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Capital and Ressentiment
Capital and
Ressentiment
A Brief Theory of the Present
Joseph Vogl
Translated by Neil Solomon
polity
Originally published as Kapital und Ressentiment © Verlag C.H.Beck oHG,
München 2021
Polity Press
65 Bridge Street
Cambridge CB2 1UR, UK
Polity Press
111 River Street
Hoboken, NJ 07030, USA
All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose
of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored
in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission
of the publisher.
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
The publisher has used its best endeavors to ensure that the URLs for external
websites referred to in this book are correct and active at the time of going to
press. However, the publisher has no responsibility for the websites and can make
no guarantee that a site will remain live or that the content is or will remain
appropriate.
Every effort has been made to trace all copyright holders, but if any have been
overlooked the publisher will be pleased to include any necessary credits in any
subsequent reprint or edition.
Preliminary remark vi
1 Monetative Power 1
3 Platforms 40
4 Control Power 60
5 Truth Games 84
Notes 135
Bibliography 174
Index 201
Preliminary remark
Monetative Power
form of power of its own variety, the financial regime has thus
taken on a diagrammatic character: it structures an immanent
space in which sovereign prerogatives, governing actions,
business transactions, and market operations are intertwined.
The supporting or static structures of political architectures,
such as those of the nation-state, are honeycombed by the
dynamic axiomatics of finance capital, which breaks free of
territorial ties and manifests itself as “a cosmopolitan, universal
energy which breaks through every limitation and bond”18 by
generating its own rules and dependencies.
Thus, with the processes of financialization, the transition
from a geopolitical to a geoeconomic order has been completed.
In this process, the financial regime has installed itself as a power
operating inter- or transgovernmentally, of ill-defined legal
and institutional location, which supplements or replaces the
formal authority of governments, undermines the distinctions
between public and private, and intervenes directly in national
economies, in the governmental policies of old nation-states.
As a special technology in the exercise of governmental power,
the financial regime can thus secondly claim the character of
a fourth power, asserting itself as a monetative power19 (with
special escalation potential) that joins the trinity of legislative,
executive, and judicial governmental powers.
The crisis management since 2007 has demonstrated just
how the formation of reserves of transnational sovereignty has
combined with the agencies of monetative power. Eurozone
policies, in particular, have been distinguished in their operations
by their bracketing of legal considerations and parliamentary
participation, as well as by their suspension of formal proce-
dural channels and democratic conventions. Various bodies
such as the “Troika,” the “Quadriga,” the “Institutions,” or
the “Eurogroup” have not only imposed the usual packages of
measures on European debtor states, which a good-humored
financial world has given the suggestive acronyms of PIIGS or
GIPSI (i.e., Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece, and Spain). These
measures include privatizations, savings, staff cuts, streamlining
of the healthcare system, labor market reforms, cuts in social
benefits, wages and pensions, or the restriction of trade union
rights. On the contrary, to satisfy the interests of bondholders,
sovereign powers were also exercised by means of direct
interventions in national budget, tax, and labor legislation,
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