.
Page
1
89.
:
In the above quoted letter of Alcuin to the king, we read Vere et valde gratum habeo, Laicos quandoque ad evangelicas emoruisse inquisitiones, dum quendam audivi virum prudentem aliquando dicere, clericorum esse evangelium discere, non Laicorum. Quid ad haec? Omnia tempus habent, et saepe posterior affert
hora quod prior non poterat. Tamen iste Laicus, quisquis fuit, sapiens est corde, etsi manibus miles, quales Vestram sapient issimam auctoritatem plurimos habere decet.
Theophan. Chronogr. p. 269275 ed. Ven. A more copious and accurate account of the controversy upon image-worship, which is here briefly noticed as a mere episode, may be found in Schlosser's History of the Iconoclastic emperors of the Eastern Roman Empire. Published at Frankfort-on-the-Maine, 1812. 8.
1
Page
96.
Page
1
100.
more particular account of this be found in the annals of Baroniiis, for the year 754 which must, however, be compared with Pagi's criticism, No.
Theophan.
1.
c. p.
285
sq.
council
11 sq.
may
Page
102.
Zonar. torn, ii., p. 87. ed. Ven, says expressly that only the refractory monasteries were abolished, and that all the monks who submitted to the decree of the council were allowed to live according to their profession and vow.
Page
Roger of Hoveden
792.
110.
ad
a.
Fran-
corum,misit synodalem librumad Britanniam sibi a Constantinopoli directum, in quo libro multa inconvenientia et verae fidei contraria reperiebantur, maxime quod hene omnium orientalium doctorum non minus quam trecentorum vel eo amplius episcoporum unanima
NOTES.
261
assertions confirmatum fuerit, imagines adorari debere, quod omnino Dei ecclesia execratur. Contra quod scripsit Alcuinus epistolam ex auctoritate divinarum scripturarum mirabiliter af-
Jirmatam, illamque cum eodem libro ex persona episcoporum ac principum nostrorum regi Francorum attulit. 2 In the writing addressed to Elipandus by the council, in the
the authority of Charles, in Goldast, Collect. Con6. we find: Nee non et de Bntanniae Imperialium, p. 20 partibus aliquos ecclesiasticae disciplinse viros convocavimus. 3 This letter is not to be found in the collection of Alcuin's letters, but is prefixed to his seven books against Felix, in the edition of Frobenius, t. i. vol. ii. p. 783.
stitut.
1
name and by
century, says of Alcuin's letters: cum supercilio scriptae. 2 are indebted to the abbot Frobenius for having rescued, by means of his influence and wealth, these letters, as well as many other valuable works from the dust of the Spanish libraries, 'ihey are printed in his edition of Alcuin's works., t. ii. vol. ii.
We
p.
566573.
1
Page 112. to the separation of the Eastern from the Western kingdom of France, and to the partiality of Louis the German. It appears to have been the principal residence of the German kings from Regino ad a. 876. Ludovicus apud Frankfurt,
Frankfort owes
much
principalem sedem orientalis regni, residebat. 2 That each department of the council mentioned in the text, voted separately, is evident, from the fact that each adduced, in a distinct report, the reasons which had led them to their decision and these reports were added to the letter addressed to Elipandus. In the latter we find, ap. Gold. 1. c. 7 Primo quid Dominus Apostolicus 'cum sancta Romana ecclesia et episcopia in illis partibus quaqua versum commorantibus et Catholicis doctoribus sentiret, sub unius libelli tenore statuimus. Deinde secundo loco, quid ecclesiastici doctores et sacerdotes ecclesiarum Christi de propinquioribus Italiae partibus cum Petro, Mediolanensi archie: :
piscopo, et Paulino, Forojulienensi vel Aquilejensi patriarcha, viris a Domino valde venerabilibus, intelligi vel firmiter credi voluissent, suis propriis responsionibus exaratum posuimus libellum. Post haec tenet et tertius libellus orthodoxorum sanctorum patrum
episcoporum
officiis,
et
Gallise, Aquitaniae,
et Britanniae, partibus dignis Deo deserviunt vestrisque objectionibus sanctarum scripturarum testimoniis roboratas obtinet responsiones. Deinde quarto loco meae propriae unanimitati cum his sanctissimis praedictorum patrum decretis et Catholicis statutis consensum subnexui.
262
Page 113. 1 Baluz. Capitul. t. i. p. 270. 2 Op. torn. i. vol. ii. p. 760782. 3 He mentions this in the 94th letter ad Abbates et Monachos Gothiae, p. 139 Sicut in libello ex parte factum est, quern direximus per beatum benedictum vobis solatium et confirmationem
:
fidei Catholicae.
4 Caroli
Capitul.
I.
M. decreta
ecclesiastica
comitiorum
Franconofort.
ap. Goldast. I.e. p. 18: Ubi in primordio capitulum exortum de impia ac nefanda haeresi Elipandi, Toletanae sedis episcopi, et Felicis Orgelitanae eorumque sequacibus, qui male sentientes in Filio Dei adserebant adoptionem. Quam omnes
sanctissimi patres una voce contradixerunt, atque hanc hceresim funditus a sancta eeclesia eradicandam statuerunt.
Page
1
114.
haeres.
Caroli
M.
constitut. contra
I.e. p. 22, 17: Post hanc,correctionem sive admonitionem Apostolicae auctoritatis et synodalis unanimitatis, si non resipiscites ab
omnino pro
haereticis haberi,
nee ullam
Page
I
116.
794 Synodus etiam, quae ante paucos annos in Constantinopoli sub Irene et Constantino, filio ejus, congregata et ab ipsis non solum septima, verum etiam universalis erat appellata, ut nee septima nee universalis haberetur dicereturve, quasi supervacua in totum, ab omnibus abdicata est.
a.
:
Ann. Einhard. ad
Page
1
117.
ii.
2 Caroli
quaestio de
M.
decret.
1.
c.
capitul.
Allata est in
medium
nova Graecorum synodo, quam de adorandis imaginibus Constantinopoli fecerunt, in qua scriptum habetur, ut qui imagines sanctorum ita ut Deificam Trinitatem servitio aut adoratione non Quam omnes sanctissimi impenderent, anathema judicarentur patres nostri omnimodis, et adorationem et servitium respuentes contempserunt atque consentientes condemnaverunt.
.
Page 118. Histoire Liter, de France, t. iv. p. 411. 2 Its existence was preserved by an edition published at Frankfort in the year 1596, and its circulation increased by an edition published by Goldastus under the title of Imperialia Decreta de Cultu Imaginum in utroque Imperio tarn Orientis quam Occidentis promulgata, (Francof. 1608. 8.) ; and afterwards by its being reThe last ceived amongst his collection of Imperial Constitutions. and best edition is by Heumann, which appeared in 1731 at Hanover, under the title of Augusta Concilii Nicaeni II. censura.
1
NOTES.
263
3 Lib. i. cap. 6. 4 Hincmari, archiepiscopi Remensis, Opera (Paris 1645, fol.) t. ii. p. 457 Septima apud Graecos vocata universalis pseudosynodus de imaginibus, quas quidam confringendas, quidam autem adorandas dicebant, neutra vero pars intellectu sano diffiniens, sine auctoritate Apostolicae sedis non longe ante nostra tempora Constantinopoli est a quam plurimis episcopis habita et Romam Unde missa, quam etiam Papa Romanus in Franciam direxit.
:
tempore Caroli M. imperatoris, jussione Apostolicae sedis, generalis est synodus in Francia, convocante praefato imperatore, celebrata, et secundum scripturarum tramitem traditionemque majorum ipsa Graecorum pseudosynodus destructa et penitus abdicata, de cujus destructions non modicum volumen, quod in palatio adolescentulus legi, ab eodem imperatore Romam est per quosdam episcopos missum, in cujus voluminis libro quarto hcec de universalis nomine scripta sunt. Then follows an extract from the Carlovingian Papers,
lib. iv.
cap. 28.
Page
1
119.
The manner
in
vingian Papers are to be limited, is treated in the preface to the fourth book (ap. Gold, const, imperial, p. 112), is quite in the The number Four is a sacred number. As four style of Alcuin. rivers flowed from one source in Paradise, so four Gospels were derived from the source of light. The cardinal virtues are likewise four. Therefore, as the ark of Noah was constructed of four kinds of wood, in which both man and beast were saved from the flood, so the author will compose his work in four books, being like an ark, in which the church may find shelter from the floods
2 Lib. 3 Lib.
i.
cap. cap. 6.
25.
Page
1
120.
we have
provinciae et Germania sive sed etiam Saxones et quaedam Aquilonaris plagae gentes per nos, Deo annuente, ad verae fidei rudimenta conversae facere noscuntur, et ita B. Petri sedem in omnibus sequi curant sicut illo pervenire, quo ille clavicularius exstat, desiderant.
Italia,
Page
1
121.
lib. iii.
Lib.
ii.
cap. 9.
2 Libri Carol,
cap. 15.
Page
1
123.
2 Lib.
264
op ere fateri cogimur, quod illae non haberi sed adorari a nobis inhibeantur, nee illarum in ornamentis basilicarum et memoria rerum gestarum constitutarum fugienda sit visio, sed insolentissima
may be found collected in the second chapter of the Acts of the Parisian Council for the year 825, ap. Goldast. const, imper. p. 158, sq. 4 Lib.iv. cap.ult. Sciat dominus Apostolicus et Pater noster et cuncta simul Romanorum ecclesia, ut secundum quod continet epistola beatissimi Gregorii, quam ad Serenum, Massiliensem episcopum, direxit, permittimus imagines Sanctorum, quicumque eas formare voluerint, tarn in ecclesia quam extra ecclesiam propter amorem Dei et Sanctorum ejus, adorare vero eas nequaquam cogimus, qui noluerint, frangere vel destruere eas, etiamsi quis voluerit, non permittimus.
Page 125. to the Acts of this Council (ap. Goldast. I.e. p. 154), furnishes a brief account of the position of Charlemagne and Hadrian with regard to images ; and it is remarkable for the
1
vel potius superstitiosissima execranda sit adoratio. 3 The views of Gregory the Great respecting images,
The introduction
freedom with which the French clergy oppose the Pope himself, without violating the authority of the apostolic see. It is observed of Hadrian, .... per singula capitula in illorum (the worshippers of images) excusationem respondere quae voluit non tamen quae Talia quippe quaedam sunt, quae in illorum decuit, conatus est. objectionem (that is, against the Carlovingian Papers) opposuit, quae, remota pontiftcali auctoritate, et veritati et auctoritati refraSed licet in ipsis objectionibus aliquando absona, aliquangantur. do inconvenientia, aliquando etiam reprehensione digna testimonia
,
defensionis gratia proferre nisus sit, in fine tamen ejusdem apologias sic se sentire et tenere et predicare ac praecipere de his, quae agebantur, professus est, sicut a beato Papa Gregorio institutum esse constabat. Quibus verbis liquido colligitur quod non tantum scienter quantum ignoranter in eodem facto a recto tramite deviaverit. Nisi enim in conclusione objectionum suarum retinaculis veritatis, beati scilicet Gregorii institutis, adstrictus iter devium
praecavisset, in superstitionis praecipitium
omnino
labi potuisset.
Page
1
126.
So relate miraculous and extraordinary circumstances of images. In territorio Cometense we read in the Ann. Bertin. ad a. 823
Gradabona, in ecclesia S. Joannis Baptistae. imago S. Mariae, puerum Jesum gremio continens, ac Magorum munera oiferentium in absida ejusdem ecclesiae depicta et ob nimiam vetustatem obscurata et pene abolita tanta claritate per duorum dierum spatia effulsit, ut omnem splendorem novae picturae
Italicae civitatis, in vico
NOTES.
265
suae vetustatis pulchritudine cernentibus penitus vincere videretur. Magorum tamen imagines propter munera, quae offerebant, minime claritas ilia irradiavit.
Page
1
128.
Roger, de Hoved. ad a. 793. 2 In a letter addressed by Alcuin to the city of Canterbury, Ep. 59, p. 78, he says: Ecce, quod nunquam antea auditum fuit
populus paganus solet vastare pyratico latrocinio litora nostra, et ipsi populi Anglorum et regna et reges dissentiunt inter se. Discite Gyldam, Brittonem sapientissimum (he alludes to the author of the Liber querulus de Excidio Britannia] et videte, ex quibus causis parentes Brittonum perdiderunt et regnum et patriam, et considerate vosmetipsos, et in vobispene similia invenietis. 3 Ep.9. p. 15.
illi
Page
1
129.
Ep.10.
Ad
Nordanhumbrorum
2
We
cruciantur tormentis. Then follows a description of the state of the soul in hell although the tormented soul is surrounded by a perpetual fire, it is always in the thickest and most horrible darkness; it hears nothing but the wailing and gnashing of teeth of the lost feels nothing but intolerable cold, in a consuming fire which gives no more warmth than light, and the biting of ve;
nomous
serpents.
3 Alcuin mentions this in a letter to King Offa, Ep.43, p. 57. Ego paratus eram, cum muneribus Caroli regis ad vos venire et ad patriam reverti, sed melius mihi visum est, propter pacem gentis meae in peregrinatione remanere, nesciens, quid fecissem inter eos, inter quos nullus securus esse vel in salubri consilio proficere potest. Ecce loca sancta a paganis vastata, altaria perjudis fcedata;
cipum
1
fcedata.
Page
Ep.49, p. 63.
2
130.
8.
Cf.Ep.168. p. 228.
131.
Charles wrote to at Tours, Ep.119: Ipsi quoque nostis, qualiter jam crebro vita vestra a multis diffamata est, et non abs re aliquando enim Monachos, aliquando Canonicos, aliquando neutrum vos .esse dicebatis. 2 Et nos, writes Charles, I.e. consulendo vobis et ad malam famam abolendam magistrum et rectorem idoneum vobis elegimuB et de longinquis provinciis invitavimus, qui et verbis et admoni1
;
266
tionibus rectam viam instruere, et quia religiosus erat, bono conversationis exemplo potuisset informare. 3 Alcuin wrote to the king (Op. torn. i. vol.ii. p. 787) Vestra vero nulli contemnenda auctoritas nostrae devotion! mandavit, contra novas haereticae pravitatis intentiones aliquid scribere, atque libello respondere, quern contra nos Felix quidam episcopus ves:
Page
1
132.
133.
Ep.68,p.96.
Page
1 Ep.69. p. 97. 2 Alcuin writes, in March, 799, to his friend Arno (Ep.77. Jam Deo volente medio mense Majo apud regem cogito p,113) esse, quia Laidradus, filius noster, adducere habet Felicem ilium, cum quo nobis sermonis consentio est. 3 Adversus Felic. lib.i. p. 790.
:
Page
1
134.
135.
Ibid. p. 793.
Page
1
:
Alcuin writes regarding the disputation at Aix-la-chapelle, Cum Felice haeretico magnam contentionem (Ep.l76. p.238) in praesentia Domini Regis et sanctorum Patrum habuimus, sed ille diu obduratus nullius consentit auctoritatem, nisi suse sectator
sententiae, aestimans se sapientiorem omnibus esse in eo, quod stultior fuit omnibus; sed divina dementia visitante cor illius no-
vissime, falsa opinionese seductum confessus est, et fidem Catholicam se firmiter tenere fatebatur.
Page 136. 1 It is to be found Op. torn. i. vol. ii. p. 863, sqq. 2 Ibid. p. 868, sq. 3 Ibid. p. 860.
Page
1
137.
1.
c.
p. 861
vesaniae literulis brevi sermone duobus libellis respondere curavi, evacuans veracissimis sanctorum patrum sensibus omnes illius adsertiones atque interpretationes pravissimas. Ill is
Quibus
licae fidei
libellis alios duos adjunxi piano sermone Cathode Christo Deo veritatem testantes atque sanctorum patrum testimoniis abuntantissime confirmantes.
quoque duobus
Page
1
138.
:
Thegan. de Gest. Ludewici imp. cap. 7, says of Charlemagne Dominus Imperator nihil aliud ccepit agere, nisi in orationibus et eleemosynis vacare et libros corrigere. Nam quatuor evangelia Christi, quae intitulantur nomine Matthaei, Marci, Lucae et Johannis in ultimo ante obitus sui diem cum Graecis et Syris optime
correxerat.
NOTES.
Page 139. Baluz. Capit. regum Franc, t. i. p. 189. 2 Cap. iii. a. 789, N, 15. ap. Baluz. 1. c. p. 243.
1
267
Orient,
t.
i.
p. 635.
Cf.
Page
Baluz. Capit.
t. i.
142.
p. 480.
Page
1
145.
Tantos non habet justitiae adjutores, Ep. 110, p. 161: quantos etiam subversores, nee tantos praedicatores, quantos prsedatores, quia plures sunt, qui sua desiderant, quam Dei. 2 Ep. 102, p. 152: Quod vero tua bona pro multorum salute providentia suadendum mihi censuitdulcissimo meo David (that is Charlemagne) de Missorum electione, qui discurrere jubentur ad 'justitias faciendas, scias certissime et hoc me saepius fecisse et suis quoque suadere consiliariis. Sed, proh dolor! rari inveniuntur, quorum firmata in Dei timore mens omnem respuat cupiditatem, et via regia inter personas divitum et pauperum miserias pergere Munera exccecant corda prudentum et velit, Salomone attestante subvertunt verba justorum. To this belongs (the above letter is dated 801) Chron. Moissiac. ad a. 802: Piissimus Imperator noluit pauperiores vassos suos transmittere ad justitias faciendas, sed elegit Archiepiscopos et Abbates cum Ducibus et Comitibus, qui jam opus non habeantt super innocentes munera accipere.
:
Page
1
146.
Baluz. Capit.
t. i.
p.
405:
normam
servaverit et
Deo
servierit tanto
eum
plus honorare et
268
Inchoavit et grammaticam patrii sermonis. 2 Thegan. de Gest. Ludewici Imp. cap. 19 Poetica carmina gentilia, quaa in juventute dedicerat, respuit, nee legere, nee au dire, nee docere (doceri?) voluit. Although this passage may refer to the poems of classical antiquity, and doubtless does partly refer to them, as even Alcuin in his more advanced age laid aside
1
1.
Einhard.
c.
his former favourite, Virgil, and desired his pupils to form their poetical taste and imagination upon the works of the Christian poets, Sedulius, Juvencus, &c. instead of contaminating their minds with the voluptuous eloquence of Maro, yet the expressions and the nature of the subject relate also to the collection of natural
poems by Charlemagne.
Page
1
152.
2.
The Anonym.
Page 153. Vit. Alcuin, cap. 10. N. 19, relates of Alcuin. man of God had read the works of the ancient
:
philosophers, and the fictions of Virgil but now (that is in his more advanced life) he would neither read them himself, nor suffer his pupils to do so. The sacred poets, he said, are sufficient for you, you need not contaminate yourselves with the voluptuous eloquence of Virgil."
Page 154. Hist. Liter, de la France, torn. iv. p. 284. 2 Ep. 36. 3 Paulinus speaks of Alcuin with the highest respect. He sent his book against Felix to the king, quatenus hoc nostrum licet non pretiosum quodcunque tamen munusculum ad manus reverendissimi viri et in divinis rebus peritissimi et prseclari, Albini
1
scilicet, summae religionis prsecipui oratoris Vestri, mihique super omnia flaventium favorum dulcissimi mella, urgentibus Vestris
S. Paulini.
Op.
p. 168. ed.
fol.
Page
Theodulph
155.
received the pall, could alone deprive him of it. Solius illud opus Romani praesulis exstat, Cujus ego accepi pallia sancta manu.
Page 156. The first twelve verses of his hymn, gloria, laus et honor tibi sit, Rex Christe redemptor, were sung in France during the solemn procession on Palm Sunday, until the time of the revolution, and are, perhaps again sung on this occasion.
1
NOTES.
269
Page 157. cap. 9. N. 17. 146. The same subject is discussed some2 Ep. 96, p. 144 what more at length in the treatise de confessions peccatorum, Op. As in all the exhortations of Alcuin, the 156. tom.ii. p. 154 language is beautiful and impressive; whilst the antitheses are
1
Anonym,
Page
1
158.
it
is said,
Celeb, p. 14: Habeo scholas cantorum, ex ap. Laun. De Scholis quibus plerique ita sunt eruditi, ut alios etiam erudire possint. Prseter haec vero habeo scholas Lectorum, non solum qui officiorum
lectionibus exercentur, sed etiam in divinorum librorum mediIn libris tatione spiritual is intelligentiae fructus consequuntur. quoque conscribendis in eadem ecclesia, in quantum potui, elaboravi. 2 S. Agobardi Opera, ed. Baluz, 1666. 8. t. ii. p. 80.
Page
1
159.
proof of Alcuin's confidence is afforded by his letters, (Ep. 92. p. 135), in which he speaks of a letter which he would have been sorry to see in other hands Candidus tantum illam perle;
Cf. Ep. 105, 109. sic tradita est igni. gebat mecum, et 2 Onias, to whom the commentary is dedicated, in common with Wizo and Fredegis, is too insignificant to merit particular find only two notes addressed to him, amongst notice. Alcuin's letters, N. 227 and 228, p. 292, which contain nothing but assurances of his affection and exhortations to live vir-
We
tuously.
Page 160.
1
Baluz. Miscell.
t. ii.
p.
403408.
Page
161.
Both the work of Agobard, at which Fredegis took offence, as well as that in which Fredegis expressed the same, have perished, and we are made acquainted with the controversy only through Agobard's refutation, which is amongst his works. T. i. p. 165
1
-191.
Page
1
162.
Ep. 110. p. 161. Non est pontifex in hoc regno, cujus me magis fidei crediderim, aut magis ehf^^Hutem optarem in domino vel illius sancta consolatione frui*rel in loquela vel in literis desiderarem. 2 Arno caused
Saltzburg.
It is said of
more than 140 volumes to be transcribed at him, in a Necrolog. MS. Capituli. MetroCujus
(sc.
Arnonis) vitam
270
multum
Albinus magister Carol! per sua scripta plurima, quce hie apud nos
sunt,
Page
1
163.
of his father Angilbert, as follows: Fuit hie eo in tempore haud ignotse familiae. Madhelgaudus enim et Richardus et hie ex una progenie fuere, et apud magnum Carolum merito magni habebantur. Qui ex ejusdem magni regis film nomine Berchta Harnidum, fratrem meum, et me. Nithardum genuit. This fact is contradictory to the assertion of Einhard, Vita Car. cap. 19, that the king was so much attached to his daughters that he would never permit them to marry, lest he should be deprived of their society. Nullum earum cuiquam aut suorum aut exterorum nuptum dare voluit. Einhard adds, however, that although the princesses were not publicly married, they had had intercourse with men, and enjoyed but an indifferent reputation. The emperor, however, shut his eyes, and made it may, therefore, conclude appear that he knew nothing of it. that Angilbert's marriage or connexion with Bertha was of this Einhard rather alludes as to, than distinctly mentions description, it. may 'also easily discover in the story of Angilbert and Bertha, the foundation of those fictitious tales of the love and marriage of Einhard and Emma, a pretended daughter of Charlemagne, with which the monks sought to amuse their leisure, or confer honour upon their monastery. 2 Hist. Liter, de la France, t. iv. p. 416 418. 3 Adelhard was first cousin to Charlemagne, as may be seen in the following genealogical table:
Lud.
vir ortus
We
We
Charles Martel.
J
|
Pepin.
Bernbard.
Charlemagne-
Page
1
165.
His life has been written by Paschasius Radbertus, a pupil of Adelhard: Vita Adalhardi, abbatis Corbegensis in T. v. act.
SS. ord. S. Benedict*. 2 Hincmar. De Ordine Palatii et Regni. 3 Ep. 40. 181 and 182. The thirty-ninth letter of Alcuin, which is likewise addressed to Damotas, has been unjustly supposed not to have been written to Riculf; and because we find, p. 54, sed valde sollicitus sum de itinere tuce profectionis in hostem, it has been supposed to be directed to a soldier. But why should not the Bishop of Mentz have accompanied the king once to the field
NOTES.
271
Alcuin's very anxiety on this occasion, in his clerical capacity ? which is comprehensible when referred to an ecclesiastic, would have been quite inapplicable to a warrior. Cf. Ep. 41.
The
ant. Galliae.
p.
274276.
Page
167.
t. iv.
la
France,
p.
329.
Page
1
168.
letter,
apud Dominum Imperatorem in palatio O quam felix dies fuit, quando in laboribus Sed nunc omnia mutata nostris pariter lusimus literaliter seria. sunt. Remansit senior, alios generans filios, priores disperses gemens.
which is addressed, ad commorantes, p. 242
2 Ep. 85. p. 126.
Page
1
169.
letter to
These are Alcuin's own words in the from which we have quoted. 2 See p. 54.
Charlemagne,
Page
1
171.
first
See Mabillon. Diplom, lib.i. cap.xi., and the the fifth book. 2 Hist. Liter, de la France, t. iv. p. 20.
plates to
Page
1
172.
In the twenty-third letter, in which Alcuin replies to the questions proposed to him by Angilbert in the name of the king, respecting the gender of rubus, and the distinction between the prefixes de, dis, and, des, we find, p. 33, Miror, cur Flaccinae pigritiae socordiam septiplicis sapientiae decus, dulcissimus meus David, interrogare voluisset de quaestionibus palatinis, emeritae que nomen militiae in castra revocare pugnantia, ut tumultuosas
militum mentes sedaret, dum secularis liieraturce libri et ecclesiastics solidltatis sapienlia, sicut justum est, apud Vos inveniuntur, in quibus ad omnia, quae quaeruntur, verae inveniri possunt
responsiones. 2 Murator. Antiq.
1
t. iii.
p. 835.
Page
173.
Ep. 3. Cf. Alcuin. Carm. N. 250. 2 Tritthemius says in Chron. Hirsaug. according to Meginfred of Rabanus: Eum docendi modum, quern ab Albino didicerat, etiam apud Fuldenses monachos inviolabilem servarejubetur. Qui mox, ut docendi subivit officium, per omnia curavit Albinum scqui et imitari
maaistrum. ut juniores videlicet monachos
primum
doceret in gram-
272
maticis, et
fir-
maret
1
institutis.
Page
Alcuin mentions him in the hundred and forty third letter. 2 In a letter of recommendation which Alcuin wrote to Arno, Ep. erit enim 76. p. 112. he says: Benefac, obsecro, Mago naeo nigro utilis in domo Dei. Semper cum nobis fuit, bonam habuit voluntatem et humilitatem, seu in servitio Dei, seu etiam in lectionis
;
studio. Cf. Ep.89. in which, besides Adelbert, Aldrich also (Adhelricus Levita) is named.
Page 176. 195. Phil. Labbei Biblioth. novaMSS. librorum. tom.ii. p. 158 The Emperor Louis is said to have lent the author, for the prosecu1
copiam librorum from the court library. Hist. de la France, t. iv. p. 223. 2 Amalarii de Officiis Eccles. libri iv. in bibl. pp. t.xiv. p. 934
1032.
Page
1
177.
Ann.
Loisel. ad a. 799.
De
Widonem Comitem.
Page
1
178.
Alcuin de Virtut. et
Page
1
180.
t. iv.
De Virtut.
2 The
amples of the estimation in which this treatise of Alcuin's was held, and of its general use. Page. 181. 1 De Animae Ratione. Op. t.ii. p. 146 153. 2 See above p. 27 28-
Page
1.
183.
De Anim.
est
;
Rat. N. x. p. 149:
;
Anima
;
dum
dum
dum dum
dum
animus
dum intelligit, mens est dum discernit, ratio dum recordatur, memoria est.
;
est ;
Page
1
185.
See
339.
Page
1
187.
Alcuin
says, in his dedication to the Abbot Rado, Op. tom.ii. p. Vitam sancti Vedasti, patris vestri et intercessoris nostri, emen-
As
says, improved, but which he, in fact, entirely recomposed, see Hist. Liter, de la France, t. iii. p. 409. 2 In the preface to this biography ad Carolum Imp. we read
NOTES.
p. i75.
273
rogabant, praenotandis jam jamque Vestrae pietatis nuntio sum praeventus, uti ea qucs tractabam, sic notarem, sicut revera sapientice vestrce auribus infer enda. 3 These biographies are to be found in the collection of Alcuin's
iis,
Dumque
In
qua
works,
1
t. ii.
p. 158. sq.
Page
N.
ccxlviii.
t. ii.
189.
p. 233.
Prcesul amate precor, hac tu diverte viator, Sis memor Albini ut, prcesul amate precor. mea cara domus, habitatio dulcis amata,
cara domus. be included the troublesome attempt, which was at this time becoming common, to begin the verses with letters, which when joined together, formed a word significant of the contents of the whole. Ingenuity endeavoured to supply the deficiency of poetical talent. 2 De Rerum Humanarumic Vissitudine et Clade Lindisfarnensis
Sis felix semper,
O mea
Amongst
this
may
Monasterii.
De Rerum Hum.
Page
Viciss. vs. 11
190.
26.
Nil manet asternum celso sub cardine coeli, Omnia vertuntur temporibus variis. Una dies ridet, casus eras altera planget, Nil fixum faciet tessera laetatibi. Prospera conturbat sors tristibus impia semper, Alternis vicibus ut redit unda maris. Nunc micat alma dies, veniet nox atra tenebris, Ver floret gemmis, hiems ferit hocque decus.
Siderium stellis culmen depingitur almis, Quas nubes rapiunt imbriferae subito.
Et
media subducitur ardens, auster de vertice poli. feriunt ut fulgura montes, excelsos Saepius
sol ipse die
Sic major
@S
(5
1
flerdnbert bie
gorm
tflleS
bem im
tyotyen
immel$gett>6lfce/
Sag
Iddjelt, ber
an
bid).
Smmer
?G5ie
ba
efd)id
mit Srauer
bie
274
(3d)5n
$errlid) bemafylt
@clbjl
5BSie
Me
glufyenbe
am Sage
t)eubun!ett/
SOBenn \)on
bem wdffrigen
am
am
etn b6fe
efd)ic!
graufeg SSevberben
191.
Ibid. vs.
8388.
Talia cur, Jesus, fieri permittis in orbe. Judicio occulto, non ego scire queo. Alia vita tuis servatur in arce polorum, Qua pax alma viget, praelia nulla fiunt.
Aurum flamma
Saturn/ @ott, bu
id^ it)etf/ bte
Setnen
o ber
burd)
grtebe regtert/ bluttger f)aber oerftummt. olb wirb burc^ ^rufung geuer bag
fo reiner fetn
ber
ut
geldutert/
um
1
ctft
Pag-e 192.
Ibid. vs. 99
108.
lecto,
Qui jacet in
quondam
Qui olim Sirano laetus recubabat in ostro, Vix panno veteri frigida membra tegit.
Longa
Solivagos atomos quae numerare solet. Dextera, quae gladios, quag fortia tela vibrabat, Nunc tremit, atque ori porrigit a?gre cibum. Clarior ecce tuba subito vox faucibus haesit, Auribus appositis murmura lausa ciet.
t>on be
Mmpft'
in gelbern
unb
bem
f(ud)tigen S^e
NOTES.
einft frofyUd)
276
unb bunt
fid)
2uge,
im
>iefe
SSebt
jefct
unb
gittert/
bte
@petfc
gum
(Sttmme, nut t)aud)t" 2 So, to give one more specimen only, he says of those who were slain in the attack upon the monastery, Hos puta quapropter nobis non esse gemendos,
(5>efd)metter/ bte
te
ber
Srompete
)fyr
(eifeg
eflufter
Quos melior coelo vita sibi rapuit. Desine quapropter lachrymis hos plangere, praesul, Quos sibi perpetuo Christus habet socios, Teque magis facias tota virtute paratum,
Ut quo pervenias tristia nulla fiant. 3 This poem has been attributed to another author, but Alcuin refers to himself as having composed it. For, speaking of Archbishop Aelbert, he mentions, that he resigned the aichiepiscopa see toEanbald, one of his pupils Tradidit ast alio caras super omnia gazas
:
Librorum nato, patri qui semper adhaesit, Doctrinse sitiens haurire fluenta suetus. Cujus si curas proprium cognoscere nomen, Fronte sua statim prasentia carmina prodent. The alms who obtained the superintendence of the library, is no other than Alcuin the composer of the poem, whose name might be read on the title-page. 4 The passage wherein he commends the learning of Aelbert is in itself interesting, and may serve as a proof: Ille ubi diversis sitientia corda fluentis Doctrinae et vario studiorum rore rigabat His dans grammaticse rationes gnaviter artes, Illis rhetoricae infundens refluamina linguae. Illos juridica curavit cote polire, Illos Aoniodocuit concinnere cantu, Castalida instituens alios resonare cicuta, Et juga Parnassi lyricis percurrere plantis. Ast alios fecit praefatus nosse magister
:
Harmoniam
cceli, solis
lunaeque labores,
Quinque poli zonas, errantia sidera septem, Astrorum leges, ortus simulatque recessus,
T 2
276
adventum exspectans, et vertice toto Altior est sociis, populum supereminet omnem. Jam Leo Papa subit que externo se agmini miscet. Quam varias habitu, lingua, tarn vestis et armis
Praesulis
Miratur gentes, diversis partibus orbis. Extemplo properans Carolus venerantur adorat Pontificem amplectens magnum, et placida oscula libat. Inque vicem dextras jungunt, pariterque feruntur Gressibus, et multo miscentes verba favore. Ante sacerdotem ter summum exercitus omnis
Sternitur, et supplex vulgus ter fusus adorat, Pro populoque preces ter fundit pectore praesul.
Page
1
194.
See above, p.
Page 196.
1
the Romish hierarchy, as the circumstance of the election of a Pope being dependant upon the party interest of Roman families ; and nothing has promoted it so much as the successful introduction, in the eleventh century under the influence of Hildebrand, of a mode of election which abolished this dependence.
NOTES.
2
277
letter of congratulation to
otherwise happen that Alcuin addressed a special Leo III. in which he designates the the true successor of the Apostles, him upon whom the Pope spirit of the fathers had descended (hares Patrum}, the head of the church, and the nourisher of the one immaculate dove ?
did
it t. ii. p. 685. 2 It was thus that Alcuin regarded the accusations which had been brought against the Pope. He writes to his friend Arno, Ep. 92, p. 134 : Intelligo, multos esse aemulatores ejusdem praedicti Domni Apostolici, deponere eum subdola suggestione, crimina
How
Du Chesne
Page
197.
adulterii velperjurii
illi
imponere qu&rentes.
Page
1
198.
:
Einhard, in the Annals, ad a. 799, doubts the fact ut aliquibus visum est. Theophanes, in the Chronography, says most distinctly, that the ruffians did intend to put out the eyes of the Pope, but that they were moved by compassion to spare him
:
Ov
H&VTOI
rfd
avrv QiXavSpwTrwv OVTWV /ecu (j)eKra^ievwv avr<$. Decet omnem populum Christianum in^hac
:
dementia
divinae protectionis gaudere et laudare nomen sanctum nunquam deserit sperantes in se, qui impias commanus a pravo voluntatis effectu, volentes caecatis pescuit mentibus lumen suum extinguere et se ipsos impio consilio proprio
privare capite.
Page
1
199.
Page 200.
Epistola Ep. 92, p. 134, sq. Alcuin says of Arno's letters qu&rimonias quasdam habuit de moribus Apostolici. Sed quia ego nolui, ut in alterius manus pervenisset epistola, Candidus tantum illam perlegebat mecum, et sic tradita est igni, ne quid scandali oriri potuisset, propter negligentiam cartulas meas servantis 2 Ep. 92 Tu vero, fili votorum meorum, labora pro summi Pastoris incolumitate, pro sanctse sedis auctoritate, pro catholicae fidei integritate, ne lupinis morsibus pastorum pastor pateat. He adds, that he would assist the efforts of Arno with his tears, that is, with his prayers and letters. 3 Ibidem Quis potest immunis esse in ecclesia Christi pastor, si ille a malefactoribus dejicitur, qui caput est ecclesiarum Christi ? Suo domino stabit aut cadet.
1
:
. :
:
Page 201.
Memini, he says in the letter already quoted, melegisse quondam, si rite recorder, in canonibus beati Silvestri, non minus
1
278
LXXII.
testibus Pontificem accusandum esse et judiciopraesentari; et ut illorum tails vita esset, ut potuissent contra talem auctoritatem stare. Insuper et in aliis legebam Canonibus, Apostolicam
sedem judiciariam
esse,
non judicandam.
:
2 Responderem pro es, si ex latere ejus stetissem Qui sine peccato est vestrum, primus in ilium lapidem mittat. Ev. St. viii. 7. Johannis, 3 After the passages quoted above, he writes to Archbishop Arno. Haec omnia et multa plura his cogitavi per epistoias meas demandari illi (Charlemagne) propter ejus catholicam caritatem.
Page 202. of St. Gallen is to be believed, the Pope must have sought the assistance of the Byzantine emperor, before he applied But his account, lib. i. cap. 28, is replete to the French king. with errors, and altogether improbable it only proves the current opinion of the ninth century to have been, that the Pope transferred the imperial dignity to the king, because he had afforded him the support which the Byzantine emperors had refused.
If the
monk
Page 203.
1
Monach. Egolism. ad
a.
800
Carolus
Turonis ad sanctum
est ibi dies aliquot
Martinum
Moratus
propter adversam domnse Luitgardae conjugis valetudinem, quae ibidem defuncta et humata est. 2 In the first consolatory epistle, Ep. 90, p. 132, he pursues the thought, that true life commences with death Nascimur, ut moriamur, morimur, ut vivamus. Numquid non felicior est vitae In a second letter, Ep. 91, p. 132, he ingressus, quam mortis? endeavours to comfort the king by telling him that we must all submit to the just judgment of God: Placeant nobis judicial Dei. Justus est Dominus et recta judicia ejus.
:
Page 204.
Ep. 93, p. 137, sq. The king wrote to Alcuin to desire, in case he would not accompany him himself, that he would send some of his pupils, qui (these are the king's own words) te quiescente pro te tua munera inire valent. 2 Ep.cit.p. 137: Quidquidvero deillis (Paschalis, Campulus, and the rest of Leo's enemies) agendum sit, vestra cautissima considerare habet sapientia, quae optime novit, quid cuique conveniat personae et quid cui sit facto retribuendum, vel quomodo ille pius Pastor, divina ab inimicorum manibus liberatus protectione, securus in sua sede Deo Christo deservire valeat.
1
Page
1
205.
Du
tom.ii, p. 219.
NOTES.
Page
1
279
206.
:
Einhard in Vit.Caroli, cap. 28, mentions this expression, which there can be no doubt Charlemagne used Quod primum in tanturn aversatus est, ut affirmaret, se eo die, quamvis praecipua esset festivitas, ecclesiam non intraturum fuisse, si praescire potuisset
Pontificis consilium.
Page
1
207.
Vers.de Carol. M. Imp. ap. Du Chesne, tom.ii. p. 200. 'EvrtvSev afiEifiouevoQ rov KdpovXov 6 Atwi/
'AitayoptvEi KpaTopa riiq TraXttTepaQ 'Piburjg. Theophanes Chronogr.ibid.p. 192, also expresses himself thus, and says explicitly, that Rome now first fell under the dominion of the
tKtivov icdipov
VTTO
rr\v
Page 208. Baluz. Capit.t.i. p-365: ut omnis homo in toto regno suo, qui antea fidelitatem sibi Regis nomine promisisset, nunc ipsum promissum hominis
divinae scripturae
pacificis
Ccesari faciat.
:
meaecum sanctissimo
munere
die natali
redde
Domini
mus pro omnibus bonis, quae mihi meisque filiis faciebat, quantas habet liber ille syllabas et tantas a Deo dari benedictiones illi optamus, quantae in eo literae leguntur scriptae.
1
imperialis
potentiae.
2 Anastasius. in the passage quoted above, enumerates separately the presents which were partly procured by the rich booty that Charlemagne had taken from the Avari in the war which was coronam audiversa vasa ex auro purissimo, lately concluded
:
ream cum gemmis majoribus, patinam auream majorem cum gemmis diversis then three golden goblets, one ornamented with
besides precious stones, the others without, of silver, Page 210.
many
costly articles
1 Charles, however, always regarded his dignity as a Renovatio Imperil Romani, and was so anxious that it should appear in this in light, that he was not satisfied with the title of Imperator; but, order to avoid every misconception, frequently subjoined, Romanorum Gubernans Imperium. He likewise caused his public documents to be prepared according to the Roman imperial form, and although no indiction existed in the French kingdom, still he conli was an stantly added the number of the indiction to the date. unfortunate circumstance, and one that has been productive of much
280
perplexityand error, that not only Charles, but many of his successors also, entertained of their imperial dignity an idea which wa s irreconcilable with the existing state of society. 2 Einhard, in his life of Charlemagne, cap. 15, says, however, that these kings also acknowledged a species of dependence upon
Gallicae atque Asturicaeregem societate sibi devinxit, ut is, cum ad eum litteras vel legates mitteret, non aliter se apud ilium, quam proprium suum appellari juberet.
sic habuit ad suam voluntatem et suam munificentiam inclinatos, ut eum nunquam aliter } quam dominum, seque subditos ac servos pronunciarent.
Page 212. Alcuin, in his Ep. 178, p. 240, congratulates the younger Charles on this coronation. Anastasius, the only other writer who mentions this fact, says: Pontifex unxit oleo sancto Carolum et excellentissimum filium ejus regem, by which we are not to understand that the Pope anointed the illustrious son of Charles, king but (for the younger Charles had long enjoyed that dignity) Anastasius means to say that Leo anointed the son of Charlemagne, who was already king and for what other purpose, than that of thereby designating him his father's successor in the imperial
1
;
dignity?
Pii,
cap. 6.
Page 214.
1
et
Ep. 101, p. 150: Beata gens, cui divina dementia tarn pium Felix populus, qui a sapiente
et pio regitur Principe, sicut in illo Platonico legitur proverbio, felicia esse regna, si philosophi, id est amatores sapiendicentis tise, regnarent, vel reges philosophise studerent, quia nihil in hoc
Ibid, p.151.
are informed by Einhard in his Vit. Caroli M. cap. 18, that after the death of Luitgard, Charlemagne had three mistresses,
1
We
Page 216.
he had sons and daughters.
by
whom
1
Page 217.
*E(j)$raffav
Du Chesne, Per. Franc, t. i. p. 198. cnroGTaXkvTiQ Trapa Tapov\ov KCLL TOV HCLTTCI A.SOVTOQ TTpoQ TTfV EtjO^vjjv, aiTOVjjLkvoi ^tvySiivai avrr)V rep KapouXy irpbg ya/jov, /cat kv&aai ra cam KO.I ra iffTrspia' rjri^ fffv av, ft ft?) 'Aeriog EKwXucrc Trapaduvavrfvwv KCti TO tig TOV 'idiov ddetybv
Theophan Chronogr.
dk
bi
ap.
NOTES.
Page 218.
1
281
Ep. 106, p.
2. 157.
Page 219. Alcuin appears to have interested himself personally for Duke Grimoald III. of Beneventum. Grimoald had resided for some time as a hostage at the court of Charlemagne, where he probably enjoyed the advantage of Alcuin' s instruction, and gained his affection. Charlemagne himself was so much attached to the young Lombard, that on the death of his father, he bestowed upon him the vacant dukedom. Grimoald at first remained faithful to Charlemagne, and supported the French against the Greeks and
1
his own relations ; but, in time, the impression which Charles' personal kindness had made, wore away ; he assumed an independent position, in which he was supported by the Greeks.
Page
1
220.
Concursus fuit in civitate subito mendicorum ex omini parte, suum parati defensorem defendere, says Alcuin. without mentionbut there can be no question ing the participation of the monks that they were concerned in the affray. In the neighbourhood of monasteries, the people, especially the mass of the poor, are obedient instruments, and form, in a certain degree, a standing army. 2 Ep. 118 ad Candidum et Nathanaelem.
;
Page 221. Alcuin says of the delegate Quos volebat, flagellavit ; quos volebat, in catenam misit quos volebat, jurare fecit ; quos placuit, vocavit ad Vestram praesentiam.
1
:
Page 224. Ep. 119, p. 175. 2 His report to Charlemagne has been already quoted ; his anonymous biographer speaks in the following terms of his endeavours to amend the lives of the monks and of his success Vitam subjectorum, quantum valuit, corrigere studuit, ac quos indomitos accepit rationabiles honestisque moribus ut essent
1
:
fategit.
Page 225. Ep. 120, p. 176, Alcuin writes to Arno: Direxi hoc animal vitulum Encheridion meum, ut adjuves ilium et eripias eum de
1
multum
who had
is
here
meant.
282
Vit. Alcuin, cap. xv., N. 29 Eadem vero nocte super ecclesiam sancti Martini ingestimabilis visa est splendoris claritas in tantum, ut putaretur a longe positis tota igne cremari.
1
Anonym.
illam noctem ipse splendor visus nonnullis tribus apparuit vicibus. Aurora autem surgente globus ille jam amplissimus super eum venisse locum visus est, quo Alcuinus jacebat, animaque ejus egrediente ccelum penetrasse testatus est siquidem Josephus Archiepiscopus per totem noctem Testantur multi et nunc corpore et ab eo a suis visum fuisse.
est,
valentes.
2 Ibid. N. 30.
Page 221.
1
The epitaph
in the original
is
as follows
Hie, rogo, pauxillum veniens subsiste viator, Et mea scrutare pectore dicta tuo ; Ut tua deque meis agnoscas fata figuris, Vertitur en species, ut mea, sicque tua. Quod nunc es, fueram, famosus in orbe viator, Et quod nunc ego sum, tuque futurus eris. Delicias mundi casso sectabar amore
;
Nunc
cinis et pulvis,
Quapropter potius animam curare memento, Quam carnem, quoniam haec manet, ilia perit. Cur tibi rura paras ? Quam parvo cernis in antro Me tenet hie requies, sic tua parva fiet.
Ut
Tu
inhias vestirier ostro, esuriens pulvere vermis edet ? flores pereunt vento veniente minaci, Sit tua namque caro, gloria tota perit. mini redde vicem lector, rogo carminis hujus
Quod mox
Et die Da veniam, Christe, tuo famulo. Obsecro nulla manus violet pia jura sepulcri, Personat angelica donee ab arce tuba Qui jaces in tumulo, terrae de pulvere surge, Magnus adest judex millibus innumeris. Alchwin nomen erat Sophiam mihi semper amanti, Pro quo funde preces mente, legens titulum.
:
2 Hie requiescit beatae memoriae Domnus Alchwinus abbas, qui obiit in pace xiv Kalendas Junias. Quando legeretis, o Vos omnes, orate pro eo et dicite Requiem seternam donet ei Do:
minus.
3 Anonym, cap. xiii., N. 25. It is amusing to learn from, this author, the mode in which the devil was represented at that
NOTES.
period.
283
He appeared to him homo quasi magnus, nigerrimus ac deformis barbatusque blasphemiae in eum aggerens jacula. Quid, inquit, hypocrita agis, Alchuine ? Cur coram hominibus justum te videri conaris, cum deceptor sis magnusque simulator? Tu putas his tuis fictionibus acceptabilem posse te habere Christum ? The evil spirit is driven away by a prayer.
1
.
It is in this
viewed.
He
is
Page 23 1 view that the History of Charlemagne should be the master-spirit of the Carlovingian period. That
.
his predecessors commenced, half completed, or only projected, he erected into a solid edifice, in which his successors lived in ease and pleasure, like thoughtless children, in a well ordered house, which has been left them by a prudent father. They spend
which
and that without occasional repairs, the house must decay. How well Charles understood his duty, is proved by the following account in Einhard's Vita Car. M. cap. 29 Cummulta adverteret legibus populi sui deesse (nam Franci duas habent leges in plurimis locis valde diversas) cogitavit qua deerant adders et discrepantia unire, prava quoque ac perperam prolata corrigere.
: ,
must be exhausted,
Page 234. This picture is prefixed to the edition of Alcuin's works, published by Frobenius. 2 The Anonymus Vit. Alcuin, cap. viii. N. 14, cannot sufficiently extol the rigour with which Alcuin practised monkish discipline, and commends his hero for the abstinence to which he submitted, and for the castigations, whereby, as he expresses it, he glorified human nature.
1
Page
1
235.
Ep. 127. p. 190. 2 He founds this on the Epistle to the Hebrews, chap.xii, v. 17., wherein it is said that Esau, when he wished to inherit the blessing, was rejected. Alcuin understood this clearly to mean, that Esau, as the first born, had peculiarly the lawful claim to the blessing; but his younger brother, having, as it were by a testamentary disposition of his father, already obtained it, Esau's right was annihilated. According to this passage of the Bible therefore, he concludes a will must be valid, even if it should prejudice the
rights of others. 2 Exodus xxi. 17.
Page 236. Letters upon the Education of Mankind. Letter 22. 2 Alcuin's letters are so full of allusions to the classic poets, that the example of his early life is in contradiction to the precepts
1
284
of his
p.
In a letter to Angilbert (Ep. 22. years. residing in Rome, and whom he requests to that city, he quotes a verse from Ovid's bring some relics from Ars Amandi. Strange as it may seem, that a man, who could quote
31)
a frivolous poem when speaking upon a subject so serious and sacred as relics were to him, should prohibit the reading of the poets, still it is one of the inconsistencies belonging to his
character.
Page 237. Ep. 67. p. 91. Quod vero in fine familiariter me admonere curastis, ut, si quid humiliter emendandum sit, corrigatur, nunquam fui, Deo donante, in error e meo pertinax, nee de meis confidens sensibus, nee talis, ut meliori sententice facile adquiescere non valerem, sciens f dictum esse : scepius auribus quam lingua
1
utendum.
Page 238.
object, that of restraining his pupils from unlawful pursuits, may have excused in his eyes the means, in themselves by no means commendable, by which he sought to attain it.
1
The
2 Sigulf Vetulus is here alluded to, from whom the anonymous writer received all that he has related to us of the circumstances of Alcuin' s life.
Page 239.
1
Anonym.
viii.
N. 15 and
16.
Page 240.
1 Anonym. Vit. Alcuin. cap. ix. N. 17. 2 See Histoire Literaire de la France, t.iv. p. 300. His memory is not commemorated by any festival of the church, not even in the monastery of St. Martin.
Page 243.
1
Ep.66. p. 89.
Si
dite et pariter in
Domino
Quid valet infirmitas Flacci inter apros lepusculus ? quid inter leones agniculus in pace nutritus, educatus, non in praeliis versatus ?
non
inter
arma ? quid
J.
Finsbun
Circus.
LOAN
This book
is
DEPT.
due on the last date stamped below, or on the date to which renewed. Renewed books are subject to immediate recall.
-oUtHU
._...
U. C.
BERKELEY LIBRARIES