A HISTORY OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF YAM ECONOMY IN TIV LAND OF

CENTRAL NIGERIA, 1960-2000

BY

JOHN IYORLIAM GUMH

BSU/AR/Ph.D/09/1254

THE POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL

BENUE STATE UNIVERSSITY (BSU)

MAKURDI, NIGERIA.

MAY, 2019.

i
A HISTORY OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF YAM ECONOMY IN TIV LAND OF

CENTRAL NIGERIA, 1960-2000

BY

JOHN IYORLIAM GUMH

BSU/AR/Ph.D/09/1254

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO POST-GRADUATE SCHOOL, BENUE STATE

UNIVERSITY (BSU), MAKURDI, IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF

REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF

PHILOSOPHY (Ph.D) IN HISTORY.

MAY, 2019.

ii
 DECLARATION

I Mr. John, I. Gumh, here declare with all sincerity of purpose and to the best of my

knowledge that this thesis is entirely a product of my research efforts, initiative, and

handiwork. Empirically, it has never been submitted to any other university for the award of a

Doctorate Degree or any other degree. All sources of information that are not mine are duly

acknowledged in accordance with the acceptable standards of the academic traditions.

John Iyorliam Gumh

BSU/AR/Ph.D/09/1254

iii
 CERTIFICATION

This thesis titled, A History of the Development of Yam Economy in Tiv of Central

Nigeria 1960-2000 is examined and approved for the award of the Doctor of Philosophy

of History at Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria by the undersigned Examiners.

Prof. Mike, O. Odey Prof. Gabriel, S. Nyityo

1st Supervisor Head of Department
Date: Date:

Dr. Emmanuel, C. Ayangaor

2nd Supervisor
Date:

Having met the stipulated requirements, the thesis has been accepted by Postgraduate
School.

Prof. Toryina, A. Varvar

Dean, Post Graduate School
Date:

iv
 DEDICATION
This study is dedicated to the Almighty God. I highly appreciate His enabling Grace,
Power and Protection towards my academic pursuit, which successfully sustained me to
it’s peak.

v
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I strongly feel obliged to acknowledge those who in one way or the other have

contributed to the success of this study. My foremost gratitude is to Almighty God, for giving

me a healthy life of perseverance and resilience to live to complete this life time endeavour.

My profound gratitude and indebtedness go to my resilient academic supervisor, Professor

Mike O. Odey. He completely changed my initial desire to continue with my research on

Military History, an aspect of history which was the initial desire of my academic career.

Through his convincing efforts and humble approach to significant and hard issues of life, he

finally won me over to do a study on the present topical issue, where he found me most

suitable. Today, I find the present study most encouraging, challenging, benefitting,

interesting and knowledgeable due to his persistent nurturing.

My appreciation also goes to Dr. E.C. Ayangaor, my second supervisor who imparted

and impacted greatly on both my moral and academic life. When he was my supervisor,

during my Masters degree programme, he could sit me down both at home and office to

carefully nurture and advise me with useful criticisms on my work and life in general. Most

of all, at a certain stage, when I became hesitant and reluctant to continue with the present

research study, Professor Mike O. Odey and Dr. E.C Ayangaor, my first and second

supervisors, respectively, persistently persuaded me to hasten and finish up the study.

Honestly, I shall never regret ever meeting these two of my great lecturers.

My special appreciation goes to Professor Gabriel Nyityo, the present Head of History

Department. His immediate intervention and prompt action made it possible for our External

Defence which failed at the last minutes of its first and second schedules before he took over

as the new head of the Department to come true. More grease to his elbow as he continues to

head the department. To my other benevolent lecturers at History Department, Prof.

Armstrong M. Adejo, Professor O.O. Okpeh, Professor W.T. Uji, Dr. Chris Orngu, Dr. S.I.

vi
Ugbegili, among others, I shall ever remain grateful for your constructive academic guidance

and advice which focused, strengthened and redirected my academic pursuit.

Let me not forget to earnestly acknowledge and appreciate the pains taken by Prof.

T.A. Varvar, Dean Post Graduate School, Benue State University, Makurdi, Dr. Agba Terna

Paise, of the Department of History and Diplomatic Studies, Federal University, Kashere, and

Mr. Isaac Yongo of the English Department of Benue State University, for reading through

my work and making critical comments, remarks and contributions, which actually unveiled

the depth on certain perspectives on Tiv yams and research in general, to further strengthen

my efforts to complete the study. Prof. Varvar, and Dr. C.K. Biam ,voluntarily took it upon

themselves to gladly go through the work out of their crowded schedule; Prof. Varvar did it at

the time he was resuming from his sabbatical leave without occupying a stable office yet. I

really appreciate their kind gesture.

Dr. Ugbegili I. Sylvester also contributed immensely to the present study by

constantly reminding me of the benefits to complete it on time. I really appreciate him for his

word of encouragement. I wish to further acknowledge and appreciate the contributions of

my numerous well wishers, relations, and friends who in one way or the other supported me

in the course of this study, especially, Mr. Manasseh Akwati Biam, Mrs. Victoria Biam, Dr.

(Mrs.) C.K. Biam, Ninga Biam, Sonter Shinyo, Victor Iorzaa, Mtseen Ikyovwua, Bunde Kula

Wombo, Barr. Andrew Wombo, Wan Belamo, Saint Verashe Gumh, Iorshe Chia, Tashaku

Aerga, Aerga Gumh, Ingyȏrhena Aerga, Ichihiwua Gum, James Akpor, Hon. Shi-Aondo

Aaga; Shaapera Gberikar and many others. To you all, I say your moral and financial

contributions actually sustained me through the course of this study. May you all be

replenished a million times in your various endeavours by our Lord God, Amen.

I further wish to post-humously appreciate the late Dr. Tesemchi Makar, Lohoudedoo

Burya, Akiga Sai, Paul and Laura Bohannan, D.C Dorward and others for using their various

books as reference materials. I am also grateful to Prof. Mvendaga Jibo, S.T. Yandev,

vii
Kwaghkondo Agber, Mathias Senwua, and others for using much of their studies as source

materials for this study. The Late, Chief Msongo Mngor, Alhaji Baba Kumpa, Raymond

Gange, were oral informants as well as moral and financial assistants and most of all Rt. Hon.

Paul Biam of the Benue State House of Assembly, who financially supported me to complete

the work. Also, worthy of appreciation are the Yam Dealers Associations of Zaki-Biam,

Katsina-Ala, and Kyado; National Union of Road Transport Workers; Yam Shade Owners

Associations:-Dan Anacha, Wukari, Lagos, PortHarcourt and others, for giving me useful

information for this study. I appreciate you all.

I also acknowledge my research assistants, especially Mike Ukaba, Elias Agbo, R.N.

Belamo, James Iornube, and Knock Terna Belamo for their relentless work as co-researchers,

proof reading and typing the whole work from time to time.

I finally wish to acknowledge with profound appreciation, the contributions of my

biological father, Aerga Gumh, and mother, Ingyȏrhena Aerga for their love of a first son and

care from my childhood to date, despite all my shortcomings. Their commitments towards

my academic pursuit which sustained me to my academic peak have all a long been a

wonderful driving force and marvellous instruments of courage from the beginning of the

study to the end.

Most of all, this dearest parents nurtured me to become a life full-filled product of

yam production and trade in Tiv land. As a pupil at SUM Primary School, Zaki-Biam, I was

all through, fed by this parents, three times a day on yam food, a part from sneaking into the

yam-market after school hours to mark and load yam tubers into lorries to collect money

from Igbo traders. I also used to assist my uncles in carrying hoes and cutlasses for them in

the morning hours to the farm during holidays for tilling of mounds. That was the closest

time, I went about learning the art of making mounds as a male child.

During my Secondary School period, my school fees and all other expenses were

effectively paid from the proceeds of yams sold from my mother’s farm. During this period, I

viii
could as well assist my father while on holidays from Combined Secondary School, Takum

to count and sell yams at the Zaki-Biam Yam Market. When I went to Ahmadu Bello

University, Zaria, monies realised from the sale of yams as well as the profits generated from

the market by my father were used for payment of my school fees and other needs to sustain

my university education. On certain occasions, during long vacations, I would always assist

my father selling yams at Zaki-Biam Yam Market especially at the time he became the

Chairman of Ngyenev Yam Marketing Association (NYMA) in Zaki-Biam Yam Market.

As a matter of facts, my first time ever in life to travel to Lagos was when I

accompanied my uncle, Terseer Uhine to convey my father‘s fully loaded yam truck from

Zaki-Biam to Lagos for sales. It was an exciting and memorable experience more so that at

the end of it, I got extra money for new jeans, T-shirts and shoes to take back after the

vacation to A.B.U Zaria.

To crown it all, after my graduation from the University, and at the completion of my

National Youths Service Scheme, (N.Y.S.C.), it became compelling for me as the first son of

my father and only child of my mother to marry a wife early. It was the accumulated money

realised from the sales of yams from my mother’s farm that was used for payment of dowry

and all other expenses for my marriage. Today, I am married to my wife, Mbatomon, with

four children, namely, Nguavese, Zahemen, Orva and Oryiman. All of them are highly

acknowledged here for their long time endurance and reasoned concerns for this study.

Inspite of the acknowledgement, I want to make it very clear that rendering assistance

in any form or measure does not amount to sharing the responsibilities for shortcomings and

inadequacies of the study in anyway. I therefore single handedly take responsibility for all the

shortcomings and inadequacies that may be found in the work.

ix
 ABBREVIATIONS
BSU - Benue State University
HIS - History
Ph. D - Doctor of Philosophy
Prof. - Professor
Dr - Doctor
MKD - Makurdi
AD - After the Death of Christ
LGA - Local Government Area
LGC - Local Government Councils
FAO - Food and Agriculture Organization
CFAE - Franciaise de Afrique Equatorial
RNC - Royal Niger Company
CAC - Central African Company
UAC - United African Company
WAFF - West African Frontier Force
NCW - Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970)
MOA - Ministry of Agriculture
BNARDA - Benue Agricultural and Rural Development Authority
CBN - Central Bank of Nigeria
SPAT - Small Plot Adoptation Technique
ACGSF - Agricultural Credit Guarantee Scheme Fund.
COA - College of Agriculture, (Yandev)
FTC - Farm Training Centre, (Mbatie)
Uni-Agric - University of Agriculture, (Makurdi)
UPE - Universal Primary Education
GTC - Government Teachers College
ECOMOG - ECOWAS Monitoring Group
NKST - Nongu U Kristu U Sudan hen Tiv
NYMA - Ngyenev Yam Marketing Association (Ukum LGC)
WW2 - Second World War
NA - Native Authority
DAC - Development Area Centre (LGAS)
DAO - Development Area Offices (LGAS)
WMBSS - William Michael Bristow Secondary School, (Gboko)
x
NTC - Nigerian Tabacco Company
NISER - Nigerian Institute of Social & Economic Research
MT - Metric Tonnes
PPSM - Persons per square mile

xi
 LIST OF MAPS AND TABLES

Map I: Map Showing the precise location of Tiv land of Benue Region in

Central Nigeria 12

Map II: The Political Map of Benue State highlighting the Tiv Areas-------------- 13

Map III: Map of West African Yam Belt and the Location of Tiv land within the

zone 72

Map IV. The Political Map of Benue State highlighting Tiv land--------------------- 73

Map V The Map Showing Indigenous Trade Routes Across Tiv land in the

Nineteenth Century 83

Map VI The Map of Zaki-Biam Yam Market, its Feeder Markets, Ugba and Dan-

Anacha Yam Markets in Central Nigeria--------------------------------------- 152

xii
 LIST OF TABLES

i The Table Showing An Increment in Yam Production in Benue Province of

Central Nigeria 1920-1959-------------------------------------------------- 110

ii. An Incremental Yam Production in Nigeria, Benue Provence Tiv land (Tiv

N.A.) 1960-1970 112

iii An Estimated Output of yam production in Benue Region and Tiv LGAs of

Benue State (1985-1999) 115

iv Fertilizer Distribution by Type in Benue State in Metric Tonnes 1978-1987-- 118

v Fertilizer Distributions to each LGA in Benue State (MTS) 1986-1987 -------- 118

vi Herbicides, Insecticides, Tools, and others, procured and sold to Farmer------ 119

vii Small Plot Adoption Techniques (SPAT) Trails by BNARDA, 1986-1993---- 120

viii Output of SPAT Trails by BNARDA, 1999-2008---------------------------------- 121

ix Agro-Service Centres across Tiv land------------------------------------------------ 122

x Prices of Three Food Stuff in Tiv Markets from Colonial to the Post Colonial

Period 133

xi Labour Force Recruitment During the Colonial Period in Tiv land-------------- 138

xii Yam Markets in Tiv land 141

xiiia. The Table showing the Average yearly prices of cassava and yams in Tiv

land of Benue State 1976-1989 143

xiiib The Average Farm Gate Prices of Cassava and Yam in Tiv land of Benue

State, 1900-1994 143

xiiic The Average whole prices for cassava and yam in Tiv land of Benue State,

1990-1994 143

xiv Yam consumption in Tonnes in Five Different Institutions in Tiv land, from

1979-1985 144

xv Yam Traded out of Tiv land from Zaki-Biam to other Parts of Nigeria, 1971-

xiii
 1976 146

xvi The Table showing classifications of yam traded in Three Grades at Zaki-

Biam Yam Market in 1973 157

xvii A chart showing the yearly Registration fees of Yam Market Associations at

Zaki-Biam and Dan-Anacha yam Markets in 1999------------------------------- 161

xviii External Distribution of Yam Traded out of Dan-Anacha Yam Market, 1981-

1986 164

xix Distribution of Yams Purchased from Ugba Yam Market to other Towns in

Nigeria, 1996-1999 168

xxa An Incremental Yam Production in Benue Province of Central Nigeria

1920-1959 180

xxb Estimation of Yam Produce (000 metriic tons), Number of farmers,

Cumulative Area (000 HA) of production in Benue Region 1960-1970 181

xxc Illustrating increase in yam production area from 1983-1999 182

xxia Revenue Disposition Chart of Katsina-Ala Local Government Council (LGC)

According to Development Area Offices 1981-1985-------------------- 192

xxib Revenue Disposition Chart of Katsina-Ala Local Government Council (LGC)

According to Development Area Offices 1991-1995-------------------- 193

xxii Migration of the Southern Tiv to the North-Eastern part of Tiv for Yam

farm and trade, 1960—1999 196

xxiii The Table showing Community and Private Post Primary Institutions

Established across Tiv land, from 1967-1970--------------------------------------- 202

xiv
 GLOSSARY
TIV - The Name and the language of one of the largest ethnic
group in Central Nigeria
AKA - The great grand father of Mena and Gar Kindreds in Uyam
Ward
AKOMBO - Traditional Fetishism of the Tiv people
CHAKA TOR U
MBA ZULU - CHAKA The King of the Zulu Kingdom
MDUGH MAN M
MNYER U TIV - The Departure and entry of the Tiv people
DAM IYOU - Yams from Udam people
GIRINYA - A particular style of dance very common among the Tiv people
(Kunav) who share a common boarder with Udam
KPANDEGH - Tax
IHYANDE - Land Clearing for the purpose of yam farming
ASHAGBAIOR - Distinguished Men
ASHAGBA UKASE - Distinguished Women
AKUUL - First Fallow after yam harvest on a plot of land
TSA - Second Fallow after yam harvest on a plot of
land.
LOGO - Cassava
ATSAKA - Sweet Potatoes
YA - Compound
ORYA - Compound Head
TASHI - Traditional alcoholic brewed drink of the Tiv people
KWAZA - Tin or Tin Mining
SULE - Yam Farm
SULE U KAHAN - Yam Farming
SULE U HURAN - Weeding of unwanted bushes off the yam farm
AKȎR A LȎȎN - Planting of yam seeds
AKȎR A GBEREN - Harvesting yams on the farm
AKȎR A KURAN - Transporting home of the harvested yams from farm
DECHE - The First biggest line of mounds of the yam farm
ABYA - A small hoe
TȎV - A sharp pointed stick for planting yam
xv
AKUUL AKENDEN - Resuscitating the first fallow back to a new yam farm

xvi
BASHI - Brass rods used as money during the pre-colonial Tiv land.
TUGUDU - Traditional white clothes made by the Tiv people in the pre-
colonial era and exchanged for high value of money
SOKPO - Iron rods used as money during the pre-colonial Tiv land.
ATEM ITYOUGH - Breaking the heads of the enemies in Tiv land in 1964
NANDE NANDE - Burning down the houses of the enemies in Tiv land in 1962
KASUA U YOUGH - Yam market or yam business
KAR NYȎR - The business name of Iorpande Chaha
IHYOM NDEREN YONGO-The business name of Tyover Ninga
UCHICHI TRANSPORT The Company name of Fave Uchichi
MUMMY MARKETS- Yam markets within the Military barracks
NGYENEV - The name of one particular district in Ukum LGA
ITYO - District/Kindred/or Tiv people
GBERIFAN - To vow that something should take place or not.
AKOMBO AITYȎȎ - The magico –fetishism of a particular group in Tiv land
IYOUGH KI JIIR - Boiled yams for eating
GBAGH I YOUGH - Roasted yams for feeding
KPOR IYOUGH - Yam flour
LUAM KUMEN - Pounded yams for feeding
KPENGA - A container for carrying about goods for sales or act of trade
itself
ACHAKPA - A bigger container for carrying about heavy goods for sales
PAASE - Pack away bushes or grass for mounds-making on the yam field
PONA - A variety of yams from Ghana
EGUSI - A delicious soup prepared in Igede land for special occasions
like the yam festival
IGEDE AGBA - An annual yam festival of the Igede people
OCHINKPE - A variety of yam in Igede land
IHUARE - Another variety of yam commonly found in Igede land
IJIGBO - Also another variety of the yam crop in Igede land
OGODOGODO - A special traditional clothes of the Igede people
IGBAGIRI - Another traditional clothe of the Igede people
ETULO - An ethnic group living within Tiv land
ABAKWARIGA - Another ethnic group also living within the Tiv land
NYIFON - A small ethnic group living in Buruku LGA of the Tiv land
xvii
JUKUN - An ethnic group living in Guma LGA of Tiv land
DAKO - A prominent yam market in Niger State visited
BIDA - Another yam market in Niger State visited
DAN-ANACHA - A prominent yam market in Taraba State visited
UDAM - A conglomeration of ethnic groups living in the present Cross
River State, sharing a common boarder and cultural ties with
the Tiv people
IGBO - An ethnic group of the southern Nigeria with critical stake-
holding in the Tiv yam trade
NUPE - Another ethnic group in central Nigeria that equally produces a
lot of yams
IGALA - Another ethnic group in Nigeria also well known for yam
production
KABBA - Another ethnic group of yam producers living in Kogi State of
Central Nigeria
SANKERA - A geographical area, made up of Ukum, Katsina-Ala and Logo
Local Government Areas and leading in yam production in Tiv
land of Benue State
TOR-AGBANDE - Drum chiefs appointed during the colonial period in Tiv land as
autocratic chiefs
ANIGBAAM - Offspring of a daughter who is married to another place

xvii
i
 ABSTRACT
The present study, A History of the Development of Yam Economy in Tiv land of Central
Nigeria between 1960 and 2000, historicizes yam production and trade in Tiv land from the
colonial to the post-colonial Tiv land. The study is a critical examination of the origin of yam
production, methods of production, as well as trade within and outside Tiv land during the
study period. It also examines the impact of the colonial economy as well as post independent
Nigerian government policies on yam production and trade during the period. The study
further examines the socio-political and economic impact of yam production and trade in Tiv
land to include the emergence and expansion of market centres, entrepreneur class,
population movements, promotion of Western education and the socio-economic
development of Tiv land, among others. The analysis used historical methodology of
narrative analysis to obtain information from oral, archival, written as well as internet
sources. The study further demonstrates how yam production and trade caused land conflicts,
soil degradation and land exhaustion in Tiv land. It further argues that in spite of the seeming
positive impact of yam production and marketing in Tiv land, several challenges inhibited the
realization of maximum benefits of yam production and trade in Tiv land within the period of
the analysis. This includes lack of modern scientific knowledge and technologies that would
have boosted yam production, hence the continuous use of the traditional methods of
cultivation, especially the use of cutlasses and hoes, as well as the absence of modern
methods of yam processing and storage facilities. Based on the findings, the study suggests,
among other things, that both the Federal and Centre State governments should create an
enabling environment to ensure socio-economic security that would guarantee adequate
access to both social and economic infrastructures to transform yam production and its
marketing in Tiv land and outside Benue State. Also, domestic monetary policies, such as
giving loans at subsidized rate to yam farmers should be provided. On the whole, the study
generates new knowledge on the specificity of yam production and trade as it relates to Tiv
land and beyond, from 1915-2000.

xix
 Table of Contents

Page

Title page ii

Declaration iii

Certification iv

Dedication v

Acknowledgements vi

Abbreviation x

Maps xii

List of Tables xiii

Glossary xv

Abstract xviii

Table of contents xix

Chapter One : General Introduction

1.1 Background to the study- 1

1.2 Statement of the problem 5

1.3 Aim and objectives of the study 6

1.4 Significance of the study 7

1.5 Scope of the study 8

1.6 Research Methodology 13

1.7 Sources of Data 13

1.8 Limitation of Study - 15

1.9 Conclusion - 16

Endnotes - 18

xx
 Chapter Two : Review of Related Literature, Theoretical 21

and Conceptual Framework.

2.1 Introduction 21

2.2 Review of Related Literature on Yam Production and Trade---- ------------------- 21

2.2.1 Perspectives on the Origin of yam Production in the pre-colonial Tiv land------- 21

2.2.2 Perspectives on Yam Production in Tiv land of Central Nigeria------------------ 29

2.2.3 Perspectives on Yam Trade in Tiv land of Central Nigeria------------------------ 37

2.3 Conceptual Clarifications 47

2.3.1 The concept of Mode of Production----------------------------------------------------- 48

2.3.2 The concept of Trade and Market------------------------------------------------------- 50

2.4 Theoretical Framework - 53

2.4.1 Commodity Production Theory 53

2.4.2 Simple Commodity Production - 54

2.4.3 Capitalist Mode of Production - 54

2.5 Vent-For-Surplus Theory - 56

2.6 Conclusion - 60

Endnotes 62

Chapter Three: The Pre-Colonial Economic Structure of the Tiv Society 66

3.1 Introduction 66

3.2 The Pre-Colonial Economic Organisation in Tiv Society--------------------------- 67

3.3 The Origin and Production of Yam in the Pre-colonial Tiv society--------------- 70

3.4 Trade in the Pre-colonial Tiv land----------------------------------------------------- 77

3.4.1 The Origin of Trade in the Pre-Colonial Tiv Society-------------------------------- 77

3.4.2 Emergence of Yam Trade in the Pre-Colonial Tiv land (1900-1915)--------------- 79

3.4.3 Development of Pre-Colonial External Trade in Yam, 1900-1915------------------ 81

3.5 Conclusion - 86

xxi
 Endnotes 88

Chapter Four: Yam Production Strategies During the Colonial to Post

Colonial Period in Tiv land, 1915 – 2000 90

4.1 Introduction 90

4.2 Tiv Pre-Colonial Mode of Agricultural Production: Lineage or unitary mode

of yam production 92

4.3 Colonial Economy & Changing Patterns of Yam Production(1915-1960)------- 100

4.4 The British Conquest of Tiv land, 1900-1915---------------------------------------- 101

4.5 Colonial Economic Transformational Policies and Yam production in Tiv

land, 1915-1960 104

4.6 Further Changes in Yam Production Strategies During the Post Independent

Tiv land (1960-2000) 109

4.7 Conclusion 125

Endnotes 127

Chapter Five: The Development and Expansion of Tiv Yam Trade from

the Colonial to the Post Colonial era (1915-1960-2000) 130

5.1 Introduction 130

5.2 The Development of Yam Trade Between Tivland and Other Areas During the

Colonial Period, 1915-1960 - 133

5.3 The Development and Expansion of Tiv Yam Trade During The Post Colonial

Period, 1960-2000 139

5.4 The Origin and Development of Zaki-Biam Yam Market in Tiv land------------ 148

5.5 The Origin and Development of Dan-Anacha Yam Market in Gasol Local

Government Area (LGA) of Taraba State--------------------------------------------- 159

5.6 The Origin and Development of Ugba Yam Market in Logo Local

Government Area (L.G.A) of Benue State-------------------------------------------- 165

xxii
5.7 Conclusion 169

Endnotes 172

Chapter Six: The Impact of Development of Yam Economy on Tiv

land 1915-2000 175

6.1 Introduction 175

6.2 The Impact of Yam Production and Trade on Food and Social Security in Tiv

land 1915-2000 175

6.3 Yam Trade and Other Security Challenges in Tiv land, 1915-2000--------------- 183

6.4 Establishment of Ukum and Logo Local Government Councils in Tivland,

1986-2000 186

6.5 Sustainable Revenue Generation Capacity of Sankera Zone----------------------- 190

6.6 Urbanization 195

6.7 Yam Production/Trade, and The Development of Western Education in Tiv

land 1915-2000 197

6.8 Yam Production/Trade, Land Exhaustion and Soil Degradation 1915-2000----- 203

6.9 Emergence and growth of Indigenous Entrepreneurs in Tiv land 1915-2000---- 207

6.10 Conclusion 216

Endnotes 217

Chapter Seven:

Summary, Conclusions, Recommendations and Contribution to

Knowledge 221

7.1 Summary and Conclusion 221

7.2 Recommendations 228

7.3 Contribution to Knowledge 230

Selected Bibliography 232

xxii
i
 CHAPTER ONE
GENERAL INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the Study

Agriculture is broadly defined as cultivation of crops, as well as livestock rearing,

either for food consumption or other essential needs for life sustenance. 1 It has always been

the basis for livelihood since the pre-colonial period. With time, agriculture, graduated to a

position of staple food and cash crops provision as well as other essential services like gifts,

ritual ceremonies and others in most of the communities of the developing world, including

Tiv in Central Nigeria.

The history of human development is in stages, which begins from the use of crude

stone tools to the use of metals. The dramatic transformation of a palaeo-man from hunting

and gathering of wild fruits stage to close observation of certain edible food plants, like yams,

to nurture and reproduce over time, marked the beginning of proto-agriculture. The selection

of different palatable varieties of these wild edible plants to convenient sites for cultivation

during the following stage led to the formation of main agriculture. The follow up transfer of

individual work to group work in a wider social context enhanced agricultural development

and man’s control over plants, like yam, in the forest as edible food, thereby culminating to

real agricultural formation. According to Coursey,2 yam plant was key to early agricultural

formation in West Africa, which makes the study of its production and trade among members

of one of the West African ethnic groups, the Tiv, very essential in a study of food

agricultural product and its trade. This background scenario also provides a justifiable base

to begin a study of yam production and trade with the genesis of agricultural formation world

wide.

Generally, many renowned scholars, made up of agriculturalists, botanists, historians

and geographers, like Chevalier,3 Burkill4, Coursey5, including indigenous ones, like Akiga6

have all agreed that the most important edible species of yam crop botanically known as

Dioscorea rotundata and Dioscorea Cayenensis are indigenous to West Africa.7 West Africa
1
is home to Nigeria, where many “agricultural ethnic groups” like the Tiv, Nupe, Idoma, and

Igede, among others, are located in the central part of the Nation. The strategic location of

these ethnic groups, especially the Tiv in central Nigeria, which is situated within the West

African yam territory is an added advantage for Tiv to become one of the leading yam

producers in Nigeria at present. “Varvar once argued that:”

This location of Tiv land in the guinea savannah zone of

Nigeria has over the period given the Tiv the advantage of
producing both root crops and grains. Thus the production
of yam, a tuber crop described as the ‘king’ of the crops in
the forest belt and leading crop in the Middle belt by the
Tiv people clearly dates back into history.8

In Tiv land, yam crop has a more favourable disposition among the people than the

production of grain crops, even though Varvar also argued that grain crops production is said

to have been introduced into the Tiv agricultural system before yam. The research survey of

this study however, reveals many causal factors or reasons why yam production overran grain

production in the pre-colonial Tiv land. First, the field survey also proves that the food

quality of yam fitted most into the dietary habits of the traditional Tiv people than the grain

crops. Second, the techniques of the Tiv labour-force favoured yam cultivation more than the

grain crops for example, the lobourforce divide between women and men. Men were shared

with only hoeing of mounds allowing them the extra time to perform other serious tasks like

hunting. The labour-force divide between women and men for yam production allowed men

to partake in land clearing and hoeing of mounds, leaving the rest to the women. “Bohannan

once remarked” about the hard labour-force of the Tiv thus:

Tiv, say that, work is a good thing. They spur one another
to work with a chant “is work a bad thing? No! Work
won’t kill a man” Tiv work hard and they agree that
hoeing fields is the most important work of the Tiv. 9

Third, evidently there was adequate fertile land, suitable for yam cultivation everywhere in

the pre-colonial Tiv land. Fourth, the Tiv traditional system of yam cultivation, which was

always leading the rotational cropping cycle in every farming season, allows the yam crop to
2
take the lion share of the virgin soil fertility, thereby yielding more than other crops that

followed thereafter. Fifth, yam tubers are more portable and easy to carry about for gifts

giving, likeable for ritual performances, (akombo adam) and serves as a valuable article of

trade than the grain crops. All these put together positioned yam production, it’s consumption

and trade far ahead of any other food crops in Tiv land from the pre-colonial period up to

date. Briggs once asserted that:

Yam is the staple food crop and a family’s well-being

depends entirely on the success or otherwise of this crop.
Grain is also used for food but as a rule only when yams
are not available.10

Evidently at the inception of colonialism in Tiv land in about 1915 A.D, the colonial

administration emphasised more on cash crop production for commercial reasons in order to

achieve the immediate goals of the colonial imperialists in Tiv land. These goals were to fast

track the development of cash crop production that would boost commercial activities,

especially trade, in their colonies11. This development brought about many contending views,

including the target to dethrone food crops production, especially yam, as argued by Abba

thus:

…the food sector in Nigerian agriculture was

systematically and severely attacked by the colonial
government in order to dethrone it as one of the most
important means of exchange and of accumulation of
wealth by farmers. 12

However, the colonial administration could not deter increased yam production in Tiv land

with the enforcement of its economic policies. Even though these policies were new and

strange to the Tiv culture, the study shares the view that they were not formulated

deliberately to deter increased food production, especially yam. For instance, the multiplier

effects of the colonial economic policies added value to yam crop by commoditizing it as the

main economic product for sales. In the same vein, the introduction of both the new monetary

system and the wage labour policies provided direct money into the hands of Tiv yam

3
farmers. The money in turn was used for more marriages to increase labour hands on yam

farms, thereby leading to increased yam production, similar to cash crop production as an

outcome of the colonial policies13. In the long-run, rather than deterring yam production in

the colonial era, yam production increased. Varvar argued in the affirmative, when he stated

that: “...in spite of the unfavourable colonial economic policies towards food production, the

production of yam food crop still increased rather than decline during the colonial period”.14

Indeed, statistical data and figures are lacking to back up the assertion that there was

increased yam production in Tiv land, especially from the pre-colonial time to the end of the

colonial period because of its relative low consumption and marketing outside the Tiv land.

However, available facts and evidence suggest that after the colonial time till date, the value

of yam products as the commercial main-stay of the Tiv economy has been on the increase.

Tiv farmers kept increasing and sustaining the production of yam to meet up with the ever

rising demands for yam trade and food supply for their people. Ninga once ascribed increase

in yam production in the post colonial era as being synonymous with increase in yam trade

and affirmed that “out of the large quantities of yam produced in Tiv land, the fattest of them

are not consumed by the households but marketed”.15

From available evidence, the continuous growth of yam trade in Tiv land during the

post-colonial era surpassed that of beniseed export trade during the colonial period as

evidenced in the socio-political and economic transformations across Tiv land and beyond.

Colonial benniseed export gave birth to infrastructural facilities and Tiv desires for more

enterprises in their land. Nevertheless, yam trade built on this foundation and surpassed

benniseed during the post colonial era with much more landmark achievements in Tiv land.

Ninga’s words:

Nonetheless, benniseed production significantly declined,

and in its place, yam production was stepped-up.
However, yam marketing properly started during the
Nigerian Civil War of 1967-1970. With the ever
expanding war demands and money incentives plus the

4
 availability of transport, yam production doubled its pre-
war volume by 1970.16

To sum up this introductory background, it is here hypothesised that yam is an indigenous

and likable staple food crop of the Tiv people in Central Nigeria of West Africa. With the

inception of colonialism in Tiv land in about 1915 A.D, colonial economic transformational

policies induced and accelerated the commoditization process of yam products in Tiv land 17.

In the post colonial era, available evidence suggests that yam production overran benniseed

production to become one of the leading commodities for an expanded trade.

This historical assertion continued that yam production and trade which developed

and expanded throughout the colonial era to the post colonial epoch had already emerged as

an economic main-stay in Tiv land and taken over from the Tiv benniseed export. Yam

production and trade have strategically become catalysts for economic and socio-political

transformations across Tiv land and beyond. In the end, the dire need to authenticate and

historcise this assertion greatly informed this historical research, thereby translating this

inaction to a study problem.

1.2 Statement of Problem

Available literature on Tiv economic history and the background information suggest

that yam is the most important staple food crop, which was transformed during the colonial

era to become the main commercial commodity in Tiv land. It is also asserted that more than

93% of Tiv people survive on yam in one way or the other 18. Over time, the production of

yam dramatically increased with expanded scope and intensity of its trade. However, the

trend of productive and trade expansion of yam crop has not been systematically and

empirically studied, especially within the scope and time frame as intended in this study. The

statement of problem for this research study is therefore to re-construct an authentic history

for added knowledge on yam the main staple food crop of the Tiv, its production and trade

among them in central Nigeria. It is specifically pertaining to how the whole process of how

the production and trade of this food crop emanated and continued to develop and expand to
5
it’s present heights of transforming the economic and socio-political life in the study area and

beyond from the pre-colonial era, (1900-1915), through the colonial period (1915-1960), to

the post-colonial epoch of 1960-2000.

The genesis of yam production, and its trade among the Tiv, in general, constitute an

important historical phenomenon of economic and socio-political development for a long

time in the area. The whole idea is simply a modest attempt to investigate, and historicise the

process of the development of yam economy and its development in the study area and

beyond especially between 1915-2000 A.D. In a nut shell, the research is to literally examine

stage by stage the development of yam economy and the economic, social, and political, as

well as environmental transformations, in Tiv land as a result of yam production and trade for

a historical reconstruct. The following questions guided the focus of this research.

i. When and how did yam crop production and trade originate and develop in

Tiv land?

ii. What are the impact of yam production and trade development as well as

expansion on Tiv land between 1915-2000?

iii. What are the main constraints and prospects of yam production and trade

expansion in Tiv land from 1900 to 2000?

1.3 Aim and Objectives of the Study

The main aim of this study is to historicize the development of yam economy for

added knowledge especially, its production and marketing as a food crop which in the course

of time transformed into economic main-stay of the Tiv especially between 1960 and 2000.

This is intended to significally create new knowledge in addition to the existing body of

literature on the generational history of the yam economy in the study area. This may assist

policy makers and other stakeholders in agriculture, especially yam producers, to adapt and

formulate best strategies towards bolstering yam production. The specific objectives of the

study are:-

6
 i. Determine the origin and development of yam production and trade among the

Tiv, specifically from 1960-2000;

ii. Analyse the constraints of yam production and marketing in Tiv land, from

1960-2000; and profile suggestions for the way forward.

iii. Examine the socio-economic and political impact of yam production and trade

on Tiv land from 1960-2000 and assess their contributions to the over all

socio-economic and political developments in Tiv land and beyond.

1.4 Significance of the Study

Findings of this research will be beneficial to yam farmers, marketers, researchers,

students, among others. For instance, there are a number of scholarly works on Tiv people

generally, however there are scanty works on Tiv economic history. The literature review of

the present study suggests that so far, there is none specifically dealing directly with the study

of yam production and trade in Tiv land from 1960 to 2000. The study therefore stands to fill

in the gaps that have existed in the economic and social history of Tiv society which further

unveils the significance of historical studies to humanity.

Yam as food crop is a major source of food supply all over the world. One of the

current problems of the developing nations including Nigeria, is that of food security. A good

background knowledge of the economic history of yam production will enhance its increased

production and facilitate more approaches to tackling food insecurity problems in Tiv land

and beyond. Even though man shall not live on bread alone, food remains the vital element of

life sustenance. The study is therefore more justified because it projects yam production and

commercialization as a source for providing job security and wealth to many youths, without

which they would have entered into too deep socio-economic and political vices in Tiv

society. This makes the topic a new important area of study which generates knowledgeable

literature and can constantly be improved upon for renewed economic and socio-political

developments in the study area and beyond.

7
 Another justification of this study is in the fact that, apart from impacting new

knowledge to yam farmers especially on the use of fertilizes as improved farming method and

traders to improve production and trade, it serves as a pathfinder for subsequent mode of Tiv

economic production, playing the role of moral economic values e.g gifts, bride prices, and

wedding ceremonies.19 The new nature of the study coupled with its indigenous initiatives,

determination and the experience of participant observers in their own environment to

acknowledge and appreciate their personal touch with real life situation and economic

development informed the validity of the study.

The study will be significant/beneficial to researchers as more researchers will be

encouraged to emulate this work so that more knowledge on yam production and agricultural

produce in general will continuously be generated and improved upon. This will accelerate

the present thought of diversification of the economy in Nigeria from oil back to agricultural

production and other areas of the economy and to assist not only in tackling the

environmental degradation problems, presently confronting the developing nations but also

create a fountain base for subsequent studies on the Tiv economic history.

Finally, this study is justified because as yam commodity production increasingly

consolidates its strategic economic position in the Tiv economy, it attracts scholarly attention

and global economic challenges to be taken up from a well informed intellectual stand point

which the present study attempts to provide.

1.5 Scope of the Study

Apart from an extension into the Cross River State of the South-South, the territorial

scope of this study is limited to the northern and eastern parts of Tiv traditional territory,

extending into parts of Plateau, Cross River, Taraba and Nassarawa States, where Tiv farmers

are dominantly found farming yams. Besides, there are up to date distinct locations of non-

Tiv settlements within the traditional defined land area of the Tiv people, like Abinsi of the

Jukun people in Guma Local Government Area, the Adi settlement of the Etulo ethnic group,

8
the Abakwa settlement of the Abakwariga ethnic group and the Uga settlement of the Nyifon

ethnic group in Buruku Local Government Area, among others. All these areas covered with

multiple ethnic settlement groups are regarded as Tivland. The study therefore upholds

Terlumun Avav’s definition of Tivland thus:

The Tiv of central Nigeria occupies more than 25 Local Government

Areas (LGA) in five States. The LGAs are Gboko, Guma, Gwer, Gwer-
West, katsina-Ala, Konshisha, Kwande, Makurdi, Logo, Tarka,
Ushongo, Vandeikya, Buruku and Ukum in Benue State; Wukari, Ibi,
Takum, Donga and Gasol in Taraba State; Oquampan in Plataeu
State; Obudu in Cross River State and Doma, Awe, Obi and Lafia in
Nassarawa State. The territorial spread of the Tiv is comparable to
that of the so called major ethnic groups, namely: Igbo, Hausa and
Yoruba. 20

The choice of this area is as a result of its famous location, specialty, aboundant skills

in yam production, and the researcher’s farmiliarity with it. According to Njoku, Tiv is one of

the leading producer and trader of yam that makes Nigeria the highest producer of yams in

the world21. It is nationally known and identified for yam production, but yet, is relatively

unresearched and there is a dearth of written records to appraise and analyse this aspect of

their history. This encourages the researcher to make an attempt in this area; more so, the

economic strides of this area in yam production might go unrecorded by an indigenous Tiv

scholar. It is also an insider’s perspective on yam production and trade. This is in agreement

with Abdullahi Smith who asserted that:

It is really essential if the work is to be efficiently done; that traditions

should be recorded by a worker who either speaks the language in
which traditions are reserved as their mother-tongue or speak and
understand with complete fluency as a second language. 22

However, for the purposes of clarity and aim of generating indepth knowledge on the

topic, mention can be made of other areas concerning yam production and trade outside the

time and scope of the study. The focus is on the development strides of yam production, trade

and its impact in Tivland within the study period of about forty years.

The study covers the period between 1960 and 2000 A.D. specifically, the period

within the two dates (1960 and 2000 A.D.) has defined the scope of this study. The

9
development of yam economy in Tivland, which is the heart spring of the study, had

experienced economic and socio-political transformations within this time span. Before 1960

A.D., yam crop was produced as a staple food crop under subsistent mode of production.

Between 1960 and 2000 A.D., its production process was transformed to commodity

production process under the capitalist mode of production, attracting economic and socio-

political upliftments in Tivland and beyond. 23 Bristish colonization of the Tiv area started

earlier in about 1906 with the war between the WAFF and Tiv/Basa people at Anter in the

present Makurdi Local Government Area23. It was followed by the acceptance of tax payment

of the Lumbur people in the present Ukum Local Government Area in about 1910 24and

continued with the gradual penetration to the hinterland of the Tiv area until the formal

declaration for the colonization was made in 1915 at Abinsi as the first headquarters of

British Administration in Tiv land 25. Between 1915 and 1960, Tiv territory was controlled by

the colonial administration which actually anchored the critical stage of the transformation of

yam economy to capitalism. In 1960, colonialism exited this country and Tiv area inclusive.

The date 1960 therefore stands up as the benchmark or baseline for the scope of the present

study denoting the beginning of the transitional dev elopement of yam economy in the post

colonial Tiv area. On the other hand, immediately after year 2000 A.D., yam production and

trade were recessed by the 2001 Tiv massacre. In 2001, the economic growth of Tiv yam

witnessed a catastrophic economic recession occasioned by the 2001 Tiv massacre. Many of

Tiv yam farmers were massacred, their yam farms and markets destroyed, and most of the

displaced farmers came back to only 14 Local Government Areas in Benue State. The year,

2000 A.D., therefore, marked a significant economic historical growth of Tiv yam economy

and is chosen as the upper limit of the time scope of the study. Truly, there was Tiv yam

economic recession across Central Nigeria and indeed in the whole country. Many scholars

argued that by the end of 2000, over a million Tiv people were displaced from Nasarawa,

Plateau and Taraba States and yam markets, like Gbeji, Anyiin, Wukari, Dan-Anacha, Zaki-

10
Biam, Abako and others, were burnt and closed down.26 Infact, there was actually a

temporarlly close down of the Tiv yam industry with effect from 2001 in Nigeria.

The second importance of the scope and time span of the study is that, land which has

been the main factor of yam production also recorded a lot of adjustments which impacted on

economic development of Tiv yam within the period.27 For example, the whole of Tiv land

was made up of one Native Authority, Tiv Native Authority (Tiv N.A.) during the colonial

period28. From this single Native Authority, the traditional home land of the Tiv people is

presently composed of fourteen Local Government Councils namely, Gboko, Makurdi, guma,

Gwer East, Gwer West, Kwande, Katsina-Ala, Vandeikya, Ushongo, Tarka, Buruku, Logo,

Konsisha and Ukum29. Due to border restrictions, many Tiv farmers were compelled to

remain within the Tiv territory, where land is over used, overpopulated and has become

unfertile for yam production. The massive yam production of the Tiv farmers for economic

gains on the land of the non-Tiv neighbours has come to stay as a potential source of conflicts

and wars in Central Nigeria. This study intends to recommend solutions for the way

forward.30

Finally, the period between 1960 and 2000 A.D. is significant in this study because

the transformation of yam as food crop to an important commercial commodity has achieved

a lot economically for the Tiv people within this study period. For instance, trade in yam

brought about the emergence of yam markets and the dire need to reach those markets led to

the opening up of rural roads and purchase of lorries in Tivland, which have contributed

significantly to development in Tivland.

Map I: Map of Nigeria, showing the precise location of Tiv land in Central
Nigeria

11
 14 4 6 8 10 12

SOKOTO
NIGER REPUBLIC Lake 14
Chad

JIGAWA
12 YOBE
ZAMFARA 12
KANO
BORNO
KEBBI

KADUNA
BAUCHI
10
NIGER
10
ADAMAWA
KWARA
PLATEAU
FCT
OYO
NASARAWA
8 TARABA
OSUN EKITI 8
KOGI
ONDO
OGUN BBEENNUUEE
LAGOS
EDO
N
CROSS IMO ABIA RIVER C A M E R O UN R E P U B L I C
DELTA 6
Kilometres
BIGHT OF BENIN BAYESA
AKWA IBOM
RIVER
0 50100150
10 1214
National Boundary
Water Body

State Boundary Tivland

Source: Ministry of Lands and Survey Makurdi (2013).

Map II: The Map of Benue State highliging Tiv Areas

12
 10 0 0 E

N AS AR AW A S TATE 8 08

G UM A TAR AB A S TATE
AGATU
LO G O
UKUM
GWERWEST T A R KA

GWER G BO K O
OTUKPO
K O G I S TA TE OHIMINI
U SH O N G O

OBI

KWANDE
ADO O JU

EB O N Y I S TA TE

KEY
T IV LA N D
NO N-T IV LA ND
S AN KE R A G E O -PO LIT IC AL AR E A S T AT E BO U N D AR Y
N C R O S S R IV E R S TA TE

Source: 015303540
Bureau of Land
KM and Survey, Makurdi, 2013

1.6 Research Methodology

7 45 10 00

This study employs a historical methodology of narrative analysis using both

chronological and thermatic approaches. It therefore becomes imperative to start this opening

section with the analysis on the various historical approaches employed to source for data and

information in the conduct of the study. In order to achieve the objectives of this study, data

were collected from primary and secondary sources.

1.7 Sources of Data

The relevant data were obtained from both primary and secondary sources. The data

obtained were predominantly from primary sources since published and documented data on

the historic development of yam production in the study area are not readily or sufficiently

available.

13
 The sources of primary data include: personal observation and oral interviews from

over 218 yam farmers, porters, tranpsorters as well as traders within and outside the study

area. To this end, the researcher and three assistants travelled to various places across the

country to gather information and confirm the realities on the ground about the economic

development of yam in Tiv land and beyond. During the visits, the researchers interacted with

different groups of persons involved in yam production, consumption and trade in such

specific areas. Such places visited include Iddo yam market in Lagos; Port-Harcourt yam

market, River State; Ogbete yam market in Enugu; Onitsha yam market in Anambra State;

Doko and Bida yam markets in Niger State; Dan-Anacha, Donga, Takum yam markets in

Taraba State; Zaki-Biam, Katsina-Ala, Ugba, Afia yam markets in Benue State and others.

Apart from visiting yam markets across the country for information gathering and

comparative analysis, prominent peasant yam farmers were as well visited on their farms in

Logo and Ukum Local Government Areas among others, in different locations of the study.

Other people who for one reason or the other were perceived to have useful information on

the subject matter were also consulted. These included students, civil servants, military

personnel both serving and retired, yam marketing association members, among others.

Secondary sources of data include: archival publications, theses, dissertations and

undergraduate students projects. Other sources of secondary data were: well established

research institutions like Institute for Yams, Ibadan; National Archives and Centre for

Historical Documentation, Kaduna; Kashim Ibrahim library, Ahmadu Bello University

(A.B.U), Zaria; and Benue State History library. For instance, at National Archives and

centre for Historical Documentation, Kaduna there was extraction of valuable information

and data from files like NAK/KADMIN AGRIC/3717: Food supplies- Benue, 1941-1942,

NAK/MINAGRIC/34983: Yams and yams flour; control movement 1949-1953; NAK

KADMIN AGRIC, 1/1/480 VOL. IV and others.

1.8 Limitations of the Study

14
 In the course of this study, some limitations were encountered. One of such

challenges was the inability of our interviewees or informants to open up freely and dish out

the required information, particularly from the local Tiv farmers and yam traders. Some of

them were unwilling to avail information for fear of the unknown. To overcome this

challenge, most of our interviewees were interviewed in the presence of their literate sons,

daughters and relations, to convince them that the research was being conducted purely for

academic purposes.

The second challenge faced during the field interview was the failure on the part of

those interviewed or informants to respect or keep to appointed time for our pre-arranged

meetings. In most cases, one had to go to them repeatedly before meeting them for

interviews. The implication of this was the waste of money and time for the project. With

financial assistance from friends, family members and well-wishers on one hand, and

patience, perseverance and resilience on the other hand, this challenge too was surmounted.

The scanty, pilfering, disorderliness and the scattered nature of historical records at

research centres, like the National Archives, Kaduna for instance, due to mismanagement on

the part of their staff was another challenge. The researcher had to go through the rigours of

scouting out data scattered among the disorderly heap of papers without needful. This is a

nightmare for any researcher as it wasted valuable time and was energy consuming. The

inadequacy of available records on food crops during the colonial period on the part of

colonial administrators and traders contributed to worsen the researchers challenges. For

instance, after several visits to the National Archives Centres at Kaduna, the closest one could

get on the figure indicating the data amount of yam production and trade during the colonial

period was in file NAK/KADMINAGRRIC/3717-food Supplies-Benue 1941-1942. The

records in the file stated that the Provincial Resident of Benue had railed to the Jos Mines 246

tonnes of yams which were specially required for the 4,000 Tiv labourers recruited. To tackle

this challenge two under quoted statements from prominent scholars are recalled. The study

15
therefore depends on evidence, facts and the scanty figures of data not enough to generate

statistical tables of their own for detailed analysis during the colonial era. D.C. Dorward

admitted that:

Unfortunately owing to the nature of this trade (yam)

quantitative data is unavailable. However, it must be born
in mind as a future competitive source of income in any
analysis of the Tiv economy31

It will also be recalled that, facing this similar problem, while writing on the colonial

economy of yam production in Tiv land, Professor Varvar affirmed that:

...the production of yam in Tiv land witnessed a

significant increase during the colonial period. Although
statistics on the actual quantities of production is lacking,
there is enough evidence to justify such a conclusion32

Sharing the experience from the two scholars and bearing in mind, B.V. Rao’s conclusion

that history knowledge could be imperfect sometimes, because it deals with the actions of

human beings in the past. “Where such knowledge is not forthcoming, it is derived by

inference.” The inference deduced from empirical evidence, recorded statements of facts, and

estimated data tables could be used to support the argument that yam production was on

increase throughout the colonial period in the absence of quantitative statistical figures.33

1.9 Conclusion

Research works are essentially embarked upon to solve an identified problem(s) of

society and to proffer solutions to them. In the course of conducting a historical research,

certain steps were taken and certain measures applied. Certainly, a historical research must

follow or adapt its basic features. This chapter is a demonstration of the essential features of a

historical research. It is entitled, the general introduction and deals with such issues as

background to the study. The chapter also discusses statement of the problem, as well as the

aim and objectives of the study, which among others include determination of the impact of

yam production and trade in Tiv land. The significance of the study has also been spelt out in

the chapter. The scope of the study in terms of time is stipulated as between 1960 and 2000,

16
while the study area is stated to be within Benue. The limitations of the study include the

difficulty in securing information and data, especially from oral and archival sources. These

were, however, tackled through patience, perseverance inference and diligence. The study

sourced information from primary and secondary sources. In the former, oral interviews

conducted while in the later, published works and the internet were employed.

Endnotes
1. FAO Food and Agricultural Organisation: www.fao.org (FAO Website;

http:www.iita.org/cms/details/research-.)

17
2. D.G. Coursey, “The Cultivation and use of Yams in West Africa” Ghana, Notes and

Querries, Kumasi, vol.9. 1966, pp312-40.

3. A. Chevalier, “Nourvellies recherché surles ignames cultivees” Rev. Int. Bot.appl.

1946 26, 279-80. Pp26-31.

4. I.H. Burkill, “Organography and evolution of Dioscoreaceae, the family of yams” J.

Linn, soc, 1960. Pp319-408.

5. D.G.Coursey, “The Origins and Domestications of yams in Africa:” paper prepared

for the Wenner-Gren Symposium on the origin of African plant domesticates,

London, 1972. Pp1-53

6. R. East, (annotated) Akiga’s Story, Ibadan, Nigeria, Caltop Publications 2013 p.73.

7. Elizabeth Isichie, A History of Nigeria. New York, Longman, 1983 p.23

8. T. A. Varvar, “The Impact of Colonial Economy on Yam Production in Tiv land,

1900-1960”, Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, (JHSN) vol. 17 2007/2008.

Pp.17-29

9. Paul Bohannan, Tiv Farm and settlements, London 1954. P.3

10. G.W.G Briggs “Crop Yield and Food requirements in Tiv division, Benue Province,

Nigeria”, in Farm and Forests”, V.1944, P.21

11. K. Agber, “Th Tiv Economy in the Colonial Era” in A.A. Idrees & Y.A. Ochefu (ed)

Studies in the History of Nigeria Area. Vol I. I.C.S.S. Lagos p 387-398.

12. Alkasum Abba, The Nigerian Economic Crisis: Causes and Solutions in Zaria,

Academic Staff Union of Universities of Nigeria, 1985, P.20

13. KAD/MIN AGRIC-1/1/7212, Benue Provincial Annual Report 1926-1948.

14. T.A. Varvar, “The Impact of Colonial Economy on Yam...pp17-29” in JHSN Vol.

17, 2007/2008.

15. J.N Ninga cites J. I. Biam, “Yam Marketing in Tiv land: The Case of Ngenev Yam

Market Association, 1970-1976”. B.sc Sociology Project, A.B.U. Zaria, 1973. P 7.

16. Ninga, J.N in J. I. Biam, “Yam Marketing in Tiv land, pp13 s...”

17. NAK/MIN AGRIC-34883: Yam & Flour Control Movement, 1944-1953.

18
18. Oral Interview with Professor A. Lyam, 78 years at B.S.U. Makurdi on the 27/7/2012.

19. Regina H.Y. Fu, Hidehiko Kikuno & Makoto Maruyama “Research on Yam

Production, Marketing and Consumption of Nupe farmers of Niger State, Central

Nigeria”, African Journal of Agricultural Research, Vol. 6(23), 2011 Pp.301-313

20. Terlumun Avav, “The Tiv and Their Neighbours” in P.T. Ahire (ed), The Tiv in

Contemporary Nigeria, Zaria, 1993, P.34

21. O.N. Njoku, Economic History of Nigeria, 19th & 20th Centuries, Enugu, 2001 p. 10.

22 Kwanashie, G.A. et’al (eds) “A little light: Selected Historical Writings of Abdullahi

Smith”: Abdullahi Smith Centre for Historical Research, Kaduna, 1989. P.9

23. K. Agber, “Th Tiv Economy ...” in A.A. Idrees & Y.A. Ochefu (ed) Studies in the

History of Nigeria Area. Vol I. I.C.S.S. Lagos p 387-398.

24. D.C. Dorward, “An Unknown Nigerian Export: Tiv Benniseed Production 1900-

1960” Journal of African History, XVI, 3(1975) P.431-459

25. KAD-MINAGRIC-1/1/7203 VOL. 3 General Correspondence Related to Benue

Province.

26. Iyorwuese Hagher, Beyond Hate and Violence: Understanding the Tiv struggle for

citizenship Rights and Social Justice in Nigeria: Ibadan, Caltop Publications, 2002

pp.49.

27. Mvendaga Jibo, Chieftaincy and Politics: The Tor Tiv in the Politics and

Administration of Tiv land. Frankfurt, Peter Lang, 2009 P 29.

28. AR/ASS/T/2-MUNSHI DIVISIONAL ASSESSMENT REPORT.

29. AR/ANI/T-18, Tiv Tribe Demography

30. Iyorwuese Hagher, Beyond Hate and Violence... p.49.

31. D.C. Dorward, “An Unknown Nigerian Export: Tiv Benniseed Production 1900-

1960” Journal of African History, XVI, 3(1975) P.431-459

32. T.A. Varvar, “The Impact of the Colonial Economy on Yam Production in the Tiv

land, 1900-1960.” Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria JHSN Vol. 17

2007/2008 p.17-29
19
33. B.V. Rao, World History from the Early Times to A.D. 2000 3rd edition, Sterling

Publishers Private Limited, New Delhi, 2006 p.2

CHAPTER TWO

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE, THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND

CONCEPTUAL CLARIFICATIONS.

2.1 Introduction

20
 This chapter is a review of relevant literature on the subject matter of yam production

and trade. The idea is to highlight the relevance, strengths and weaknesses of the already

existing literature on the subject matter in order to provide a focus on the issue in view and to

fill in the gaps in the existing body of literature as well as to redirect and strengthen the focus

of study. The review is divided into three parts for purposes of specificities and easy

comprehension.

i. Review of literature on the origin of yam production and trade in Tiv land of

Central Nigeria.

ii. Review of literature on the development of yam production and trade as well

as its impact on Tiv land and beyond.

iii. Review of literature on the development and expansion of yam trade as well as

its impact in Tiv land and beyond.

2.2 Review of Related Literature on Yam Production and Trade in Tiv land.

2.2.1 Perspectives on the origin of yam production in Tiv land.

Much of the available literature on the history of Tiv people is related to the origin

and migration from their ancestral home in Central Africa to their present location, in the

Benue Valley Area of Central Nigeria which falls completely within the West African Yam

zones1. European and indigenous scholars have contributed in detail on Tiv origin and

migration to their present location of yam belt in Central Nigeria.

Some of the literature on Tiv history in this review include:- R. East’s Akiga’s Story2,

Paul Bohannan, The Tiv of Central Nigeria 3, Eugene Rubing, Sons of Tiv,4, Mvendaga Jibo

Tiv politics since 19595, Tesemchi Makar, A history of Political Change Among the Tiv in the

19th and 20th Centuries6, G.N. Hembe J.S. Tarka: The Dilemma of ethnic Minority Politics in

Nigeria7 and many others. All these source materials, unanimously acknowledge Swem as

undisputable ancestral homeland of the entire Tiv people from where they migrated in

streams to settle and live in the present area of Central Nigeria.

21
 R. East (annotated) Akiga’s Story, is a presentation of the Tiv ethnic group as seen by

one of its members. The work justifies itself as a pioneer work and opens up Tiv people, their

culture and the origin of yam economy to future research. The book is the first indigenous

and the most popular study on Tiv ethnic group of Central Nigeria 8. Akiga recorded his view

about his own ethnic group as a modest contribution of his life as well as a documentation on

Tiv history. His intention was that those who could read, write and understand Tiv should

know their past so that history will not be forgotten and or buried; thereby denying the

younger Tiv generational knowledge of the history of their people, considering the

overwhelming significance of history in life. Akiga’s prayer was that:

…God would help me to write this book in order that, the

new generation of Tiv, which is beginning to learn this
knowledge should know the things of their fathers as well
as those of their present generation.9

Akiga’s work is justifiable because it sets precedence or lead way for subsequent

studies on Tiv people as well as yam production. After its first publication in 1939, it became

a source material for more studies on various aspects of the Tiv ethnic group such as Tiv

politics, economy, agriculture, religion, history, and other perspectives. In addition, many

foreign and indigenous scholars were encouraged to emulate him and write about the Tiv

people of Central Nigeria, particularly, Tiv scholars who had no language barrier as a

hindrance. They include T. Makar, M. Jibo, G.N. Hembe, J. Gbor, J. Tortema, Ayem Luga,

and many others. It was after Akiga’s study that many other Tiv people developed keen

interests and seized the opportunity to write on different aspects of Tiv history, including the

Tiv yam farms and about the foreign religion, Christianity in terms of scholarship.

The importance of these works on Tiv history is that they are published in Tiv

language. For example, Pastor Joshua Shimlumun Yakobu’s “Mbaheberu man Tiv”10 is built

on co-relating the Tiv cultural affiliation with the history of the Hebrews in the Bible

denoting their physical fitness to carry out farm works generally. Terwase John Gbor (1995)

also wrote extensively on both the socio-cultural life of the Tiv people; Mdugh man Mnyer U

Tiv ken Benue11 and Chaka Tor U Mba Zulu12 While Gbor’s first textbook traced the journey

22
of the Tiv people from Central or South Africa to their present location in the Benue valley,

Chaka Tor U Mba Zulu is devoted to the accomplishments of Chaka, the Zulu Chief, to

establish a connection between Tiv and the Zulu traditions as great warrior and farming

groups in Africa. All these are clear manifestations of how well Akiga’s pioneering study

influenced and encouraged Tiv literary work to advance knowledge about most perspectives

of Tiv life and yam crop inclusive. The book also significantly encourages the spread of

Christian religion which came along with the knowledge of agricultural economy among the

Tiv of Central Nigeria, thereby justifying its relevance to the present study.

Akiga’s Story is fundamentally relevant to the present study on several aspects of Tiv

history, as well as, yam production and trade. Firstly, the book highlights the origin and

migration of the Tiv people from the Congo area of the present Central Africa to their present

location in Central Nigeria, a place where vast fertile land for yam production was available.

This has generated a lot of historical investigations as to whether Tiv migration originated

from the Congo area of Central Africa or Swem. Akiga in his book, referred to Swem as a

resting settlement, but were the causal factors for migration adventurous or a search for fertile

farm lands to the Cameroon/Nigeria boarder point?

Secondly, the book touches on Tiv agricultural system relating to yam production

with remarkable issues. For example, how can yam crop be referred to as the last crop to be

introduced into the Tiv agricultural farming system and over time became the crop that was

yearly starting the agricultural cropping season of the Tiv people? What was the situation

before its introduction into the Tiv traditional farming system?

Thirdly, Akiga’s Story deals with the origin of yams in Tiv land emphasising on its

indigenous discovery by a desperate orphan during a drastic famine period. According to

Rupert East, yam was discovered by a desperate orphan who went hunting in the forest

during a terrible famine period. Thereafter, it became popular and was accepted into the Tiv

society as an edible plant. However, the process of its domestication and cultivation was

acculturated from the Udam people of Cross River State of Nigeria.13 The discovery of the

23
origin of yams in Tiv land by an orphan in Akiga’s book sounds more of a dramatic

presentation in a symbolic term than a historical reality. All these gaps as identified in the

story formed the basis for further research on the Tiv-yam study for better understanding.

On the whole, Akiga’s Story has significant influence on the present study. In fact, his

book does not originate from a viewpoint of a detached observer and its originality is not

questionable. It is from a mental experience and exposure of the author who viewed his

people from within and presented them to the outside world. Akiga was not well educated to

read and be influenced by English books, so he presented his people to the outside world in

their original form. His affection for the old people and customs of Tiv people with personal

touch of fulfilling his objective to keep alive their cultural pride for posterity brings out more

clearly the relevance of his work in the present study in the following words:

And do you, however great your knowledge may be,

remember that you are Tiv, remain a Tiv and know the
things of the Tiv; for therein lays your pride. Let us take
heart. The old mushroom rots another springs up, but the
mushroom tribe lives on.14

Conclusively, Akiga’s study becomes a backbone for most subsequent studies in

addition to the present review on Tiv in their land.

Tiv and Their Neighbours by T. Tseror15 is another important work carefully reviewed

in this study. The Central issue in his work is the analysis of ‘intergroup relations’ which

underscores the need for mutual interdependence or co-existence in the Central part of

Nigeria. According to Tseror, the diverse non-centralised groups in the pre-colonial Nigeria

had co-existed and interacted with each other on diverse issues. Such interactions include

socio-cultural interactions, agricultural grounds, socio-political exchange and socio-economic

interactions. Furthermore, Tseror postulates that the above mentioned interactions existed

most commonly between the Tiv and other groups like the Udam, Jukun, and Idoma during

the pre-colonial era which directly relates his work with the present review16.

24
 One of the main issues directly related to the present study is the socio-political and

economic relations between the Tiv and Udam ethnic groups during the pre-colonial period.

According to elder, Chief, Ivokor Unongo, items of trade back then included salt, chickens,

yams, cultural dances and others. Up to today, certain items linked to ‘Udam’ ethnic names

are highly in use in Tiv land: For example, a specific type of salt in Tiv is called bar dam,

ducks are called Kyegh Dam a special type of yam is called Dam Iyou and the Girinya Udam

Dance is very famous among the Kunav people in Tiv land18. By implication, these

commodities and styles of cultural dances were exchanged between the Tiv and Udam people

in the pre-colonial era. Naming these commodities after Udam suggests that, these items and

other cultural trends were either borrowed from the Udam to Tiv land or vice versa. They

remain as legacies of the pre-colonial trading relationship between the two ethnic groups. The

involvement of yam crop as one of the items of trade during this period enriches our

knowledge the more on the subject matter. This is to support Akiga’s earlier view that yam

cultivation was initially borrowed from the Udam and yam trade was in existence across

borders in Tiv land since the pre-colonial period.

From Tseror’s presentation, it seems clear that the Tiv had a great sense of diplomacy

and external relations with their neighbours. Indeed, “no man is an island”, there was need for

interdependence and interaction with others. This natural need for support made them relate

with their neighbours to learn new ways of doing things harmoniously. For instance,

Akiga’story speculates earlier that, in as much as yam crop was discovered by a Tiv desperate

orphan from a nearby forest, its system of cultivation was adapted through cultural interaction

with Udam people. Apart from indications that there was a close socio-economic relationship

between Tiv and Udam in the pre-colonial era, it also suggests that yam production had

existed earlier in Udam land than in Tiv. After all, Marxist historical Materialism, asserts that

the manner in which human beings produce the necessities of life determines the form of the

25
societies in which they live. This agrees with the pre-colonial relations between Tiv and

Udam which further highlights on pre-colonial socio-economic affinity with yam crop.

Tseror states that, the interactions between the Tiv and their neighbours were

peaceful. He emphasises that, the Tiv and Udam interactions were based on commerce and

cultural diplomacy. However, his oversight of the aspect of conflicts and wars between the

Tiv and their neighbours, which were mostly generated from the struggles over fertile and

arable farm lands where their main crop was cultivated. Thos alone gives the present study

the impetus to dwell more on conflicts and crisis. The conflicts and crises became even more

rampant at the time most of the Tiv neighbours also began to engage in yam cultivation at the

same time with Tiv yam farmers who were busy enlarging their farms for more economic

gains.

In conclusion, Tseror presents a lesson for inter-dependent co-existence to enhance

cohesion of mutual socio-political and economic interactions, among diverse ethnic groups in

this country. This can be enforced for national cooperation, unity and global economy and as

well be replicated in Tiv-yam trade for global economic development.

Another study is S.F. Wegh’s Between Continuity and Change: Tiv Concept of

Tradition and Modernity.19Much of highlighted issues are related to the subject matter of the

present study. Wegh unveils Tiv people as traditional agricultural people who rely on their

land for life sustenance. Tiv people had suffered to secure their land as their main and only

source of subsistence. The author discusses agricultural crops such as guinea corn, millet,

yams, benniseeds, cotton, and others, in terms of production and use of surpluses to fulfil the

primary intention of consumption for which they were cultivated.

He states clearly how Tiv traditional subsistence economy was controlled by the

household system especially women, leaving husbands with certain rights to food crops for

legitimate entertainment and ritual performances. The emergence of colonialism brought

economic policies such as taxation system, the development of wage labour and cash crops

26
such as benniseed, cotton and tobacco production to raise money in order to meet up with the

demands of these policies20. During the field survey, Gbechin Gwebe remarked that

benniseed was nicknamed kpandegh meaning taxation. The predominant role of women in

agricultural production shifted to men due to much emphasis on cash crop production which

raised more money for taxation by men during the colonial period. The book also highlights

the failed attempt of the colonialists to suppress food crop production, such as yam crop, in

preference for cash crops, leading to vast growth of yam production.

In as much as the author greatly contributes on the study of yam production and trade

in his book, a missing link is observed where benniseed production and trade in Tiv land gave

way for yam production and trade at the demise of the colonial period in Tiv land. The

present research study is intended to fill in the gap as a valuable point.

Elizabeth Isichie’s A History of Nigeria21 is an important history book, published in

twenty chapters touching on various sectors of the Nigerian history. Her book becomes

relevant and formidable for review at this juncture in two folds. Firstly, the book shares the

general opinion on the indigenization and localization hypothesis about the origin of yam

plant in the West African Yam belt. This further buttreses the local discovery of yams in Tiv

land as speculated by Akiga in his book. It also reveals the sensitive response of a desperate

orphan to a terrible famine situation to discover food from his natural vegetation for his

dietary needs. Secondly, Ishichie discusses the relevance of African cultural mysticism

associated with yam production among African communities generally. She talks about the

reverence given to the yam plant as it is called the ‘king of all crops’. This is manifested in

the various sacrifices and festivals attached to yam planting and harvesting for greater yields.

Isichie’s analysis on the topical issues in this context, yam production and trade

sounds brief. Her study actually requires another study to make up these short falls for added

knowledge especially on the origin of yam production and trade of an ethnic group like Tiv,

the leading yam producer in Nigeria, which needs a follow up study.

27
 A History of Political Change among the Tiv in the 19th and 20thCenturies, by T.

Makar22 is an important work on Tiv. The thrust of the book is a historical analysis of Tiv

socio-economic and political transformation in the 19 th and 20th Centuries. Using a historical

narrative approach, the author traces the genealogy of the Tiv race from a single family

origin, and moves on to Tiv migration from Swem, the ancestral home location to their

present area in the Benue valley.

Makar identifies Tiv as traditional agricultural race who values yam production more

than most of the ethnic groups around them. He portrays the Tiv people to the outside world

as brave agriculturalists who produce a lot of yams and other crops, including benniseeds,

cotton, groundnuts and others. Makar argues that the preference of the colonial government

for cash crops production, rather made yam production, the most viable staple crop of Tiv

and presently plays the dual role of food and cash crop in their area. Furthermore, the author

explains how the British colonial administration transformed the socio-political and economic

life of the people during the colonial era.

Makar’s study is valuable as a political study, however, a history of Tiv politics

cannot be meaningfully analysed and understood in the absence of the economic basis of Tiv

life. Historical materialism upholds that, economy is the structural base of every society upon

which other structures are built, which Makar’s work fails to take cognisance. In fact, his

book indirectly traces most political upheavals and crises in Tiv land to economic related

issues. The non-inclusion of certain economic factors, for the explanations of certain political

changes in his book, denies his readers, a better understanding of certain actions which led to

violent political changes the Tiv people were demanding in Makurdi town during the 19 th and

20th Centuries. For instance, when the Tiv ex-soldiers noticed the inbalance in sharing of the

socio-economic dividends between Tiv and other groups in Makurdi Town and resorted to

war against the Hausa/Fulani group, the author did not see any good reason for their actions

and resorted to calling them bad names like “vagabonds”, “Penniless people” and “good for

28
nothing people”23. The relevance of Makar’s work to the present study serves as a reminder

to reposition this issue in its proper perspective necessitates a similar follow-up research on

Tiv socio-economy.

2.2.2 Perspectives on yam production in Central Nigeria

Yam crop (discorea species) is a starchy food crop that is predominantly found

among most ethnic groups in Central Nigeria, especially the Nupe and the Tiv, who are its

leading producers and other neighbouring ethnic groups. 24 Yam crop has played a significant

role in tackling food security problems of the growing population across Africa. Nigeria is

located within the traditional “yam Zone” and accounts very high for a large percentage of

the total yam production of the whole world.

Yams (Dioscorea species) constitute the predominant

starchy staple in sub-Saharan Africa where food security
for growing population is a critical issue. The five West
African countries, Nigeria, Coted’Ivore, Ghana, Benin,
and Togo are located in the traditional “yam zone” and
accounted for 93% of total yam production of the world in
2008 (FAO 2010) Nigeria is the largest yam producer in
the world which accounted for 68% of the global
production in 2008 (FAO 2010)25

According to Akiga, yam crop was introduced to Tiv land later than other food crops

like beans, millet, guinea-corn and maize, and is regarded as “the king of crops” and the

leading crop in the North-Central, as well as, the Forest Zone of Nigeria. In addition to the

food and market values, yam plays significant roles in the socio-cultural, rituals, and

traditional religions of the Tiv people. It is generally said that, yam is a staple food crop of

the Tiv people because the well-being of every family member depends much on yams.26

Yam production and trade in Tiv land though dates back to a thousand years ago, still

maintains rural farmers at the Centre of its production, using traditional technologies for

production and vulnerable to the vicissitudes of nature, especially drought and rain fed

agricultural system. However, yam economy is increasingly developing among the Tiv

people from its inception up to date in Nigeria, with corresponding economic growth and

29
development. “Production of yam in Tiv land witnessed significant increase… although

statistics on the actual quantities of production is lacking, there is enough evidence to justify

such a conclusion”.27

Paul Bohannan Tiv Farm and Settlement28, presents Tiv people in their traditional and

agricultural way of life to the outside world, narrowing them down to short sighted people

who could not see anything good beyond their farms and were contented with land and

farming as their only source of livelihood. His words: “Tiv are virtually interested in their

farms… I found that, a dozen or so of the key words I heard most often were words which

had to do with land in one way or another”.29

Bohannan begins his study with an introduction of the Tiv people, as farmers whose

farms could determine everything about their life, including their settlement patterns. He

vividly presents a descriptive analysis of Tiv settlement patterns, their rights to land

ownership and types of crops with emphasis on yam crop cultivation and distribution of

agricultural produce. He gives a descriptive analysis of Tiv farm tools which were all geared

towards productive activities and survival on their farm produce.

Very much central to the present study, Bohannan’s publication provides details on

the Tiv traditional means of determining soil fertility through crop rotation and shifting

cultivation to enhance yam production on their land. He further explains how yam crop

begins the rotational farming cycle, followed by beans, millet, guinea-corn and others until

the cycle is completed. He carefully describes the process of yam production beginning with

land clearing “Ihyande,” making of mounds (Avom) on the farm “Sule” up to the harvesting

stage of yam tubers and seeds.

Finally on Bohannan’s work, there appears to be several gaps of important

information on yam cultivation. For example, yam cropping does not necessarily start Tiv

farming cycle in the present dispensation of yam production in Tiv land. This is as a result of

scarcity of farmland which has necessitated the introduction of farming with herbicides and

30
fertilizers. The present study, therefore, benefits from this review by way of updating the

study on yam to fit into the present contextual scheme of agricultural development in Tiv

land and beyond.

T.A. Varvar’s “The Impact of Colonial Economy on Yam Production in Tiv land,

1900-1960”30 is a historical analysis of how the British colonial government interrupted yam

production and consumption which led to the transformation of Tiv economy during the

colonial era. That is how yam was transformed from food to cash crop. According to him,

even though the socio-economic situation in Tiv land was transformed during the colonial

period, yam still maintained its position as the main staple food crop which later transformed

to become the main cash crop of the Tiv people.31 The dire need to trade in yams for

monetary needs and consume more of it to gain strength to produce cash crops, led to

constant increase in yam production in Tiv land. Varvar emphasises that: “In spite of the

unfavourable colonial economic policies towards food production, the production of yam, a

food crop, still increased rather than decline during the colonial period”32.

Varvar’s article is relevant to the present study in various ways. Apart from the scope

of it’s period, it coincides with part of the present study and significantly highlights on the

main issues covered during the pre-colonial and colonial periods about yam production and

trade. Secondly, the article emphasizes on the failed intention of the colonial administration

to discourage yam production increase in preference to cash crop production through its

economic transformation policies as an obstacle to the development of yam in the colonial

Tiv land.

Despite the relevance of Varvar’s argument in the article, the present study differs on

certain issues he raised. One of such issues is that traditional yam production techniques are

initially not discussed as a derivative of the Tiv cultural beliefs and values. This would have

provided us with a good background knowledge of what the traditional methods of yam

production were all about and what they stood for before the colonial economic interference

31
making the difference simple. It would also have gone a long way in assisting us to decide if

actually, colonial economic policies were put in place as hostile or detrimental measures to

increased yam production in Tiv land at that time.

Secondly the unfavourable colonial economic policies were focused towards

discouraging increased production of food crops, especially yams, in Tiv land during the

colonial era. According to Varvar, this situation was only saved because of the already

entrenched pervasive and decisive position of yam crop in Tiv land before the enforcement of

these colonial policies, like imposition of cash crops.

In view of the above, the present study finds it difficult to pin point at any of the

colonial economic policies which were deliberately formulated and designed to undermine

food crop production, especially yam crop, on Tiv land as Varvar argued. Of all the colonial

economic policies, firstly, the only one that went closer to negatively impacting on increased

yam production was the conscription of able farming hands out of Tiv land for public and

military services. But even that, his study dismisses that view on the fact that children,

women and old men replaced such farming hands and there was no remarkable decline of

yam production as a result of this policy. As would be further argued, the present study

noticed that there was no division of labour at that time in Tiv land. Therefore, conscription

of farm hands out of Tiv land was not certainly designed to deter only food crop production.

The negative effects of this policy applied to both cash and food crop production since it was

these same hands and tools (hoe and cutlass) that were producing the two at that time in Tiv

land.

Thirdly, the argument in his article postulates that there was “imposition and

promotion of cash crop production over and above the production of food crops especially

yams”33. In the same article, the author had earlier stated that yam production in the pre-

colonial Tiv land had “permeated Tiv society,” and became most popular and “the one most

highly priced”. Realistically, if the imperialists had found yam production already occupying

32
such a premium position in Tiv land, there was no good reason to encourage or promote it

beyond where it was found, more so that the cardinal goal of the imperialists at that time in

Tiv land was to exploit specific raw materials to feed the hungry industrial complex in

Europe. And truly, there was no hungry industry for yams in Europe then. However, the dire

need to feed the locals to produce maximally the needed cash crops and other raw materials

also informed the colonial administration of the dire need to increase production of yam crop.

Fourthly, in the argument which he had earlier stated that there was no remarkable

decline in yam production as a result of human conscription in Tiv land during the colonial

period later came to glare, that the 1930s famine disaster on Tiv land was caused by beetle

pests destruction of the yam crop.34 And that the colonial administration stepped in to remedy

and restore normalcy with relief materials and stop orders for yam exportation out of the Tiv

land. The point to note here is that the quick and drastic stop-measures taken by the colonial

administration to prevent yam shortage in a famine situation significantly suggest that the

administration had never contemplated to underscore increased yam production in Tiv land

throughout her control of the Tiv territory. This study shares the opinion that the colonial

administration rather encouraged and promoted increased yam production and trade through

her economic policies in Tiv land. The commoditization policy of yam crop and the colonial

provision of infrastructural, facilities like railway, for instance, immensely enhanced and

boosted yam production and trade in the colonial era. The purpose of these points of

argument and many more raised in detail at the onset of this literature review, is to pronounce

the high level of disparity between the present study and (Varvar’s pioneering) works on

relatively similar studies. This also redirects into focusing at the main argument in the present

study.

Regina H.Y.Fu, H. Kikuno and M. Maruyama’s Research on “Yam Production,

Marketing and Consumption by Nupe Farmers of Niger State, Central Nigeria”35 comes

handy for review at this stage. Their research focuses on solutions to the problems of why the

33
Nupe small scale farmers produce a lot of yams annually for consumption and trade in

Central Nigeria, yet, problems of food security and massive poverty still persist among the

producers in Nupe land. These researchers employ agricultural fact-finding approach to

identify the root causes of their stated problem above.36

In the end, these researchers discovered that production of the Nupe farmers could not

adequately tackle food security problems of the Nupe producers due to the seasonal nature of

yam production. In addition, lack of storage facilities, insects, decay, fire disasters and other

numerous ways of colossal yam consumption, such as eating, gifts, marriages and rituals all

contribute to food insufficiency and poverty of the Nupe yam farmers.

Accordingly, these authors further discovered that, in spite of the massive yam trade

that goes on among the Nupe people, the small scale farmers do not derive commensurate

benefits from yam production. This is partly because the seasonal productive nature of the

yam crop permits excessive production at one time in a particular season and sale of all the

products during the season even when the prices were low to avoid wastage. According to

these researchers, Nupe yam producers lack financial capabilities to improve on yam

transport system to distant markets for better sales. All these put together, combined to

accelerate and perpetuate poverty syndrome among Nupe yam producers in spite of all the

traditional efforts to improve the living standards of the yam farmer/traders through the

development of yam economy in Nupe land.37

Among other things, their research, finally recommends the introduction of dry season

yam farming in Nupe land, the introduction of herbicides to avoid insect’s damages, long

term preservation of yam and numerous methods of improving yam storage system in Nupe

land of Central Nigeria.

In as much as their research review is relevant to the present study, there are cultural

variations between the Nupe and Tiv societies, especially as regards land tenure and labour

systems, which are key to yam production. Agricultural research findings of this nature

34
among the Nupe people cannot produce the same results with the Tiv farmers on their land.

The present study is, therefore intended to bridge the gap.

M.O. Odey’s article on “Igede Agba Celebration as an Aspect of Igede Cultural

Renaissance in Africa”38 is a genuine attempt to throw more light on the nature, objectives,

and significance of the popular ‘Igede Agba’ Yam festival not only for its call for Igede

cultural renewal but because it also underscores other aspects and significance of yam in

Central Nigeria.

The author employs the historical narrative approach in his analysis and provides

explanations of key concepts in the article, both in English and Igede languages like “culture”

“Agba” which makes the essay easy to understand and what ‘Igede Agba festival’ stands for;

what it is intended to achieve culturally among the Igede people and the larger Nigerian

society.

Of more relevance to the present study is that, the work attributes special status to

yam in Igedeland as “the king of other crops and as a male crop” probably as a result of the

numerous roles of the yam crop in Igedeland relating to the culture of the people. According

to Odey, this probably constitutes a deciding factor for the annual celebration of yam crop in

Igede culture as far back as 1959. During the celebration, the biggest yams of special

varieties like Ochinkpe; Ihuara; Ijigbo, and others, are displayed for recognition and

acknowledgement of the people who produced them. Special traditional clothes with a lot of

cultural memory like Ogodogodo and Igbagiri are used for the occasion. Assorted types of

foods, like goat meat, pepper soup, fried fish and egusi are all prepared to add value and

grace to the occasion of celebration once a year by all Igede people in Igedeland and in the

diaspora. Igede Agba festive period brings about economic boost to Igedeland similar to

Christmas celebration in the Christian world. It is the only occasion that attracts without fail

the presence of all Igede people in the diaspora and important dignitaries, such as the State

Governor of Benue State, to Igede land annually.

35
 One important issue raised in his article relating to the present study is the cultural

connection between yam production and the West African cultural system. For example, yam

is used for food, cultural celebrations, rituals, marriages, trade and gifts in many producing

communities in the West African sub-region. The author, however, calls for abrogation of an

aspect of the Igede yam culture by “demystification” of the yam festival and removal of

rituals from the celebration activities. This review shares the opinion that this will surely end

up reducing the cultural value of the festival and result in hampering its economic impact.

The elders who are the custodians of Igede culture will out rightly reject participating in such

an act which is against their traditional tenets and doctrines passed unto them by their

ancestors. African cultural festivals should not be separated from African traditions and

rituals, as this is what gives them their uniqueness and peculiarity and makes them valuable

for economy and tourism. Odey’s article is also related to the present study with emphasis on

yam crop production in Igede society as in Tiv area of Benue State.

Matthew Aramah’s Investment Opportunity in Ghana: Commercial Seed Yam

Production39 is an important work that is related to the present study. The work underscores

the need for investment in yam production and trade in Ghana. Highlights are placed on

reasons to invest on yam production and trade in Ghana. Such reasons include dynamics of

yam market, seed yam multiplication, the available enabling environment and incentives for

yam production and trade in Ghana.40

According to the author, there are new methods of increasing yam production, such

as, focus on increasing the most tasteful Pona yam variety in Ghana. That, the growing cycle

of this variety ranges from six to eight months with planting season starting between

February and April, and harvesting period commencing in October to the end of the season

every year. The author shows the efforts of the Ghanaian Government to assist the traditional

small scale farmers improve seedlings and farming methods. This is shown in the changing of

mounds cultivation systems to ridge system which produces more yams in a season. Farmer

36
and enterprise training programmes are introduced to accelerate the development of

entrepreneurial skills and knowledge among yam farmers. Security of tenure system is

encouraged to facilitate access to land and to improve land fertility. Government and the

private sector get more involved in providing credit facilities to farmers and investors in agro

allied businesses. All these are geared towards a higher level of yam production and output.

The significance of his work to the present work lies in its exposition of improved

techniques of increased yam production by changing from the mounds system of cultivation

to ridge system of cultivation. Secondly, a new system of dividing or cutting yam tubers into

smaller pieces to generate more yam seedlings to increase the amount of yam seeds for more

cultivation further leads to more production of yam seeds. This information adds more

knowledge to yam production and shows a good example of what a government in a

neighbouring nation like Ghana does to facilitate massive and improved production of yam

crop. After all, Ghana is the leading exporter of yams in the world even though Nigeria leads

its production worldwide.

2.2.3 Perspectives on yam trade in Tiv Land of Central Nigeria

Yam is one of the most famous staple crops among the Tiv people. More than 93% of

the Tiv people survive on yam crop in one way or the other. In spite of other studies on the

valuable contributions of yam crop, it has not been specially and systematically studied as an

emergent and important area of the history of Tiv trade, even though agriculture

conspicuously and persistently stands as a key factor in the history of Tiv economy and as a

corner-stone for the development of Tiv land.

Tiv Economy41 by Laura and Paul Bohannan was published in 1968. The book which

focuses on Tiv economy contains seventeen chapters on different captions of Tiv agricultural

economy. It has become handy for review at this level of the study.

Chapter seventeen is the analysis of Tiv subsistence economy. According to this

chapter, the initial over-riding idea of yam production by the Tiv peasant farmers was to fulfil

37
the people’s food requirements for survival during the pre-colonial Tiv land. Yam crop

gradually started finding its way into the Tiv local markets when other exigencies like

settlement of bride-price, gifts, payment of debts, needs for securing ingredients, like salt and

others, arose. This happened especially at the time when there were no other better means of

exchange to earn income by the Tiv people. Today yam crop doubles as the main food and

cash crop in Tiv land.

The authors emphasise the growth patterns of yam trade. In the pre-colonial period,

exchange of yam for other goods was mainly by women at compound market level. During

the colonial period, there was improvement of the road network and increased accessibility,

emphasis, therefore, changed from compound markets where trade was carried out to the

neighbourhood markets located in strategic and accessible locations in Tiv land. These

authors accept that, this move received much patronage across the different divides of Tiv

land and beyond. An example was the Ticha Market in the present Vandeikya Local

Government in Tiv land. The authors visited Ticha Market in 1950 and saw chief Ikyaagba’s

agents collecting market dues from the yam sellers as an aspect of economic build-up. This

was an exemplary illustration of the increasing volume of yam trade beyond Tiv land,

especially, with the ‘Udam’ people of the present Cross River State in Nigeria.

Additional strength of the Tiv economy to the present review is manifested in many

dimensions. The study being the first of its kind on Tiv economy serves as an eye opener to

the Tiv people to become well informed, knowledgeable and conscious about economic

developments in their land. Apart from providing reference/or a source of material for Tiv

economic history, it also serves as a challenge to Tiv scholars to undertake studies in the field

of economic history as an agrarian society, more so that the development of every society

depends on its economic strengths. The present study seeks to amplify this issue and many

others unmentioned in the review.

38
 Finally on Tiv economy, it is strangely noticed that the colonial interference in yam

production during the colonial period, an important phenomenon in the economic and

political history of the Tiv people, was not mentioned in the book. Probably, the European

researchers or scholars wanted to keep out of the local politics during their anthropological

works in Africa. It is common knowledge that, every human society is built on the foundation

of its economic forces upon which other structures are developed. The present study hopes to

fill the gap in the Bohannans’ book and further analyse the post- colonial yam trade and its

impact on the sphere of the Tiv people and their economy.

Another text to be reviewed is O.N. Njoku, Economic History of Nigeria: 19th and

20th Centuries.42 The author’s first attempt was to employ both chronological and thermatic

approaches to explain in broad strokes the Nigerian economy, starting from the domestic and

external stand points, making use of multi-historical spatial organizational and social process.

Taking off from the general and contrary viewpoints that the domestic sector of the Nigerian

economy is far less significant than the international one, his contrary views are well

articulated at every given point in the book.43

Njoku describes agriculture as the main-stay of Nigeria’s economy which has been

the bedrock of development over time in the country. The problem of inefficient leadership,

on the part of the political class, led to eventual abandonment of the sector in preference for

crude oil. He posits that, with over reliance on crude oil, the Nigerian economy becomes

vulnerable in case of any fall in oil prices while agriculture remains always dependable and

reliable. The author’s mention of the Tiv ethnic group as the leading yam producer that has

been feeding the whole nation with yams, significantly relates his study with the present

research.

The author further analyses the origin of the yam crop and attributes the origin to an

indigenous theory. This, he rightly captures by stating that:

The Middle Belt Zone is referred to as the transitional

belt, and is made up of outstanding ethnic groups of yam

39
 production such as Tiv, Nupe, Igala, and Kabba- the Tiv
and Igala have been yam cultivators. 44

After identifying the Tiv ethnic group with the discovery and masterliness of the yam crop,

he further points out the significance of yam trade in this country. In his words:

Yam was the king of crops in the forest belt and a leading
crop in the Middle Belt. It has been a major item of inter-
regional and rural-urban and rural-rural trade in Nigeria. 45

This is akin to saying that yam trade was vital in harnessing national unity and integration as

it brought a lot of people together in friendship, and it serves as an avenue for dieting and

wealth creation.

Njoku’s book is indeed relevant to this study in the above mentioned ways most
especially some pitfalls, such as having a lot of sweeping generalizations without being
specific. For example, “the new yam festival is universal in all the major yam farming
communities”. This does not apply to Tiv, whom he has already described as:
Yam cultivators per excellence and leading yam farmers
in Nigeria... their pre-colonial history shows that they
have been a land-hungry and expansionist people... thanks
to their prodigy as (yam farmers)46

Attempts to address these pitfalls will surely refocus the present study.

Kwaghkondo Agber’s “The Tiv Economy in the Colonial Era” in Studies in the

History of Central Nigeria Area,47 is reviewed at this juncture in the course of the present

study. The article under reference is written as part of contribution to the study of Tiv

economy during the colonial period and featured in the above referenced book for publication

in 2004.

The article is a historical analysis of Tiv economic transformation during the colonial

era; how it started at the subsistence level and later induced and transformed to the present

capitalist economic status, courtesy of the colonial economic transformation policies.

Agber’s article on Tiv economy during the colonial period under review is relevant to

the present study. The present study is coincidentally situated within the limits and scope of

the article under review. Yam crop was instrumental to the development of the colonial

40
economy which brought about infrastructural transformation to Tiv land. The yam crop was

used in feeding the huge Tiv labour-force at different colonial project sites, and this in turn

increased yam production and trade across Nigeria. The growth of the general trade later

resulted into the emergence of new social and economic orders, urbanization, roads and most

importantly, the boosting of yam trade. This was effectively done as a result of railway

construction from Igbo land to Makurdi in 1923. The present economic impact of yam trade

among the Tiv people constitutes an important segment in the present study for more

knowledge.

On the whole, Agber’s non-inclusion of the key role the colonial infrastructures, like

roads and railway, played in the transformation of the yam economy is viewed as an

oversight which will be attended to in the present study.

D.C. Dorward’s “An Unknown Nigerian Export: Tiv Benniseed Production, 1900-

1960” in Journal of African History, XVI, 3 (1975) Pp.431-45948 is another important article

for the review exercise of the present study.

Dorward’s article commences with the central argument on the general opinion about

the misleading and prevailing notion that, Tiv people were lovers of leisure and very

contented with their subsistence mode of economy until the vigorous intervention of

colonialism. That it was only colonialism that enforced the transformation of Tiv traditional

economy to its present capitalist system on Tiv land. And that, during the colonial epoch,

after the enforcement of taxation, Tiv farmers were still producing only for consumption and

a little left over for payment of taxes.

Dorward’s argument debunks this eurocentric view about the Tiv people. He proves

that Tiv agricultural economy started from the scratch and grew to its present position with

time. He also disagrees that, the Tiv were “lazy people” or “pleasure seekers” but naturally

hard working farmers. According to him, this further explains why Tiv preferred yam

production with high labour intensiveness than cotton production during the colonial time.

41
Despite the colonial encouragement and monetary incentives, Tiv remained adamant and kept

producing more yams than any other crop, except benniseed, which could serve as both food

and cash crop, throughout the colonial period on their land. Dorward argued further that, in a

strict economic sense, Tiv farmers were actually not practicing subsistence mode of economy

on their land during the pre-colonial era. They were also involved in production for

consumption, exchange, gifts, payment of dowries, rituals among others ever before the

advent of colonialism on their land.

Dorward also posits that, before the beginning of colonialism in Tiv land, there was a

form of external trade with Hausa, Udam and Jukun. At the international level, trade with the

European firms on the banks of River Benue in yams, benniseed and tobacco was carried out

and was referred to as the so called “silent trade”. That the colonial government policies and

infrastructures only gave a greater impetus to Tiv yam production and trade.

Dorward’s article under review adds an important inspiration to the present study,

specifically, on the development of yam trade among the Tiv people. His emphasis is on the

remarkable expansion of yam trade outside the Tiv land as a result of the railway construction

from Enugu-Makurdi in 1923. The insight provided on the steady growth of yam trade from

the pre-colonial to the post-colonial period leaves nobody in doubt that yam economy for

long has been contributing immensely to the infrastructural development of the Tiv land. It

has equally been transforming from the food crop stage to both the food and cash crop of the

Tiv people.

On the whole, Dorward’s contribution to the present study in terms of flow of ideas,

knowledge on yam topic, critical appraisal of Tiv economic issues and provision of more

information are highly insightful. These insights have become the driving force for more

research works in the field of the development of Tiv-yam economy.

S.T. Yandev’s M.A. dissertation, titled “Yam Production and its Impact on the Tiv

Economy and Society, 1921-2000 A.D”49 discusses the economic impact of yam production

42
on Tiv Society. These impact include, social prestige and class, infrastructural facilities and

economic development which relate to the present study. His dissertation is an important

additional attempt to provide knowledge on the development of yam economy in Tiv land.

Yandev’s work correctly identifies that at present, the major centres of yam production in Tiv

land are in the North-eastern part of Tiv land comprising Logo, Ukum, and Katsina-Ala Local

Government Areas of Benue State and Bali, Takum, Wukari, Ibi as well as Gashaka Local

Government Areas of Taraba State, which tallied completely with the scope of the present

study. This view point is in agreement with Manyong and Oyewole (1997) “But in recent

time yam production has shifted to the Guinea and even Sudan savanna zones due to shortage

of arable land in the forest areas under increasing population pressure”.

Yandev also agrees that, high yield of yam used to qualify one for an enhanced social

status, and such farmers were knighted ashagbior and ashagba u kase (prestigious men and

women) in Tiv land. These were titles reserved for farmers with quantitative and qualitative

harvest of yams. His work is relevant to the present study in that, it serves as one of the pace

setters in making available yam production knowledge in written and documented form in

academics at a higher level. This has been done by enumerating certain impact of yam

economy in Tiv society of his study.

In as much as Yandev’s work is related to only the productive aspect of yam crop in

Tiv society, the present study significantly differs from his work in the following, various

perspectives. The present work being a doctorate degree thesis is larger, wider and deeper in

scope, especially in terms of date, area coverage and the intensity of research. Yandev’s

dissertation is centred on North-east and Central Tiv land, while the present thesis covers the

whole of Tiv land in Central Nigeria and beyond. Yandev’s study dates from 1921 to 2000

(79 years), while the present thesis covers a period from 1960-2000 (40 years).

Also, Yandev’s dissertation deals with yam production only and its economic impact

on the Tiv and in general terms, leaving out trade and certain key issues which would have

43
provided a holistic study on Tiv yam economy. The present study, on the other hand, being a

study with bias on economic history concentrates on the aspect of yam trade which provides a

critical, systematic and stage by stage examination of yam economy and focussed fully on

both ‘production’ and ‘trade’ of yam crop. It begins from the subsistence level in the pre-

colonial era through several transformational stages to the position of a key food and cash

crop during the colonial period to its present stage. Thus becoming an economic main-stay as

well as economic and socio-political transformer in Tiv land and beyond. In other words,

Yandev’s dissertation though on yam economy, it does not give an in depth analysis and

stage by stage development of the yam ‘trade’ in the transformation of Tiv socio-economic

and political developments, while the present study focuses on such developments, their

positive and negative impact in Tiv land.

While Yandev’s work simply mentioned the words ‘trade’ and ‘market’ for instance,

the present study indeptly conceptualises the two and applies them to the production

strategies and how they generated trade mechanism during and after the colonial Tiv land.

Because Yandev’s work is not conceptually and theoretically anchored or frame-worked on

any working theory or concept, it lacks practical application, clarity and definitions of key

terms generally. For instance, he remarks at one point in his work that “one is not unaware of

the negative attitude of the colonial government towards commodity trade or food sector”

which actually calls for definition and more clarification of the concepts of “commodity

production and trade”. This is completely lacking in his study. On the other hand, the present

study deals critically and detailedly with the issues.

Another point of departure of Yandev’s dissertation from the present thesis is his use

of sweeping and inaccurate expressions. When the tax system became very effective in Tiv

land at the tail end of the colonial period, benniseed production was equated with the major

source of raising money to pay taxes, known as kpandegh by the Tiv. Tiv farmers tended to

produce as much benniseed as yams on their farm lands. Both the first and second fallow

44
lands ‘akuul and tsa’ were jointly cultivated at once to enlarge the size of benniseed fields for

more production of it in a cropping season without interfering with increased yam production.

Yam crop was not a determinant of benniseed production. To ascertain the validity of this

ascertion from the oral source, three interviewees namely Ivokor Unongo50 Debo

Orakaa51and Demeor Aka,52confirmed that, benniseed planted on tsa land could yield more

than the one planted on akuul plots during the colonial period in Tiv land. This finding

confirms that in the present day situation, benniseed is mostly cultivated in the

Iharev/Nongov area of Guma Local Government Area on the tsa plots of land, gives credence

to the present view point. It is also doubtfull to accept that “yam is the only crop which

requires the edible parts as seed (for planting) to reproduce in a farming season of Tiv

agricultural system”. The reality of the situation on ground in Tiv land is almost a direct

opposite of what is quoted in the above. Apart from cassava (logo) and sweet potatoes,

atsaka, the rest of the crops cultivated in Tiv land, as elsewhere, since the pre-colonial time

till date require their edible parts as seeds for reproduction in the next season. Be it yam

seedlings, benniseeds, beans, soyabeans, millets, all others, except cassava and sweet

potatoes.

On the whole, Yandev’s dissertation gives the present study, a moral courage and

deep sense of commitment to do a thorough study on Tiv yam production and trade. The

present study will develop on this foundation to update the yam study for additional

knowledge specifically on yam production and trade (yam economy) in Tiv land from 1960-

2000.

Beyond Hate and Violence by Iyorwuese Hagher53 is another text for review in the

present context. The thrust of Hagher’s book is on despotic legacy of the colonial government

which resulted into a cumulative build-up against the Tiv ethnic group. These

institutionalized corruption, murder, injustice, hatred, theft and other vices eventually

degenerated into the Tiv massacre in Taraba, Nassarawa and Benue States in 2001.

45
 The central issues in Hagher’s book that relate to this review are many. First, he

decries the unfair balkanization of the Tiv people into other States within Central Nigeria by

both the colonial government and the present Nigerian government. This turned up to be the

major source of land (the major factor for yam production) conflicts between the Tiv and

their neighbours.

With a population of about 7.5million people, the Tiv

have been excluded from having a state they could call
their own. Worst of all, the balkanizations of the Tiv into
four States is seen as a punitive step by both the Tiv and
non-Tiv. 54

Secondly, Hagher’s work touches extensively on the labour-force of yam production

and the high magnitude of yam trade in Tiv land and beyond. He emphasises that, yam

production economically made the Tiv people better-off than their neighbours, who became

jealous of the Tiv economic prosperity on their own land. This brought about the main cause

of the 2001 Tiv massacre aimed at sending out and restricting all the Tiv people scattered and

farming yams in different States of Central Nigeria back to Benue State. The book further

states that, “by the end of 2001, over a million Tiv were displaced from Nassarawa and

Taraba States”.55

Thirdly, the aspects of yam production and trade in the study are touched in Hagher’s

work where many labour hands of yam production were destroyed and displaced. Yam trade

was badly deterred by the total burnt down of many of its markets especially the leading yam

market, Zaki-Biam in Tiv land. He asserted thus:

...the Nigerian Army have completely destroyed the

following towns and villages so far- Gbeji, Vaase, Anyiin,
Iorja, Ugba, Sankera, Zaki-Biam and Tse-Adoor in Logo,
Ukum and Katsina-Ala Local Government Areas. These
are 3 out of the 14 Local Government Areas in Tiv land of
Benue State.56

Importantly, Hagher deals with the issue of land crisis in his book, especially as it

culminated into the Tiv ethnic hatred degenerating into the 2001 massacre. This massacre

46
greatly affected yam production and trade in the whole country. More significantly, the Tiv

massacre of 2001 A.D. marked the beginning of the Tiv yam economic recession in Nigeria,

thereby recording the year 2000 A.D. as the terminal point of the first phase of Tiv yam

economic growth in this country. This importantly informed the choice of 2000 A.D. as the

upper time limit of the scope for the present study (1960-2000 A.D.). However, Hagher’s

views as expressed are from the point of view of being a judge in his own case and, therefore,

partly devoid of sound neutrality and objectivity where the present study requires a multi-

disciplinary approach for its usage.

2.3 Conceptual Clarification

The purpose of explaining concepts and theories at this stage is to devise a suitable

framework upon which all analysis and explanations on yam production and trade among the

Tiv of Central Nigeria are anchored. It is also to ensure that all analytical issues are

conceptualised in accordance with the contextual meaning of the study. The following

concepts are defined and explained taking into consideration their sequential relationships to

this study namely: the mode of production, the concept of trade and market, the theories of

commodity production, and vent for surplus.

2.3.1 The concept of mode of production

Mode of Production refers to the joint operation of the forces of production. The

materialist theory of history asserts that, “the manner in which human beings produce the

necessities of life determines the form of society in which they live” 57. These include human

labour, land and work implements on one hand, and on the other hand, social relations, the

issue of ownership of property, its transfer as well as the relationship between the producers

of labour and organizers of productive activities are implied. 58From the above quotation, Tiv

society when viewed in this light had a functional and organised mode of production hinged

on agricultural production. This was obtainable in every pre-industrial society with the

47
interactive factors like the organization of land, labour-force, working implements and a well

formed social relation all in place to facilitate this complex.

Land: In every agrarian society, land remains the most significant factor of production. With

the availability of land and sufficient rainfall, it is only required of such communities to

harness the technology of the hoe and cutlass. If such farming implements are made ready,

then human labour could equally be mobilized for utilization of land. This was practically the

case in Tiv society; as earlier said, there was a well conceptualised mode of production in

form of agricultural production and land was of great value to this society. The Ownership of

land was by birth as one could inherit farmland from parents or grandparents. In a situation

where the dead had no relative to inherit their plot of land, it automatically became a property

of the community.59 Land also served as a commodity in colonial times, even to post-colonial

era till date.

Labour: This is another very essential factor in the mode of production in which the family

formed the base of production in the pre-colonial Tiv society. The unit, which was made up

of the man (Orya), his wife or wives as the case may be, and children, all formed the working

unit or labour force. The family unit (Ya) in Tiv community is of great relevance as a socio-

political institution, just as they themselves in the economic aspect of the society. Any great

Ya or family must work hard to become economically viable and numerically relevant by

growth and expansion. The Orya in Tiv society is bestowed with the responsibility over the

agricultural production. He ensures compliance to the farm calendar with the advent of every

new raining season and also decides when to move to new farm land.

Social relations: In Tiv society, surplus farm outputs, such as yams, were exchanged by

women in their various homesteads for commodities, like salt and others, while men

exchanged prestigious commodities, such as brass rods and tugudu (a strip of cloth for cows

and horses). But gradually, the need for markets emerged as a resting day from tedious farm

activities. Thus, the compound markets emerged where men relaxed and drank tashi (alcohol)

48
and made economic exchanges with other people according to their needs. Social interaction

and contracting of marriages between men and women was the second reason for the

emergence of compound markets. Thirdly, women met at a more central location to acquire

salt and soup items.

With the inception of colonialism, the compound market evolved into neighbourhood

markets which were situated in more strategic locations. These markets were moved and

situated strategically under the full control of traditional chiefs. That explains why the entire

neighbourhood markets in the colonial era were named after traditional chiefs, who

controlled them “spiritually” and physically such as Zaki-Biam, Ayati, and Kyado markets in

Ukum Local Government Area, Ugba and Anyiin markets in Logo Local Government Area,

Ihugh and Agbo in Vandeikya Local Government Area among others. These markets in

strategic locations were also protected by non-aggression pacts such as killing or enslavement

and others. This shows that, there were social relations and exchange of goods and services in

the pre-colonial and colonial Tiv land. Trade is mentioned here but will be treated separately

in detail.

2.3.2 Trade and Market

Trade was an important concept in the pre-colonial Tiv society even till present day.

The concept of trade and market, is defined (Wikipedia) thus:

Trade is the transfer of ownership of goods and services

from one person or entity to another by getting something
in exchange from the buyer. Trade can be called
“commerce”, financial transaction or barter. While market
is the main concept that allows trade to exist.60

In the same vein, there is emphasis on the relationship between trade and market as defined

by Karl Polanyi etal, (1959):

49
 Inevitably, the market appears as the locus of exchange,
trade as the actual exchange, and money as the means of
exchange. Since trade is directed by prices and prices are
a function of the market, all trade is market trade, just as
all money is exchange money. The market is the
generating institution upon which trade and money are the
functions. 61

The most common medium of exchange in Tiv pre-colonial society was by barter as

goods and services were exchanged between both parties without the use of money. Trade in

Tiv land during the study period can be grouped into local trade and Long Distance.

The local trade involves the barter and exchange system carried out by local Tiv

people across their different locations. The external trade was carried out between Tiv people

and other neighbouring ethnic groups along border towns. Ethnic groups like the Hausa and

Bafun people from Cameroun, had traded with Tiv people by carrying about their wares from

compound markets or market centres to another like Kyado, Ugba, Abinsi, Ibi, and others in

the Northern Tiv land, while the Igbo and Idoma people traded with Tiv in markets like Tsar,

Obudu, Yela and others. As regards to items exchanged or bartered, Y. M. Ochefu, argued

that the inter-group economic relations and early European contacts also involved trade in

yams, benniseed, shea butter, salt, soup condiments, brass rods, while the other ethnic groups

from close by regions brought in ‘dansiki clothes’, weapons, gun powder, cows and horses62.

According to J.I Biam, in his study of “Yam Marketing in Tiv land” 63, suddenly there

arose the necessity to find a day of rest from the rigours of work leading to the introduction of

the fifth day rest and compound market system in Tiv land. The market was designed to serve

as a day of rest and economic exchange based on ones needs. It also became a meeting point

for social interaction and camaraderie where marriages and friendship were contracted and

consolidated. Women also used this avenue as a central point to purchase unlimited variety of

soup condiments as more persons brought their commodities for display and barter.

Other than the fact that these compound markets were economic avenues, they were

also social platforms and political centres where by fresh ideas could spread. It was in the

50
light of this that the colonial government created a larger platform by encouraging the

neighbourhood market system. These markets were located in more strategic and central

points that were accessible to all within a given locality. These markets (neighbourhood

markets) were under the purview of traditional chiefs who administered their operations and

collected tokens. For example, Ticha market (now Tsar) where Ikyaagba used to collect yams

as market dues in the 1950s in Vandeikya Local Government Area makes a good case study.

The neighbourhood markets became a point for information dissemination by colonial

administration, whereby colonial policies were announced, published and enforced.

Tiv land was also involved in both Long Distance trade or International Trade. This

type of trade became more prominent during the colonial era. Claude Ake (1981) views it as:

“A critical mechanism for the integration of African or colonial economies into the European

or the metropolitan capitalist system”. 64 With the advent of the imperialist system into Tiv

land, a systematic subjugation of the economic and political systems ensued. Tiv land, like

any other African group, was forced into imperialist control. This occurred at the point where

capitalism had generated a lot of momentum and was popular in practice. With capitalism

came industrialization, and with industrialization came an increased demand for raw

materials and even market outlets (vents) which were mostly lacking in Europe. Wealth

accumulation and profit maximization were the very impetus for trade expansion. This led to

the colonization process in African societies, including Tiv land.

An unequal trade justifying the tenets of the Vent-for-Surplus theory in the pre-

colonial and colonial periods was carried out whereby exchange was not on even terms.

Systematically, Tiv resources were exchanged for foreign goods that were not comparable in

quality and quantity. Imperial agents like John Holt, Julius Berger, the Niger Company, and

others, had brought simple and foreign commodities, like clothes, mirror, whisky, and dry gin

to exchange for local products like yams, benniseed, shea butter, groundnuts, palm oil, gum

and soya beans. These raw materials were loaded in tons and ferried through water channels

51
of Rivers Benue and Katsina-Ala to Europe, to feed the hungry industries of the capitalist

industrial complex.

The concept of trade can be applied to explain the phenomenon of Tiv-yam

production and trade from, 1960-2000 A.D. At the initial stage of the act of trade, when it

was referred to as a system of barter, Tiv people were exchanging yams for other valuable

goods, like salt for their survival. With the introduction of money capital into the Tiv

economy, the dual roles of yam commodity as use-value and surplus-value transformed the

crop significantly into food and cash crop, special commodity of the Tiv people during the

colonial epoch.

At the level of international trade, D.C. Doward established that, the completion of

the railway line in 1923 and Makurdi Bridge in 1932, boosted yam trade between the Tiv and

Igbo people in Nigeria. The increase of yam trade among the Tiv and Igbo brought more

economic benefits to Tiv land; transportation system, rural road network, location of yam

markets, and others65.

The concept of trade is also relevant to the present study for its provision of quite a lot

of insights into the new dimension of capital intrusion into Tiv land. This action affected yam

trade in Tiv land largely because it transformed the socio-economic life of the Tiv people in

Nigeria. Emphasis on the introduction of the capital factor into the explanation and its

application to Tiv-yam trade largely added impetus and repositioned the present study.

On this note, trade concept can be combined with other relevant concepts to

meaningfully conceptualise according to the context the present study, since its explanations

are specifically limited to aspect of the study in trade (yam trade) and the need to further

search for other concepts to fully explain the whole study.

2.4 Theoretical Framework

2.4.1 Commodity Production Theory

52
 Naturally, anything identified as a commodity has value to mankind. To graduate

from a single value to double value item, makes a product a commodity product. Lenin

defined “commodity product thus: a commodity is in the first place, a thing that satisfies a

human want; in the second place, it is a thing that can be exchanged for another thing”.66

At the stage of “commodity production” the item has both the use-value and exchange

value. Take for example, yam food is eaten to quench hunger and the hoe tool is used in its

cultivation. The issue of exchanging two separate commodities comes in because of one thing

they have in common. Thus, every commodity item is created by human labour. The

commodity, therefore, derives its value from the human labour dispensed for its production.

There must be a certain amount of human labour for every nature of commodity to become

fully a commodity product. All commodities, therefore possess value as a common

characteristic. The value of each commodity is, however, decided by the amount of labour-

time socially dispensed for its production. Ideally, exchanging commodities based on their

values, human beings simply exchange their own labour results. This once led Karl Marx

(Nan Ching) to state that: “a commodity is not just a material thing but a definite social

relation between people concealed beneath a material wrapping”.67

The history of commodity production, which means commodity for exchange, became

known at a certain stage of human development in life. This was when social productive

forces had emerged with social division of labour and conditions for commodity exchange,

thereby leading to private ownership well after the primitive stage of human development.

Over time, commodity production appears in three distinct forms: simple commodity

production, the capitalist mode of commodity production and the socialist type of commodity

production.

2.4.2 Simple commodity production

Essentially, the capitalist mode of commodity production can be referred to as the end

product of simple commodity: the foundation for simple commodity production was the

53
individual private ownership of the means of production and individual labour; for instance,

the individual Tiv farmers and artisans during the pre-colonial era. There were different

conditions and labour times spent for the production of one similar kind of commodity, yam.

Yam commodity was sold at the same price in the same markets, like Ibi, Zaki-Biam, Gboko,

Abintse, and many others. Eventually, a small group of yam sellers earned plenty of yams

and money, which were transferred into capital, while a good number of other Tiv yam

sellers could not make it and went poor. The poor group had to sell their labour power to

sustain life. During the colonial period, these conditions in Tiv land were transformed and

necessitated the rise of the capitalist mode of production, especially, the capitalist relations of

production. This led to the emergence of the capitalist mode of production in Tiv land 68

2.4.3 Capitalist mode of production

The capitalist mode of commodity production is a situation where the capitalists

command the means of production and put them into use for exploiting wage labour to get

surplus-value. This explains why Lenin referred to the development of commodity production

as “Capitalism, the highest stage of imperialism or exploitation”69. Under this mode of

production, the general products of labour take the form of commodities where labour power

becomes commodity (sold). This system of production creates the economic relations

between the exploiters, who are the capitalist, and the exploited, who are the labourers

(workers). The end result is that, the system of production makes it possible for owners of the

capital to acquire (amass) great wealth, while the workers get poorer day in day out. The

difference between these modes of production is that while the socialist mode of production

involves the whole people and collective ownership, the capitalist mode is about individual

ownership and capital accumulation.

Equipped with a good understanding of how the capitalist mode of production relates

to commodity production, Claude Ake also defined the theory of commodity production thus:

The capitalist mode of production is one in which capital

has penetrated and taken over production. That means that

54
 production is geared to sale, and thus becomes commodity
production. A commodity is a production made expressly
for sale.70

Ake, further emphasised that, a commodity product is made with the cardinal purpose

for sale, the main purpose of producing a commodity becomes mainly that of generating

money through sales (wealth generation). That is, the process of production at this stage

employs capital and is directed exclusively toward the creation of more wealth, where it

becomes a commodity product. Capital at this stage becomes any value or economic asset

which is used to generate more wealth or surplus-value. It is either in assets form or money

and becomes transferable into goods and services for profitable sales. When it is loaned at

interest rates, it becomes capital. When it is used to build a house to rent out for profit

generating more money, it remains capital. Capital in itself acts as a process of self-

augmentation, but not when used for building a house for self-use.

The theory of commodity production has to be related to an economic historical study

of yam production and trade among the Tiv people of Central Nigeria from 1900-2000. In

doing so, one agrees with Varvar 71 that, commodization of the yam crop was encouraged by

the colonial government in Tiv land through her economic transformation policies, like cash

crop production, monetization and taxation. These economic policies encouraged more Tiv

people to cultivate more land to produce more crops to satisfy the commercial needs of the

colonial government, thereby getting more and more involved into the international capitalist

system.

During the post-colonial era in Tiv land, both the development of the oil sector

economy and the Nigerian civil war of 1967-1970 coupled with the improved infrastructural

facilities drastically enhanced the process of transforming the yam crop. Yam crop was

transformed from a mere staple food to a commodity product and to an immense commercial

value at the level of micro economy of the Tiv people. Yam production was increased to

provide food to the increased population of the working class in our urban settlements like in

55
Port-Harcourt, working in the oil sector of the Nigerian economy. So also, yam production

was increased to meet up with the ever demanding challenges to feed soldiers and victims of

the civil war after the war. The improved infrastructural facilities and transport system

combined with all this led to what Varvar further referred to as “trade complex based on the

exportation of foodstuff particularly yams”.60 Really, this relationship between the present

study and the theory of commodity production makes the theory suitably qualified to

constitute the theoretical framework for the study.

Finally, the theory of commodity production as defined and sufficiently explained in

the above, presents better and sound explanations, specially on ‘production’ of the historical

phenomenon of yam production and trade in the study area, more so that it will be

supplemented with vent-for-surplus theory to framework the aspect of trade and market in the

study. The theory also explains how yam was produced as a simple commodity and later

transferred to the capitalist production exhaustively explaining the inter-relationship between

yam production and it’s trade in Tiv land. It is, therefore, chosen as a theoretical framework

for the study of yam production and trade in the study area, 1960-2000A.D.

2.5 Vent-for –surplus theory

The theory of vent-for-surplus was propounded by Adam Smith in 1776 and later in

1958 was revised by Hla Myint. Adam Smith defined it thus:

Between whatever places foreign trade is carried, they all

of them derive two distinct benefits from it. It carries out
that, surplus part of the produce of their land and labour
for which there is no demand among them, and brings
back in return for it something else for which there is a
demand. It gives a value of their superfluities, by
exchanging them for something which may satisfy a part
of their wants, and increase their enjoyments... 72

According to the above definition, with trade in place, the narrowness of the home market

does not hinder the division of labour in any particular branch of manufacturing (production)

from being carried to the highest perfection. The opening up of a more extensive market for

whatever part of the produce of their labour may exceed the in-house consumption. Trade,

56
thus, encourages improving its productive powers and to augment its annual produce and

increase the real revenue and wealth of the trade societies. Essentially, the central argument

in the Vent-for-Surplus theory as reviewed by Myint is to provide a suitable explanatory

model on how the colonised States of Africa, Latin America, Asia and other underdeveloped

nations would partake in foreign trade for mutual benefits and economic developments.

Smith explained that, foreign trade exports out that surplus part of the produce of their

trading countries-(land and labour) for which there is no demand among them. This clearly

explains that a country or commodity, especially in a developing nation like Nigeria and Tiv

community may be able to gain from the international trade by exporting the products of

factors like land, labour, raw materials, and many others that would not have been employed

at all without trade.

In summary, the explanation and application of the Vent-for-Surplus Model, M.O.

Odey in his book, The Development of Cash Crop Economy in Nigeria’s Lower Benue

Province, 1910-1960 articulates five notable points on the revised version of the Vent-For-

Surplus Model.73 These key points are self-explanatory and applicable to the present study.

The first point explains that, during the 19th century, economies in the colonial

territories were isolated and subsistent for lack of both transportation and communication

systems and the unaffordable costs before the inception of the international trade. The

inception of the international trade, resolved all of this.

Two, these isolated or closed economies in the colonial African States, prior to the

international trade had the underutilized potential surplus capacity for output (Vent). This

was as a result of the underdevelopment condition or non-use of certain factors of production

in their home territories. On this very point, Hla Myint argued, that where land as a factor of

production existed in surplus and labour factor relatively scarce, it was the labour supply that

became the problem to the increased production. Even if the land factor all of a sudden

matches with the surplus labour, the labour factor would still remain “unproductive” for

57
reasons of economic backwardness in the colonial communities, like the lack of demand in

Tiv land of Nigeria.

Thirdly, “narrowness of home markets” was a derivative of the absence of productive

capacity and isolation of economies in the African colonies. Any increased development in

both transportation and communication system would accelerate international trade or

guarantee the necessity for such facilities in the colonies. On this point, Myint argued that it

must not necessarily be explained by the concept of comparative cost (theory).

The fourth point also clarifies that the Vent-For-Surplus Model relies solely on the

international trade for the provision of a “Vent” or an effective demand for export

commodities of the affected communities in the colonies, like the Tiv community in central

Nigeria, under the then British Colony. Any increase in demand for raw materials in the

colonial Tiv land which the British industries needed direly was the primary drive that

brought the colonial resources into production. It must not so much be “their reallocation” of

which, without the existence of the trade they would still have remained unused.

Finally, the model explains that small scale producers in the colonial African

societies, like the Tiv, were encouraged to take active part in the export trade by the presence

of the finished goods imported to them from abroad. This was their major source of incentive

for increased capacity in form of “the energy and thought of the natives”74

The application of the five articulations of the Vent-For-Surplus Model to Tiv-yam

development phenomenon is visibly seen at a stage of affecting an outlet for surplus

productive capacity and labour. At the time Tiv youths were sent to Jos for mining and

abroad for soldiering, the money in exchange was brought back to Tiv land for development.

Export expansion in labour-intensive manufacturing industries of Britain also promoted the

growth of industrial output and transfer of large volumes of surplus labour from the

agricultural sector to the non-agricultural sector, like the construction of railways (Adogon),

hospitals, bridges, tin mining (Kwaza), and others. All these put together contributed to

improve transportation system, urbanization and road network in the colonial Tiv land.

58
 In fact, an important feature of the theory is that all developing countries possessed

“surplus productive capacity” left unexploited because of the poor state of internal economic

organisation and low domestic demand. The function of trade in this inelastic situation

becomes that of providing new effective demands for the output of surplus resources as

against the comparative advantage theory of reallocation of resources. In short, such surplus

capacities by this process became export materials.

In this case, the Vent-for Surplus model applies to the present study when the surplus

productive capacity of yams, benniseed, groundnuts and others existed above domestic

consumption demand that remained unexploited before its exposure to the international

trading opportunities. Access to the British international markets served as increased

consumption demand markets and inducement to employ the underutilized productive

capacity of the Tiv people. Vent-For-Surplus model impacts greatly on the total growth in

staple production, invaluably impacting on the Tiv rural welfare generally. For instance,

during the pre-colonial era, commercial production of yam crop at the international level was

largely limited to coastal areas of water ways like Rivers Benue and Katsina-Ala. Alexander

Boyd confirmed that before the opening up of Tiv land, yam trade between the Tiv farmers

and foreign firms was restricted at the banks of River Benue. 75 This goes to further prove that

lack of rural roads was a severe constraint to the expansion of commercial yam production in

the pre-colonial Tiv land, more so that yam crop is a perishable commodity and very heavy to

carry about frequently for long distant trading purposes.

The development and expansion of commercial yam trade was a result of mobilizing

new resources that previously were absent with little economic value, like roads, and railway,

transport system(s) and many others. On the whole, the most dynamic feature of Vent-for-

Surplus model in relation to Tiv-yam production is the presence of underemployed resources

prior to their under-utilization in export production, like surplus labour force and of course

land for yam cultivation, apart from disposing yam surpluses. By implication, the expansion

of international trade in Tiv area implied that substantial improvements were made in

59
economic organisation and human capital, for instance, proper and effective utilization of

fertile land and human labour force for yam cultivation in Tiv land.

On the whole, the theory of Vent-for-Surplus emphasises its application on colonial

economies with little consideration on cost benefits and comparative advantage aspects. In as

much as the theory can strengthen the trade in yam aspect of the present study, it cannot

suitably, explicitly and sufficiently serve as a theoretical framework for the entire study for

its insufficient explanations for cost benefits and comparative advantages of the individual

trading communities involved in the production aspect of the yam study.

2.6 Conclusion

This chapter has reviewed literature that is relevant to the subject matter. The review

also generated information that this study would build on. Information, such as the economic

structure of the Tiv, the origin of yam production and trade. In as much as the reviews

provided useful information for the development of this present study, all of them had

lucunas in situating specifically in the current study. The lucunas were found most in the

areas of the scope of the study, both in terms of its geographical and time frames. The works

also did not meet the aim and objectives of this present study. Consequently, the knowledge

which this present study generates upon conclusion would only be close to the previous

knowledge generated by the previous literature on yam production and trade in the study area

or elsewhere, but would not be the same.

The chapter attempts at providing a theoretical tool to be used in analysing yam

production and trade in Tiv land between 1960 and 2000. It argues that the Vent-for-Surplus

theory in most suitable in analysing yam trade, however, it cannot sufficiently serve in

explaining yam production in Tiv land during the period due to its inadequate explanations

for the productive and comparative advantage aspects of the yam study. Therefore, the two

theories of commodity production and the vent-for-surplus are found to be most suitable to

framework and anchor the present study.

60
 Endnotes
1. 1315-Benue Province-History of Tiv from 1926-1935.

2. R. East.(ed.), Akiga’s Story, Ibadan, Nigeria, Caltrop Publications, 2013

3. Paul Bohannan, The Tiv of Central Nigeria. London, 1953

4. Eugene Rubingh, Sons of Tiv, Michigan, Baker Book House Company, 1969

5. M. Jibo, Tiv politics since 1959, Kaduna Nigeria 1993

6. T. Makar, The History of Political Change Among the Tiv in the 19th and 20th

Centuries, Enugu, Fourth Dimension, 1994.

7. G.N. Hembe, The Dilemma of Ethnic Minority Politics in Nigeria. Makurdi, Aboki

Publishers, 2003

8. AR/ANT/T/15-History of Tiv Tribe by Akiga of the DNCM.

61
9. R. East, Akiga’s Story, P.87

10. J.S. Yakubu, Mbaheberu man Tiv, Kaduna, Nigeria. Lamp and Word Books, Baraka

Press, 1995

11. J.T. Gbor, Mdugh man Mnyer u Tiv ken Benue, Kaduna Lamp and Word Books,

Baraka Press 1991

12 J.T. Gbor, Chaka Tor u Mbazulu, Kaduna Lamp and Word Books, Baraka Press 1993

13. R. East, (ed) Akiga’s Story P.39

14. R. East, (ed) Akiga’s Story, P.14

15. Tseror, T. Tiv and Their Neighbours, Jos, Nigeria, 1992.

16. 1315-benue Province-History of Tiv from 1926-19135

17. Ivokor Unongo elder and traditional Chief, 89 years of Gbajimba, Guma LGA 20/8/12

18. AR/ANT/T/4-Tribal and Social Organisation of the Tiv Tribe

19. S.F. Wegh, Between Continuity and Change:Tiv Concept of Tradition and Modernity,

Makurdi, Onavi Press 1998, P.29

20. G.T. Gwebe, elder and farmer, 70 years old at Zaki-Biam on the 30/9/2011.

21. Elizabeth Isichie, A History of Nigeria. New York, Longman, 1983

22. T. Makar, The History of Political Change... P.87

23. T. Makar, The History of Political Change... P.103

24. O.N. Njoku, Economic History of Nigeria 19th&20th Centuries, Enugu 2001, p.20

25. Report of Food and Agricultural Organization, 2010.

26. G.W.G Briggs, “Crop Yield and Food requirements in Tiv Division, Benue Province,

Nigeria” in Farm and Forests, V.1944, Pp.17-23

27. T. A. Varvar, “The Impact of Colonial Economy on Yam Production in Tiv land,

1900-1960,” Journal of Historical Society of Nigeria Vol.17. 2007/2008, Pp.17-27

28. Paul Bohannan, Tiv Farm and Settlement London, 1954, P.1

29. Paul Bohannan, Tiv Farm and Settlement... P.1

62
30. T. A. Varvar, “The Impact of Colonial Economy... P.17”

31. T. A. Varvar, “The Impact of Colonial Economy... P.18”

32. T. A. Varvar, “The Impact of Colonial Economy... P.21”

33. NAK/MINAGRIC/12805/Vol.1-Famine Relief, ip30.

34. NAK/MINAGRIC/34883-Yam and Yam Flour. Control of Movement 1942-1949

35. Regina H.Y. Fu, Hidehiko Kikuno & Makoto Maruyama “Research on Yam

Production, Marketing and Consumption of Nupe farmers of Niger State, Central

Nigeria”-African Journal of Agricultural Research, Vol.6(23), (2011) Pp.301-313

36. Regina H.Y. Fu et’al, “Research on Yam... P.305”

37. Regina H.Y. Fu et’al, “Research on Yam... P.308”

38. M.O. Odey, “Igede Agba Celebration as an Aspect of Igede Cultural

Renaissance” in Africa Journal of Economy and Society. Vol. II, No.1. 2011 p78 – 40

39. Mathew Armah, Commercial seed Yam Production- A publication of

Millennium Development Authority Ghana, marmah@mida.gov.ng

www.mida.gov.ng

40. Mathew Armah, Commercial seed Yam... P.8

41. Laura & Paul Bohannan, Tiv Economy, Longman, London 1968

42. O.N. Njoku, Economic History of Nigeria 19th and 20th Centuries, Enugu, 2001.

43. O.N. Njoku, Economic History of Nigeria... P.10

44. O.N. Njoku, Economic History of Nigeria... P.20

45. O.N. Njoku, Economic History of Nigeria... P.17

46. O.N. Njoku, Economic History of Nigeria... P.163

47. K. Agber, “The Tiv Economy in the Colonial Era” in A.A. Idrees & Y.A Ochefu

(Eds.) Studies in the History of Central Nigeria Area Vol.I, Lagos: GSS Ltd, 2002.

Pp.387-398

63
48. D.C. Dorward, “An Unknown Nigerian Export: Tiv Benniseed Production

1900-1960,” Journal of African History XVI, 1975. Pp.431-459

49. S.T Yandev, “Yam Production and its impact on the Tiv Economy and Society, 1929-

2000 A.D” Unpublished, M.A Dissertation, BSU Makurdi, 2007.

50. Ivokor Unongo, at Gbajimba on 20/08/2012

51. Debo Orakaa, at Aliade on 25/03//2014

52. Demeor Aka, at Agyaragu on 17/03/2014

53. Iyorwuese Hagher, Beyond Hate and Violence: Understanding the Tiv Struggle for

Citizenship Rights and Social Justice in Nigeria, Caltop Publication Ltd. Ibadan, 2002

54 Iyorwuese Hagher, Beyond Hate... Pp.181-187

55. Iyorwuese Hagher, Beyond Hate... P.188

56 Karl Marx, Wages, prices and Profits, Moscow Progress Publishers 1944. P.24

57. Karl Marx (1944), P.59

58. S.F. Wegh, Between Continuity and Change...p.43

59. Google. Trade and Market concepts- www.en.wikipedia

60. Karl Polanyi, et’al, (Eds.), Trade and Market in the Early Empires Gateay Edition.

Henry Regnery Company, 1957. P.256

61. Y.A Ochefu “Inter-group Economic Relations and Early European contact in the

Lower Benue Valley” in A. A. Idrees, etal studies in the History of Central Nigeria

Area Vol. 1 published in 2001 pp475-490

62. D.C. Dorward, An Unknown Nigerian Export: “Tiv Benniseed Production” in Journal

of Africa History XVI, (1975) pp431-459 esp. 433.

63. Claude Ake, in G.A Agu, The Political Economy of Development in Africa, Destiny

Ventures, Makurdi 1993 P.55

64. Lenin in Nan Ching, “What is Commodity Production” Peking Review No.22, May

30th, 1975. Pp.11-12

64
65. Karl Marx, cited in Nan Ching, Peking review #22, May 30th, 1975. P.11

66. Karl Marx cited in Nan Ching, Peking review #22, May 30th, 1975. P.11

67. Claude Ake, in G.A. Agu The Political Economy...P.16

68. T.A. Varvar, “The Commoditization of Yam and its Role in the Expansion of Tiv

Rural Migrant Communities 1960-2000”.Unpublished Seminar Presentation series,

History department, BSU, Makurdi, 1-3-2006. Pp.1-18.

69. T.A. Varvar, “The Commoditization of Yam...” 2006. Pp.1-18.

70. A. Smith, in Xiaoan FU & V.N. Balasubramanyam, “Exports, FDI, Growth of small

Rural Enterprises & Employment in China” Working paper, No.286.2004 p.1

71. M.O. Odey, The Development of Cash Crop Economy in Nigeria’s Lower Benue

province, 1910-1960. Aboki Publishers, Makurdi, 2009 pP.27-28

72. M. O. Odey, The Development of Cash...pp.29

73. Alexander Boyd, in D.C. Dorward, “An Unknown Nigerian Export: Tiv Benniseed

Production 1900-1960” Journal of African History XVI, 1975. P.433.

CHAPTER THREE

PRE-COLONIAL ECONOMIC STRUCTURE OF THE TIV SOCIETY

3.1 Introduction

According to Claude Ake, what makes the economic structure outstanding among

others such as the political system, belief systems, social systems, and others in human

societies world wide is it’s ability to influence the characters of the other structures 1. With the

background knowledge of the economy of a society, the general characters of other structures

such as the social system, belief systems, political system and others in such a society are also

attained. This goes to explain why it is generally agreed that the economic structure of any

65
given society automatically forms the foundation upon which the rest of the structures are

built.

Certain economic elements therefore determine causation in the historical events of

the human societies. For the better understanding of the key economic terms of ‘production’

and ‘trade’ as well as how they later factored, the development of yam economy during the

colonial and post colonial periods in Tiv land, this chapter provides the necessary background

knowledge. The chapter will further attempt to relate production and trade to the agricultural

production, especially yam crop production, identifying briefly and linking it to other sectors

of production in the pre-colonial Tiv land. All these sectors combined to provide the

foundation upon which yam production and trade sprang up in the pre-colonial era among the

Tiv people and continued to grow till date in Tiv society. How yam production and trade

continued to influence the development of yam economy from the pre-colonial period to date

on Tiv land and what circumstances facilitated or impeded the development of yam economy

will be covered. Subsequently, the origin and development of the key terms, “production”

and “trade” as well as their fusion into a single eventfull phenomenon of producing yams

purposely for trade in Tiv land will be traced and narrated to present the roots and direction

of the present study. All these and many other related issues will be further stressed to give

credence to analysis on the historical phenomenon of yam production and trade in the

subsequent chapters of the study.

Tiv economy in the pre-colonial period is said to be broadly divided into the

agricultural sector, which involved farming, fishing, hunting, livestock keeping and the crafts

sectors. All these sectors combined significantly to the development and expansion of yam

economy in Tiv land and will be briefly analysed in this chapter. Agricultural production,

however, was the main economic activity especially in the pre-colonial Tiv society.

3.2 Organization; Land; Labour & Tools.

66
 The pre-colonial socio-economic organizations in the pre-colonial society of the

people were influentially centered on Tiv land, which equally served as the main factor for

agricultural production. As an agrarian community, the pre-colonial people considered land

as the most dependable source of livelihood. According to Wegh, 2 Tiv who are said to have

originated from one progenitor, known as Tiv, from where they derived the name of their

ethnic group and their language, do not consider their land as mere track of the earth on

which they live. To them, Tiv land is a hereditary commodity from their great grand fathers

and it remains up to date sacred in their society. According to their oral traditions, it really

took their fathers a lot of hardship and agonies to acquire and preserve the land for them and

their incoming generations exclusively. Tiv land is exclusively for them and is always

referred to as the Tiv land, Tar Tiv. The pains, fatigues, stress, wars, long treks and ritual

sacrifices to appease spiritual fathers of the world for protection as well as fertility of their

great grand fathers provided them with enough justification not to sell their land; but could go

extra miles to guard and protect it against any encroachment, confiscation and any other

means of deprivation from its use.

Accordingly, arrangements of the Tiv traditional settlement patterns were said to be

based on land allocation and accommodation of all their closely related kinship groups. This

was in accordance with the genealogical spread of their respective domains within Tiv land,

Tar Tiv. The Kinship groups were ranging from the smallest nucleus compound level called

‘ya’ and Tiv, headed by the compound head, ‘orya’, upwards to the kindred level, or ‘iye-

ingyor’ level, headed by the eldest person in each of the kindred as leaders of the kindred

levels to the district level, called ‘ityo’ to the last level of Tiv land, ‘Tar Tiv.’ The various

compounds based on family groups from one kindred were located near each other on one

particular territorial area next to the other kinship kindreds. Under this arrangement, all

kindreds of one territorial zone were of the same genealogy and belonged to one district and

the territorial land coverage belonged to ‘ityo’ or the entire district. Every married male adult

67
had his own share of the ‘ityo’ land. All the districts located, district by district across the

territorial land coverage of the Tiv area, called the Tiv land and exclusively belonged to the

entire Tiv living on earth where they draw their legitimacy and allegiance.

During our subsequent interviews, elder, G.T. Gwebe revealed that the significance of

this traditional settlement pattern in relation to the pre-colonial society was that quite alot of

gaps or land areas were created in between one compound and another 3. Then, between one

kindred and another, so was it between one district and another and even between the Tiv

land and the land of their neighbours. The economic wisdom in creating all these gaps was to

allow for the expansion of yam farms and other crops as well as grazing or rearing of the

domestic animals. The essence was also to avoid communal conflicts over farm or grazing

land. The gaps were also used to provide temporary settlement land for strangers and

‘anigbiaav’ in Tiv land.

Land:

Agricultural production naturally depends on land, labour and farming tools such as

hoes and cutlass in the pre-colonial period. During the pre-colonial period, the combination

of these factors sustained and nurtured agricultural production to a high level of providing

food and other utility needs of Tiv people before the colonial intervention on their land. As

earlier mentioned under this chapter, traditional Tiv people rated land so high and over

valued it because of the agrarian nature of their survival which over depended on land as the

main source of their livelihood. With the availability of fertile land at their disposal in the

pre-colonial time, Tiv people needed labour force and farm tools to effect the production of

their valuable crops for living.

Labour:

Essentially, it is human labour that ultimately makes nature very bearable for human

existence and the provision of his needs. According to C. Ake 4 for instance, it is only with

human labour or work that the fish in the water becomes nourishment in the body, grass and

68
wool become clothing for prevention of cold and bring about beauty, yams becoming a

veritable source of food and wealth. Education wise, a student who does not read hard would

not pass his examination. This further suggests that labour or work should be rated higher

than any other means to provide for other socio-economic means of living. Labour to a large

extent does everything about the man’s material existence. Through the functions of labour,

man also creates his ways of life, history and even his consciousness for living in this world.

On this note, it is generally agreed that “man is as he works”. 5 On the whole, with the

availability of the natural land and possession of human labour, the pre-colonial Tiv people

needed their ingenuity to invent the farming tools to complete the process of crops production

for survival in their traditional society. Bohannan once remarked that Tiv say work is a good

thing and spur one another to work with a chant that is a work a bad thing? No! Work won’t

kill a man. He further agreed that Tiv work hard and that hoeing fields is the most important

work of the Tiv.

Tools of land cultivation (farming):

After the stage of securing land and being in possession of their labour to farm their

crops, farming implements were required to complete the process of cultivating land for crops

production. It was the necessity to create tools for farming that spured or incited the

ingenious power of the pre-colonial people to invent the hoes and cutlass as traditional

farming tools in the pre-colonial period. As already mentioned, crafts work, was another

economic activity in Tiv land during the pre-colonial era. They engaged in wood work,

blacksmith industry and textile production. The products that emerged from these activities

included hoes, machetes, axes and other were the main tools of farming crops. Other products

such as furniture, utensils like spoons, knives and others were put to household use as

well as items of trade. In fact, hoes machetes, axes, knives bows, arrows, canoes and others

remained up to date the tools for farming, hunting, wars, fishing and yam production in Tiv

land. It is important to also mention here in passing that another aspect of Tiv pre-colonial

69
economy was quarrying which involved quarrying of clay for the production of earthen items,

such as pots, grinding stones and other implements. With the invention of the farming tools,

all the three requirements for crops production were met and it began in earnest on the pre-

colonial Tiv land.

3.3 The Origin of Yam Production.

Yam a food crop and to a certain extent, cash crop belongs to annual root tuber-

bearing plants or root crop species, botanically referred to as dioscorea spp. It is a valuable

tuber crop in the tropics, with more than 600 species out of which ten species produce edible

tubers and only six are cultivated in Africa.6 The most common species widely grown in

West Africa include: white yam (Dioscorea rotundata), water yam (Dioscorea alata), and

yellow yam (Dioscorea Cayenensis). As earlier stated, West Africa is the highest yam

producing Zone in the world (75% cultivation) and Nigeria is the highest yam producing

country in West Africa.7 In Nigeria, Benue State, with an average land area of 226,000

hectares, produces 2.8million tons as the leading producer with the highest amount of yams

produced from Tivland.8

Historically, there are arguments about the true origin of yam in the world. The main

argument unfolds two perspectives. The first perspective is the one spearheaded by Gordon

Childe.9 This perspective strongly speculates that, based on the hypothesis of crop diffusion,

yam crop first originated from the Far East and gradually diffused to other parts of the world.

The second perspective on the origin of yam is championed by Coursey10, Chevalier11,

Burkill12, Akiga13, Isichie14 and others. This perspective argued that yam crop is indigenous

to West Africa, based on archaeological findings, dated back to 500B.C. in the early Iron-Age

period. These renowned botanists, agriculturalists and historians have all agreed that the most

important edible species of yam, botanically called Dioscorea Rotundata and Dioscorea

Cayenensis, are indigenous to West Africa.15 Coursey, once, emphasised in all probability

that the cultivation of these two species is very ancient and played an important role in the

development of the entire agricultural system in the sub-Saharan Africa. He notably recalled

70
two food plants of the ancient production that are up to date most predominantly produced in

Ghana and Nigeria namely, yam (Dioscorea rotundata) and oil palm (elaeisguineensis jacq)

Isichie also corroborated that, the Nigerian yam probably originated from the Niger Bend

Cradle of the West African Yam Zone.

Based on the report of Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO) of 2003, yams are

produced on 5 million hectares in about 47 countries of the world. In 2005, world production

was 48.7 million tonnes with African continent accounting for 94 percent. In Africa, Nigeria

is the leading producer of yams with 31,136,000 tons in 2007. But Ghana leads Africa in yam

export, while Benin Republic has the highest average yam consumption per capita followed

by Cote d’ Ivoire. In Nigeria too, yam consumption has been on increase hitting 9,211,400

metric tons in 2003. ( FAO Website; http://www.iita.org/cms/details/research-summary.aspx?

Articleid=268 & zoneeid=63)

Accordingly, in Nigeria, major yam producing states are Benue, Kwara, Niger, Ondo,

Ogun, Ebonyi, Delta, Plateau, Taraba, Abuja and Nassarawa, which now exports ‘pepa’ yam

to Europe.

That Benue State is the largest yam producing state in Nigeria (Umar et al, 2008) with

an average annual production of 2.87 million tons from about 226,000 hectares of land. In

Benue State Ukum is the highest yam producing Local Government Area (LGA) followed by

Katsina-Ala and Logo LGAs, which make up the present Sankera geo-political area of the

North Eastern Tiv land.

According to Akiga16, yam production discovery was indigenous to Tiv land in

ancient time through an orphan in a nearby forest. Even though grain crops, like beans,
guinea-corn, millet, and other crops, were already in the Tiv agricultural productive system;
yam overran them in terms of production. This was initially attributed to the favourable
disposition of the yam food to Tiv people and their labour system for crop cultivation
followed by the availability of fertile farmland at their disposal in the Central part of Nigeria.
With time, yam crop was transformed into a valuable commodity for trade. These
perspectives on the origin of yam provide valid historical evidence; more so that the available

71
facts so far suggest that yam cultivation has been with the Tiv right from the time of their
earliest known history. This made its production to steadily expand from the pre-colonial
through colonial to post-colonial era. According to Njoku and Yandev, Tiv land is the highest
producer of yam in Nigeria as indicated on the map showing Tiv land in Benue State of
Nigeria 17
MAP III: The Map of West Africa, showing Yam Belt and the location of Tiv land
within the Yam Belt.

10
10
SENEGAL NI G E R
GAMBIA Lake Chad

MALI BURKINAFASO
GUINEA BUSSAU

GUINEA
0 BENIN 0
NIGERIA
N SIERRA LEONE

GHANA
IVORY COAST

LIBERIA
Core Yam Belt
CAMEROON

Tivland
A T L A N T I CO C E A N
River Kilometer
National Boundary
10 0 0150300450 10

Source:D.G. Coursey (1966), p.38

MAP IV: The Political Map of Benue State highlighting Tiv land.

72
 10 0 0 E

N AS AR AW A S TATE 8 08

G UM A TAR AB A S TATE
AGATU
LO G O
UKUM
GWERWEST TA R KA

GWER G BO K O
OTUKPO
K O G I S TA TE OHIMINI
U SH O N G O

OBI

KWANDE
ADO O JU

EB O N Y I S TA TE

KEY
T IV LA N D
NO N-T IV LA ND
S AN KE R A G E O -PO LIT IC AL AR E A S T AT E BO U N D AR Y
N C R O S S R IV E R S TA TE

015303540 KM
Source: Bureau of Land and Survey, Makurdi, 2013

7 45 Essentially, crop production especially yam was the the main economic activity1 0in0the
0

pre-colonial Tiv land. It involved the production of a wide range of produce such as cotton,

guinea corn, beans, millet, maize, benniseed and a host of others as well as different varieties

of yams (iyough) such as anumbe, angawa, agbo, and others. All these crops were produced

for family consumption and surpluses for exchange by barter for other goods and services.

Tiv crops were yearly cultivated in accordance with the traditional farming calendar of crop

rotation of the people.

As earlier stated, before the arrival of yam, there were already other crops such as

millet, beans guinea-corn, benniseed, maize and others in the traditional agricultural farming

system of the Tiv people. The inception of yam into their agricultural system brought about

changes into their traditional system of farming. This was as a result of the accidental

73
discovery of the yam crop from a nearby forest by a desperate orphan who went into the

nearby forest desperately in search of food during the famine period. With the inception of

yam into the Tiv traditional farming season it tookover the leading role of rotational crops

cultivation cycle. With the leading role, yam could determine the space and amount of all the

crops that would be cultivated after it in a cropping annually season. Playing the leading role,

yam was placed in a first position order to benefit from the soil fertility of the plot before

other subsequent crops to be planted later on that same piece of land. As a first beneficial of

the soil fertility, it was produced in big tubers as well as in large quantities because of the

large space of land occupied in preparation to accommodate other subsequent crops to be

planted.

The researchers’ curiosity to know why yam which arrived late into the Tiv traditional

farming system over ran the other crops, a face to face verbal interview was conducted

among yam farmers in the North-Eastern part of the Tiv land. They included Abeega

Akawe18 from Anyiin town, Andrew Daka19 from Ater-Ayange village, Azor Akombo20 from

Vaase settlement, and Gbakaan Ashe21 from Kyado town and many others. All of them

agreed in separate interviews that yam is the most preferred food crop of the Tiv people that

suits the dietary nature of their food consumption. According to these farmers in their

separate interviews, till date, what keeps them healthier and stronger during the yam farming

seasons is the nourishing and energizing nature of the yam food that is served to them, three

times a day in different forms. Boiled yams with fried/pestled benniseed in the morning on

the farm, pounded yams with ‘egusi’ and other soups in the afternoon on the farm and light

pounded yams with vegetable soup in the evening before going to bed for the next days

farming.

These revelations from the farmers, suggest that yam crop had the most favourable

disposition food consumption among the Tiv people than other crops from the pre-colonial

time till date. There is further indications to support idea that yam crop despite its late arrival

in the agricultural farming system, became their most favourable crop because of its suitable

74
dietary fitting to traditional eating habits. These assertions therefore corroborate R.W.G.

Briggs’ remarks in the colonial time that:

Yam is the staple food crop and a family’s well being

depends entirely on the success or otherwise of this crop.
Grain is also used for food but as a rule only when yams
are not available. 22

As earlier stated, the inception of yam into Tiv traditional farming system altered the

hitherto cropping rotational cycle of the Tiv people. Therefore, yam tookover the leading role

and was farmed first on a virgin plot of land in a cropping season. The traditional system of

the people over time evolved a stage by stage pattern of yam production with a labour divide

schedule between women and men in their pre-colonial society. First of all, a fertile plot of

land was selected by the ‘orya’ or compound head and all the bushes and shrub were weeded.

This first stage of land clearing was called ‘ihyande i huran’ in Tiv and was carried out

jointly by women and men. The second stage was the hoeing of mounds on the cleared plot,

known in Tiv as ‘sule’ u kahan’. This second stage was considered the most tasking and

tedious stage to be carried out by only men. The third stage was the planting of yam seeds on

the yam mounds also called in Tiv, ‘sule u lȏȏn’ and was done exclusively by women, Then,

there was the fourth stage of weeding the farm, also known in Tiv as ‘sule huran’ which was

exclusively done by the women. ‘Akȏr agberen’ was the fifth stage of yam harvest and was

also scheduled exclusively for women. The last stage was ‘akȏr a kuran’, implying the

transporting home of yam proceeds harvested at the end of the season. This was also carried

out by women, usually in a group.

The Tiv traditionally mode of their crops production was close to communalism,

whereby any economic organisation, including land, was owned by the family, land was a

crucial factor in the pre-colonial Tiv society till date. As already argued, first, it was on land

that the people settled and secondly, all economic activities were carried out on land. The

family was the basic unit of production and land the principal means of production. Being a

near communal society, ownership of land among the Tiv was based on kinship which also

75
formed the bases for social organisations. That is to say, no individuals owned land, rather, it

was the family that owned land and was appropriated by the eldest living male, ‘orya’ of each

family.

Tseror summed this when he stated thus:

Pre-colonial Tiv society was based on the communal

ownership of the land and labour which were the main
forces of production. The social formation was communal
with lineage and class ties. Land belongs to the entire
community in such a way that every member of the
community had access to it for the purpose of cultivation.
23

Livestock keeping as earlier mentioned was one of the critical aspects of the pre-

colonial economy of the Tiv people, at household levels. Pre-colonial Tiv people

domesticated animals such as cows, goats, sheep, pigs, doves, fowls, and others for

consumption, ritual performances, gifts, exchange by barter and others to meet up with their

utility needs and services. The domestication of animals especially cows by certain people in

the pre-colonial Tiv society also served as a demonstration or display of wealth, affluence

and prestigious status. One in possession of plenty cows was respected as a rich and wealthy

person over and above his age-grades. This was because cows were so much valued and were

the only livestock worthy of exchange for wife. Traditionally, a man with plenty of cows, and

wives as well as children was recognised as ‘shagbaor’ and accorded the respect of the most

prestigious and influential persons in their own communities in Tiv land. As a mark of class

recognition, during the colonial era which marks the beginning of the present study period,

these were the type of people commended to the colonial administrators to be crowned as the

drum chiefs ‘Tor Agbande’ during the colonial Tiv land.

There were also other economic activities worthy of mention under this preliminary

chapter. They included cloths and basket weaving, beer brewing ‘tashi’ blacksmith and

others. Clothes weaving for instance, was making use of the cotton wool harvested on the

farms, purposely for use and exchange by barter for other goods. The traditional woven

76
clothes of importance in those days were the ‘tugudu’ ‘gbagir’ and ‘godo’ which served the

purposes of burial and exchange in the markets for ‘bashi’ iron rods, ‘sokpo’ and wives apart

from wearing them on special ceremonial occasions.

Apart from brewing the local beer ‘tashi’ on special occasions, during the wedding

ceremony or burial, ‘tashi’ was also sold in the market for refreshment and entertainment as

past-time activities. The pre-colonial Tiv society was self-contented, producing almost all

their needs for survival. This agrees with D.C. Dorwords’ assertion that the pre-colonial Tiv

society was almost an economically closed society. Tiv pre-colonial society was closely

living in a world of her own, self-contented and so satisfied with her over dependence on the

farms as the only means of livelihood. P.Bohannan writing in the colonial period on Tiv land,

asserted that:

But Tiv are vitally interested in their farms... I found that

a dozen or so of the key words I heared most often were
words which had to do with land in one way or another... I
was getting a great deal of “land tunure material” 24

3.4 Trade In The Pre-Colonial Tiv land

Trade was another economic activity of high importance to the Tiv in the pre-colonial

era, it was conducted both on short and long distances. This implied that the pre-colonial Tiv

traded among their immediate family members and nearby communities and with families

and communities that were remotely located both in terms of geographical proximity and

socio- cultural diversity. Trade in the pre-colonial time originated for the exchange system of

the barter process. Surplus goods and services were exchanged for other needed goods and

services.

3.4.1 The Origin of Indigenous Trade in The Pre-Colonial Tiv Society

According to Bohannan25, the lineages in the traditional set up of the pre-colonial Tiv

society, maintained neighbourhood markets where activities of trade and market were

confined. He went further to describe this type of trade or marketing system as a situation in

which “a society’s exchangeable goods fall into two or more mutually exclusive spheres,

77
each marked by different institutionalization and different values” ie the multi-centric system

of the economy.

The multi-centric system of the pre-colonial Tiv trade was said to possess three

spheres namely the ‘yiagh’ phase, the ‘shagba’ phase and rights in human beings or the

women category:

The ‘yiagh’ sphere was characterised mainly by subsistence items of trade consisting

mostly of food and various household objects which were exchanged commonly with each

other; but less easily converted into other forms of wealth. All goods under this category

exchange hands by barter and women monopolised this sphere exclusively exchanging yams

for salt and other condiments. Apart from this, goods were distributed by way of gift making

or through marketing.

The ‘shagba’ sphere was closely associated with prestige. The prestigious goods

included the likes of brass rods or ‘bashi’ in Tiv, cattle, ritual offices and slaves. The third

sphere which was the right in human beings or women category, basically constituted the

exchange system of its own before the knowledge of money came into the Tiv land.

The purchase of goods under the ‘shagba’ sphere was by means of ‘tugudu’, a large

white cloth or ‘bashi’ and cows. These items were in those days considered as medicines or

magical rites. On the other hand, the women category was characterised by markets and

marriage institutions ‘Bashi’ and steel rods, or ‘sokpo’ in Tiv were the means of payment in

use.

According to the market arrangements of this type, food crops were exchanged for

food and could also be exchanged for brass rods; the brass rods could also be exchanged for

the highest valued goods: women and slaves. Based on the Tiv traditions, the reverse or

downward order of exchange items was irresponsible and considered illogical and most

unfortunate in the pre-colonial Tiv society.26

78
 Another interesting aspect of this exchange system was closely knitted to the Tiv

traditional kinship and lineage institutions. These institutions provided power and security for

the individual persons, the people therefore held in check any desire by anybody to engage in

the entrepreneurial activities in the market. According to Bohannan 27, the Tiv pre-colonial

system of exchange simply encouraged the development of conversions and conveyances at

the expense of the spread of markets. Conveyance were morally neutral while Tiv people had

a very strong moral quality to conversions.

Conversions were not mere exchange of equivalent goods, but had a definite moral

dimension therefore they formed a strong source of motivation to individual actions. For

example, in the pre-colonial Tiv society, it was the highest level of irresponsibility for one to

exchange slaves for food. Up to date, Tiv are scornful of any one of them who is merely rich

in subsistence goods (or sheer money) because if you have money and don’t convert it into

material wealth, the reason must be personal inadequacy. 28 One was therefore in the pre-

colonial Tiv society expected to invest wealth by converting upwards into a morally superior

category. In this case, the traditional society valued it more to convert subsistence wealth into

prestigious wealth and both into women and children which was social maximization and was

their ultimate economic objective of the pre-colonial economy to them and their society at

that time.

3.4.2 Emergence of Indigenous Yam Trade in the Pre-colonial Tiv land (1900-1915)

As stated in the opening part of this chapter, yam was one of the items of trade in Tiv

land, specifically under the first phase of Tiv trade dominated by women during the pre-

colonial period. Trade in general goods started as far back as when different African societies

began to trade among themselves or between different neighbouring communities in Tiv land.

By then, it was difficult to distinguish between specific kinds of trade at that local level,

because the basic need for exchange was to serve people’s immediate needs. It was under

such circumstances that yam was identified among other local items of trade like salt,

79
benniseed, beans, millet, chickens, guinea-corn and other items. All the items were

exchanged at the designated compound markets, during the pre-colonial period in Tiv land

under the local trade. This background suggests, that yam trade in Tiv land began during the

pre-colonial period.

In addition, Tiv pre-colonial yam trade was dominated at the first level of yiagh which

consisted mainly of food and household items, freely exchanged for others but were not

really converted into other forms of wealth. The utility needs and services of the yam crop

enlarged its production and marketing in the pre-colonial Tiv land significantly. It also

brought about closer interactions among Tiv people in their domain. Indeed, when yam

emerged as a common item of barter for salt exchange, the most valuable household item for

food, its production became the centre of attraction. According to Bohannan, yam also began

to revolve other significant socio-political and economic activities, which the Tiv people

were also deeply involved, across their land. In fact, yams at this level were also distributed

either as gifts or through marketing among relations in the market compounds of prominent

people (ashagbaior) in the pre-colonial Tiv land. These compound markets later became

prominent features in the Tiv economy during the colonial epoch, for example, Zaki-Biam

and Ugba yam markets. Market days for these centres were most often fixed at between five

and seven days interval. Beside the function of buying and selling, trading on market days

were designated to serve as days of rest and other socio-cultural and political events.

Traditionally, yam is the most important food crop among the Tiv people despite the

fact that its production process is labour intensive. As the most important item of food

consumption, every family unit in the pre-colonial Tiv land required it for consumption, ritual

performance, gifts to the most loved ones, marriage and traditional ceremonies. All these put

together elevated the position of yam above other food crops in the pre-colonial Tiv land,

such that trade in yam became a major activity. Alexander Boyd once stated that benniseed

80
and yams were highly valued items of trade by the Tiv people “before the opening up of Tiv

land.” thus:

The supply of benniseed which is an important product in

the trade of the Niger company, is entirely dependent on
the Munchi (Tiv) who bring it in or not as they choose;
the same is the case with yams in the markets along the
river (Benue).29

This evidently justifies the fact that yam crop was one of the valuable exchange items for

other goods between Tiv people and foreign firms, like the Niger Company at the

international level, before the colonization of Tiv land, at trading stations of Abinsi, Ibi and

Donga on the river banks of Benue and Katsina-Ala.

3.4.3 Development of Pre-colonial External Trade in Yam, 1900-1915

As the transfer of ownership of goods and services from one person or entity to

another, by way of getting something in exchange from the buyer, external trade has been a

long time activity among the Tiv. It formed an important aspect of Tiv economy right from

the pre-colonial, through the colonial to the post colonial periods in Tiv land. It’s initial barter

system was discarded with the introduction of the colonial monetary system as the medium of

exchange. The measure of value of goods and services were unified with the British pound

sterling to ease its transaction during the colonial era. Trade actually developed and expanded

to imperatively become an important source of meeting the required utility needs and

services. As clearly enshrined in the “vent for surplus model (theory)” trade was one of the

factors that led to the colonization of Tiv land and also served as a source of wealth creation

and capital accumulation, especially during and after the post colonial era.

History has it that, the Tiv people were also engaged in both the domestic and long

distance trade at the designated trading stations of Loko, Ibi, Donga, Abinsi and others in

different kinds of agricultural produce and services like benniseed, sheabutter, yams and

others from the pre-colonial period to the post colonial era across the Tiv land. Evidently,

D.C. Dorward once stated that:

81
 Tiv land was traversed and bounded by a number of
indigenous trade routes which linked the Hausa states and
the North with the rainforests and Sonkwalla hills of the
South.30

Dorward further posites that these pre-colonial indigenous trade routes across the Tiv

land were real and functional in the 19th century. Certain scholars, however, asserted that the

pre-colonial Tiv people were not fully involved in external trade to sufficiently benefit from it

or were not participating enough in the trade because of their farm work to benefit from it,

like other traders, namely Hausa, Bafum and others.

According to oral traditions of the field survey, the present study views it differently.

Going by the Tiv history, it will be recalled that Tiv land was sparsely inhabited by

unorganised hamlets or compounds in the pre-colonial era. This traditional settlement system

coupled with the nature of their agricultural trading goods which were very heavy to carry

about on heads, in large quantities at a given time constituted a lot of hindrance to Tiv traders

to travel so frequently and regularly on these routes across their land. This could not permit

them to trade regulary in large groups and organised manner like the other professional

trading people like Hausa and Bafum who were diligently trading along these routes. Tiv

people were trading in family or compound groups of very small in number using short-cuts

of the available bush paths while resting and sleeping with their relations along the paths to

the trading stations on the river banks. This was to feel less the weights of their loads and

reduce the stress and fatigue of long distances through short-cuts on every journey. This

revelation suggests with all sense of probability that contrary to the said assertion, Tiv people

were active participants in the external trade in their land and even beyond.

However, Dorward argues further and posited that “though the Tiv do not appear to

have played a very important role in this long distance trade,” they were indirectly benefiting

from it by way of selling food stuff to the traders on these routes, escorting and guiding the

traders to safety zones along the routes despite the fact that some of the armed robbers were

also Tiv people. In the same vein, Alexander Boyd who wrote before “the opening up” of the

82
Tiv land, buttressed that Tiv people were in control of the external trade especially at the

river banks stations. His words:

The supply of benniseed which is an important product in

the trade of the Niger Company is entirely dependent on t
he Munchi (Tiv) who bring it in or not as they choose; the
same is the case with yams in the Markets along the river
(Benue).31

To illustrate that it was more convenient and easier for the Tiv traders to by-pass the 19 th

century indigenous trading routes across their land using the short-cuts of treckable bush

paths to the trading stations on the river banks; the Map of the pre-colonial trading routes

which traversed Tiv land is evidently presented in figures VI: Extracted from page 53 of D.C.

Dorward’s, “A Political and Social History of the Tiv people of Northern Nigeria, 1900-

1939”.

MAP V: The Map Showing Indigenous Trade Routes across Tiv land in the
Nineteenth Century

Source: D.C. Dorward, “A Political and Social History of the Tiv peole of Northern
Nigeria 1900-1939” Ph.D Thesis, University of London, 1971. p.53

83
 It is remarkable to imply at this point that our research findings indicate that there are

unique attributes that are naturally and traditionally endowed to the Tiv race. These attributes

or core values of their society contribute to making them excel among other “agricultural

ethnic groups” in yam production and trade in Nigeria. These values include, hardwork,

fairness, democracy, rotation, innovations and freedom as manifest in cultivating and sharing

of their farm land, innovation and ingenuity in the display of their crafts, tools and others.

This agrees with the concept of historical materialism which upholds that the economy of any

society sufficiently accounts for all other structures in that society.

Bohannan argues that, Tiv people all over Nigeria are well known for tough and hard

labour capacity to perform very tough works like farming, mining, soldiering, drilling, and

cultivation. He further remarks that:

Tiv say that work is a good thing. They spur one another
to work with a chant. “Is work a bad thing? No! Work
won’t kill a man”. Tiv work hard and they agree that
hoeing fields is the most important work of the Tiv.32

Apart from the core value of hardwork, Tiv also believe in fairness. All traditional issues or

properties were shared or divided among segments on the basis of fairness down to the level

of individual people who make up such groups or segments. Land for yam farming was

shared among household members following this pattern. Furthermore, it is on the basis of

the foregoing that political structure in Tiv society is so democratic in nature as earlier

highlighted in the chapter. All traditional decisions affecting them were made openly with

massive participation including issues of their moot courts. All adults were free to make their

contributions in all their traditional meetings as already established in Bohannan’s study in

the above.

Up to date, the ethics of Tiv policies are based on the principle of “ya na anigbian” eat

and share to your brother to avoid tyranny of the heredity cultures of the other political

systems. (Jibo, 1993:47). Mandately, the position of the compound Head who was always

84
responsible for land sharing naturally passed onto the next oldest member of the family upon

the demise of the previous one. The successor could be an uncle, a brother or a half brother.

Bohannan once again established that Tiv traditionally, disliked tyranny so much so that any

indication of it by any compound Head was met by strong resistance of his subjects by

deserting him and the compound. The increasing number of despotic compound Heads and

increase in yam farming in the study area, probably suggest why there are so many scattered

small compounds across Tiv land, thereby affecting large scale yam farming and migrations.

Traditionally, Tiv people valued their freedom more than wealth. This explains why

Bohannan in discussing the Tiv pre-colonial trade once argued that pre-colonial Tiv traders

would never exchange slaves for food. Tiv were very scornful of a man who was merely rich

in subsistence goods or money. If he has not converted his goods, the reason must be personal

inadequacy. One was expected to invest wealth by converting upwards into prestigious

wealth and both into women and children, social maximization used to be the main economic

aim of the pre-colonial Tiv people (Biam, 1977:6)

On the issue of traditional innovation among the Tiv people, Akiga (2013) once

affirmed in his study that Tiv were traditionally innovative, very willing to copy and embrace

new alien ideas as manifested in their high level of inventing their farming, war and hunting

tools. All these core values put together present a formidable screen in understanding the

dynamics and nature of Tiv society which excelled in yam production and trade from the pre-

colonial through the colonial to the post colonial periods in their area.

On the whole, the pre-colonial economic structure of the Tiv society as discussed

under this chapter is very typical of the early economic formation which began the Tiv

economy from the scratch like other economies of the developing World. Tiv traditional

economy was growing and responding accordingly to the dictates of the developing

circumstances that were facing their micro-economy. Under the present chapter, apart from

creating the backgorunnd for further analysis of yam ‘production’ and ‘trade’ which is the

heart-beat of this study, the chapter also diffuses the traditional eurocentic myth and over

85
emphasis on the subsistence nature of the Tiv traditional economy, indolence and leisure

preference which once argued that:

The subsistent farmer... grows enough to his family with

perhaps a little left over for barter, when he becomes
involved with a cash crop... again he grows enough to
supply the family with a little left over for the state, but he
maintains a personal balance between work and leisure
and does not allow the type of crop to disturb his life
style.33

Essentially, Tiv pre-colonial society proved from the initial stage to be a resourceful society,

responsive to the changing economic demands and opportunities opened to them. During the

pre-colonial period of the commercial contact with Europeans, Tiv exchanged benniseed and

shea-nuts for imports, a kind of trade which appears to have done just a little more than to

simply absorb available surplus production in agreement with the principle of the vent for

surplus model. At the same time, Tiv society was participating in the local trade of food stuff

for the development of their micro-economy.

To justify importantly, that the pre-colonial Tiv were reacting independent

mindedness according to their local economic developments, the resillent continuation of

their local trade in food stuff which did not attract the colonial interests, later brought about

and transformed yam trade to the economic main-stay of the Tiv people after the benniseed

export.

3.5 Conclusion

In this chapter, an attempt is made to prepare grounds for the analysis ahead. Briefly,

a descriptive analysis of the pre-colonial Tiv society in Central Nigeria with economic

features like agricultural production, crafts, domestic animal rearing, trade, blacksmith,

hunting and others are presented as a foundation base for the analysis on the development of

yam Economy of Tiv land 1960-2010. A.D. The discussion on the pre-colonial Tiv economy

and its other economic features is an attempt to show the relevance of these economic

features which later factored on yam production and trade in the study area. Yam production

86
and trade are an offshoot of a combination of most economic factors especially fertile land,

and labour-force, Tiv migration and settlement system, as well as, their pre-colonial socio-

economic systems in Central Nigeria, as articulated in this chapter. The chapter has so far

identified some key values of the Tiv socio-economic and political life which anchored yam

production and trade in their area for over a period of 40 years (1960-2000).

In summarily conclusion of this chapter, yam crop was incepted in the Tiv agricultural

farming system during the ancient time of the pre-coloniall Tiv land. The food quality of

yams fitted most into the Tiv traditional dietary system than the grain crops which were

already in existence on their land. In the course of fashioning out the appropriate mode for its

cultiivation on their soil, the lineage or unitary mode of its production was uncovered. This

mode of production was purely a derivation of the Tiv cultural beliefs and norms.

In the process of producing yams to augment food production on their land, surpluses

were also generated. The need to vent out these surpluses by way of exchanging them with

other goods and services inorder to meet up with other utility needs of their society then

arose. With time, this exchange system developed into what was then known as trade by

barter of the yam crop in Tiv land. One important development to note at this point is that,

when trade came into thia process and fused with production, there emerged an eventful

historical phenomenon of producing yams purposely for trade thereby informing the present

study. The fusion of “production” and “trade” of yam crop became an eventful historical

phenomenon which originated during the pre-colonial Tiv land and continued since then on

Tiv land and beyond till date and actually calls for the present study.

87
 Endnotes
1. Claude Ake, A Political Economy of Africa, Longman, London, 1981 p.4-17

2. S.F. Wegh Between Continuity and Change: Tiv Concept of Traditional Modernity.

Printed by Ovi Nigeria Limited, Lagos Nigeria, 1998 p. 23

3. G.T. Gwebe, elder of 70 years at Zaki-Biam interviewed on the 31/7/2011.

4. Claude Ake, A Political Economy of Africa, Longman, London 1981 p4-17

5. Claude Ake, A Political Economy p9

6. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) 2010. Rome:www.fao.org.

7. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) 2010. Rome:www.fao.org.

8. Lawal, W.L. et al “Socio-Economic Analysis of Yam Production in Ukum Local

Government Area of Benue State” Journal of Applied Agricultural Research 2011

3:3:12 pp3-17

9. Elizabeth Isichei, A History of Nigeria. Longman, London. 1983 p.23

10. D.G. Coursey, “The Cultivation and Use of Yams in West Africa” in Ghana, Notes

and Querries, Kumasi Vol.9 1966 pp31-40

11. A Chevalier, “Contribution of I Etude in Coursey, D.G. (1996). The Cultivation and

Use pp31-40

12. H. Burkill, “Organisation and Evolution of Dioscoreaceae, the family of Yams” in J.

Linn, Soc. 56 1960 pp319-408.

13. R. East, (Translated,) Akiga’s Story, Nigeria, 2013 pp50-55

14. Elizabeth Isichei, A History of Nigeria... p.24-31

15. D.G. Coursey, “The Cultivation and Use of Yams pp31-40

16. R. East, (Translated,) Akiga’s Story, Nigeria, 2013. pp50-55

17. O.N. Njoku, Economic History of Nigeria 19th and 20th Centuries, Magnet

Enterprises, Enugu, 2001 p71

18. Abeega Duko, Yam Farmer, Anyiin Logo LGA 12/5/2012

19. Andrew Daka, Yam farmer, Chito Ukum LGA 30/12/2012

88
20. Asor Akombo, Yam Farmer, Vaase, Ukum LGA 30/7/2013

21. Gbakaan Ashe, Yam Farmer, Kyado, Ukum LGA 5/12/2013

22. R.W.G. Briggs, “Crop and Food Requirements in Tiv Division Benue Province

Nigeria” in Farm and Forests Vol. 1. 1944 p21-60

23. T. Tseror, Tiv and Their Neighbours, Alpha Publisher, Jos, 1992. P71

24. Paul Bohanan, Tiv Farm and Settlement, Her Majesty’s Stationary Office, London

1954 p1

25. P.Bohannan, in J.I. Biam, “Yam Marketing in Tivland,” B.Sc. Project A.B.U. Zaria,

June 1997 pp1-73.

26. M.NAT/1-Retail Price: Local Stuff.

27. P. Bohannan, Tiv Farm and Settlement... P. 18

28. Boyd Alexander, From The Niger to Nile, London 1907 p11

29. D.C. Dorward, “A Political and Social History of the Tiv People of Northern Nigeria

1900-1937” Ph.D Thesis, University of London 1971 p.53.

30. Boyd Alexander, From The Niger to Nile, London 1907 p11

31. 124/1926-Trading Site at Taraku-Application by Niger Company 1921-1928.

32. D.C. Dorward, “A Political and Social History... p.57

33. P. Bohannan, Tiv Farm and Settlement... P. 1&2

89
 CHAPTER FOUR:

YAM PRODUCTION STRATEGIES

4.1 Introduction

Yam crop was introduced into the Tiv agricultural farming system in the ancient time,

during the pre-colonial era, later than grain crops, such as beans, millet, maize and others 1.

Because of the increasing value attachment of the Tiv people, to the crop, its production

techniques have progressively but gradually been transforming and developing in Tiv land for

increased yields or output till date. Even though the study period begins in the colonial era of

1960 and ends in the post colonial period of 2000, for the purpose of creating a pillar, to

anchor our analysis for elaborate clarity, the chapter will shift its discussions backward

briefly and start the analysis of yam production techniques from the pre-colonial period when

it started and will continue to intensify the analysis with such developments that necessitated

the changing patterns of the techniques during the colonial and post colonial periods of the

study.

As a carry over from the pre-colonial period, yam productionis said to have continued

to increase its output based on its traditional methods of production relying mainly on

increase labour force of the people enlarging their yam farms or field on one hand and using

their traditional method of the shifting cultivation to sustain soil fertility. Increased labour

force for yam production was part of the Tiv traditional hard-working spirit as well as the

shifting cultivation which was part of their traditional ingenuity. These were the pre-colonial

strategies to increase the output of their most favoured food crop before the encroachment of

the colonial administration on their land. In the course of fashioning out the appropriate ways

of yam cultivation after its introduction into the Tiv agricultural farming system, there

evolved the lineage mode of its production which was purely based on the traditional beliefs

and systems.

The lineage mode of yam production was in nature close to communism. It was based

on family units using the family’s labour force and communal land for production. The

produce were shared and jointly consumed by all the family members 2. Since this mode of

production was subsistently created, very little surpluses were produced for exchange by

90
barter system to meet up with the utility needs of their traditional society at that time. The

lineage mode of yam production was sustained all through the pre-colonial period.After the

capture of Tiv land, the colonial administration tookover the government of the Tiv society,

then, the lineage mode of yam production was gradually replaced by the capitalist mode of

yam production which was put in place to transform yam economy on their land. Evidently

this was made possible with the enforcement of the economic transformational policies of the

colonial administration as later examined detailedly in this chapter. Labour wage, taxation,

monetization, commercialization, commoditization of the yam crops, provision of

infrastructural facilities, imposition of cash crops production and many others were

established. Despite the fact that all these economic policies were strange and new to the

culture of the Tiv people, their resistance against these policies was short lived. Tiv people

later became very compliant, more especially when they started benefiting from the dividends

of the capitalist system at the tail end of colonialism on their land. The capitalist mode of yam

production was progressively sustained throughout the colonial period in Tiv land.

Under the post colonial period of yam production in Tiv society (1960-2000),

production of yam was initially impeded by the political up heavals in Tiv land at that time

especially the ‘Nande Nande’ of 1962 and ‘atemityough’ of 1964 respectively. These two

episodes later combined with other political exigencies and culminated into the Nigerian civil

war of 1967-1970 as later discussed in details under the chapter. This impediment was made

possible at the material time basically for three main reasons among others. First of all, the

political crisis situation in Tiv land was not permissive for yam farmers to go about freely

farming yams. Secondly, many yam farmers were neck-deep in the political crisis. Some

were killed and others wounded. Thirdly, a very high number of Tiv yam farmers were later

recruited into the Nigerian Military service to fight the Nigerian Civil War. These and many

other factors impeded increased yam production at the initial period of the post colonial era.

But immediately after the civil war in 1970, increased yam production was back to it’s feet in

Tivland. The reasons for this are many but not far fetched.

After the Nigerian Civil War, in 1970, Tiv farmers who became soldiers and executed

the civil war were immediately demobilized back to Tiv land using the down sizing policy of

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the Nigerian Army3. When they returned to Tiv land, they also contributed to increased yam

production. It will be also recalled that immediately, when the Nigerian civil war ended in

1970, the general food security situation in the country was not palatable. Both the Federal

and the Benue state Governments brought up certain agricultural and economic policies like

fertilizer subsidy and loans to farmers to boost yam production. All these and many others

related issues will be discussed under this chapter to support the argument that yam

production continued to increase from the colonial to post colonial Tiv land. All these, jointly

suggest that, after the Nigerian civil war, the capitalist mode of yam production had

progressively been developing and expanding in Tiv land and beyond.

4.2 Tiv Pre-colonial Mode of Agricultural Production: Lineage or Unitary Mode of

Production

The Tiv traditional lineage mode of yam production under the present chapter is re-

stated to emphasize the foundation it created during the pre-colonial period in this study. All

subsequent changes in yam production strategies are chronologically anchored on this

foundation pillar from colonial to post colonial Tivland.

Tiv people are traditionally famous and hardworking farmers who for long depended

on food crop production, especially yams as their favourite food crop. Njoku once affirmed

that:

If these travellers (Williams Allen and T.R.H. Thomson)

had visited Tiv land, they would have made equally
favourable, if not even more favourable, comments on Tiv
farmers easily among the leading yam farmers in Nigeria.
Their pre-colonial history shows that they have been a
land-hungry and expansionist people. Thanks to their
prodigy as farmers.4

According to Ijoho, Tiv traditional education bequeathed the young ones with the techniques

of agricultural production, especially yam since the pre-colonial time 5. Tiv youngsters were

not only brought up with the spirit of hardwork, they were also taught to be morally

conscious of the food security situation of their families and love for farming. Tiv traditional

agricultural techniques evolved over time as part of their traditions, customs, environment,

and beliefs culminating into the lineage mode of production during the pre-colonial era. The

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changing patterns of the Tiv traditional mode of their agricultural production, especially yam

production, are the main issues of historical analysis under this segment.

In the course of time, African scholars like Mohmoud Mamdami 6 and Samir Amir 7

argued that there was not necessarily a rigid order of mode of economic production in pre-

colonial African communities. Therefore, certain modes of production could be by passed,

when analysing pre-colonial African economies. This notwithstanding, a few modes of

production, such as primitive/communal mode; slave mode of production; petty commodity

mode, lineage mode, capitalist mode, tributary mode, and others, were identified and

associated with the analysis of the traditional African economies. Based on the result of the

field survey of this study, the lineage mode of production was found to be the most practised

in the pre-colonial Tiv land, especially in relation to yam production, among modes in Africa.

The essential elements of the lineage mode of production include human labour, land

and technology. Its social relations involve the system of property ownership and transfer as

well as the relations between the producers and those who organise production. In the case of

Tiv land, kinship relations became the relations of production, thus making the main feature

of production a corporate group. Lineage kinship remained the only ideology which justified

the appropriation of surpluses by elders in the pre-colonial Tiv land.

Ugba, Kume, during our oral interview argued that Tiv traditional elders were also

responsible for appropriating produce directly to members of their lineages, such as wives,

children, young adults, dependents, servants and others. These elders or household heads

(orya) held the community land in trust for their respective lineage groups. In addition, they

were the ones to determine and decide the distribution of the community land among their

subjects for effective production of crops, especially yam. In fact, Tiv traditional elders were

directly responsible for the organisation, control and direction of all economic activities of all

members in their respective lineages as corporate units. There was so much land in

abundance during the pre-colonial Tiv territory for farming. The need for the custodians of

the community land to equitably distribute, oversee and administer over the physical and

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spiritual activities of their subjects, gave the traditional elders enormous authority and power

over their respective lineage groups.

Suggestively, this agricultural system emphasised yam production during the pre-

colonial period because it suited their dietary system of feeding among other reasons. The

system is as old as the origin of yam production in Tiv land itself. To properly administer

over yam production, Tiv elders overtime evolved the traditional labour divide between

women and men based on their traditional ethos, norms and beliefs. Tiv believed that as

women were created from part of the man’s body (limb), this makes the man stronger and

superior to women in all facets of life. It is on the basis of this that Tiv women were given

less taskable responsibilities, like cooking food, bearing and caring for babies, while men

were responsible for tougher responsibilities like war, hunting, tilling or making yam heaps

and wrestling. Tiv justifies this with their common adage that “Kwase hemen ityav ga”

implying that women do not lead in war fronts. This adage constituted the basis for the

sharing formular of the labour needs between women and men in the pre-colonial period.

However, certain scholars, like P. Bohannan, 9 criticised the Tiv traditional sharing

formular of land distribution and labour divide between women and men for yam production.

The system was said to be exploitative in favour of elders and men against younger

household members and women in the pre-colonial Tiv land. The present study, shares the

opinion that since there was no clear cut separation between labour and productive means,

social ties were personal as major links in the pre-colonial Tiv land. Therefore, the power of

traditional elders was not only limited to the control over the means of production but also

their performance of socio-political and religious functions. These elders were accepted in

their respective lineages as the rightful custodians of their cultures to perform these laid down

traditional functions. Actually, these responsibilities were mandatory obligations and

functional responsibilities of these elders in their respective lineages. Therefore, young adults

and women in the pre-colonial Tiv land were not exploited. Though there were no class

distinctions, informal classification was based on gender, seniority, genealogy and title-

holding.
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 The complex template for Tiv yam production during the pre-colonial era as initially

developed by Bohannan is adapted with modifications in five stages: The first stage involved

land clearing (i hyande i huran), the second stage was the making of yam mounds, known as

sule kahan, the third stage was planting of the yam seedlings in the mounds (akôr a lôôn),

followed by weeding of the bushes and grasses on the yam farm (“sule huran”). The fifth and

the last stage was yam harvesting and storage of the tubers and seedlings in designated small

round houses called atumbe. Traditionally, the responsibilities of providing labour in each of

these stages were shared between women and men as a derivative of their traditional beliefs

and norms.

The beginning of yam cropping season in the pre-colonial Tiv land was between

August and September annually. During this period, each compound head (Orya) would

identify and earmark a portion of the community land in his custody for yam farms of his

household members in that season. Every married and physically matured member of the

household was allocated a specific portion of land out of the community land for cultivation

of yam. In most cases, the size of one’s portion of land depended upon the discretion of the

orya based on the amount of yam seeds expected of such a household unit and the strength of

its labour force. Household units with hardworking and prudent housewives, who owned

plenty of yam seeds, were usually allocated larger farm land. In the process of land

allocation, the eldest household unit took his fair share first, followed by the second unit, in

that order until every household unit within the same compound was allocated a portion of

farm land. This sharing order signified adherence to the cultural gerontic principle that

governed Tiv socio-political system in the pre-colonial time, already discussed in chapter

three.

4.2.1 Stage one: land clearing, i hyande i huran

After the allocation of farm plots to each household unit, land clearing proper

commenced. The land clearing stage was a joint effort by both female and male adults of the

household. All adults in each household converged every morning to weed off the grasses,

bushes and shrubs on their respective portions of land. During the land clearing stage for yam
95
production, bare hands and cutlasses were used in pulling down tall grasses, shrubs and small

trees. Land clearing could last for about one or two months to provide sufficient time for men

to start making mounds in a very skillful and orderly manner before the dry season sets in.

4.2.2 Stage two: making of yam mounds, Sule kahan

The process of making mounds to plant yam seeds was part of the Tiv pre-colonial

agricultural method of yam production. This was simply done by scooping, lifting and

lumping the fertile soil with a big hoe to form heaps. The whole essence was to provide

high/elevated compact soil for easy assimilation of soil nutrients by the planted yam

seedlings.

The stage of mound making appeared to be the most essential stage of yam cultivation

during the pre-colonial era and was carried out by men only. Women were not allowed to

participate in making of mounds. This aspect was considered very tough and skillful,

requiring vigorous and tedious skills which women were presumably lacking. Only men with

skilful and dogged strength could perform this aspect of yam production very well in a

competitive style.

The process of making mounds usually started with the formation of a central straight

row of yam heaps called deche. This row formed in the middle of the plot, had bigger

mounds than the subsequent rows. Alongside with the deche row, the smaller mounds were

spaced between each other in a straight line. Subsequent rows followed by each side of the

deche, where mounds were spaciously made in between. The deche needed expert skills in its

formation to make big mounds in a straight line and with the right spacing in-between

mounds. According to oral interview with Ugbem Dugwer, family units without such skillful

hands to construct the deche line had to borrow from other family units which attracted

commensurate benefits.

The process of making mounds was done by men with the use of big hoes. Using their

hands to hold the hoe, the soil was scooped with the hoe and heaped into a clod in an already

earmarked position on the ground to meet the straight row arrangement on the field. The clod

96
was systematically flipped up into a mound for an ordinary mound and for the ‘deche’

mounds.

When the required shape and height of the mounds were reached, dried grasses and

leaves were sourced in small bundles and folded on top of each mound and weighted down

with a hoe-full of soil like wearing a cap on top of each mound.17 It was necessary to wear a

grass made cap on top of each mound in order to protect the mounds from being washed

away by rain and equally against excessive sun heat that would affect the sprouting seedlings

after planting. According to Gbem Dugwer, at the end of mounds making period, all mounds

on the yam field were set apart, next to each other in a straight row to bring out the shape of a

good farm with well laid out rows in both directions of the yam field. The ‘deche’ row was

the architect of a beautiful farm field, and a beautiful farm field gave the owner a sound

sleep, especially where other farmers admired its beauty as they passed by. Their admiration

was always followed by verbal utterances of appreciations and praises. These praises, when

circulated raised the prestigious and moral status of the farm owner in his community,

thereby leading him to be elevated to a higher position among his age grade during the pre-

colonial Tiv society. This information agrees with Bohannan’s recorded version that, the

most joyful fulfilment of any good Tiv yam farmer in the pre-colonial period after the

completion of making mounds, was when all rows were vertically, horizontally and

diagonally straight. “nothing so gladdens the heart as a field in which all rows are straight” 18

Analytically, all these suggest that Tiv traditional strategies of yam production as derivatives

of their customs and beliefs were not only to provide yam for food sufficiency. They were

also to raise the social status or prestige, which was a source of authority in their respective

communities considered to be of the same status with money if not more. Tiv valued these

aspects more than money before the introduction of the colonial system of money in their

land.

4.2.3 Stage three: planting of yam seedlings, Akôr a Lôôn

After heap making, the planting of yam seedlings was next. Planting of yam seedlings

was the responsibility of women. After selecting the yam seedlings according to sizes and
97
shapes of the mounds on the farm, a yam seedling was planted on top of each heap with the

use of a short sharp pointed stick, called, tôv. Pushing off the grass that had covered the top

of the mound, the sharp pointed part of the stick was forced into the heap from the top to

create space for the yam seedling to be placed properly in the mound. As soon as the seedling

inserted in the mound, the stick was quickly pulled out to cover up the space. After the seed

yam was completely buried in the mound, a new grass cap with less thickness was placed on

top of the mound to allow air to penetrate and protect the yam seedlings in the mound from

direct sun heat. In some cases, vegetables and other species of yams like ‘ajie’ were also

planted on the sides of the mounds. Planting of yam seedlings by women was done

individually or in a group depending on the size of the farm.

4.2.4 Stage four: weeding of yam farms (Sule Hulan)

Four to six weeks after yam seedlings were planted, grass (weeds) grew on the farms.

These weeds were weeded off either individually or in a group by women. Weeding was

carried out two or three times depending on the intensity and nature of weeds. The main tool

for weeding of yam fields was a small hoe, called abya. The process of weeding was on until

the yam seedlings matured into tubers when harvest would then commence, normally before

January of the following year.

4.2.5 Stage five: yam harvesting and storage, Akôr agberen man akuran

Pre-yam harvest, is an important stage and usually begins in September of every

season before the actual end of the year’s harvest in Tiv land. At this stage, only one side of

the mound is opened, as fresh tuber is cut off the stem and taken away for food, while the

opening in the mound is covered back allowing the stem to reproduce new yam seeds. This

process is called in Tiv, akôr a esen.

Yam food at this early stage is prepared mainly by way of boiling and meant for

children and women to consume. The food is said to be unfit and not adequate to quench the

hunger of male adults to perform hard jobs. Essentially, the pre-yam harvest stage is meant to

reproduce yam seeds for the next planting season. On the other hand, the end of the year’s

harvest is to make available yam tubers for sales, eating and other purposes.
98
 Traditional end of the season’s yam harvesting usually commenced in about January

of every year. During this period women were seen breaking down the yam mounds to take

out yam tubers and seeds, with the use of small hoe (abya) and stick (tôv). While the abya

was used for breaking open the mounds to extract the yam tuber or seeds, the tôv tool was to

dig deeply into the ground to specifically bring out long and big tubers that penetrated deep

into the soil beyond the mounds level. With skillful hands and the use of tôv tool, the Tiv

women carefully dug round the long tubers without damaging them until their limits were

reached and carefully taken out of the ground for preservation at the end of the harvest.

During the field survey, Mbakurun Yawe, a house wife disclosed that in the course of

the harvest, damaged or wounded yam tubers were separated from the clean tubers and tubers

separated from the yam seeds and properly stored under the tree shades to be later taken

home. While wounded tubers were cooked or exchanged for other goods without much delay

to avoid decay; clean tubers and clean seeds on the other hand were temporarily gathered in

one place under shades to be subsequently packed home into the yam huts (atumbe a yoo) at

the end of the harvest season10.

Another aspect of the final stage of yam production process in the traditional Tiv land

was transporting home of the yams harvested at the end of every harvesting season. The

process is named Akôr akuran. At this stage, a group of women used their woven baskets or

large clay pots and calabashes to pack all the harvested tubers of yam from the farm to the

huts at home.

Madam Mbakaan Adamgbe also argued that the various reasons for packing the yam

tubers and seeds after harvest, among other things, were to secure them from thieves, sun

heat, and damage by rats and bush-burning. At home, and indeed inside the huts, yam tubers

were classified into categories according to sizes, types (varieties), and kept separate from the

yam seeds based on their use values11.

Yam seeds were traditionally considered very important in the pre-colonial period,

compared to yam tubers for two main reasons. First and foremost, it was the amount of yam

seeds preserved for the next farming season that determined the continuity, survival and
99
largeness of the yam farm in the next season. Secondly, the amount of yam seeds available

for the next cropping season from a woman’s hut could prove how prudent and careful such a

woman was and she was rated high in her community. This proven integrity of the household

wives was another determining decision to invest all the yam proceeds of the family in the

hands of certain trusted wives. Yam at that time was produced for the purpose of food supply

to family members, gifts and ritual performances and used for mini barter trade which were

under the control of the women.

4.3 The Colonial Economy and the Changing Patterns of Yam Production in the

Colonial Tiv land, 1915-1960

Historically, it is argued that the strongest motives for colonization of Tiv area in

1915 by the British power was to create vent for their finished surpluses which were

accumulated in their country waiting markets. This ensures the application of the vent-for-

surplus model in the study. As soon as the colonization of the Tiv land was completed, the

colonial administration began the transformation of the Tiv economy by way of enforcing

certain economic transformational policies such as monetization, taxation, commoditization,

provision of infrastructures, wage labour, cash crop imposition and many others. All these

policies later impacted on both increase in yam production and its trade outputs. But before

we discuss the influence of these policies on yam production and trade during the colonial

and post colonial periods, attempt will first of all be made to briefly discuss the British

conquest of Tiv land.12

Most historians of Tiv history are familiar with how Tiv land was conquered by the

British Colonial agents. However, the need to start this section with Tiv conquest from the

onset becomes very necessary. This is to create a pillar on which to anchor further

discussions for better understanding of why and how the colonial economy had to change the

Tiv traditional method of yam production, from 1915 to 1960 and it’s continued effects from

1960 to 2000 in Tiv.

The nature and character of the colonial conquest of Tiv land suggest that it was

purposely to exploit and maximize the economic benefits from Tiv land by the British
10
government through trade or commercialization. According to Lenin, “capitalism is the

highest stage of imperialism or exploitation.” To attain this cardinal goal, the Tiv traditional

mode of economy, characterised by the communal mode of production, featuring the

common ownership of land and labour as factors of production had to be disarticulated. This

mode was owned by the underdeveloped productive forces, controlled by the household unit

of production with minimum surplus and was capitalist disoriented. The colonial economy

was, thereafter, to be enthroned as a goal catcher of the vested economic interests of the

British government in Tiv land. The central argument under this segement is therefore to

demonstrate the catalystic role of the external trade of the colonial economy in the

colonization of Tiv land in about 1915 which eventually impacted enormously on yam

production and trade of the Tiv people in central Nigeria involving changes of its production

techniques.

4.4 The British Conquest of Tiv land

History has it that before the ‘opening up’ of Tiv land, many European companies

were already trading along the river banks of Benue and Katsina-Ala in the Tiv territory, with

trading stations across Tiv land like Donga, Katsina-Ala, Loko, Abinsi and Ibi. The European

trading companies involved in trading in Africa at this time were the likes of the West

African Company, the Central African Company, Alexander Miller Brothers, Campaign

Franciaise de I Afrique Equatorial (CFAE) and others. In the course of their commercial

activities, these companies became deeply engaged in a stiff competition among themselves

to monopolise trade in the Niger/Benue region, Tiv land inclusive. This stiff competition led

to the involvement of certain African traditional chiefs like the ones of Jubu and Ibi by way

of signing agreements and treaties. In the long run, the Royal Niger Trading Company got an

upper hand over the other trading companies with the strong backing of the British

government back home in London.

The attempts of the Royal Niger Trading Company to traverse the hinter land of the

Tiv people led to the development of direct physical confrontations like wars, open assaults,

and all other manners of trade related problems in Tiv land. Most of these conflicts and crisis
10
ended up with the killings of people, raiding on trade routes, bombardment of Tiv villages

and others. For example, in 1885/6, Captain Hoyland was arrowed and killed at Agasha;

Griffith was also killed at Tiga in Tombo. At the same time, there was bombardment of the

Tiv compounds at Arufu led by MachIntosh. Tiv people reacted by killing Kinaham, Lennard

and others at Arufu.19 It is believed that all these killings, conflicts and crisis led to the

general ‘uprising’ of the Tiv people as an attempt to exterminate Europeans on Tiv land. This

uprising also caused the closure of all the European trading stations in Tiv land, except

Abinsi which was later rebuilt and remained until 1901.

In addition, D.C Dorward,14 once established that Tiv land in the pre-colonial times

was traversed and bounded by many trading routes, criss-crossing Tiv land and linking to the

Hausa states of the North and the rainforests and Sankwalla hills of the South. Some of these

trading routes were first, the Katsina-Ala River, from Abinsi on the Benue to Katsina-Ala

town and then overland to Obudu and Ogoja and the south. The second one was from Ibi on

the Benue River to Wukari then to Takum, or via Donga to Takum. The third route was from

Takum leading eastwards across the upper Katsina-Ala River to Kente and to Bafum, the

great kola centre or from Takum westward across Tiv land to Obudu and Ogoja. These routes

provided access roads to the hinterland of the Tiv area for military expeditions and peaceful

agreements which finally led to the colonization of Tiv land in 1915 15.

By 1886, the Royal Niger Company, under Sir George Goldie, and other companies

were amalgamated to form the United Africa Company (UAC) and mandated by the British

government to administer the whole of the Niger-Benue Valley Region, Tiv land inclusive.

The history of colonial conquest of Tiv land shows that in the same year, after pushing

France and Germany out of the Niger-Benue Valley territory, an administrative centre was

established at Ibi station to oversee all activities in Tiv land, thereby guaranteeing the British

commercial hegemony on both rivers, Niger and Benue. From this point onwards, the British

mandated powers continued to extend and expand her commercial control and influence into

the hinterland of the Tiv territory. It was these moves that led to more series of conflicts and

direct confrontations between the commercial agents of the British government and the Tiv
10
people on their land which eventually led to the conquest and subjugating of Tiv land in

1915.

The first of these direct confrontations was recorded in 1900. On that day, a team of

British staff and members of the West African Frontier Force (WAFF) were constructing a

telegraph line to link the colonial office at Lokoja on the bank of the River Niger with Ibi on

the bank of River Benue. The telegraph line was to cross over the Tiv territory with an

informed mind, that the British government had taken over the control of the whole of the

Northern Protectorate, including Tiv land. This development was, however, not disclosed

officially to the Tiv people. While the construction team was doing their work, Tiv land was

destroyed with certain economic trees at Akpanaja, a border village situated in between Tiv

and their Bassa neighbours. The Tiv quickly responded by attacking the construction team in

a very fatal manner. This incidence was reported by the London Times thus:

Captain Canal of the Northfolk Regiment and 150 men of

the WAFF, while escorting the telegraph construction
Staff North-east of Lokoja, were attacked on January 7 th,
by 2000 Mitshi, Munshi or Tiv and Bassa tribesmen.
Captain Eaton, of the East Kent Regiment was severely
wounded... one man was killed and 12 wounded. 16

As a result of the 1900 direct confrontation between the British staff and the Tiv

people, Sir Lord Lugard, the Governor General of the Northern Protectorate, instantly

reaffirmed his already made up opinion, that the Tiv people were “lawless treacherous,

intractable and unresponsive people, who must be pacified by whichever means”.

According to Makar, in 1901 Lord Lugard sent a contingent of 500 men of the 2 nd

Battalion with three maxim- guns and two seven pounders against the Tiv people at Abinsi. A

conflict involving the Jukun and Hausa people broke up at Abinsi centre. The Jukun people,

who were non Muslims, invited the Tiv people, who were also non Muslims like them, to

assist them in the fight against the Hausa Muslims. In the course of the fight, Hausa Muslims

were defeated, colonial properties were also destroyed and there was an incessant

incineration recorded as a result of the Jukun-Tiv and Hausa fight at Abinsi in 1901. It was on

hearing this information that, Lord Lugard sent another contingent, well armed, against the

10
Tiv people to pacify them. As usual, Tiv presented a stiff resistance, employing their guerrilla

tactics. According to Agber, even though there were a lot of properties destroyed and many

people killed, no victory was recorded on either side.

After the Abinsi incidence, Lord Lugard is said to was withdrawn back to Britain and

Sir Percy Girouard took over from him. Lugard’s policy of “burn and follow” was dropped

for another policy of “peaceful penetration” or persuasion and negotiation rather than force or

arms by Sir Percy Girouard. Sir Girouard’s policy recorded a lot of success by occasionally

combining it with force when and where necessary. By 1907, Captain Gordon who took off

with his team from the Wukari axis was able to secure Katsina-Ala area on the Eastern and

Western banks of river Katsina-Ala under the British firm control without having fired a

single shot. The Southern and Western districts of Tiv land were also brought under the

British control in the same year. Through the added policy of “patrols and explaining our

coming and intentions” the Iharev, Nongov, Masev, and all the neighbouring areas fell to the

British by 1914. Thus, with the establishment of an administrative headquarters at Abinsi, the

formal colonial conquest and subjugation of the Tiv land was finally achieved in 191517.

4.5 The Colonial Economic Transformational Policies and Yam Production in Tiv

land, 1915-1960.

As earlier stated, the arrival of colonial rule in Tiv land, Tiv people were operating

their traditional mode of yam production, classified as near communal type, with joint

ownership of land and traditional system of labour in each community. Relations of

productive forces were underdeveloped, generating only small surplus, as well as

redistribution, and generally controlled by their respective household units.

It will be recalled that one of the cardinal goals of the colonial occupation of Tiv land

was the entrenchment of imperialism. For imperialism to, therefore, flourish in Tiv land, Tiv

traditional economic establishments needed to be dismantled and replaced with colonial

economy. The colonial attempts to disarticulate the already established Tiv traditional

economy led to the introduction and enforcement of the colonial economic transformations

on Tiv land during the colonial era to transform Tiv traditional economic system. These were
10
taxation, monetization, wage labour, commoditization, conscription of farm labour hands for

viable economic purposes and other policies.

The likes of African scholars, such as Frank Fanon; Adu Boahen, Ali Mazrui and

others have all asserted that the establishment of colonialism on the African continent was

largely informed by the development of imperialism in Europe. On this premise, when the

colonial administration tookover the firm control of the pre-colonial economy in Tiv land,

(1915-1960) it quickly discovered that the Tiv lineage mode of yam production was not

generating sufficient surpluses to meet up with the desired articulations of imperialism.

Against this background, the Tiv traditional lineage mode of yam production was

disarticulated and transformed to the capitalist mode of production. It is no wonder that

Lenin, once argued that, “capitalism is the highest stage of imperialism”. Colonial economic

transformational policies such as monetization, taxation, commoditization, provision of

infrastructures and many others were used to achieve this process of transformation. The

transformation also elevated the position of yam crop to that of a commodity product (a

double value commodity) which became the pillar of yam economic transformation, thus

ensuring the strategic application of the commodity production theory as the framework of

the present study. As a commodity product, it began to frame-work and anchor, the basic

strategies of wealth augmentation of the yam production \and trade. Such strategies include as

follows:-

(a) Yam crop began to play the dual roles of food and cash crop in Tiv land.

(b) Yam trade began to overwhelm yam consumption, the fattest yams harvested were no

longer meant for local consumption but for sales.

(c) Increased yam production became synonymous with increased yam trade. Increased

yam output could determine, the increased volume of yam trade in a season.

(d) Yam trade began to assert a veritable source of wealth creation on Tiv land, thereby

enriching certain yam farmers more than others. The richer yam farmers began to own

land and even buging the labour force of the poor ones, thereby creating a situation of

exploitation and the entrenchment of capitalism in Tiv land.

10
(e) Yam trade also began to assume the position of the economic main-stay in preparation

to takeover from the Tiv benniseed export after colonialism on Tiv land.

All these basic functions of yam production and trade were deeply rooted and

anchored in Tiv land during the colonial era. Thereafter, were all fast-tracked and trajected to

the post colonial era in Tiv land, marking the beginning of the last phase of the study from

1960-2000 as examined in the subsequent chapters.

Taxation:

The aftermaths of Taxation policy indicated that it had double effects to change the

patterns of the Tiv traditional mode of yam production. First, the acceptance of the taxation

system in itself with all its brutal processes of payment and collection in Tiv land was an

indication of absolute submission of Tiv people to the supremacy of colonial rule on their

land. The resultant effect was the restoration of peace and tranquillity in the colonial Tiv land

for colonial economy to take its course. Second, taxation policy promoted yam production in

Tiv land by way of raising money for all male adults to pay taxes through cultivating cash

crops to generate money for payment of taxes. Increase in cash crop production led to

increase in food crop production, especially yam, the most important food crop of the Tiv

people. More production of crops under peaceful atmosphere of improved commercial

activities implied generating surpluses for wealth creation and redistribution in Tiv land,

which hitherto was done on a small scale under the pre-colonial period. Varvar clearly

acknowledges that “the production of yam in Tiv land witnessed significant increase during

the colonial period.” Thus, taxation policy’s double edge effects also brought about increase

in yam production and also facilitated or promoted yam trade in Tiv land during the colonial

era.

In the course of our field survey, Azer Abya 18 disclosed that it was discovered that in

order to secure more production of yams, the hitherto labour force divide between women

and men of the traditional mode of production was no longer strictly adhered. Many yam

farmers especially single families began to engage in doing women’s roles together with

10
them and sometimes women assisting in clearing, paase land for heaps-making by men to

lessen the cumbersome load of the enlarged yam farms for more yields.

According to Demekaan Mfo19, another change was the abandonment of shifting

cultivation method of yam farming. The individual expansion of yam farms led to farm

land’s exhaustion and shortages. Farmers in Tiv land had to change to double cropping by the

renewal of yam mounds from which yams were already harvested to plant yam seedlings

again in the next cropping season, known in Tiv as akuul a kenden. While harvesting yams,

one section of the mound was dug open to extract yam seeds or tubers from it. As soon as the

tuber or seeds were taken out, the opening was covered back to form a complete mound ready

for the next planting season. Another set of yam seeds were planted on those mounds to

renew the second season’s cropping cycle of yam cultivation.Yet another change brought

about as a result of farm land shortage was the migration of yam farmers to other areas where

they could secure fertile land for yam cultivation within the Tiv territory and later to locations

outside the traditional borders of the Tiv territory. Regina H.Y. Fu, etal say it all that:

Increase in yam production of Africa (during the colonial

era) has been achieved dominantly through expansion in
cultivated area but little improvement in productivity. The
traditional production systems of the region are under
growing pressure to adapt short fallow periods owing to
limited availability of the new lands to support shifting
cultivation... low soil fertility, increased pest problems
and backward farming technology... Majority of yam
farmers in Africa are small holder farmers with limited
resources to struggle further with their traditional
methods. To meet the ever enlarging demand for food
(and wealth creation) of the fast growing population and
to tackle the threats that further harm yam production,
new technology that target African small holder farmers
are of urgent need.20
Monetization:

According to Agber, monetization simply implied the introduction of a modern

economic system and wage labour to replace trade by barter and similar trade practices. The

monetization process impacted on the Tiv traditional mode of production by redirecting the

production process to the output of commodities or commoditising products that could easily

be exchanged in the market. Yam production was affected because, while a Tiv farmer under
10
the colonial time was compelled to produce cash crops demanded, he also necessarily had to

step up yam production as a means of his sustenance. Thus, the production of cash crops had

to go alongside the production of yam

Wage labour:

Agber once argued, that like other colonial economic policies discussed, wage labour

system also impacted on Tiv traditional strategies of yam production through the process of

farm labour hiring. During the colonial period in Tiv land, there emerged a system, where

professional yam farmers, after finishing the cultivation of their own yam farms, went about

providing labourforce in any form for other yam farmers to earn money. The money acquired

through the sale of their labourforce was reinvested into other endeavours to develop the Tiv

economy during the colonial epoch.

Conscription of farm labour hands:

In a similar vein, the colonial history of Tiv speculates that conscription of Tiv

labourforce for public works of the colonial administration, like railway construction

(adogon), military service for 1st and 2nd World Wars, tin mining at the Jos Plateau (Kwaza),

building of government houses, bridges and roads, was the only policy that impacted

negatively on increased crop production in Tiv land during the colonial era. The conscription

of able bodied men into colonial administrative and construction projects deprived the needed

labourforce for production, yam inclusive. Alot of oral records revealed that there was a make

shift mechanism, where women, old men and children were replaced with able bodied men

conscripted in order to sustain crops production.

In as much as this study accepts that the conscription policy of the colonial

administration was not favourable to increased crop production generally in Tiv land, the

study differs from the view point shared by certain scholars such as Varvar in apportioning

failure to food crop production, especially yam. He argues that:

...the colonial government introduced very negative

policies like levying of taxes on production and
transportation of food crops and livestock and forceful
movement of labour from agricultural activities to

10
 porterage, mining and construction of infrastructural
facilities. These policies went a long way in negatively
affecting food crop production in Nigeria generally. 21

The study argues differently on this view point. Firstly, that the conscription policy

negatively or positively impacted on both food and cash crop production during the colonial

period in Tiv land. Reducing the negative impact of the policy to food crops alone especially

yam, amounts to historical inexactness. Secondly, if the colonial economic policies were

designed to deliberately undermine increased yam production, why did the colonial

administration react promptly with the prohibition “stop orders” banning the exportation of

food stuffs, especially yam, outside Tiv land and even providing relief materials to cushion

the effect of famine.22 The timely reaction of the colonial government to the Tiv famine

situation of the 1930s23 suggests that at no time had it ever contemplated enforcing an

economic policy that would deter increased food crops especially yam, production in Tiv

land. Thirdly, the process of commoditization of the yam food crop in itself was to increase

or boost yam production and trade in Tiv land. If the colonial administration had intended to

starve the Tiv people of their most favourite food crop, why did the same administration

commoditize the yam crop to boost its production and trade?

The present study shares the opinion that the colonial administration in Tiv land at no

time intended to dethrone food crop production, especially yam. Increased yam production

implied increased cash crops and raw material production, which the colonial government

needed most to fulfil the cardinal goals of the Tiv conquest and subjugation. It is finally

argued that the long run positive impact of the colonial conscription policy also led to the

expansion of yam trade outside Tiv land to places like Jos, Enugu and PortHarcourt and

invariably an increase in yam production and it’s trade 25. This was a positive development

which forms another topic for discussion on yam economy in this study.

4.6 Further Changes in Yam Production Strategies During The Post Independent

Tiv land, 1960-2000.

As earlier stated in the introductory segement of the chapter, the capitalist mode of

yam production carried over from the colonial period into the post Independent Tiv land was

initially impeded by the political upheavals in Tiv land especially the ‘Nande Nande’ of 1962

10
and ‘atemityo’ of 1964. These two episodes later combined with other political exigencies

across the country and culminated into the Nigerian Civil war of 1967-1970. These factors

among others impeded the capitalist mode of yam production in Tiv land during the early part

of post colonial era.

Firstly, the political crisis situation at that time in Tiv land was not conducive to freely

go about yam farming to increase it’s output. Secondly, yam farmers in Tiv land were also

deeply involved in the political crises. Very many of them were killed and others seriously

wounded and deformed. Thirdly, T. Agena argued that about 15000 yam farmers were

recruited into the Nigerian Military service to execute the civil war 25(b). These and many other

factors put together deterred yam production in Tiv land during the Nigerian Civil War.

During the field survey of the present research study, three elders and yam farmers, namely

Avuu Gyaase Ubi from Logo Local Government Area (11/12/2012) 26, Atondo Gongor, an ex-

serviceman from Dan-Anacha yam market (10/8/2011) 27 and Dyako Atser, an elderly person

from Vandeikya Local Government Area (15/07/2012) 28 were differently interviewed on the

situation of yam production during the Nigerian Civil War of 1967-1970. Separately, they all

agreed that the situation would have deteriorated to a famine condition if women, children

and old men had not intervened with a make-shift arrangement of taking over the hoeing of

mounds, from the male young adults who were recruited in the Nigeria Military Service.

However, immediately after the Nigerian Civil War in 1970, Tiv yam farmers who

Fought in the Nigerian Civil War were demobilized back to Tiv land using the down-sizing

policy of the Nigerian army and other reasons. As soon as these returnees came back to Tiv

land, they went straight into yam farming, doing what they knew best before joining the

Nigerian Army. They wanted to generate wealth and live flamboyant lives as comparable to

what they saw in Igbo land during the war. Some of our oral interviewees such as Ugber

Akpa from Ayati in Ukum LGA (7/1/2013) 29 Ugba Ayem at Ahmadu town in Taraba state

(10/1/2012)30 Orir Torkon at Ayua in Katsina-Ala LGA (29/11/2013) 31 and many others, all

agreed separately that the return of the ex-military men to Tivland actually brought about

land crisis among different families which further degenerated into external migration of the

Tiv people to other areas outside the Tiv land in search for fertile land to farm yams. Another

11
reasons for increase in yam production in Tiv land after the Nigerian civil war was the

formulation of new policies by both the Federal and State governments on fertilizers and

other agricultural policies as well as loans to increase yam production in Tiv land to resolve

the unpalatable general food security situation in the entire country after the war.32

Table I: An Incremental Output of Yam Production in Benue Province of Central Nigeria,

1920-1959
S/N YEAR QUANTITY IN TONNES
1 1920 987
2 1921 1028
3 1922 1333
4 1923 1478
5 1924 1691
6 1925 1720
7 1926 1894
8 1927 1987
9 1928 1994
10 1929 2109
11 1930 2157
12 1931 2254
13 1932 2311
14 1933 2423
15 1934 2513
16 1935 2617
17 1936 2778
18 1937 2817
19 1938 2882
20 1939 2967
21 1940 3019
22 1941 3198
23 1942 3367
24 1943 3512
25 1944 3743
26 1945 3890
27 1946 3910
28 1947 4003
29 1948 4211
30 1949 4360
31 1950 4576
32 1951 4798
33 1952 4992
34 1953 5012
35 1954 5126
36 1955 5700
37 1956 6076
38 1957 6276
39 1958 6010
40 1959 7619
Source: Benue State Ministry of Agriculture abd Natural Resources Makurdi (1995)
Benue Agricutlral and Rural Development Authority, Implementation Report
March, 1995

11
The statistical figures in the above data table indicates clearly that the output production of

yam crop on Tiv land increased so significantly during the colonial period as earlier affirmed

by Varvar that “...the production of yam in Tiv land witnessed significant increase during the

colonial period...”33 The incremental rates were suggestively responding according to the

intensification of the colonial economic activities of the colonial Tiv area. From the years

between 1920-1929, there was an increase of only 2.109 tonnes, then from 1930-1939, as the

economic activities of the colonial era intensified, so also the output of yam production

increased to 2,967 tonnes and continued in that order to the prime period of colonialism in

Tiv area, from 1950-1959. Production increase of 4,360 in the years between 1940-1949

moved straight to 7,619 tonnes from 1950-1959.

The situation of lack of statistical data to justify yearly increment of yam production during

the colonial era dramatically improved during the post colonial Tiv land. Evidently, a table of

incremental output of yam production in Nigeria, Benue Province and Tiv land (Tiv N.A)

from 1960-1970 is presented below to further buttress the argument that yam production has

been on intermitant increase in Tiv land from the colonial to the post colonial period.

Table II: An Incremental Output of Yam Production in Nigeria, Benue Province and Tiv Land
(Tiv N.A) 1960-1970
S/NO YEAR NIGERIA QUANTITY IN 000 BENUE TIV LAND
M. TONNES PROVINCE (TIV N.A)
1 1960 8,767 6,137 4,910
2 1961 11,915 8,340 6,672
3 1962 13,258 9,281 5,197
4 1963 12,892 9,024 5,054
5 1964 15,630 10,941 4,288
6 1965 14,330 10,031 5,617
7 1966 14,500 10,150 5,684
8 1967 11,771 8,240 3,230
9 1968 10,499 7,349 2,881
10 1969 12,194 8,536 4,780
11 1970 14,913 10,439 8,351
Source: Kayode, M.O. & Usman, Y.B. (eds) Nigeria Since Independence. The First 25 years,
Vol. 11, Ibadan, Heineman, 1989 p. 52

As illustrated in the table, clear statistical figures denoting specific yearly increament

of yam production in Nigeria, Benue Province and Tiv land from 1960-1970 in ‘000 metric

11
tonnes, are presented. These data statistics suggest that there was intermittent increment in

yam production in the first ten years (1960-1970) of the Nigerian Independence. In 1960,

4,910 metric tonnes were produced in Tiv land. In the following year (1961), yam production

increased with the output 6,672 metric tonnes in Tiv land and from 8,767 metric tonnes to

11,915 metric tonnes in the whole country. There were fluctions from 1962 with 5,179 metric

tonnes, 5,054 metric tonnes in 1963, and 4,288, metric tonnes in 1964. On the other hand,

there was increment in the output production in Nigeria from 13,258 metric tonnes in 1962 to

15,630 metric tonnes in 1964.

In view of the fact that there was increment in the output production of yam in the

country from 1961 to 1964 but fluctuations within this period in Tiv land, suggest that the

two episodes of political upheavals in Tiv land, namely the “Nande-Nande” of 1962 and

“atemityo” of 1964 contributed to the fluctuations in yam production during this period.

There was a gradual increase in yam production output between 1965 and 1966, followed by

a sharp fall of 3,230 metric tonnes in 1967, and 2,881 metric tonnes in 1968 in Tiv land. This

same fall in the output of yam production was recorded in Nigeria from 1967 with as low as

11,771 metric tonnes down to 10,499 metric tonnes in 1968. Since the decline of yam

production between 1967 to 1969 affected Tiv land and entire country, suggest that the

decline in production was partly caused by the activities of the Nigerian civil war, (1967-

1970). At the end of the Nigerian civil war, in January 1970, an incremental rate of yam

production output was recorded in Tiv land, with 8,351 increment in 1970 and 14,913 metric

tonnes in Nigeria. Conclusively, the above data table supports imperically that yam

production output in Tiv land continued to increase from the colonial period to the post

colonial era inspite of certain intermittent deterrants occasioned by political upheavels in Tiv

land and indeed the whole nation.

Further imperical illustrations under table III overleaf is presented to back up with

statistical data, the argument that yam production output has been on increase from the

11
colonial period till date in the Benue Region and Tiv land in particular. The table presents an

estimated output production in ‘000,000 metric tonnes of 1985 with 208,400 metric tonnes

and continued to increase gradually over all the years from 1985-1999. There was production

output of 208,400 metric tonnes in 1985 and continued to gradually increase with certain

fluctuations to 1,784,096 metric in 1999 and 274,360 metric tonnes in 2000 which began the

2001 yam recession. The same case applies to Ukum LGA, the leading yam producer in Tiv

land. There are noticeable fluctuations as shown in Table III. These fluctuations suggest poor

harvest occasioned by droughts, excessive rainfall, poor fertilizer distribution, lack of

motivation of farmers, among others. Most importantly, however, there was an average

increase in yam production in the Benue Region, Tiv land inclusive, during the post colonial

period.

11
Table III: An estimated output of yam in Benue Region and Tiv LGAs from 1985-1999

1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999

Benue State 208,400 637,411 183,355 478,160 662,062 675,303 695,574 402,285 300,000 290,264 229,864 856,320 1,324,024 1,600,741 1,784,096
LGA

Ukum 187560 573669.9 165019.5 430344 595855.8 607772.7 626016.6 362056.5 270000 261237.6 206877.6 770688 1191621.6 1440666.9 1605686.4

Katsina Ala 166720 509928.8 146684 382528 529649.6 540242.4 556459.2 321828 240000 232211.2 183891.2 693619.2 1072459.4 1296600.21 1445117.8

Logo 156300 478058.25 137516.25 358620 496546.5 506477.3 521680.5 301713.8 225000 217698 172398 624257.3 965213.5 1166940.19 1300606

Konshisha 125040 382446.6 110013 286896 397237.2 405181.8 417344.4 241371 180000 174158.4 137918.4 561831.6 868692.15 1050246.17 1170545.4

Kwande 125040 382446.6 110013 286896 397237.2 405181.8 417344.4 241371 180000 174158.4 137918.4 505648.4 781822.93 945221.553 1053490.8

Vandeikya 62520 191223.3 55006.5 143448 198618.6 202590.9 208672.2 120685.5 90000 87079.2 68959.2 455083.6 703640.64 850699.398 948141.76

Ushongo 83360 254964.4 73342 191264 264824.8 270121.2 278229.6 160914 120000 116105.6 91945.6 409575.2 633276.57 765629.458 853327.59
Gboko 62520 191223.3 55006.5 143448 198618.6 202590.9 208672.2 120685.5 90000 87079.2 68959.2 368617.7 569948.92 689066.512 767994.83

Buruku 104200 318705.5 91677.5 239080 331031 337651.5 347787 201142.5 150000 145132 114932 331755.9 512954.03 620159.861 691195.34

Tarka 83360 254964.4 73342 191264 264824.8 270121.2 278229.6 160914 120000 116105.6 91945.6 298580.3 461658.62 558143.875 622075.81

Guma 41680 127482.2 36671 95632 132412.4 135060.6 139114.8 80457 60000 58052.8 45972.8 268722.3 415492.76 502329.487 559868.23

Makurdi 62520 191223.3 55006.5 143448 198618.6 202590.9 208672.2 120685.5 90000 87079.2 68959.2 241850.1 373943.48 452096.539 503881.41

Gwer-West 72940 223093.85 64174.25 167356 231721.7 236356.1 243450.9 140799.8 105000 101592.4 80452.4 217665.1 336549.14 406886.885 453493.27

Gwer-East 83360 254964.4 73342 191264 264824.8 270121.2 278229.6 160914 120000 116105.6 91945.6 195899 302894.2 366198.2 408143.9

Total 1,625520 4971806 1430169 3729648 5164084 5267363 5425477 3137823 2340000 2264059 1792939 6800114 10514192 12711626 14167665
Source: Nigeria Since Independence, Vol. II p. 63 (with additional projections): edited by Kayode, M.O. & Usman, Y.B. Heineman, Ibadan 1989.

1
 Table III, clearly shows that there was increased yam production in the Benue Region

from 1985-2000 in support of the on-going argument. At this point, the study is directed

towards the explanation of causal factors responsible for the progressive changes in yam

production techniques and the role of both the Nigerian and Benue State governments in

changing yam production methods during the post colonial era in Tiv land.

According to J.N. Ninga, three factors, namely the desire for monetary gains of the

yam farmers, improved transport system and the ever increasing demands for trade in yam

outside the Tiv land actually combined to increase the rate of Tiv yam production and trade

during the post colonial era. In addition, seasonal migration and the sale or hire of labour

force, increased availability of fertilizers and insecticides and most of all, government

interventions (assistance/aids) jointly repositioned (revamped) and increased yam production

from 1970-2000 as visibly presented on Table III:

Another important role played by both the Federal and State governments to change

productive patterns of the techniques of yam production, was the introduction and

encouragement of fertilizer and insecticide usage and training programmes, to increase

production of yam across Tiv land during the post colonial era.

The predominant tropical soil in Tiv land is the kaolin type. It was once asserted that:

the soil type in Tiv land, apart from being low in major
nutrients has low buffering capacity, as well as low
organic matter due to high temperatures and rainfalls with
the tendency to be acidic and is easily eroded, thus,
making the tropical soil low in fertility.33

The nature of tropical soil in Tiv land has the tendency to be acidic and is easily eroded,

creating a situation of low fertility in the area. The fertility of any soil, depletes after each

year’s cultivation, unless residues of crops are ploughed back into it as organic manure or

inorganic fertilization. In the pre-colonial and colonial eras, shifting cultivation was used to

restore soil fertility after production. However, rapid population growth, large scale farming,

and soil exhaustion made land grossly inadequate to the extent that shifting cultivation was

11
no longer embarked upon to restore soil fertility. It was for this reason that artificial means to

restore soil fertility for continuous production of yam and other crops were introduced, such

as organic manure. Compost organic manure was simply derived from decomposed plants or

animal dungs which releases nutrients to replenish the already used up soil nutrients.

According to Bohannan in his study on “Tiv Farm and Settlement” the introduction of

organic manure in Tiv yam farming system was in the 1930s by the colonial government at

Yandev Farm Training Centre, established in 1927. The use of organic manure to increase

soil fertility was cumbersome and therefore was not generally accepted by the farmers. Apart

from the difficulty of processing it, there were also problems of transporting the product in

large quantities to the farms and proficiency in its application on the crops. There was

minimal application of organic manure and low acceptability until after the Nigerian

independence in 1960. As earlier stated, the political history of Tiv land shows that after

independence, Tiv land was confronted with series of political wars like Nande-Nande of

1962 and Atemtyo of 1964 ranging from 1960-1964.24 The attention of Tiv farmers drifted to

political wars on their land and there was not much concentration on yam farm activities.

These Tiv revolts continued until the era of the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970. 25 In fact,

from 1960 to 1970, fertilizers and herbicides were not given the deserved attention as

valuable alternatives for improved soil fertility for high yield of crops in Tiv land until after

the 1970s.

Fertilizer uptake later came up again at a very slow pace in Tiv land. It was then

speculated that, only 13,080.25 MT of fertilizers were sold to the Tiv farmers out of

43,214MT made available by the State Government. There was slight increase in the supply

of fertilizer from 1978-1987 as tabulated overleaf.

11
 Table IV: Fertilizer Distribution by Type in Benue State in Metric Tonnes from 1978-
1987
S/N TYPE 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987
1 NPK 1174 2517 4153 6393.2 5122 2785 26338.25 2057.3 5843.45 11230.15
15:15:15
2 27:13:13 9200 1503 1883 6393.2 - - - - - -

3 S.A 90 5696 3658 1487.85 - - - - 1985.50 6930.2

4 SSP 380 835 2839 5820.05 210 270 202.75 0.55 1703.40 4800.15

5 UREA 14846 3613 2896 3390.63 - - 1047.5 76.15 911.35 120

6. CAN 2667 - 2154 3286.35 3161 767 515.1 604 1568.50 7320

7. DAP - - - - - - 22.2 177.6 1086.49 2220

8. MPO - - - - - - - - 0.80 -

9. BSP - - - - - - - - 34.80 -

10. 20:20:20 - - - - 40 - - - - 4431.65

11. Others - - - - - 432 - - - -

Total 7079 14164 17588 2423.43 8493 4254 4125.8 2915.6 13134.3 37052.85

Source: Fertilizer Unit, Ministry of Agriculture and BNARDA, Makurdi (1987). Extracted
from M. Odey, Food Crop Production...2011 p202.

Table V: Fertilizer Distributions to each LGA in Benue State (MTS) 1986-1987

Types of fertilizer
S/N LGAS Totals NPK UREA CAN DAP S/A MOP BSP SSP
15:15:15
1 1986 40,964.25 8079 5860 4500.15 5490 12,060 - 1440.1 3635
2. 1987 38,663.4 11,225 7212.95 4594.5 4594.5 6,012.15 68.2 562.4 3,366.2
3 Ankpa 1927.66 746.4 514.96 640.35 22.45 - - 3.45 0.05
4. Bassa 258.45 73.15 185.3 - - - - - -
5. Dekina 823.5 674.55 120.05 28.2 0.55 - - - -
6. Gboko 8641.1 2016.25 1020.95 617.95 780.80 1068.75 0.55 466.30 269.55
7. Gwer 2408 396.20 838.90 403.75 425.65 230.40 - 3.15 49.95
8. Idah 542.9 264.75 80.60 188.40 9.15 - - - -
9. K/Ala 9499.4 2349.64 1364.35 1356.35 2558.70 2677.25 - 28.50 161.90
10. Kwande 2217.25 907.30 159.20 442.50 686.65 928.95 42.50 - 160.75
11. Makurdi 4704.3 4704.3 787.85 2279.10 723.60 306.40 315.40 25.00 32.95
12. Oju 322.2 322.2 130.50 - 94.05 8.50 89.15 - -
13. Okpokwu 593.65 593.65 417.20 38.50 84.60 - 50.00 - -
14. Otukpo 2093.35 2093.35 761.70 347.35 512.45 173.70 296.50 0.5 -
15. Vandeikya 3531.55 3531.55 1699.50 265.70 477.00 619.55 355.75 - 28.05
Source:Benue Agricultural and Rural Development Authority (BNARDA) and Statistical
Year Book, Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, Makurdi, Benue State, 1989.
Extracted from M. Odey, Food Crop Production... 2011 p. 203

The most important things about Table IV & Table V are the indications that there

was increment in the amount of different types of fertilizers distributed to the Tiv farmers in

11
Tiv land as from 1970s upward. Secondly, Katsina-Ala Local Governemnt Area which was

then made up of Katsina-Ala, Ukum, and Logo, now called Sankera, the core centre of yam

production collected the highest amount of fertilizers, (9499.4) in table V as an indication of

the leading yam production zone in the post colonial Tiv land.

In addition to fertilizer procurement, Benue State Government, through Benue

Agricultural and Rural Development Authority (BNARDA) and the Ministry of Agriculture

(MOA), provided agro-chemicals, such as herbicides, insecticides, sprayers, milling

machines, irrigation pumps, and other equipment for retail to Benue farmers at subsidized

rates. For instance, in 1999, the State Ministry of Agriculture allocated about 8,386 litres of

herbicides worth N7, 350,000.99; 900 units of sprayers and 70 rice milling machines to

farmers. Money was paid back instalmentally by the farmers into the account of the Ministry

for another round of consignment. Table V, presents agro-chemicals and other farm

implements procured and sold to Benue farmers in June, 1996 for increased crop production,

yam crop inclusive.

Table VI : Herbicides, Insecticides, and Seed Procured and Sold to Farmers

S/N Inputs Stock Sales Value (N) Stock Balance Total Value
(N) (N)
1 Herbicides Sundry 1,459,225.00 4,101,045.00 5,469,270.00
2 Insecticides Sundry 358,244.00 8,774,961.00 9,133,205.00
3 Improved Seeds Sundry 53,914.00 1,709,240.00 1,763,154.00
4 Total Value - 1,871,383.00 14,494,246.00 16,365,269.00
th
Source: BNARDA Stock Balance, 30 June, 1996

In addition to fertilizer and insecticide distribution to Tiv farmers, government

policies were also put in place to effect the changing pattern of yam production in the post

colonial Tiv land. Available information from BNARDA office also indicate that in

December, 1985, the Federal Government directed that, all Agricultural Development

Projects in all the States of the Federation should become the implementing arm of their

respective State Ministries of Agriculture to facilitate and enforce input distribution to

farmers. This policy, therefore, empowered the Benue State Government to move the

11
responsibilities of agricultural extension services to the already established Benue State

Agricultural and Rural Development Authority (BNARDA).

The goals of BNARDA included: to revitalize extension system, multiply improved

seeds for distribution, recognise and commercialize input distribution and to provide feeder

roads, rural water and deliver extension services to the local farmers among others. A

mechanism for transfer of improved farming technologies by training and visit system was

properly put in place too. With this system in place, regular training of extension staff who

regularly visited contact farmers at scheduled times and specific points were adapted. In

addition, the extension staff instructed and supervised the application of fertilizers and

insecticides on yam farms and other crops. They also assisted yam farmers to purchase other

varieties of yam seeds from far places, like ‘Ogoja’ and ‘Agatu’ yam seeds, which are now

common in Tiv land. This was mainly to assist small scale farmers improve production of

yam output and increase their incomes.

One of such appropriate technologies employed in the training of local farmers for

acquisition of requisite skills to improve their farm yields was the Small Plot Adoption

Technique (SPAT). Table VI presents results of successful SPAT scheme from its inception

in 1986-1993 to buttress further how the State government impacted on increased food crop

production with yam inclusive in Benue State from 1986 to date.

Table VII: Small Plot Adoption Techniques (SPAT) Trails by BNARDA from 1986-1993.
S/N Type of Soil No. of Trails % of No. of Trails
1 Crop Variety 29,053 37.98
2 Fertilizer 31,820 41.49
3 Crop Spacing 6,626 8.66
4 Crop Protection 920 1.20
5 Crop Mixtures 4,080 5.33
6 Yam Minisett 4,005 5.24
Total=6 76,504 -
Source: BNARDA, Makurdi, (1996)

As indicated in table VII the yam miniset achieved a lot for yam farmers, especially in Ukum,

Katsina-Ala and Logo Local Government Areas of Tiv land in Benue State. Tiv traditional

12
 yam farmers acquired useful knowledge and experience in terms of how and when to apply

fertilizers/insecticides; which type of fertilizer was good for which type of food crop, when to

start planting yam in a year and other aspects of yam production. The implementation of this

knowledge actually transformed yam production techniques in the post colonial Tiv land.

Table VIII: Output of SPAT Trails by BNARDA, 1999-2008

Extension Agents In Position Actual Contact With Farmers
Achieve % Contact E.A
S/N Year Targets ments Present Farmers % Visits % Spat %
1 1999 368 283 97.0 31,974 90.5 51,451 67.0 13,161 76.1

2 2000 368 244 66.3 31,974 90.5 40,849 53.0 15,399 89.0

3 2006 368 208 56.5 31,974 90.5 24,631 - 3,756 Na

4 2007 368 201 55.0 16,080 54.4 17,173 89.0 2,228 55.4

5 2008 368 156 42.4 29,940 85.0 16,342 84.7 1,742 86.2

Source: BNARDA’S Annual Report From 1999-2008

The Benue State Government also embarked on deliberate programmes to generate money to

assist farmers financially to increase food crop production, especially yam which serves as

both food and cash crop in the State. Through BNARDA, one of the steps taken to promote

food crop production and trade, especially yam, the most preferred crop of the Tiv, was the

establishment of agro-service centres across Tiv land.

Each of these centres was provided with four units of two bedroom quarters, one

block of five offices, fertilizer store, one agro-chemical store, mechanical workshop,

generator for power supply, feeder roads equipment, among others. Fertilizers and agro-

chemicals were sold at subsidised rate to farmers at the centres nearest to them, thus, saving

their transportation costs and other risks. In addition, rural roads were regularly graded and

new ones opened up across Tiv land to these agro-service centres. This was to facilitate

movement of farm produce from the farms to markets and homes. Through BNARDA, Tiv

farmers were variously aided to promote yam production and trade as from its establishment

up to date. Table: IX presents Agro-service centres in Tiv land for confirmation.

12
Table IX: Agro-Service Centres inTiv land

S/No Local Government Area Agro-Service Centres

1 Gboko Akpagher
2 Buruku Tyowanye
3 Guma Daudu; Udei; Agasha
4 Gwer West Ikpayongo; Taraku
5 Gwer East Naka
6 Katsina-Ala Tor-Donga
7 Konshisha Korinya; Gungul
8 Kwande Jato-Aka
9 Logo Abeda
10 Makurdi Makurdi
11 Tarkaa Wannune
12 Ukum Zaki-Biam
13 Ushongo Sati-Ikyov; Lessel
14 Vandeikya Mede; Ihugh
Source: BNARDA, 1996

There are other available records which suggest that the State Government also

assisted farmers with credit facilities/loans in order to aid them sustain increased production

and sales of food crops, especially yam. This was done by providing direct access to loan and

credit facilities to farmers across the country as suggested by Regina, H.Y. Fu, etal (2011)

earlier quoted in the study. For example, the Federal Government in 1977 established

Agricultural Credit Guarantee Scheme Fund (ACGSF), a fund that had the ownership and

shareholding of 60% by the Federal Ministry of Finance and 40% by the Central Bank of

Nigeria. The intention was to accomplish its role of promoting increased agricultural

production and trade in Nigeria. About 13,910, farmers including the Tiv yam farmers, in

Benue State were reported to have benefited from the scheme to the tune of N93, 441,000.00.

(BNARDA, 1996)

Before the SPAT Scheme, there were agricultural training institutions for prospective

farmers in Benue State since the colonial period. These skills acquisition institutions were

designed to prepare farmers with requisite knowledge and qualifications in the agricultural

industry for the development of cash and food crops in the area. The first established

12
agricultural based training institution in Tiv land was the Farm Training Centre at Yandev-

Gboko, during the colonial period. In 1973, the training centre was upgraded to the status of a

College of Agriculture at Yandev.

A new agricultural training centre was therefore established in its place at Mbatie in

1973. One of the main goals of professional training in these institutions was to improve

production strategies to increase yam production and other food crops. Furthermore, the

University of Agriculture in Makurdi was established and other tertiary institutions with the

mandate to train agricultural workers. Our field survey also indicate that there are some

graduates from these institutions who are already into farming schemes contributing to

increased food crop production, with yam inclusive, across Tiv land and beyond. It is not

surprising that Benue State is today known as the “Food Basket of the Nation”

Labour and Land

Besides the introduction of modern techniques of yam production which impacted

positively on the changing methods of yam production in post colonial Tiv land, the labour

force and land system as key elements of the mode of production of yam were further

improved upon. These steps equally impacted positively to enhance increase in yam

production from the colonial to the post colonial periods in Tiv land. The introduction of

wage labour system really contributed to large scale yam farming, thereby increasing the rate

of yam production in Tiv land during and after the colonial era. Family units with less labour

hands were able to hire or engage additional labour hands and pay wages to them to farm

yams apart from the increased expertise of the black smiths improving on making farm tools

like hoes and other.. On the other hand, those who collected wages for their labour used the

monies acquired to invest in other sectors of the Tiv economy like transportation to fast-track

yam production. Some of these paid labourers engaged in other yam related businesses like

cookeries which in turn enhanced increased yam production on Tiv land during the post

colonial era.

12
 The wage labour system of the colonial regime also brought about seasonal labour

migration especially from the southern and parts of central Tiv land to the Northern parts of

Tiv land where yam production had just started infiltrating during the colonial era. In fact,

new ways of yam cultivation were adopted by the Northern yam farmers from labour

immigrants from southern parts of Tiv land. The field survey of the present study reveals, that

these labour immigrants who introduced the age group farming system known as “Ihumbe” in

the northern Tiv land, still increase in their numbers and skills especially from the returnees

of the civil war up to date in Tiv land. As earlier stated, “ihumbe” is a farming process,

whereby a group of youthful farmers, farm together in turn at the same time on the same farm

in a competitive manner which produces a lot of farm work done in a short time with less

stress and fatigue than the individual farming system. Till today, large scale farmers in the

North Eastern Tiv land always embark on seasonal tours to recruit more farm labour hands in

the southern and parts of central Tiv land like Vandeikya, Konshisha and Gboko to Ukum,

Katsina-Ala and Logo to increase their yam fields or farms yearly.

LAND TENURE: PRE-COLONIAL, COLONIAL, AND POST COLONIAL PERIODS

Pre-Colonial Era

During the pre-colonial era, land in Tiv area was a scared property only to be

inherited from the great grand fathers and not owned by an individual or sold out. 34 It was the

property of the entire community, kept under the custody of the traditional elders. The

responsibility of the elder was to allocate the community land to all the compound units

within their communities. At the beginning of every annual cropping season, the compound

Head would in turn share out the farm land to each family unit within his compound for yam

cultivation which was the leading crop for annual cultivation. Each family unit would

organise family members and cultivate yams on the plot of land shared to her for the season.

As a matter of tradition, women were not entitled to land inheritance in Tiv land.

Colonial Era

According top Zaki, Amakaa Agye35, Tiv society began to experience land shortage

during the colonial period especially in the southern Tiv land where population was higher.36
12
The traditional shifting cultivation was dropped for the fallow system of yam cultivation.

Yam farmers began to lay claims for the first and second fallow land. Individual families

therefore began to own fallow lands. At the beginning of new cropping season, individual

families would no longer wait for lamd sharing but go straight to farm yams on their fallow

land. This marked the beginning of land hiring, or and lease of farm lands to strangers or

visitors in the Tiv society.

Post Colonial Era

Under the post colonial period, according to Dzahan36, the Ter Ukum young men who

inherited land from their fathers as family heads were no longer respecting the traditional

authorities in their respective communities. Apart from renting or hiring out the fallow land,

they began to sale out these lands to strangers including Igbo yam traders to cultivate yams.

This was the beginning of the formal sale of traditional land in Tiv society especially in

towns and settlement areas where land is sold for housing and other purposes.

4.7 Conclusion

Yam production was practiced by the Tiv as far back as the pre-colonial era. The

process of yam production started with selecting a site, which were selected close to the

beginning of annual cultivation of the crop. However, actual process of yam cultivation

always started around August with the clearing of weeds from a portion of land to be farmed.

Other processes which followed in sequence were yam heap making, planting of yam

seedlings, clearing of weeds, harvesting and storage. All of these methods were guided by the

communal mode of production and were executed through communal labour and the use of

crude implements/tools especially hoe and cutlass. Production of yam in the pre-colonial era

was essentially for subsistence.

The colonial era, however, initiated certain changes in yam production in Tiv land, as

a result of the introduction of the colonial economic structures, which transformed the

economy through wage labour policy, among other colonial policies. All the colonial

economic features influenced yam production positively in one way or the other during the

colonial era. However, increasing demand for yam production continued to bring about
12
changes in the Tiv traditional methods of its production from the pre-colonial era to date in

Tiv land which also added value to increment in its production.

The post colonial era also witnessed remarkable changes in the trend of yam

production and trade. During this period, modern facilities, including roads, fertilizers and aid

in various forms from the two tiers of government, among others, were introduced as against

traditional means used in the pre-colonial era. The introduction of modern techniques in yam

production also impacted positively on increment in yam production output. Finally, as much

as yam production, from the colonial time to the post colonial era, 1915-2000 was impeded it

gradually continued to increase till date in Tiv land and beyond. Conclusively, increase in

yam production in Tiv land has been so far achieved dominantly through expansion in land

cultivated and the use of fertilizers and herbicides with little improvement in technology.

Recommendations for focusful technological improvement for increased yams production

will be attempted at the end of this study.

12
 Endnotes
1. AR/ANT/T/5-History of the Tiv Tribe by Akiga of the DNCM.

2. Samir Amin, Unequal Development: An Eassay on the Social Formation of peripheral

capitalism, New York, 1973 p.35

3. Atondo Gongor, a retired soldier, of 79 years interviewed at Dan-anacha, on the

25/03/2013

4. O. N. Njoku, Economic History of Nigeria: 19th and 20th Centuries, Enugu Magnet

Enterprises, (2001) p71.

5. K. Ijoho, an elder, from Vandeikya town, age 95 years, interviewed on the 21/11/2010

6. C.C. Jacobs, “The Birom Pre-Colonial Economy” in A.A. Idrees and Y.A. Ochefu

(eds) Studies in the History of Central Nigeria area. Volume I, CSS Ltd Lagos, 2002,

pp437-471

7. Samir Amin, Unequal Development: An Eassay on the Social Formation of peripheral

capitalism, New York, 1973 p.37

8. Ugba Kume, 95 years at Amadu town in Taraba State on the 10/1/2012

9. Paul Bohannan, tiv Economy, London Longman Publishing House, 1968, pp13-24.

10. Mrs. Mbakurun Yawe, a house wife of 61 years at Anyiin town in Logo L.G.A. on the

11/5/2011.

11. Mbakaan Adamgbe, a house wife of 69 years at Anyiin town on the 27/04/2011.

12. 571, Vol.II Agric and Native Administration-Agric Ordinance Policies-1936-1956

13. Karl Marx, cited in Nan Ching; Peking review #22, May 30th 1975 p11.

14. D.C. Dorward, “A Political and Social History of the Tiv people of Northern Nigeria

1900-1939” Ph.D Thesis, University of London, 1971 p 52

15. K. Agber, “The Tiv Economy in the Colonial Era” in A. A. Idrees and Yakubu

Ochefu, (ed) Studies in the History of Central Nigeria Area, Volume I. C.S.S. Lagos,

2002 pp387-398.

16. C. F. Gordon, “Notes on the Munshi Tribe” 1907, NAK, SN P5313.

12
17. K. Agber, “The Tiv Economy...” in A. A. Idrees and Yakubu Ochefu, (ed) Studies in

the History of Central Nigeria Area, Volume I. C.S.S. Lagos, 2002 pp387-398.

18. Azer Abya, a farmer, 73 years, at Tine Nune, Ukum LGA on 10/1/2013.

19. Demkaan Mfo, a yam farmer of 70 years at Chanchangi in Taraba State on the

18/1/2012

20. Fu, R.H. & others, Yam Production, Marketing & Consumption of NUpe Farmers of

Niger State, Central Nigeria-Journal of Agric Research, Vol. 6 2011 p.23.

21. T. A. Varvar, “The Impact of the Colonial Economy on Yam Production in Tiv land,

1900-1960” in Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, Vol.17. 2007/2008. Pp16-

29.

22. NAK/MINAGRIC/34893: Yams & Flour: Control Movement 1949-1953.

23. NAK/MINAGRIC/12805 Vol1:Famine Relief 1930

24. 152/1926-Layout on Nigerian railway in Benue Province, 1926-1930.

25. Torese Agena, “ The Impact of the Nigerian Civil War on Tiv Soldiers of Central

Nigeria” in A.M. Adejo, (ed) The Nigerian Civil War Forty Years after;...What

Lessons. Makurdi, Aboki Publishers, 2013 Pp. 139-164.

26. Avuu Gyaase Ubi, 85 years at Ugba Logo LGA, on the 11/12/2012

27. Atondo Gongor, 80 years, an ex-serviceman at Dan-Anacha in taraba State, on the

10/8/2011.

28. Dyako Atser, elder, 90 years at Vandeikya in Benue State on 15/07/2012.

29. Ugber Akpa, 61 years old at Ayati in Ukum LGA on 7/1/2013.

30. Ugba Ayem, 71 years old at Admadu town in Taraba State on the 10/1/2012.

31. Orir Torkon, at Ayua Village in Katsina-Ala LGA on the 29/11/2013.

32. J.N. Ninga, “Yam Marketing in Tiv Land: (the case for Ukum District) B.A. project

(Geography dept) A.B.U. Zaria, Nigeria, 1973 pp1-77.

12
33. P. D. Dawam, “Aspects of the Geography of Central Nigeria Area” in A. A. Idrees &

Y. A. Ochefu (eds) Studies in the History...pp3018.

34. S.F. Wegh, Bettween Continuity and Change: Tiv Concept of Tradition and

Modernity, Major Seminary, 1998 p23.

35. Zaki, Amakaa Agye, Kindred Head of Mbawena, 78 years at Zaki-Biam in Ukum

LGA on the 5/11/2011.

36. NAK/MAKPROF(Federal) 4/1/1553/Southern Tiv Areas, Farming Conditions in

Experimental Farms: 1935-1939.

37. Chief D. Dzahan, Ter Ukum, 89 years at Afia town in Ukum LGA on the 20/2/2011.

12
 CHAPTER FIVE

DEVELOPMENT AND EXPANSION OF TIV-YAM TRADE FROM THE

COLONIAL TO THE POST COLONIAL ERA 1915-1960-2000

5.1 Introduction

As earlier stated in chapter three under the pre-colonial structure of the Tiv traditional

economy, yam trade was distinguished from the general purpose trade by barter of the pre-

colonial period in Tiv land. This chapter, therefore continues with the analysis on the

development and expansion of yam trade of the Tiv land specifically from the colonial epoch

(1915-1960) progressively to the post Independence Tiv land of 1960-2000.

Historically, the colonial rule in Tiv land, which began in about 1915, led to the

economic transformation of the Tiv society through Colonial economic policies, such as

taxation, commoditization of yam crop, monetization, wage labour, provision of

infrastructural facilities like roads, railway, cash crop imposition and labour conscription as

well as many other policies. These policies were put in place as part of the economic agenda

in Tiv land, to transform the subsistence nature of economy to the capitalist mode of

economy1.

According to oral interviews and Varvar’s argument in his study on “The Impact of

the Colonial Economy on Yam Production in Tiv land, 1900-1960 p.19” 2, certain colonial

economic policies, such as taxation, monetization, commoditization, infrastructures and wage

labour greatly influenced the development of yam production and trade more than the other

ones during the colonial era. The necessity to pay tax, compelled Tiv male adults to boost

yam production and trade to increase the income of their labour force and to generate more

money to pay taxes through farm work. The increased labour force of the Tiv farmers

resulted into increased production of crops generally in the area. The introduction of the new

monetary system and wage labour policies of the colonial rule brought about surplus of crop

production for sale, thereby promoting yam trade since yam was already a major crop in Tiv

13
land. Furthermore, the payment of taxes by the Tiv people was an indication of the

acceptance of the colonial supremacy in their land. The acceptance of colonial supremacy

over the Tiv people guaranteed freedom of movement and freedom of individual pursuit for

money. Thus, an atmosphere of commercial activities was created, thereby encouraging the

development of trade generally, yam inclusive, in Tiv area. Therefore, it suggests that the

colonial taxation policy, led to increased production of yam for generating more surplus for

trade and other services. It also increased revenue, and effectively guaranteed protection and

conducive atmosphere for yam trade to flourish during the colonial period.

The introduction of the new monetary system into Tiv land during the colonial period

also impacted variously on the development of yam trade. Payment of colonial taxes was

cumbersome to the Tiv adults. Truly, the consequences of the inability to pay taxes were

painful, generally, because all male adults were compelled to pay tax. It will be recalled that

all male adults during the colonial period were assessed and registered for tax payment in

every calendar year. Those who could not pay taxes as at when due were openly beaten naked

and thrown into the hot sun in the full view of their wives and children. This was to be

repeated at intervals until all taxes were paid by defaulters. To avoid the embarrassing

penalties, most adults in Tiv land did their best by cultivating cash crops and yam to secure

food for energy to cultivate more cash crops for money to pay taxes e.g beniseed was

nicknamed ‘Kpandegh’, tax in Tiv.

With the introduction of the new monetary system, purchase of yam was made easier

than the hitherto process of exchange of goods for other goods or payment made with

traditional pieces of clothes, tugudu, iron rods, bashi, and other forms of traditional money. In

agreement with Varvar’s assertion, the absence of statistical data and figures, facts and

evidence available suggest that the monetization policy of colonial rule also enhanced the

development of yam trade across Tiv land and beyond. To a large extent, monetization meant

the introduction of a modern economic system in the colonial Tiv land. Direct payment of

13
money for labour replaced trade by barter, and other such practices, in colonial Tiv land.

Monetization policy, therefore, redirected the production of goods and services towards the

production of such commodities that could easily be exchanged. In other words, monetization

enforced more of the commoditization process of yam and other cash crops production in Tiv

land during the colonial era. This move actually facilitated the development of yam trade in

the Tiv territory and even beyond.

According to S. Chia3 yam trade expansion during the colonial Tiv land was not so

much achieved, until when the trade became open to other areas outside Tiv land. However,

the development and expansion of yam trade as a result of the construction of railway line,

and the opening up of Tiv land to the outside world, as will be discussed in the subsequent

section, was highly achieved in the colonial period. This partly explains why Ninga argued

that:

However yam marketing proper started during the

Nigerian Civil War of 1967-1970. With the expanding
war demands and money incentives plus the availability
of transport, yam production doubled its pre-war volume
by 1970.4

In addition to the colonial economic policies, colonial administration in itself

encouraged yam production and trade in the Tiv territory during the colonial period. The

administration persuaded and supported Tiv traditional chiefs, who were part of its creation,

to open up rural roads, and markets in their respective domains. This support gave birth to the

opening up of rural roads linking up the pre-colonial compound markets, which had grown

into rural market centres during the colonial period. Agber once argued that these rural roads

and market centres opened during the colonial era included, Ugba-Zaki-Biam road; Zaki-

Biam-Kyado-Wukari road; Kastsina-Ala-Abaji-Tor-Donga road; Adikpo-Vandeikya road;

Ihugh-Gboko-Aliade road; Makurdi-Abinsi-Anune-Gboko road and others. During our field

survey a retired Pastor, Kyukyunder5 confirmed to us that many market centres in those days,

like Sai, Zaki-Biam, Harga, Sev-av, Mkar, Jato-Aka, Adikpo and a host of others, had their

establishments encouraged and promoted by the colonial missionaries in Tiv land6.

13
 To crown it all, the colonial administration transformed Gboko into both

administrative and commercial headquarters of Tiv land in 1924 7. The resultant effects of all

these on increased yam production and trade was two fold. A large population of people

travelled from different areas on these roads across Tiv land with ease to engage in yam trade

at Gboko. Secondly, these market centres also served as information disseminating units for

further yam production and trade. The exchange of current prices of yam and other

potentialities of the development of yam trade equally encouraged the expansion of yam

trade. Table IX:, showing the prices of yam, cassava and rice across Tiv land, is presented

below to illustrate the growing strength of yam trade over and above cassava and rice across

Tiv markets from the colonial period up to the post colonial era.

Table X : Prices of Three Food Stuff in Tiv Markets from the Colonial to the Post
Colonial Periods.
S/N Place & Date Stuff Measure- 1b.wt Price Present
cash/Bow conversion
1 Makurdi Yam - - - -
November, 1949 Cassava Heap 2 1½ d N100.00
Rice 1 2½ 8d N200.00
s
2. Makurdi 1950 Yam Heap 14 £1.1 . 92d N1,200
Cassava - - - N300.00
Rice 1 1 4.25d -
3. Adikpo and Gboko Yam Heap 14 3.8d N1000.00
1956 Cassava Heap 14 9d N150,000
Rice 1 2½ 9.8d N300.00
4 Gboko Environs Yam Heap 14 13.6d N1,000.00
1966-June, 1986 Cassava Heap 1 13.6d N150.00
forth Nightly. Rice 1 2.5 1 s N300.00
Source: NAK/ADM IN AGRIC. 6005, 1925/27
M-NAT/I-Retail Price of Local Food Stuff.

The above table indicates that yams were available in higher quantities than all other food

stuff and costed more, denoting its increased market value from the colonial period to 20008.

5.2 The Development of Yam Trade Between Tiv land and Other Areas During the

Colonial Period (1915-1960)

Colonial administration (1915-1960), contributed to the development and expansion

of yam across Tiv land and beyond. This was done in various ways, including the provision

of infrastructural facilities, such as opening up of the rural roads, railway, bridges and water

13
ways. These links connected the local markets to various places outside Tiv land, like Enugu,

Port-Harcourt, Obudu, Otukpo, Jos and others9. The forceful movement of labourforce from

the agricultural sector to porterage, mining, levying of taxes on production and transportation

of food crops10, the establishment and expansion of urban centres and others all facilitated the

expansion of yam trade during the colonial era in Tiv land11.

Let it be once again, noted that statistical figures and data for increased yam

production and trade during the colonial period in Tiv land are scanty because the colonial

government was more interested in the export trade than the local interests of the Tiv people.

However, factual evidences suggest that the colonial period in Tiv land witnessed significant

increase in yam production and trade. Varvar argues that “Although statistics on the actual

quantities of yam production and trade are lacking, there is enough evidence to justify such a

conclusion.”12 Dorward also asserted that, “unfortunately, owing to the nature of this trade

(yam trade) quantitative data is unavailable. However, it must be born in mind as a future

competitive source of income in any analysis of the Tiv economy” 13. To further buttress this

point of argument, Boyd Alexander, writing before the “opening up” of Tiv land stated that:

The supply of benniseed, which is an important product in

the trade of the Niger Company, is entirely dependent on
the Munchi (Tiv) who bring it in or not as they choose;
the same is the case with yam in the markets along the
rivers Benue and Katsina-Ala14

These facts and other evidences suggest that ever before the advent of colonialism in

Tiv land, trade in yam had started developing beyond the shores of Tiv land with recorded

expansion and continued to consolidate during the colonial era.

As stated earlier, the first step taken to effect the expansion of yam trade across Tiv

land and beyond was the appointment of traditional chiefs (Tor Agbande). As the heads of the

local institutions, these traditional chiefs were to encourage and facilitate the opening up of

rural roads and the location of markets in strategic central areas within their respective

domains for the expansion of commercial activities. This was a remarkable effort to expand

not only yam trade, but the entire commercial activities in Tiv land and beyond. Most of the

13
markets established in Tiv land at that time, which were named after these autocratic chiefs,

included Zaki-Biam and Kyado in Ukum LGC, Ugba in Logo LGC, Tor-Donga in Katsina-

Ala LGC, Tsar in Vandeikya LGC, Taraku in Gwer LGC, and many others. This

development was important because many of the traders in these markets were coming from

outside the Tiv land like Bafum people from Cameroun.This implicit assertion is

complemented with Biam’s records that:

It appointed autocratic chiefs in a cephalous and

egalitarian Tiv community. It encouraged these chiefs to
construct roads and to open up markets near their
compounds. These markets later attracted non-Tiv like
Hausa, Bamenda, Udam people and later Igbo.15

Under colonial government, Tiv traditional chiefs (tor agbande) mobilized their

subjects whose wages were paid with monies already collected from them as taxes to

gradually open and link up these markets with the already existing ones, like Wukari, Takum,

Otukpo, Ogoja and Makurdi, within and outside Tiv land. As earlier stated, the Abinsi-

Katsina-Ala road was opened in 1912. Between 1923 and 1929, Wukari-Takum; Donga

Garba-TorDonga-Abaji-Katsina-Ala roads were constructed. The Rafin Kada-Donga Garba

road and the Wukari-Zaki-Biam-Katsina-Ala were all opened up within the same period

during the colonial era16. Many more rural roads linking the Tiv land with other markets

outside it were also constructed within the colonial period.17 With this development, Tiv

yams were sold outside Tiv land in such markets like Wukari and Donga Garba of the Jukun

area, Takum of the Chamba/Kuteb area, Obudu and Ogoja in Udam areas of the present

Cross River State and others.

To add to the expansion of trade in Tiv land, a ferrying point on a steel pontoon was

provided in 1929 across river Katsina-Ala to Gboko. Later on, Abinsi native authority also

provided a steel barge across Buruku (Sevav) to Zaki-Biam and Wukari. By 1950 road

network in Tiv land were linked with other parts outside the area and were classified as grade

A,B and C, according to their usage. Waterways markets, like Katsina-Ala at the bank of

river Katsina-Ala, Donga Garba at the bank of river Donga; Ibi, Abinsi, Makurdi, Gbajimba

and many others, all located at the banks of River Benue were opened as already stated by

13
Boyd Alexander. Yam sold at the river side markets were bought mostly by the African staff

of the foreign firms, like the Niger Company, and other non Tiv people coming from outside

the Tiv land during the colonial period.

The construction of a railway in Tiv land in 1923 and a bridge across river Benue in

Makurdi in 1932 provided an impetus for the growth of yam trade in Tiv area and beyond.

The railway linked many Tiv settlements such Taraku, Moigbo, Adeke, Makurdi, Udei,

Daudu and others. By extension, at boosted yam, marketing in the nearby settlement areas

like Abinshi, Aliade, Annune and others in the Tiv territory18.

Dorward (1975) captured it all that:

The railway opened Tiv land to the Igbo traders who

established Canteens at the railway labour camps at
Taraku, Kungeru, Makurdi, etc, helping to transform them
into pertinent settlements, supplemented the Hausa traders
and helped to fuel the Tiv demands for consumer goods...
In addition, Igbo traders brought a new dimension to the
long established internal trade in yams and other food
stuff by exporting by rail. The trade in yams became
perhaps too popular.19

Truly, the railway and other means of transport, including lorries, canoes, among

others, facilitated the movement of yams from one place to another as an item of trade within

and outside Tiv land. This confirmed Dorward’s assertion during the colonial period that yam

would in the future become a comparative source of income in any analysis of the Tiv

economy. Evidently, it was reported that “there was marked influx of traders from Igbo land

and elsewhere in the Southern provinces, who began to buy yams and other food stuff for

resale in the Southern parts of Nigeria”20

During the field survey, Ichenge Ikyaagba 21 commented that yam trade started getting

more prominence beyond Tiv land through the border towns of Tiv territory, like Obudu,

Ogoja, Wukari, Takum, Otukpo and others, during the colonial period. Apart from the Igbo

yam traders crossing over from Obudu market to buy yams at Tsar market in Tiv land, the

railway really facilitated and encouraged Igbo participation in yam trade during the colonial

days in Tiv land. In fact, yam trade increased when more and more non-Tiv people became

interested in the consumption of Tiv yam. Shifting of European commercial interests away

13
from commodity trade to the import sector, leaving commodity trade to the Igbo, Bafums,

Hausas and other yam traders also contributed to development of yam trade outside Tiv land.

Conclusively, as rightly stated by Dorward, that “unfortunately, owing to the nature of yam

trade, quantitative data is unavailable to justify the incremental level of yam trade

development outside Tiv land during the colonial period.”22

It will be recalled that, colonialism in Tiv land in itself witnessed increased yam

production and trade during the colonial period. For instance, the workings of the colonial

system had allowed for increased rate of yam consumption and, consequently, its trade in Tiv

land and beyond during the colonial period. The system created new urban centres like

Gboko in 1924 and expanded the old ones like Makurdi in the 1950s.This was accomplished

by higher population increase of people who were brought into Tiv land for work and trade

outside the agricultural sector, in “non-food” producing activities. This calibre of a large

population increase depended on the rural areas in Tiv land for their food requirements,

especially yam. Through this means, food crop production for consumption and trade during

the colonial period in Tiv land was encouraged and promoted. This study shares the view of

Varvar, who argued that the population increase as result of migrants into Tiv land during the

colonial era had the effect of transforming the yam crop from an ordinary staple food to a

commodity of immense commercial value at the level of the micro economy of the Tiv. 23

Dorward, also affirmed that the construction of the railway route from Enugu to Makurdi in

Tiv land during the colonial Tiv land “boosted” the trade in yam. 24 Despite the lack of

statistical data and figures, the statements of facts available suggest evidently that there was

increased yam production and trade outside the Tiv territory during the colonial period.

There was higher demand for cash crop production, of benniseed, cotton, groundnuts

and others in Tiv land during the colonial period for export than food crop production. This

phenomenon turned to be a blessing in disguise for increased yam production and trade in Tiv

land. While the colonial rule was hell-bent on compelling Tiv farmers to produce much of

these cash crops for export, the Tiv Farmers had to also produce their main food crop, yam, to

sustain them for other jobs, including public construction works and mining. Therefore,

increased cash crop production during the colonial Tiv land was commensurate with

13
increased yam production and trade. The two went on side by side. Available evidence

indicates that there was high rate of increased benniseed, groundnut, cotton and tin

production for export. At the same time, yam was not in short supply in Tiv land during the

colonial era, except during the famine periods created by natural disasters. For example,

between 31st May and mid July, 1942, the Provincial Resident of Benue had railed to the Jos

mines 246 tonnes of yams which were specially required for the 4,000 Tiv labourers recruited

and sent to the Plateau for tin mining. 25 This served as an indication that yam consumption

and trade were taken to locations outside the colonial Tiv land. More so, yam sales were

introduced to the Mining camps at that time in the Jos Plateau area.

The wage labour system of the colonial regime also impacted on the development of

yam trade outside the Tiv territory. Table XI:, presents the high number of Tiv population

taken out of Tiv land for public works.

Table XI: Labour Force Recruitment During the Colonial Period in Tiv land
S/N Year No of Workers
1 1923 15,585
2 1924 17610
3 1925 14,050
4 1926 12,900
Total 4 Years 60,145 workers
Source:1848-Railway Labour Camps, Benue Province, 1932-1951 in Magvat(ed) History of
Labour in Nigeria, 1998 p47 C.C. Jacobs (1998)
:410-Railway Labour tax 1933-1954

In addition to the 60,145 workers presented in Table XI:, there was initial 28,500

workers, making a total of 88,645 recruited Tiv workers engaged as paid labourers for

railway construction during the colonial era in Tiv land. Also, it was estimated that in a

period of one year, between July, 1942 and August, 1943 alone, about 13,500 Tiv labourers

were sent to the Plateau for tin mining.26 The point of emphasis here is that money was paid

to these Tiv labourers for rail construction, tin mining and other public works outside their

territory. This was the first of its kind in Tiv land. Though much of the money was said by

Makar to have been spent on reckless living, like alcoholism, smoking and prostitution, at

least part of it was remitted back home to Tiv land for expenditure in other sectors of the Tiv

economy, apart from marrying many wives to increase farm labour hands for yam production

13
and its trade. An improvement in the economy of the Tiv people during the colonial era and

the creation of petty yam markets for Tiv labourers in those areas outside Tiv land, suggest an

increased volume of yam trade in Tiv land and beyond at that time.

The analysis under this section attempt to provide narrative evidence, which clearly

proved that throughout the colonial period, there was no period when for lack of yam

production and its trade were not on the increase. This impirical evidence only suggests that

there was always high demand for yam which kept its production and trade on the increase

throughout the colonial period especially outside Tiv land.

5.3 Development and Expansion of Tiv-Yam Trade During the Post Colonial Period,

1960-2000

Analytically, the colonial economic policies that led to the development of yam trade

during the colonial epoch in Tiv land also set the ball rolling for the development of yam

trade across board in the post colonial period. The effects of such colonial policies, like the

provision of infrastructural facilities, taxation system, security, law and order, which gave

impetus to individual pursuit of wealth, among others, combined with the political exigencies

occasioned by the Nigerian Independence in 1960, boosted yam trade within and outside Tiv

land, especially from 1970 upwards.

The early years after Independence, 1962 and 1964, were years of turmoil in Tiv land

arising from political conflicts, Such as “Nande-Nande” and “Atem Ityough” violent

episodes, respectively. This caused insecurity in the area and as such affected yam production

and trade. The volume of yam produced reduced and so trade in yam was not boisterous.

Similarly, from 1967 to 1970, when the entire country was engulfed in a civil war, yam

production and marketing were affected in Tiv land, although this time in a positive way. It

led to the emergence of rural cooperatives and business groups in Tiv land as Tiv people

forged alliances to embark on corporate enterprises.

Our survey reports, further suggest that after the civil war, yam production and trade

fully resumed in Tiv land. Many factors, which facilitated the development of yam trade

within Tiv territory after the civil war, included the zeal of the individual Tiv traders to

13
accumulate personal wealth, improved infrastructural development of both the Federal and

State governments, like the establishment of the Universal Primary Education (UPE), post

primary institutions and the construction of a bridge across river Katsina-Ala, the tarred road

from Gboko across the bridge in Katsina-Ala to Zaki-Biam and Wukari, among others.

Ichenge Ikyaagba27 further disclosed that before the end of the civil war in 1970, the

terminology of yam market, kasua u yough was not common in Tiv land, especially in the

Sankera axis of Tiv land. Evidently, it became so common as a result of the growing

activities of yam production and trade during the post colonial Tiv land. Yam market, kasua u

yough (in Tiv) connotes two issues; firstly, a particular designated and strategic location

where yam is dominantly sold. Secondly, yam trade or business in itself is also called kasua u

yough (yam marketing).

Table X:, on page 131 clearly shows that just before and immediately after the

Nigerian independence (1957-1967) yam was sold in larger quantities than other food crops

in the existing markets across Tiv land. This was an indication of the rising marketing

activities of yam in Tiv land at the time of Independence.

Accordingly, after the Nigerian civil war, the growth of yam production and trade

across Tiv land, especially in the newly opened up area of Sankera, became much more

involving than any other crop sold in the general purpose market. Yam marketing was,

therefore, separated from other common goods in the already existing towns in Tiv land, such

as Gboko, Katsina-Ala, Adikpo, Ugba and Zaki-Biam. For example, Zaki-Biam yam market

was carved out of the general purpose market square of Zaki-Biam town in 1973. The market

was separately relocated, three kilometres away from its former location, along Zaki-Biam-

Kasar road, where it is limitlessly expanding and booming on a wide land space.

Evidently, the sporadic emergence of yam markets, kasua mba yough, during the post

colonial period in Tiv land also suggests the growth of yam production and trade after the

Nigerian Independence. This was encouraged by inflow of migrants from other areas to the

Sankera area of Tiv land, especially as from the post-colonial period up to date. Table XII,

shows the sporadic rise of yam markets in different LGAs of Tiv land.

14
Table XII: Yam Markets in Tiv land
S/N LGA Market Year
1 Gboko Akpagher 1960s
Wannune 1950s
Tse Kucha 1960s
2. Makurdi Wadata 1950s
Abinsi 1950s
3. Gwer Aliade 1950s
Igbor 1950s
Taraku 1950s
4. Buruku Ashamena 1960s
Adi 1960s
Ugah 1990s
5. Katsina-Ala Tom-Anyiin 1950s
Abaji 1960s
Tor-Donga 1950s
Gbor 1990s
Amaafu 1960s
6. Kwande Adikpo 1950s
Jato-Aka 1950s
Lessel 1990s
7. Vanedeikya Ago 1960s
Ihugh 1960s
Tsar 1960s
8. Ukum Zaki-Biam 1950s
Gbagir 1960s
Ayati 1970s
Kyado 1950s
Chito 1970s
Vaase 1980s
Abako 1980s
Jootar 1980s
9. Logo Ugba 1960s
Anyiin 1960s
Abeda 1960s
Mchia 1990s
Iorza 1990s
10 Taraba State Dan-Anacha
Wukari
Tella
Source: Benue in the News (Bureau of Information & Culture (1996)
: T.A. Varvar, The Commoditization of Yam and its Role...2005 p1-24.

As clearly demonstrated in Table XI:, the number of yam markets that rose up from

the 1970s upwards were clear manifestations of the increased volume of yam trade in Tiv

land and were higher in the Sankera Zone (Katsina-Ala, Ukum and Logo LGAs), which

denotes the higher growing rate of yam trading activities within this Zone. This was as a

14
result of massive inflow of yam farmers, traders and consumers to partake in the development

of yam activities in the new Zone.

The zeal to accumulate wealth through yam trade was encouraged by the

opportunities provided by the post war demands for yam at that time. As the Igbo yam

traders, who dominated the trade, had gone back for their safety to Igbo land to execute the

civil war, a vacuum was created for Tiv yam traders to cash in and expand trade in yams in

Tiv land. Yam farmers, primary school teachers, both military and civil service retirees, rose

up to the occasion to fill this gap. This was the beginning of yam trade associations in Tiv

land, such as the Ngenev Yam Dealers Association, inaugurated in 1971, Yam Owners

Association, Yam Farmers/Traders Association, and many others. Members of these

associations became catalysts for the extension of yam trading tentacles to various locations

across Tiv land and beyond. Their activities led to the growth of yam markets, like Chito,

Ayati and others. The Tiv indigenous yam traders under the ambitious desire to raise quick

money from yam business, began buying and selling of yams on a small scale in the local

markets, like Tyowanye, Ayati, Abaji, Igbor, and many others. As yam trade began to

generate more wealth more people from different axis of Tiv land, including the Ihyarev,

Masev and Nongov, all embraced the trade and it became well expanded across the whole of

Tiv land in the 1970s, thereby relocating certain yam traders to the Sankera axis where it was

happening and intensifying the activities of yam trade in the zone.

The gradual entrenchment of yam trade in Tiv land, from the 1960s up to 2000, was

accordingly reflected in the rising cost of yam products in the markets across Tiv land. Table

XIII (a):, presents average yearly prices of cassava and yam flour from 1976-1989; Table

XIII (b):, is a reflection of the average farm gate prices of yam in Nigeria, Tiv inclusive, from

1981-1990. Table XIII (c):, shows the average whole sale prices of yam from 1990-1994.

14
Table XIII (a): Average Yearly Prices of Cassava and Yam in Tiv land of Benue State
from 1976-1989 (1 kobo per heap)

FOOD

1976

1977

1978

1979

1980

1981

1982

1983

1984

1985

1986

1987

1988

1989
S/NO STUFF
1 Cassava 19 20 26 25 23 33 44 43 78 85 49 56 168 218
2. Yam 20 23 31 23 27 49 46 44 78 70 49 70 188 230
Source: Statistical year book, Statistics Department: Ministry of Finance and Economic
Planning, Benue State (1978).
Table XIII (b): Average Farm Gate Prices of Cassava and Yam in Nigeria, 1981-
1990 (N1/Ton)
1981

1982

1983

1984

1985

1986

1987

1988

1989

1990
FOOD
S/NO STUFF
1 Yam 471 662 578 619 1030 630 616 1680 1660 1687
2. Cassava 362 386 399 634 680 308 372 836 1283 1202
Source: AGRO SEARCH, 1(2) (1995):
Table XIII (c): Average Whole Sale Prices for Cassava and Yam in Tiv land of Benue
State, 1990-1994 (N100/KG)
S/O FOOD STUFF 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994
1 Cassava 87 45 141 334 255
2. Yam 372 262 666 1228 1290
Source: Benue Agricultural and Rural Development Authority, Makurdi, (1995)

The three Tables (XIIIA,B&C) clearly indicate more sequential rise in the prices of yam than

cassava in Tiv land, from 1976 to 1990. This evidenced the growing intensity and scope of

the value of yam trade more than any other root crop in Tiv land.

Empirically, rebuilding the country after the civil war, both the Federal and State

governments introduced rehabilitation and renovation programmes to rebuild war ravaged

institutions and infrastructures in Nigeria, especially, the education sector which needed to be

reinvigorated first and foremost. To impact on the teaching aspect of education, Universal

Primary Education Scheme (UPE) was put in place with the establishment of post primary

teachers training institutions across the country, including Tiv land. This was to prepare

adequate number of primary school teachers to implement the programme. In Tiv land, such

post primary institutions, like Government Teachers Colleges (GTC) and secondary schools,

namely: GTC Zaki-Biam (1973), GTC Makurdi (1973), GTC Vandeikya and many others,

were established across Tiv land. These institutions offered boarding facilities and the high

concentration of students accommodated in the hostels were fed on yam.

14
 History also has it, that some of the yam traders, like T.T. Mbapuun, Iorpande Chaha,

Orkuma Yaaya, and others, were awarded contracts to supply yams to such institutions. For

example, Iorpande Chaha supplied yams to Government Comprehensive Secondary School,

Amaafu, from 1976 to 1979, as indicated on Table XIV overleaf 28. The table also shows that

large quantities of yam were involved in the trade at the local level in Tiv land. Indeed, these

same contractors were also exporting yams on a large scale outside Tiv land for more money.

Evidently, some of these contractors later built their own private post primary institutions in

Tiv land, like, Mbapuun Grammar Secondary School, Zaki-Biam, built by T.T. Mbapuun,

Yaav Memorial Secondary School, Abaji, built by Orkuma Yaaya, and others. 18 All this

suggests that the reinvigoration of western education in Nigeria after the civil war largely

intensified and expanded yam trade for more money which was used for further development

and expansion of the education sector in Tiv land.

Table XIV: Yam Consumption in the Newly Government Established Institutions in Tiv
land, 1979-1985 (‘000 tons)
Year GTC, Zaki- Govt. Comp. Sec. Sch., GTC, G.S.S., Afia GTC,
Biam Amaafu Makurdi Vandeikya
1979 58.57 59.60 98.32 6.71 97.32
1980 44.79 57.31 99.32 10.99 99.31
1981 50.89 58.23 99.32 11.68 98.32
1982 53.33 62.23 111.32 12.65 110.21
1983 55.12 65.40 116.50 14.13 109.31
1984 58.77 67.17 121.11 17.14 120.09
1985 63.04 71.19 127.10 10.05 123.11
Total 384.51 441.13 772.99 93.39 634.56
Source: The Boarding Masters Annual Food Stuff Records of the five institutions (1979-
1985).

Similar to the development of yam production, earlier discussed in the study,

improved road network and transport system equally facilitated the development and

expansion of yam trade within and outside the Tiv territory, after the Nigerian Civil War in

the 1970s. During this period, Katsina-Ala bridge was constructed. The major road linking

the Southern part of Nigeria with Tiv land and North-Eastern Nigeria, from Makurdi-Gboko-

Katsina-Ala-Zaki-Biam-Wukari, was nylon tarred. Yam traders from the major parts of Tiv

land and beyond were linked up by the improved road network and the bridge across river

Katsina-Ala. At the same time, few yam farmers/traders, like Fave Uchichi, Iorpande Chaha

and others, developed their entrepreneurships in yam related transport enterprises. For
example, by early 1970s, Fave Uchichi floated “Uchichi Transport” business, while Iorpande
14
Chaha had “Kar Nyor-Transport Empire” and Ityover Ninga owned “Ihom Nderen Yongo”

transport, at Zaki-Biam. These company vehicles were mainly scheduled to transport yams

and other food stuff from Tiv land to the Southern parts of Nigeria. With all these

infrastructural improvements in place, yam trading became more established and more

profitable than before the post independent Tiv land.

Suggestively at the end of the civil war also provided Igbo yam traders with an

enterprising enthusiasm in yam trade. These traders saw it as a quick means to recoup their

lost wealth, privilages, and prestige during the civil war. As old time yam traders in Tiv land

during the colonial period, Igbo yam traders began to re-establish and renew their trade links

from Tiv territory to various destinations outside Tiv land. Special attention was on the war

torn Igbo cities, like Enugu, Aba, Calabar, Onitsha, Port-Harcourt and others. Though Enugu

and Port-Harcourt had Tiv yam marketing stations before the civil war, these yam markets

were deserted during the civil war. 29 After the civil war, normalcy was restored and oil

economy brought the influx of yam consumers into Port-Harcourt, thereby raising the high

rate of yam demand in the Niger Delta area. A lot of yam tubers were largely exported to the

Southern part of Nigeria immediately after the Nigerian Civil War from Tiv land through

Zaki-Biam yam market. Zaki-Biam grew and became a viable collection and distribution

centre of yams in the post colonial Tiv land after Gboko.

Table XV overleaf is a classical illustration of the large quantity of yams exported

from Tiv land to the Southern parts of Nigeria after the civil war from 1971-1976. As clearly

indicated on the table, during the first five years (5) immediately after the civil war, (1971-

1976) yams from Tiv land were mainly traded out to Igbo towns to feed the civil war victims.

As a major commercial centre and mostly affected town in Igbo land, Onitsha was all along

receiving the highest number of yam tubers from 1971 with 1,171,440 tubers to 42,171,840

tubers in 1976. Onitsha was followed by Awka which was closer to Tiv land with 232,359

tubers in 1971 to 8,618,724 in 1976. In summary, therefore, table XV supports the on-going

argument in the study with statistical data, that yam trade boosted more than ever before after

the Nigerian civil war, as a result of the after war demands. This further suggested that most

of the yams from Tiv land were exported to the Igbo land to feed war victims, generate

wealth for traders and others.

14
 Table XV: Yam Traded out of Tiv land from Zaki-Biam to Igbo land in Nigeria, 1971-1976
1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976
Transport
in
Yam Amount Yam Amount Yam Amount Amount Amount Amount Naira/100
S/NO Towns Tubers in Tons Tubers in Tons Tubers in Tons Yam Tubers in Tons Yam Tubers in Tons Yam Tubers in Tons Tubers
1 Onitsha 869,689 3999.1 1,171,440 5,386.50 2,342,880.00 10,773.00 7,028,640.00 32,319.00 14,057,280.00 64,638.00 42,171,840.00 193,914.00 70.00
2 Awka 232,359 1100.9 239,409 1,068.40 478,818.00 2,136.80 1,436,454.00 6,410.40 2,872,908.00 12,820.80 8,618,724.00 38,462.40 70.00

3 Igboukwu 118,269 543.8 317,722 14,610 635,444.00 29,220.00 1,906,332.00 87,660.00 3,812,664.00 175,320.00 11,437,992.00 525,960.00 65.00

4 Nnewi 56,022 257.6 142,551 855.5 285,102.00 1,711.00 855,306.00 5,133.00 1,710,612.00 10,266.00 5,131,836.00 30,798.00 75.00

5 Enugu 28,598 131.5 9,876 45.4 19,752.00 90.80 59,256.00 272.40 118,512.00 544.80 355,536.00 1,634.40 55.00

6 Abagena 15,350 70.6 22,386 102.9 44,772.00 205.80 134,316.00 617.40 268,632.00 1,234.80 805,896.00 3,704.40 60.00

7 Aba 37,451 172.6 11,050 50.8 22,100.00 101.60 66,300.00 304.80 132,600.00 609.60 397,800.00 1,828.80 80.00

8 Orlu 14,614 67.2 13,700 63 27,400.00 126.00 82,200.00 378.00 164,400.00 756.00 493,200.00 2,268.00 75.00

9 Okwuka 19,600 90.1 124,784 114 249,568.00 228.00 748,704.00 684.00 1,497,408.00 1,368.00 4,492,224.00 4,104.00 60.00

10 Umuahia 2,800 17 − − . . . . . . . . −

11 Mbano 6,700 30.9 − − - - - - - - - - −

12 Udi 3,100 14.3 − − - - - - - - - - −

Port-
13 Harcourt 47,442 218.1 21,906 100.7 43,812.00 201.40 131,436.00 604.20 262,872.00 1,208.40 788,616.00 3,625.20 90.00

14 Ikot-Epene 2,700 12.5 − − - - - - - - - - −

Total 1454694 6726.2 2,074,824 22,397.20 4,149,648.00 44,794.40 12,448,944.00 134,383.20 24,897,888.00 268,766.40 74,693,664.00 806,299.20 700.00
Source: J.I. Biam, 1977 p. 51 (with slight modifications)

1
 Furthermore, during the civil war, the Nigerian army was fed mainly on yam bought

from Tiv land. As a tradition, Tiv soldiers and labourers, while performing hard jobs like

wars, mining and constructions, were always fed on yam to boost their morale and high

spirits in order to perform maximally. This was also replicated during the civil war period.

During the war, many other yam consumers from other ethnic groups were part of the

Nigerian army that fought the civil war, thereby increasing the amount of yam consumption.

Serving military soldiers, like Captain Azor Adenger, were always on a mission from the war

zone to buy yams directly from Tiv land to feed soldiers in the war fronts.30 Tiv yam trade

and yam tubers became a great source of upholding national and international security. It was

a basic military ordinance to supply the Nigerian soldiers, who were fed on yam at various

points of their efforts at keeping peace or defending the national integrity and existence of the

Nigerian State.

The issue of serving military officers going to buy yams themselves from the Tiv yam

markets was replicated. The ECOMOG peace keeping soldiers of the Nigerian Army came

from their peace keeping mission in Liberia to Zaki-Biam to buy yams at the time when

General Sam Victor Malu, a Tiv man, was the Commander of ECOMOG in Liberia.

According to Malu,21 the decision to buy yams from Tiv land to feed ECOMOG soldiers in

Liberia was taken, because most of his soldiers were yam consumers and yams were

relatively cheaper in Tiv land than in any other part of the world at that time. 22 The dire need

to feed Nigerian soldiers serving in and outside the shores of this Nation expanded yam

business beyond just mere neighbourhood markets to well organised and structured market

systems within and outside Tiv land and indeed outside Nigeria31.

When the Nigerian civil war ended, Nigerian soldiers were regrouped into battalions

and relocated to different towns/cities in Nigeria for security reasons. Most of these soldiers

were already used to yam food before and during the civil war, so their relocation to different

cities across the country required the expansion of yam marketing outlets to such places to

14
make yam accessible to them. The majority of the wives of the soldiers became involved in

yam marketing thereby leading to the opening up of “Mummy” Markets for the sale of yams

and other goods in the Military barracks across the country outside the Tiv land. This trend

gradually led to the establishment of yam markets for Tiv yam outside Tiv territory, like

Lagos, Kano, Kaduna, and others.32 Essentially, this was how trade in Tiv yam expanded

across Nigeria and beyond during the post colonial period in Tiv land. This presents a clear

indication of how high, the expansion rate of yam trade was exhibited across the country

during the post colonial period.

To elaborate more on the development of yam trade as a factor for emergence of

many yam markets within and outside the study area, three yam markets, namely, Zaki-Biam

yam market in Ukum Local Government Area of Benue State. Dan-Anacha Yam market in

Gashaka Local Government Area of Taraba State and Ugba Yam market in Logo Local

Government Area of Benue State, are analysed in this study as case studies illustrating the

historical phenomenon of the development and expansion of yam-market centres in Tiv

territory and beyond. This is a clear demonstration of how the development and expansion of

yam trade after the Nigerian Civil War (a political action) became controlled by the forces of

demand and supply across Nigeria and no longer restricted to the shore of the Tiv land. This

is also an application of the theory of the Vent-for-Surplus, denoting that more vents for yam

trade were opened after a political decision to end the Nigerian Civil War in 1970. The

overall economic impact of the development of yam trade is also analysed in the next chapter.

5.4 The Origin and Development of Zaki-Biam Yam Market in Tiv land

Biam Allah hailed from Mbagar of Mbamena/Mbagar family ruling house of Uyam

council ward of Ngenev District in Ukum Local Government Area of Tiv land, and was

appointed the District Head of Ngenev (Tor-Agbande) in about 1905. The befitting title of

“Zaki” was added to his name as ‘Zaki-Biam Allah’ (Tor Biam Allah), and was addressed as

such until date.

14
 Zaki-Biam town, where Zaki-Biam yam market is located, was named after Tor Biam,

in Uyam ward and is situated at the centre of Ngenev District in Ukum Local Government

Area of Tiv land in Benue State. The town is located at a middle point on the road between

Katsina-Ala (43km) in Benue State and Wukari (37 km) in Taraba State. The centrality of the

location made it very strategic, popular and influential to his kinsmen in Ngenev District of

Tiv land, Hausa and Jukun people from Katsina-Ala and Wukari. Traders from these places

started occasional sojourn in Zaki-Biam for trading purposes. Zaki-Biam compound began to

expand because of the inflow of wives, children, concubines, visitors and traders to the

compound.

As it was the tradition of the colonial administration in Tiv land, Tor Biam was also

encouraged to name or own a compound market, as well as, to construct rural roads to link

his compound with his kinsmen. His compound became very big and populated with many

people who attended his compound market from beyond Ngenev District and outside Tiv

land. He became one of the most popular Chiefs in Tiv land at that time, as has been attested

to date.

In about 1911, the first Christian Missionaries to step foot on Tiv land were already

settled at Sai compound in the nearby Shitile District of Tiv land. The missionaries proceeded

to Zaki-Biam compound from Sai and requested for a portion of land for settlement. The

present area where N.K.S.T church is sited was given to them for their Christian missionary

activities. They settled and established a primary school, health dispensary and an orange

farm for their activities.

The establishment of missionary groups in Zaki-Biam town added much to the

development and expansion of Zaki-Biam. Tyoor Stephen Dugwer Biam, a grandson of Zaki-

Biam, affirmed that, apart from the establishment of a primary school and medical

dispensary, it was the missionaries that declared/designated every Saturday of the week as a

fixed market day for Zaki-Biam market. The white missionaries were fond of physically

14
attending the market to interact with the locals. Their interactions brought the locals closer

and enabled them to learn the Tiv language. They in turn preached Christianity to the locals.

In fact, there was a school arranged by the missionaries to learn Tiv language, and one

Mohammed Gwa was one of their teachers. It was a thing of pride to shake hands and talk

with the white missionaries about their new religion (Christianity). With the establishment of

a primary school, dispensary and their social interactions on Zaki-Biam market days, many

people in the entire Ukum community were attracted to Zaki-Biam compound market, with

increasing marketing and trading activities.

According to Stephen Dugwer Biam,33 when the market activities were intensified

with congestion and human traffic, these same missionaries advised that, the Zaki-Biam

compound market should be relocated to a more centralised place, away from the traditional

compound square. Heeding to this advice, Zaki-Biam compound market was relocated in the

1960s, to its present location (the general purpose market square), near Kafe Stream.

The new location of Zaki-Biam market made it more popular, as women from within

and far away from Zaki-Biam travelled with their goods, especially yams, overnight on the

rural roads to Zaki-Biam market on Saturdays to sell. The increasing number of people with

goods and services kept increasing, such that it became clear that the market would be

expanded in the near future. This was more so that yam production had dramatically

increased in Ukum area of Tiv land, to the extent that Zaki-Biam market was always over

flooded with yams. Accordingly to Biam, it was at this point that it was decided by the

traditional market elders that a separate market be created for the sell of yams away from the

general goods market. Based on this decision, in the early 1970s, a separate location was

created for yam market for the Ukum people of Tiv land at a point on Mbamena land, 3

kilometers away from the main Zaki-Biam market, along Zaki-Biam-Kasar road. (where the

Zaki-Biam national market was situated in the early 1970s).

15
 Tiv oral history has it that Mbamena and Mbagar constitute one ruling family house

(AKA) in Uyam Ward, locating the Zaki-Biam yam market on Mbamena land was an

indication of oneness, clearly implying that, the two kindreds were the future custodians and

beneficiaries of the yam market. In the final analysis, the decision of the elders in this case

suggests that, elders in the post colonial era had already become much more conscious and

desirous about the socio-economic benefits of yam trade in their land, an indication of yam

trade expansion and intensity.

At this point of discussion, attention is directed to factors or reasons that caused the

development and expansion of Zaki-Biam yam market to its present status. According to S.T.

Yandev, Zaki-Biam is the largest yam market in Nigeria and, indeed, in the whole of West

Africa. But before the analysis, there has to be a review and consideration of the natural

location of Zaki-Biam in Ukum area of Sankera region of Tiv land in Benue State visa-vis,

the growing yam production trend and trade in the area.

Ukum Local Government Area is located between longitudes 09 0371 and 090 451 East

and latitudes 070 331 and 070 041 North and has an estimated total population of about

216,030 people. The people are mostly farmers. Though they produce other crops, such as

sweet potatoes, rice, soya-bean and groundnut, their major crop is yam.34

Politically, Ukum people are grouped into two districts of Afia and Ngenev. The two

groups are further subdivided into four, namely; Ucha, Torov, Mbaterem and Ngenev. These

four clans are made up of thirteen council wards. Afia has seven council wards, namely:

Tsaav, Lumbur, Tyulugh, Azendeshi, Ater-Ayange, Mbayenge and Mbazun council wards,

while Ngenev has six, namely; Borikyo, Kundav, Ugbaam, Kendev, Mbatyan and Uyam.

Zaki-Biam yam market is situated in the middle of Uyam council ward within Ngenev

district of Ukum Local Government Area of the Sankera Region within Tiv land of Benue

State. Based on the output of yam from Zaki-Biam, Lawal et’ al (2011) in their study

declared that, in Benue State, Ukum is only followed by Katsina-Ala and Logo Local

Government Areas in yam production and the three make up Sankera Region of Tiv land in

15
Benue State.35 The map showing the location of Zaki-Biam, Dan-Anacha and Ugba yam

markets in the study area is presented in figure VI: below for more pictorial explanations.

MAP VI: Map of Zaki-Biam Yam Market showing its Feeder Markets, Ugba and
Dan-Anacha areas.

Dan-Anacha

Chado
Wukari
Afia
To Melabu
Gbagir Nyam

Tyogbenda
N Kyado
Bosua
Mba Amandev
Sankera

BurukuUgba

Ayati
Zaki-Biam Zkaa

Wombo Road
Third-Rate Market

Tiza
Second-Rate Market
Obor
Kilometer
Tiza 0.0.5
1.5 Terminal Market

Source: J.I. Ninga, 1973:48 (with modifications) “Yam Marketing in Tiv Land” A.B.U Zaria, 1973 p48

The development and expansion of Zaki-Biam, Ugba and Dan-Anacha yam markets, as the

biggest yam markets in Nigeria is presented here as a demonstration of the growth of yam

economy in Tiv land and beyond. By implication, the development of these markets is a

practical demonstration of the growing process of yam economy in central Nigeria and

indeed the whole country.

The relocation of the major yam market of high status in the whole of Tiv land from

Gboko to Zaki-Biam also served as the main contributory factor to the development of Zaki-

Biam from 1970s-2000A.D. “After 1970, Zaki-Biam took over from Gboko as the major yam

market”.36 The new strategic location of the town within the core centre for yam production

15
enormously contributed to the promotion of Zaki-Biam yam market to the position of being

the largest in Nigeria and indeed in West Africa.37

The hitherto inconveniences of carrying yams across river Katsina-Ala at Buruku by

ferry from Ukum, accommodation and feeding at Gboko when it was majorly traded at

Gboko were all eliminated. Also, Igbo yam traders became more enthusiastic buying yams at

its source, where it was freshly harvested on the farms; because such tubers could withstand

any severe form of mal-handling and longer travelling periods with exposure to sun heat

without decay. Buying at the source of production could also expose traders to wider range of

yam varieties at lower prices than what was obtainable in the Gboko market. The

comparative marketing advantages of the relocation of the yam marketing centre from Gboko

to Zaki-Biam town, for both yam producers and traders, favoured and attracted more yam

related business people to Zaki-Biam yam market.

At the local level of Zaki-Biam yam marketing, there were improved rural roads and

transport system to link up yam traders. Many yam farmers used their incomes to purchase

pick-up trucks, lorries, motorcycles and other means of transportation to ease the free flow of

yam, people and other goods at every time. Market information from the rural yam markets,

like Chito, Vaase, Gbeji, Ayati and so many others, to Zaki-Biam yam market were readily

exchanged at all times. The resultant effects were that reduced transport costs, the proximity

of nearby markets to sell yams, the presence of yam buyers at all times, combined to fast-

track the development and expansion of Zaki-Biam yam market between 1970s and 1980s.

Available records at the office of Ngenev Yam Marketing Association (NYMA) of

the Zaki-Biam yam market was established on the 8 th February, 1971. It’s establishment was

under the auspices of Katsina-Ala Local Government Authority to largely encourage,

promote yam trade and the development and expansion of the market in so many aspects.

NYMA was registered with the Federal Government of Nigeria under the Nigerian Business

Name Act of 1961, with Certificate Number: 232573. The utmost operational guidelines of

15
the association were directed towards the development and expansion of Zaki-Biam yam

market and the entire community situated in the heart of Ngenev district in Ukum Local

Government Area. 38

The composition of membership of NYMA was based on the cultural beliefs of the

Tiv tradition as bestowed on members. Members were drawn from all the indigenous

kindreds on whose land the market was situated. The cultural implication of this action was to

commit all elders within Ngenev district to become automatic traditional custodians of the

Zaki-Biam yam market. As traditional custodians, their main responsibility was to ensure and

guarantee both physical and spiritual security of the yam market located on their land. Ugbem

Dugwer disclosed that they were also the traditional beneficiaries of the market dividends

which they had unanimously established and blessed to develop, flourish and limitlessly

expand to the highest heights. By implication, the traditional custodians of Zaki-Biam yam

market, by the power of Ityȏ, vowed, (ta ichin or gber ifan) and mandated NYMA to ensure

that the Zaki-Biam yam market has to grow above any other yam market in the world with

the use of their (akomboaityȏ) the magico-religious protection of ‘ityȏ i Ngenev’.39

The basic mandates of NYMA also included safeguarding all yam dealers in the

market and creating peaceful atmosphere for the growth and the general wellbeing of the

marketers. On the basis of this, NYMA had the mandate to recruit workers, like security

guards, cleaners, and others, who were paid from the market dues. It was also to broker peace

between all conflicting partners and groups in the market. Available records in the books of

NYMA have shown that, apart from handling deaths issues of traders, which were settled or

resolved by the association in the interest of the market to flourish, lucrative job opportunities

were created for all manner of workers in the yam market to increase their incomes. For

example, records have shown that in 1985, out of 107 security guards, each was paid

N3,000.00 (Three Thousand Naira) monthly at the Zaki-Biam yam market. By implication,

Zaki-Biam yam market by 198530 had provided well over 107 security jobs for the locals,

15
apart from other entrepreneurial engagements, like truck pushers, yam loaders, yam markers,

chatters, lorry drivers, transport workers and others.

Available records have also shown that registration for membership of these

entrepreneurial associations were relatively high in 1995. This creates an impression that

apart from increasing the sporadic emergence of entrepreneurs in Tiv land, Zaki-Biam market

was turning into a major source of wealth creation for its workers. For instance, the

registration fees for membership of yam-markers association was N600; yam loaders

association was N500; N1000 for chatters association; N371 for truck pushers and many

other associations operating at Zaki-Biam yam market in 1995. 40

It is worthy to note that, security is an important element for the development of

socio-economic world. To confirm this assertion, Lawson, once affirmed that, the static

economy gives way to a growing economy, the overriding need is for security. Relating this

assertion to the issues at stake, it is reasoned that the development and expansion of the Zaki-

Biam yam market was an outcome of the socio-economic growth of yams under the

surveillance of the NYMA security apparatus in the market. It was, therefore, natural and real

that security attributes part-played the role of economic development and expansion of yam

trade at Zaki-Biam in the 1970s. According to Pila Tsutsu 41, the formal Chairman of NYMA

the Igbo yam traders, who resumed yam trading at Zaki-Biam, were still harbouring the fear

of unknown as victims of the civil war. This fear was completely taken away by the gallant

exhibition of the security cover for the Igbo traders in the yam market, courtesy of the

NYMA yam marketing activities at Zaki-Biam. The rapid growing and expansion rate of

Zaki-Biam yam market was a clear demonstration of intensity of the volume of yam trade in

Tiv land and beyond.

Apart from providing adequate security at Zaki-Biam yam market, NYMA also had in

place an organised and solid systematic structural arrangement in the market for the free flow

of marketing activities. Petty yam sellers, including those selling less than 100 tubers of yam

15
at a time, (aseka ayou) were kept outside the market, apart from separating the market square

into two sections. Traders and vehicles meant for transportation of yams purchased in large

quantities to be transported outside the Tiv land were separated from traders and vehicles

loading and off loading yams brought in from the feeder markets and to be loaded and

transported to local markets within Tiv land. The NYMA also had market recorders, as well

as market tax collectors. They were responsible for recording all the names and vehicles of

traders who came to buy from the market and transport yams outside the market on daily

basis, except on Sundays, which were non marketing days for easy collection of revenues or

taxes. In the course of our oral discussion, James Akpor the former Secretary of NYMA

recalled that market taxes were levied and collected from different groups, marketing

according to their involvement in the market activities. Such market taxes were also collected

at lower rates from the local traders and vehicles bringing yams from the feeder markets and

loading yams out of the market to the nearby markets within the Tiv territory42.

This development actually provided job opportunities with corresponding increases in

the incomes of workers at Zaki-Biam yam market. For example, available records indicate

that between 1989-1999 there were about 700 yam shades in Zaki-Biam yam market. Each of

the shades employed one guard and one cleaner (sweeper), that is, two employees per shade.

Shade owners were doing the job of go-between yam farmers and traders, and collecting

N100 per hundred yams sold from their respective shades. The implication is that, at least

1,400 jobs were made available and personal profits of the shade owners were guaranteed

from Zaki-Biam yam market between 1989 and 1999 A.D.32 All these lucratively combined

to expand and intensify yam trade in Zaki-Biam town, thereby renewing jobs and the

entrepreneurship creation nature of yam trade in Tiv land.

Another important function of NYMA in Zaki-Biam yam market was the grading of

yam tubers with price tags. NYMA had classified yam tubers into three grades and the prices

were always determined by the forces of demand and supply depending on the prevailing

15
market situation of every yam season. Grade one was the biggest size and best quality

weighing about 7 kilograms per tuber. Grade two was the medium size and better quality

grade weighing about 5 kg per tuber, while grade three was of the small size and lesser

quality weighing about 3.5 kg per tuber. The amount of money paid per 100 yam tubers for

any one of the three grades of yam at Zaki-Biam yam market was dependent upon the forces

of demand and supply operating in a marketing season, at a particular point in time. The

market trend compelled NYMA to abide by the demand and supply mechanism to set the

ceiling and floor prices of yam at Zaki-Biam yam market. 33 Tables XVI(a) and XVI(b)

showing the weight of yam tubers in three grades yearly-price fluctuation-metric (in Naira per

100 yam tubers) at Zaki-Biam yam market in 1973, for a better understanding of this

analysis.

Table XVI: Classification of Yam Traded in 3 Grades at Zaki-Biam Yam Market in 1973
S/N Yam Weight of 25 out of Average weight per Mean average of the
grade 100 tubers one tuber three grades
1 G.1 About 170kg or 351Ibs About 7kg or 14.04 Ibs
2. G.2 About 125kg or 255Ibs About 5kg or 10.35 Ibs
3. G.3 About 85kg or 170Ibs About 3.5kg or 6.8 Ibs About 5kg or 10.35Ibs
Source: J.I. Biam, Yam Marketing in Tiv land...1977 A.B.U. Zaria, p55 with slight
modifications from field survey of 2013.
Devoting much time and space on analysis of the internal forces which encouraged the

development and expansion of Zaki-Biam yam market does not imply the absence of external

forces, which also impacted positively on the development and expansion of Zaki-Biam yam

market in the post colonial Tiv land. Before the centre for yam trade was shifted from Gboko

to Zaki-Biam in the 1970s, there was already an on-going process of yam production increase

occasioned by the internal migration of yam farmers, traders, artisans, hired labourers,

consumers and many others from the Southern and parts of Central Tiv land to the North

Eastern area around Zaki-Biam.

As earlier observed, certain socio-economic programmes put in place by both the

Federal and State governments to rebuild the Nigerian State after the civil war, also impacted

positively on the development and expansion of Zaki-Biam yam market in the 1970s. For

example, in a similar way that the construction of the railway route from Enugu to Makurdi

15
during the colonial period boosted yam trade in the colonial Tiv land, so did the construction

of Katsina-Ala bridge (1976) and tarring of Gboko-Zaki-Biam-Wukari-Dan-Anacha road also

boosted yam trade, leading to fast development and expansion of the Zaki-Biam and Dan-

Anacha yam markets. Tiv farmers who were located around Zaki-Biam and Dan-Anacha

consciously became increasingly aware of the benefits of yam production and trade in their

domain, as many immigrants came to join them for the sake of participating in the

development of yam economic activities. The awareness, inspired them to continuously step

up yam production and trading activities to develop and expand Zaki-Biam yam market.

Another important support of the Katsina-Ala bridge was realised after its completion.

Lorries loaded with yams transporting to the South and East of the country from Zaki-Biam

immediately stopped plying Gboko-Buruku-Zaki-Biam road and began to freely cross over

on the new bridge to their destinations south east wards of Nigeria. The hitherto queuing up

of lorries from Zaki-Biam to be ferried across Buruku to the southern towns of Igbo land, a

journey which could take days was reduced to a matter of hours to reach Onitsha and many

other towns from Zaki-Biam yam market. Details on the number of yam traders and lorries

involved in exporting Zaki-Biam yams to different cities in the southern part of the country

could not be traced in the official records of NYMA during our field survey of 2013, because

of the 2001 Zaki-Biam yam market incineration. However, Table XV on page 145 presents a

picture of millions of yam tubers exported from Zaki-Biam yam market to various towns in

the southern part of Nigeria between 1971-1976.

In separate oral interviews with Ugba Kume, Tyozoho Akem and Tyozenda, they all

agreed that another external factor which facilitated the development and expansion of Zaki-

Biam yam market was the establishment of cordial and mutual business relationship between

the Igbo yam traders and Tiv yam farmers/sellers44. Apart from the increase in their

individual incomes to further increase the labour force on their yam farms, other essential

farm inputs, like fertilizers and insecticides, were brought to their door steps for purchase by

15
their Igbo customers. In a similar way, Iorpande Igbur the former Information Officer of

NYMA also affirmed that it was generally asserted that yam farmers who could not make

payment instantly for these items, had their monies paid on their behalf by NYMA to be

refunded at their convenient times back into the treasury of NYMA45.

In addition, the lost cordial and mutual trading relationship between the Igbo and Tiv

traders as a result of the just concluded civil war was gradually revived and strengthened. An

atmosphere of peace and mutual confidence returned into Tiv/Igbo yam marketing union,

thereby flourishing the development of yam trade in the post colonial Tiv land up to date.

5.5 The Origin and Development of Dan-Anacha Yam Market in Gasol Local

Government Area of Taraba State.

At the end of the Nigerian Civil War and between the late 1970s and early 1980s,

many Tiv soldiers were demobilized back to Tiv land on the basis of ill health, unfitness for

soldiering and downsizing the Nigerian Army generally. According to Agena, 46 5377 Tiv

soldiers were demobilized back to Tiv land by 1989; 3875 to Igala land; 2680 to Idoma and

95 to Bassa in the old Benue State. As earlier stated in the study, most of the demobilized ex-

soldiers were yam farmers, before their recruitment into the Nigerian army to fight the civil

war. Our field survey reveals that apart from the severely wounded or deformed ones, many

of them returned to engage in yam farming in Tiv land. Unfortunately, on getting back home,

their traditional allocation of farm lands were already completely taken over by their

relations, who remained at home at the time of the civil war, and overused, exhausted and

deteriorated the land. This development became the major cause for land disputes among

members of many families in Tiv land in the 1980s. The only way out for the military

returnees was to join up the queue of the teeming Tiv migrants who were already migrating to

Taraba State and others where there was still massive fertile land for crop production.

During the field survey, it was gathered that ex-soldiers constituted about 65% of

immigrant yam farmers and traders from Tiv land to Dan-Anacha area in Taraba State. About

15
81% of yam associated workers in Dan-Anacha yam market in 1985 were ex-soldiers from

Tivland.35 All this suggests that Ex-military service returnees of the civil war were

instrumental to the emergence of Dan-Anacha yam market. In addition, Zaki-Biam yam

market had a terrible leadership tussle among the associations, especially between the

National Union of Road Transport Workers, then headed by Torkuma Veade, and Vehicle

Owners Association headed by Teryima Mbapuun. The problem lingered for so long that the

Zaki-Biam yam market was temporarily closed down for over a year. Acccording to Kucha

Utebe and Ula Lisa, all ex-servicemen most of the yam market workers, especially the

guards, who were also members of ex-soldiers association needed an alternative exit for

greener pastures47. This evidences put together suggest that Tiv ex-soldiers participated in the

initial take off as core developers of Dan-Anacha yam market in the 1980s.

The choice of Dan-Anacha as the most suitable and attractive settlement site was

made possible by the Tiv ex-service migrants and many others for various reasons. Firstly,

the land was fertile for crop production, especially yam. Secondly, the land was not cultivated

and not already occupied by farmers since Fulani people, who were met there, were cattle

rearers. Thirdly, the location was accessible by Tiv migrants, who could leave Zaki-Biam

town and reach Dan-Anacha settlement within two hour (see map on page 151). Fourthly, the

land exhaustion and shortages had began to catch up with the nearby North Eastern Tiv land,

where yam farmers had earlier migrated to from the Southern and other parts of Central Tiv

land. Many of them, like Fave Uchichi, Vaachia Iorbo. Terkura Fave, Iorliam Bagu and many

others, were already having contacts with Dan-Anacha farmers/people for possible relocation

to Dan-Anacha. Lastly, the soil fertility around Dan-Anacha was good for high yield of a

variety of yam called “Dan-Anacha”. This variety of yam became an easy saleable

commodity as yam traders, mainly the Igbo from Onitsha town in the Eastern part of the

country, valued it more than other types of yams. This partly explains why the yam market

was named Dan-Anacha. Because of the easy accessibility of the Dan-Anacha market to Igbo

yam traders, the market started expanding fast and continued to boom and develop from the

late 1990s up to 2001 when the catastrophic Tiv massacre in the area took place.
16
 In as much as Dan-Anacha yam market is located in Taraba State and Zaki-Biam yam

market in Benue State, they shared many things in common which actually made the two to

develop and expand quickly at the same time. First of all, the markets were purposely

established for the sale of yams and easily accessible to each other. There was constant

interactions between traders of yam from Zaki-Biam and Dan-Anacha as they engaged in

yam buying and selling in both markets. Secondly, very many of the yam marketers,

transporters, traders and even farmers left Zaki-Biam for Dan-Anacha yam market to develop

and expand their yam businesses in the area. Thirdly, the dominant yam farmers, traders,

transporters, yam shade owners, yam loaders and many other yam related businessmen, in

both Zaki-Biam and Dan-Anacha markets were of Tiv origin. For example, in 1995 when

Aerga Gum was the chairman of Yam Dealers Association at the Zaki-Biam yam market, his

younger brother, Ugondo Gum, was at the same time the chairman of Yam Dealers

Association at Dan-Anacha. Both markets were always on the same page in terms of yam

developing marketing activities. Table XVII, presents similar yam related associations, for

more clarifications, such as Yam Markers, Chatters, National Union of Road Transport

Workers, Vehicle Owners Association and many others, which were found in both markets at

the same time in 1999.

Table XVII: A Yearly Registration Fee of Yam Market Associations at Zaki-Biam and
Dan-Anacha Yam Markets in 1999
S/N Association Fee at Zaki-Biam Fee at Dan-Anacha
1 Chatters Association N1000 N1000
2. NURTW Association N800 N700
3. Yam Marketers Ass. N700 N1000
4. Vehicle Owners Ass. N1,500 N1000
5. Truck Pushers Ass. N700 N500
6. Packing & Loader Ass. N500 N500
7. Shade owners Ass. N500 N500
Source: S.T. Yandev’s (2007) “Yam Production and its impact on the Tiv
Economy...” B.S.U, Makurdi, 2007 pp1-91

In fact, the management at Zaki-Biam yam market was replicated at Dan-Anacha,

except for variations in terms of costs and prices over time. For example in 1999, at Dan-

Anacha yam market, registration for membership of Markers Association was N1000; Yam

16
Loaders was N1500; for Chatters it was N1000; and N500 for Truck Pushers Association. In

the same vein, each shade employed two workers and shade owners were paid N200 per 100

yams sold from their respective shades.

Dan-Anacha yam market developed and expanded at a faster rate than the Zaki-Biam

yam market for various reasons. Firstly, the build up of Dan-Anacha market basically

comprised people with a single minded mission of producing yam solely for consumption and

trade. There was no diversionary attractions to the production of other crops as the case of

Zaki-Biam yam market, where in the early 1970s, other crops were competitively produced

and sold in the market. Secondly, some of the yam farmers and traders in Dan Anacha had

their original homes back in Tiv land and were there for a specific mission to achieve within

a targeted period and retire back home to Tiv land. They tended to over work themselves

since they had a targeted time span and produced a lot of yam for trade. Thirdly, the issue of

high/increased production of yam was coupled with the high tax policies of the Benue State

government on yam which caused it to be sold at higher prices at Zaki-Biam market than at

Dan-Anacha market, especially in the 1990s. For example, a heap of ten grade one yams sold

at N500.00 at Dan-Anacha market, was sold for N1,000.00 at Zaki-Biam yam market. Igbo

yam traders, therefore, became more attracted to Dan-Anacha yam market than the Zaki-

Biam yam market. Fourthly, security and over taxation issues were better off at Dan-Anacha

than Zaki-Biam yam market. All these factors and many others really made Dan-Anacha yam

market to boom and expand faster than Zaki-Biam yam market, especially as from 1980 to

2000.

On the whole, Dan-Anacha yam market emerged and began to become more popular

as one of the biggest yam markets in Nigeria as from the 1980s. This yam market developed,

expanded and boomed very well up to the year 2000. However, the market began to decline

from 1999 as a result of the long standing ethnic clashes between the Jukun and Tiv groups

which was compounded by the involvement of the Fulani herdsmen in it. This set-back in the

16
development and expansion of the market, gradually degenerated into the 2001 destruction

and killings of the Tiv yam producers, traders, marketers, and allied workers in the market.

As Tiv people and Dan Anacha yam market were already key players of crucial roles of yam

production and trade, the dwindling effects of the market brought about yam economic

recession in Central Nigeria and indeed the whole country. In fact, during its prime or

booming period, the yam market was trading out millions of yam tubers to various cities and

towns across the country as presented in Table XVIII overleaf. All these developments

became history after the 2001 massacre of the Dan-Anacha yam Market in Gasol Local

Government area of Taraba state in Nigeria.

16
 Table XVIII: Distribution of Yam From Dan-Anacha Market, 1981-1986

1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 Trans

port
Amount Yam Amount Yam Amount Yam Amount Yam Amount Yam Amount (N/000
S/NO Towns Yam Tubers in Tons Tubers in Tons Tubers in Tons Tubers in Tons Tubers in Tons Tubers in Tons yams)
1 Onitsha 8,696.89 39,991 11,714,400 53,865.00 23,428,800 107,730 46,857,600 215,460 93,715,200 430,920 187,430,400 861,840 200.00
2 Awuka 2,323,590 11,009 2,394,090 10,684.00 4,788,180 21,368 9,576,360 42,736 19,152,720 85,472 38,305,440 170,944 200.00
3 Enugu 285,980 1,315 98,760 454 197,520 908 395,040 1,816 790,080 3,632 1,580,160 7,264 164.00
4 Maiduguri 67,000 16 84,000 20 168,000 40 336,000 80 672,000 160 1,344,000 320 200.00
5 Calabar 153,500 365.4 223,860 102.9 447,720 206 895,440 412 1,790,880 823 3,581,760 1,646 168.00
6 Benin 1,182,690 543.8 3,177,220 146,100 6,354,440 292,200 12,708,880 584,400 25,417,760 1,168,800 50,835,520 2,337,600 180.00
7 Port-Harcourt 474,420 2,181 219,060 1,007.0 438,120 2,014 876,240 4,028 1,752,480 8,056 3,504,960 16,112 240.00
8 Ibadan 196,000 467 1,247,840 230 2,495,680 460 4,991,360 920 9,982,720 1,840 19,965,440 3,680 240.00
9 Ilorin 374,510 1,726 110,500 508 221,000 1,016 442,000 2,032 884,000 4,064 1,768,000 8,128 240.00
10 Nnewi 560,220 2,576 1,425,510 8,555 2,851,020 17,110 5,702,040 34,220 11,404,080 68,440 22,808,160 136,880 204.00
11 Orlu 146,140 672 137,000 630 274,000 1,260 548,000 2,520 1,096,000 5,040 2,192,000 10,080 240.00
12 Lagos 2,100,000 650 24,360,000 754 48,720,000 1,508 97,440,000 3,016 194,880,000 6,032 389,760,000 12,064 240.00

13 Jalingo − − − − - - - - - - - - −

14 Ife − − − − - - - - - - - - −

15 Umuahia 28,000 170 − − - - - - - - - - −

Total 7,900,746.89 61,682 45,192,240 222,909.90 90,384,480 445,820 180,768,960 891,640 361,537,920 1,783,279 723,075,840 3,566,558 2516.0
Source: Payment receipts, booking registers, transporters payment invoices and other from the National Union of Road Transport office, at Dan-Anacha

1
The high amount of yam yearly traded out of the Dan-Anacha yam market is presented in

Table: XVIII, as a tabular illustration of the continuous increase in the volume of yams

involved in yam trade of the post colonial Tiv land. Maiduguri town located in the North-

Eastern part of the country imported 67,000.00 tubers of yams in 1981 and increased to

1,344,000 tubers in 1986. About 2,000,000 tubers were transported to Lagos in 1981 and

increased to 389,760,000 tubers in 1986. The point illustrated in the table is that yam trade

continued to intensify and expand in Nigeria after the 1970’s according to the dictates of

demand and supply as well as other exigencies of the social security in the country.

5.6 Origin and Development of Ugba Yam Market in Logo LGA of Benue State.

Ugba Gwar, was said be a traditional chief, addressed as “Tor Agbande” in Tiv, who

administered over the Ugondo people of Ichongo clan in Logo LGA of Tiv land. His

compound is strategically located at Ugba, a village/town named after him, along kilometre

sixteen, Zaki-Biam- Buruku-Gboko road (see map page 151).

As earlier stated in the study, during the colonial rule in Tiv land, it became the

cardinal policy of the colonial government to urge and encourage traditional chiefs, of such

calibre, to establish markets in strategic locations and open up rural roads linking them up for

the development of commercial activities in Tiv land. Just like his counterpart, Biam Allah,

who established a market in his compound and named it after himself, so was the Ugba Gwar

market named. The location of Ugba compound, unfortunately was barricaded from the Tiv

traditional headquarters in Gboko by river Katsina-Ala, both at Katsina-Ala and Buruku

crossing points. Under normal circumstances, the journey which was supposed to take at

most one hour from Ugba to Gboko used to take a whole day or two. The absence of strategic

location and other economic and socio-political exigencies denied Ugba market of its early

development to a large market like Zaki-Biam, until in 1996, when it became the

headquarters of Logo Local Government Area. The creation of Ugba as the headquarters,

made it possible for Ugba market to attain the status of one of the largest yam markets in Tiv

land to reckon with in this country.

Oral sources have it that the general fertility and vast nature of farm land attracted

early Tiv migrants from the central part of Tiv land, like Denen Toffi, Tsuam Abe, and

others, to settle at Ugba for farming activities, and offer other community services. The

16
difficulty to trade out their farm produce and other services slowed down the fast

development of Ugba market throughout the colonial era in Tiv land. Unlike Zaki-Biam,

early Christian missionaries refused to settle at Ugba and preferred to settle at a nearby

station, Agwabi, in Gboko Local Government Area. The inaccessibility of Ugba compound

market further denied it of its rapid growth in terms of commercial and other activities during

the colonial era.

Historically during the post colonial period, as earlier presented in the study, Katsina-

Ala, Ukum and Logo clearly indicated that Ugba was never lagging behind in terms of

revenue generated from yam production. Ugba yam market always came third behind

Katsina-Ala and Ukum in terms of revenue generation before it became the headquarters of

Logo LGA in 1996. When Ukum became a separate LGA in 1986, out of Katsina-Ala, Ugba

became the leading yam revenue generation source of its own in the 1990s. This was one of

the factors that led to its establishment as the headquarters of Logo LGA. Before then, Ugba

market remained a feeder market under Zaki-Biam until Zaki-Biam became the central yam

market in the whole of Tiv land as a result of the transfer of the main yam market from

Gboko in the 1970s. Ugba yam market continued to serve as a feeder market to Zaki-Biam

until when Zaki-Biam finally attained it’s present status as the commercial headquarters of

Ukum Local Government Area and the core yam producing centre of Tiv land.

Records at our disposal at the Local Government Service Commiission in Makurdi

have shown that in 1996, Logo LGA was created with Ugba as the headquarters and various

economic and socio-political transformations began to emerge in the town. A large local

government secretariat complex was constructed immediately after the creation of the LGC.

The Zaki-Biam-Ugba –Buruku road was tarred. Above all, Ugba yam market was relocated

to a strategic point, beside Zaki-Biam-Ugba-Katsina-Ala cross-roads. At this time, Igbo yam

traders could travel straight to Ugba yam market to buy yams directly from the farmers at

cheaper prices than at Zaki-Biam or Katsina-Ala. There was a sporadic rise of feeder yam

markets around Ugba town, like Anyiin, Gondozua, Iorza, Abeda, Kwatan Sule, among many

others. These feeder markets continued to feed Ugba yam market with yam and other food

stuffs which actually kept the market continuously booming and expanding up to date.

16
 The structure, management and other yam activities in Zaki-Biam and Dan-Anacha

yam markets were replicated in Ugba yam market, except for variations in prices, distance

and others. The Ugba yam market has a lot of yam shades, stores and a very wide open space

in the centre, which could accommodate more than over one hundred lorries loading and off

loading yams at the same time. The market day for Ugba market was fixed at every

wednesday of the week. Yam farmers and petty indigenous yam sellers who intended to sell

yams on the market day at higher prices to non-indigenous yam marketers, would normally

start shifting their yams to the market from mondays to tuesdays of every week to be sold on

wednesday, the market day. This is an indication of increased intensity of yam trade at Ugba

yam market and indeed in the whole of Tiv land and beyond.

The role of the entrepreneurial associations and security outfits like Yam Dealers

Association, Transport Owners Associations, Drivers Union, Motorcycle Hirers Association

and Vigilant groups all combined to fast-track rapid development and expansion of Ugba

yam market. In most cases, associations negotiated and determined the cost of transporting

yams from various locations to Ugba yam market, and from Ugba to outside towns, like

Lagos, Enugu, Port-Harcout, and others. The cost of transport in turn affected the market

prices of yam, whether low or high as the case may be, which kept yam trade growing in the

market.

Security agents also played a big role in the development of the market. Market safety

is always the paramount determinant of a good or bad market. Obviously, a yam market with

a loose security apparatus would not freely be patronized by foreign customers, when the

safety of their goods and money is not guaranteed. It is in this regard that many small hotel

businesses began to spring up in various parts of Ugba town for traders to accommodate

themselves with a guaranteed safety of their monies. With the guaranteed security system and

friendly disposition of the locals in Ugba town, the yam market has grown to a large

proportion with a lot of yams, transported out of the market to various locations across the

country as presented in Table XIX, overleaf for illustration and easy understanding of the

continuous increase in the volume of yam trade in Tiv land and across the Nigerian nation

state.

16
 Table XIX: Distribution of Yam Purchased from Ugba Yam Market to other Towns in Nigeria, 1996-1999
1996 1997 1998 1999
Yam Amount in Yam Amount in Yam Amount in Yam Amount in
S/O Towns Tubers Tons Tubers Tons Tubers Tons Tubers Tons Yam Tubers
1 Onitsha 252,000 780 504,000 1560 1008000 3120 2016000 6240 4032000

2 Enugu 3,024,000 9,360 3,628,800 11,232 7257600 22464 14515200 44928 29030400

3 Calabar 252,000 780 403,200 1,248 806400 2496 1612800 4992 3225600

4 Benin 604,800 1,872 756,000 2,340 1512000 4680 3024000 9360 6048000

5 Port-Harcourt 2,520,000 7,800 3,780,000 11,712 7560000 23424 15120000 46848 30240000

6 Lagos 1,008,000 3,120 1,612,800 4,992 3225600 9984 6451200 19968 12902400

7 Kano 403,200 1,248 907,200 2,808 1814400 5616 3628800 11232 7257600

8 Ibadan 100,800 338 151,200 468 302400 936 604800 1872 1209600

9 Ilorin 352,800 1,248 100,800 338 201600 676 403200 1352 806400

10 Aba 1,260,000 3,900 1,512,000 4,680 3024000 9360 6048000 18720 12096000

Total 9,777,600 30446 13,356,000 41378 26712000 82756 53424000 165512 106848000
Source: Compiled from payments receipts, booking registers, loading fees of transporters obtained from Yam Market Association office at Ugba yam Market
during the field survey 2013.

1
The overleaf table XIX presents that 1,008,000 yams tubers were purchased from Ugba yam

market and transported to Lagos in 1996. This continued to increase up to year, 2000 with

12,902,400. Kano which is one of the commercial centres in the North Central part of the

country and was less yam consuming town before the Nigerian civil war collected in 1996,

4,032,000 tubers of yams and gradually increased to 7,257,600 in 2000. This further suggests

that with relocation of the Nigerian soldiers to different military barracks across the country

after the Nigerian civil war, (1967-1970) as well as the growing rate of commercial actives in

the country, increased the number of yam consumers in the Northern part of Nigeria. This

development explained and boosted yam trade to the core North of the country which hitherto

this time, had very small number of yam consumers. All this buttresses that yam trade

boosted and expanded beyond Tiv land, across Nigeria during the post colonial period more

than ever before and continued till date.

Similar to Zaki-Biam and Dan-Anacha yam markets, Ugba yam market has kept

exporting yams in large quantities to various towns across the country, as presented in Table

XVIII, with no variations in the transportation costs between 1996-1997. Table XIX, shows

that more yams were transported to Port-Harcourt, Aba and Enugu, which could be due to

various reasons, including road network, and the home base of the yam traders patronising

Ugba yam market. In 1997, it was still the same, Port-Harcourt topped the list, followed by

Enugu and Aba towns. The table is, therefore an indication that yam markets continued to

develop and expand in Tiv land for over a long period of the post colonial yam trade.

5.7 Conclusion

Yam trade has been an old time activity in Tiv land dating as far back as in the pre-

colonial period. The colonial era, however, created new impetus for yam trade in Tiv land.

This was chiefly due to the policies introduced by the colonial regime, which included

taxation and commercialization of the economy, as well as, the introduction of improved

16
transportation infrastructures. These boosted yam trade as it made the movement of yams

easier and provided a simple and universally accepted unit of measure as means of exchange.

The colonial economy was anchored on the capitalist mode of production which allows for

capital accumulation. One major way out for capital accumulation was through trade. This,

implied that yam production was stepped up, just as its marketing, in order that investors

would reap maximum benefits from the enterprise. This means that capitalism introduced in

Tiv land during the colonial era boosted yam trade.

The exit of colonialism in 1960 brought about a new phase in the expansion of yam

trade in Tiv land. However, in the early years after colonialism, 1962 and 1964, yam trade

suffered a decline due to political instability in Tiv land. Also, between 1967 and 1970 during

the Nigerian Civil War, yam trade was stagnated. However, after the civil war, yam

marketing in Tiv land and the rest of Nigeria resumed in full. This was due to some of the

policies that the government initiated, like the creation and expansion of economic and social

infrastructures, such as roads and schools. These boosted and expanded yam trade in Tiv land

and beyond. The expansion of yam trade in Tiv land between 1915 and 2000 as reflected in

the yearly increase amount of yams transported out of the three major yam markets as

indicated in the tables on page 145, page 159 and page 163 led to increase in number and the

expansion of yam markets, such as Dan-Anacha, Ugba and Zaki-Biam, among others, as well

as, the socio-economic changes of these market centres in Tiv land and beyond.

Conclusively, yam trade was distinguished from the general purpose trade by barter of

the pre-colonial time in the ancient time. The colonial administration transformed the

traditional lineage mode of yam production to the capitalist mode of production thereby

elevating yam to the position of a commodity product. This commoditization of the yam

therefore continued to develop and expand its trade from the colonial to the post colonial

period. In conclusion, the post colonial period, 1960-2000, yam trade was initially impeded

by the political upheavels in Tiv land such as the ‘nande nande’ of 1962, the ‘atemityough’ of

17
1964 and the civil war of 1967-1970. However, after the civil war, the forces of demand and

supply; improvement of road network and transport system as well as the desire to

accumulate wealth and others, all combined to develop and expand yam trade till date in Tiv

land and beyond.

17
 Endnotes

1. NAK/AR/1/26, Marketing and Exports (1948-1949) 1957-1958.

2. T. A. Varvar, “The Impact of the Colonial Economy on Yam Production in Tiv land,

1900-1960” in Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, Vol.17. 2007/2008. Pp16-

29.

3. Suemo Chia, author/elder, 76 years at G.R.A., Makurdi on 30/6/2013

4. J. I. Biam,“Yam Marketing in Tiv land The Case of Ingyenev Yam Market

Association, 1970-1976” B. Sc Sociology Project, A.B.U. Zaria, June, 1977, Pp1-73

5. 385-Otukpo-Taraku-Katsina-Ala Road 1933-1942.

6. AR/M.Sc./9, Mission Tiv Division, 1934-1935 complemented by Gbave/Kyukyundu,

a retired Pastor, 87 years at Ayaba village in Ukum LGA on the 20/11/2012

7. AR/ASST/T/2-Munshi Division Assessment Report.

8. T.A.Varvar, “The Commoditization of Yam & its role in the Expansion of Tiv rural

Migrant Communities 1960-2000” History Dept B.S.U. Makurdi 2005 p1-24.

9. 235-Tiv N.A., Trading Layout at Taraku, 1955-1956.

10. 764-Nigerian Railways: General 1933-1954.

11. 410-Railway Labour Tax 1933-1954.

12. 1848. Railway Labour Camps, Benue Province 1932-1951.

13. T. A. Varvar, “The Impact of the Colonial Economy ...” in Journal of the Historical

Society... Pp16-29.

14. D.C. Dorward, “An Unknown Nigerian Export: Tiv Benniseed Production 1900-

1960” Journal of African History, XVI, 3(1975) P.431-459.

15. Alexander Boyd, “From the Niger to the Nile, 1907”in D.C. Dorward, An Unknown

Nigerian Export, Tiv Benniseed Production... P.431-459”

16. J. I. Biam,“Yam Marketing in Tiv land... Pp1-73.

17. 385-Otukpo-Taraku-Katsina-Ala Roads & Others, 1933-1954.

17
18. 239/1929-Roads Connecting Benue and Plateau Provinces, 1929.

19. NAk/MAKPROF,4/1/1312, Railway-road Feeder Service 1935.

20. D.C. Dorward, “An Unknown Nigerian Export...” P.431-459.

21. T.A.Varvar, “The Commoditization of Yam & its role in the Expansion of Tiv rural

Migrant Communities 1960-2000” History Dept B.S.U. Makurdi 2005 p1-24.

22. Ichenge Ikyagba, elder, 97 years at Tsar Mbaduku in vandeikya LGA on the

31/12/2011.

23. D.C. Dorward, “An Unknown Nigeria Export...” pp431-459.

24. T.A.Varvar, “The Commoditization of Yam & its role ...” p1-24.

25. D.C. Dorward, “An Unknown Nigeria Export...” pp431-459.

26. NAK/KADMIN AGRIC/3717, Food Supplies-Benue, 1942-1946.

27. NAK/KADMIN AGRIC/3717, Food Supplies-Benue, 1942-1946.

28. Ichenge Ikyagba, elder, 97 years at Tsar Mbaduku in vandeikya LGA on the

31/12/2011.

29. Iorpande Chaha, Business man, 81 years at Zaki-Biam town on the 16/11/2011.

30. Rtd. Major A. Addingi, 83 years old retired soldier, at his residence in Gboko town on

the 5/2/2001.

31. Oral interview with Rtd. Gen. S.V. Malu at his Makurdi residence on the 27/4/2013.

32. Rtd. Gen. S.V. Malu at his residence in Makurdi town on the 27/4/2001.

33. Rtd. Sergent Major, Amee Jorpo, traditional singer of 70 years at his retirement home

in Zaki-Biam on the 7/7/2000.

34. Tyoor, S. Dugwer Biam, a grandson of Zaki-Biam, 97 years at his residence in Zaki-

Biam on the 16/7/2000.

35. Oral interview with S. Dugwer Biam, 97 years at Zaki-Biam 16/7/2000

17
36. W.L. Lawal, et’al “Socio-Economic Analysis of Yam production in Ukum Local

Government Area of Benue State” in Journal of Applied Agricultural Research, 2011:

3:3:12. Pp1-19

37. J.I. Biam,“Yam Marketing in Tiv land: p1-73”

38. S.T. Yandev, “Yam Production and Its Impact on the Tiv economy and society, 1929-

2000” M.A. Dissertation, B.S.U Makurdi, January, 2007 pp.1-91.

39. Ugbem Dugwer, the eldest living grandson of Biam, 99 years at his residence in Zaki-

Biam town on 20//12/2012.

40. S.T. Yandev, “Yam Production and Its Impact on the Tiv economy ... pp.1-91.

41. Pila Tsutsu, Ex-Chairman N.Y.M.A Zaki-Biam Branch 52 years on 30/12/2012.

42. James Akpor, Ex-Secretary N.Y.M.A Zaki-Biam Branch 58 years on 30/12/2012.

43. J.I. Biam,“Yam Marketing in Tiv land...”: p1-73”

44. Ugba Kume, transporter and others, 47 years on 19/3/2014 at Lafia in Nassarawa

State.

45. Torpand Igbur, and others, a former information officer N.Y.M.A., 30 years at Anyiin

in Logo LGA on 13/5/2012.

46. Torese Agena, “ The Impact of the Nigerian Civil War on Tiv Soldiers of Central

Nigeria” in A.M. Adejo, (ed) The Nigerian Civil War Forty Years after;...What

Lessons. Makurdi, Aboki Publishers, 2013 Pp. 139-164.

47. Kucha Utebe, 77years and Ula Liza 86 years ex-soldiers separately interviewed on

10/8/2013 and 30/07/2013.

17
 CHAPTER SIX

THE IMPACT OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF YAM ECONOMY ON TIV LAND,

1915-2000 AD.

6.1 Introduction

Yam production and trade have come to stay as the backbone of Tiv economy

especially from 1915 to 2000. Yam Production and trade among the Tiv over time

undoubtedly brought about several impact on Tiv society. This chapter, therefore examines,

the implications of the development of yam economy on Tiv land in the socio-economic and

political spheres.

6.2 The Impact of the Development of Yam Economy on Food and Social Security in

Tiv land, 1915-2000.

According to G.W.G. Briggs,1 throughout Tiv land the basic crop and the one most

highly priced is yam. He further restated that yam is the staple food crop and a family’s well-

being depends entirely on the success or otherwise of this crop. This statement implies that,

from its introduction into the Tiv agricultural system, yam crop gradually permeated and

popularised itself as the most essential food crop and commodity in Tiv land, serving the dual

purpose of providing food sufficiency and trade, generating money to take care of other needs

of the Tiv people.

It is presumed that yam crop contains numerous nutrients such as water, energy,

protein, fat, carbohydrate, fiber, sugar, calcum, potassium, sodium, zink, vitamins A&B and

others. All these are functional in human body, making it to become the most preferred food

in Tiv land since the ancient time. Tiv believed traditionally, that these nutrients usually

provide viable functions in their body systems, such as extra strength, healing therapy and

potency, among others. For example, the physical strength acquired was used by men,

specifically, for performing tough tasks like tilling the land, fighting wars, hunting and

others. Tiv people generally attribute the success story of every endeavour in the history of

their life to yam food. In Tiv society, “yam is food and food is yam.”

In the traditional Tiv society, yam provides three types of food per day. These are

pounded yam (luam kumen) boiled yam (iyough ki jiir) or roasted yam (gbagh iyough) and

17
yam flour (kpor yough). All these foods were eaten at any time of the day in the pre-colonial

Tiv land. The foods are said to be also delicious and tasteful, and meet the characteristic

dietary requirements of the traditional eating habits of the Tiv people. Yam production

therefore became a veritable source of food sufficiency which supported a healthy population

growth. This was done by providing all the necessary nutrients in the human body for

promotion of potency from the pre-colonial era to date in Tiv land.

It is suggestive, that the healthy and strong body building attributes of yam food

prevented Tiv people from easily being sick. Sicknesses such as, kwashiorkor, goitre,

malnutrition, among others, always associated with lack of quality food, were said to be on

decline in pre-colonial Tiv land. By implication, the quality of food available in sufficient

quantities at affordable costs provided at least minimum healthy conditions in Tiv land. These

were also supplemented with Tiv traditional healing medicines for healthy life. Yam had been

the major source of carbohydrate and still accounts for over 300 calories of daily intake in the

diet of many Nigerians, especially Tiv people.2

With the high level of food sufficiency of yams, it is assumed that the average healthy

living conditions of the Tiv people contributed to an improved reproductive systems of both

women and men in the pre-colonial Tiv society. In addition to the Tiv unchristian system of

being married to many wives at a time coupled with an improved reproductive system, there

has been recorded population expansion in Tiv area. In fact, it has long been generally agreed

that Tiv ethnic group is one among groups with the fastest population expansion tendencies in

Nigeria.3 The point of significance here is that, numerical strength in a multi-ethnic nation

like Nigeria, with over 250 ethnic groups is a viable source of political power, and political

power is an essential instrument of the national security.4

According to the field survey, in the traditional Tiv society, the quality food of yam

was helpful to healthy living conditions of the people, thereby assisting to minimize the death

toll of the pre-colonial period. Minimum death toll, could also lead to population growth as

well as peace. According to Yogbo Gbagir5, a traditional healer, at Tse-Gbagir in Ukum

Local Government Area, the reduced rate of deaths in the pre-colonial society of the Tiv was

an answer to squabbles, noisy quarrels and acrimonies over the deaths of their loved ones.

17
The traditional belief of the Tiv people is that nobody dies naturally, but can only be killed by

powerful witches. According to Gbagir all deaths resulting from sicknesses, wars, accidents,

and others, are attributed to the handiwork of the wicked witchcraft within their society. This

was how death incidences in the pre-colonial Tiv society could breed squabbles, broken

marriages and wars between one clan and another in Tiv territory. By minimising the death

toll, such quarrels, separations, broken marriages, and others, were also reduced. This used to

bring peace and stability and thus increased yam production and trade, thereby promoting the

National Security from the Tiv axis of the Nigerian nation even before the creation of our

nation state.

As already stated by Vera Verter in the study, yam is naturally a source of valuable

food nutrients, made up of various nutrients, such as carbohydrate, starch, minerals, and

others. Biologically, these nutrients are essential for body building and the development of

anti-bodies, which combine to protect and generate a lot of energy for the physical

performance of tough/hard jobs, like farming, mining, construction work, wars, and others,

which the Tiv people are known for. After the pre-colonial period, other diverse forms of

yam food were admitted into the yam eating habits of the Tiv people. This was as a result of

cultural contacts with other ethnic groups in the country, especially the Igbo and Yoruba

people. Such forms of yam food include yam porridge and yam salad copied from the Igbo

and Yoruba people. Naturally, sharing a common food and eating habits of two distinct ethnic

groups draws such groups together to develop similar minds and ideas collectively to

promote unity of purpose among them. According to Azuh and Oluwantoyin, unity among

ethnic groups in one nation constitutes the integral part of the national unity of such nations 6.

In this regard, it becomes evidently clear that the food value attributes of the Tiv-yam became

very essential for further development of the national security in this territory from 1915-

2000.

It is generally accepted that health is wealth, and good health breeds sound minds in a

peaceful and healthy atmosphere for the overall development of such places. The field survey

of the study reveals that yam food up to date remains the preferred food crop of the Tiv

people and was sufficiently affordable at most times, self-satisfying to Tiv people. Eugene

17
Rubing, once argues in his book “The sons of Tiv” 7 that the pre-colonial Tiv people were not

desperately going about recklessly in search of food for their survival. The implication

suggests that the pre-colonial Tiv people were not vulnerably exposed to attacks from their

enemies to be captured, killed or enslaved unlike other ethnic groups without sustainable

source of food. Tiv were therefore able to settle down and concentrate on their yam

production to live a sustainable life. This provides a clue that sufficient availability of the

yam food within the reach of the Tiv protected them and acted as another source of afforded

security to them since ancient time.

Historically, it is worthy to recall that yam also played a major role in the

development of Nigeria. At the formative stage of Nigeria, emphasis were placed on colonial

economy in Nigeria and mainly focused on cash crops and mineral resources. Tiv people had

the manpower to produce these economic crops for colonial uses at that time but needed

sufficient consumption of their preferred yam food to carry out these hard jobs. For this

reason, many Tiv adults were conscripted to provide labour-force for mining at the Jos

Plateau, construction of the railway line, public buildings, bridges, and military services

under the West African Frontier Force (WAFF) and World Wars one and two (WWI and II).

The most preferred food of the people was and is yam food, wherever their services were

engaged, most of the yams were imported from the Benue Province especially in Tiv land for

their feeding. In order to get the best of their labour-force, the colonial government was

compelled to import yam to such places for their food. It is on record in 1942, for instance,

that:

From 31st May to mid July, the Resident had railed to

mines 246 tons of yams which were specifically required
for 4000 Tiv labourers recruited and sent to the Plateau. 8
This explains how the colonial government was compelled by economic

circumstances to encourage the development of local food crops, like yam thereby promoting

national integration and security in Nigeria9. Yam production in the colonial Tiv land

contributed to nation building in Nigeria as can be seen from this analogy. The transportation

of Tiv-yam out of Tiv land for feeding of other Nigerians was something of great national

importance. For instance, during and immediately after the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970,

17
yams were transported from Tiv land to the war torn Zone in the Eastern and Southern parts

of Nigeria to feed the Nigerian soldiers. During the post colonial period, General S.V. Malu 10

once disclosed that Tiv-yams from Zaki-Biam yam market were exported in large quantities

to feed Nigerian soldiers who were on peace keeping mission (ECOMOG) in Liberia.

Feeding of Tiv people with yam food for active service is an indication of how yam food had

been instrumental to high labour intensive assignments of a Tiv man in this country and

beyond, in addition to how yam food could influence security, and development of the Tiv

and the Nigerian nation at large.

Evidently, the post-colonial era, the Federal government introduced the Universal

Primary Education Scheme (UPE) which brought about an increase in post-primary and

secondary institutions across Tiv land. According to Minde Gbor, a retired Principal,

increased population of Tiv students in such institutions and the already existing ones across

Tiv land were mainly fed on yam in their institutions 11. Apart from feeding the Tiv students

with yam for their educational development and to avoid student rioting, which is part of the

national security, travellers and visitors to Tiv land were also fed on yam in the hotels,

restaurants and other eateries across Tiv land. This is enough justification to suggest that

there has been relative food sufficiency and food security in Tiv land, from the pre-colonial

period to the post-colonial era, guaranteed by increased Tiv-yam production. Highlight on

yam food is overwhemly demonstrated in this segment of the study without adequate

acknowledgement to the contributions of other food crops, such as beans, grains, and others.

This does not in any way imply that other foods were not important or even not eaten by the

Tiv people. It simply sings louder the song of yam food to be heard in line with the tune of

the study. After all, in Tiv tradition, yam flour (kpor) goes hand in hand with millet or corn in

cooking a complete dish of, luam nahan when and where yams are not available.

The chapter deals directly with the assessment for justifiable evaluation of the impact

of yam production and its trade or the development of the yam economy on Tiv land under

the study period. To empirically and justifiably draw a conclusion that yam production output

kept increasing intanimentally all through our study period. Three data tables are evidentally

represented serially suggesting the increase of yam production in the study area which

17
sustained its viable trade and other social security challenges under the study area and even

beyond. Table XXa shows yam production increment from 1920—1950; Table XXb presents

yam production increase from 1960-1970 aand Table XXc illustrates yam production

increase in the study area from 1985-1999.

Table XXa: An Incremental Output of Yam Production in Benue Province of Central Nigeria,
1920-1959
S/N YEAR QUANTITY IN TONNES
1 1920 987
2 1921 1028
3 1922 1333
4 1923 1478
5 1924 1691
6 1925 1720
7 1926 1894
8 1927 1987
9 1928 1994
10 1929 2109
11 1930 2157
12 1931 2254
13 1932 2311
14 1933 2423
15 1934 2513
16 1935 2617
17 1936 2778
18 1937 2817
19 1938 2882
20 1939 2967
21 1940 3019
22 1941 3198
23 1942 3367
24 1943 3512
25 1944 3743
26 1945 3890
27 1946 3910
28 1947 4003
29 1948 4211
30 1949 4360
31 1950 4576
32 1951 4798
33 1952 4992
34 1953 5012
35 1954 5126
36 1955 5700
37 1956 6076
38 1957 6276
39 1958 6010
40 1959 7619
Source: Benue State Ministry of Agriculture abd Natural Resources Makurdi (1995)
Benue Agricutlral and Rural Development Authority, Implementation Report
March, 1995

18
Table XXb: Estimation of Yam Produce (000metric Tons), Number of farmers,
Cummulative Area (000HA) of Production in Benue Region 1960-1970
Year No. of Farmers Area Output
1960 7742 87988 216452
1961 8939 94546 232583
1962 12939 113749 279824
1963 16681 129154 317721
1964 24423 156278 384445
1965 37095 192.6 473797
1966 49935 223461 549715
1967 57677 240.16 590794
1968 70349 265233 652475
1969 83189 288425 709525
1970 290399 538886 1325.66
1971 298141 546022 1343.22
1972 310981 557656 1371.84
1973 331563 575815 1416.51
1974 351145 592574 1457.73
1975 90931 301547 741807
1976 98673 314122 772741
1977 111345 333683 820862

Source: Benue State Ministry of Agriculture abd Natural Resources Makurdi (1995)
Benue Agricutlral and Rural Development Authority, Implementation Report
March, 1995

18
Table XXc: Illustrating increase in Yam Production in Tiv area from 1985-1999

1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999

Benue State 208,400 637,411 183,355 478,160 662,062 675,303 695,574 402,285 300,000 290,264 229,864 856,320 1,324,024 1,600,741 1,784,096
LGA

Ukum 187560 573669.9 165019.5 430344 595855.8 607772.7 626016.6 362056.5 270000 261237.6 206877.6 770688 1191621.6 1440666.9 1605686.4

Katsina Ala 166720 509928.8 146684 382528 529649.6 540242.4 556459.2 321828 240000 232211.2 183891.2 693619.2 1072459.4 1296600.21 1445117.8

Logo 156300 478058.25 137516.25 358620 496546.5 506477.3 521680.5 301713.8 225000 217698 172398 624257.3 965213.5 1166940.19 1300606

Konshisha 125040 382446.6 110013 286896 397237.2 405181.8 417344.4 241371 180000 174158.4 137918.4 561831.6 868692.15 1050246.17 1170545.4

Kwande 125040 382446.6 110013 286896 397237.2 405181.8 417344.4 241371 180000 174158.4 137918.4 505648.4 781822.93 945221.553 1053490.8

Vandeikya 62520 191223.3 55006.5 143448 198618.6 202590.9 208672.2 120685.5 90000 87079.2 68959.2 455083.6 703640.64 850699.398 948141.76

Ushongo 83360 254964.4 73342 191264 264824.8 270121.2 278229.6 160914 120000 116105.6 91945.6 409575.2 633276.57 765629.458 853327.59
Gboko 62520 191223.3 55006.5 143448 198618.6 202590.9 208672.2 120685.5 90000 87079.2 68959.2 368617.7 569948.92 689066.512 767994.83

Buruku 104200 318705.5 91677.5 239080 331031 337651.5 347787 201142.5 150000 145132 114932 331755.9 512954.03 620159.861 691195.34

Tarka 83360 254964.4 73342 191264 264824.8 270121.2 278229.6 160914 120000 116105.6 91945.6 298580.3 461658.62 558143.875 622075.81

Guma 41680 127482.2 36671 95632 132412.4 135060.6 139114.8 80457 60000 58052.8 45972.8 268722.3 415492.76 502329.487 559868.23

Makurdi 62520 191223.3 55006.5 143448 198618.6 202590.9 208672.2 120685.5 90000 87079.2 68959.2 241850.1 373943.48 452096.539 503881.41

Gwer-West 72940 223093.85 64174.25 167356 231721.7 236356.1 243450.9 140799.8 105000 101592.4 80452.4 217665.1 336549.14 406886.885 453493.27

Gwer-East 83360 254964.4 73342 191264 264824.8 270121.2 278229.6 160914 120000 116105.6 91945.6 195899 302894.2 366198.2 408143.9

Total 1,625520 4971806 1430169 3729648 5164084 5267363 5425477 3137823 2340000 2264059 1792939 6800114 10514192 12711626 14167665
Source: Nigeria Since Independence, Vol. II p. 63 (with additional projections): edited by Kayode, M.O. & Usman, Y.B. Heineman, Ibadan 1989.

1
6.3 Yam Trade and Other Security Challenges in Tiv land, 1915-2000.

According to Ubah,12 during the Second World War in 1939, the Tiv ethnic group was

one of the groups that constituted the highest number of Nigerian soldiers in the West African

Frontier Force (WAFF) that executed the war. At the end of the war, however, many of them

came back with awards for gallant performances without any other additional rewards. In this

regard, Varvar, argues that: “the relationship between the size of the colonial army in Nigeria

and yam production in Tiv land in the colonial period has to do with how fast these forces

were centrally fed on yam food”.

It should be noted that, yam has all along been at the forefront of providing social

security in Tiv land through yam trade from the pre-colonial era to date. This implies that,

from the pre-colonial time till date, yam markets have been providing economic, socio-

political meeting points for information dissemination, social fun and political decision

making. Evidently, during the colonial period, specifically in 1923, at the completion of the

Enugu to Makurdi railway, trade in yams between Igbo in the East and Tiv of Central Nigeria

started booming. There was population increase of the Igbo yam consumers and traders in

Tiv area. With the establishment of the railway, it became so easy to transport yam in large

quantities from the Tiv zone to Enugu, Port Harcourt, and other cities. Igbo yam traders

together with the Hausa traders, who were lesser yam consumers than Igbo; expanded trade

in Tiv yam. Apparently with this new dimension of trade in yam and other goods, higher

increase in the income of the Tiv people was recorded. With this financial empowerment,

they began to buy more European goods, such as clothes, shoes, and others to improve their

standard of living. According to Agber13, the expansion of yam trade in Tiv land led to the

creation of rural-urban yam markets and price disparities at Abinsi, Wannune, and other

settlements during the colonial period. The social security aspect involved in this case, was

the added increased purchasing power for social goods and fun. In the course of oral

interview, Andrewn Daka confirmed that there was free movement for young men, who

18
travelled long distances in the night to woo and elope with ladies in Tiv land. The expansion

of trade during the colonial era was therefore up and doing in terms of social security

challenges in Tiv area.14

Suggestively, yam trade expansion of the colonial Tiv area, occasioned by the railway

completion in 192315, instrumentally remedied the social vices of reckless prostitution and

sexual immorality in Tiv land, by providing the young adults with independent rights and

more money to contract formal marriages16. This statement was restated in separate oral

interviews with Terpase Igba, Torbom Adi and Tyozenda Ape during our field survey.

The expansion of yam trade continued into the post-colonial period in Tiv area as

clearly presented on table XX on page 183 for illustration. During the post-colonial period, it

expanded more than ever before in Tiv land. This dramatic expansion was associated with the

high demand for yam as a staple food for both Tiv soldiers and other yam consumers outside

Tiv land. This was an incentive to generate more wealth, and improve feeder/rural roads and

transport system, among others. All these factors dramatically contributed to expand yam

trade as many yam markets sprang up within and outside Tiv land. Evidently, yam trade

expansion also immensely opened up Tiv land and popularised the people across Nigeria and

beyond. Tiv-yam has become a household name to many ethnic groups in Nigeria, Ghana and

Liberia. Visitors also travelled far and near to Zaki-Biam yam market for sightseeing, an act

of tourism guaranteed by social security.

According to Azuh and Oluwatoyin17, poverty syndrome is an aspect of social

insecurity challenge that has been very persistent in Tiv land and many other parts of the

country. Poverty implies the absence of basic necessities of life, especially food, shelter and

clothes. Scholars have consistently argued that, poverty is a multi-dimensional phenomenon

factoring the inability of a sizeable population in a given economy to basic income, health,

welfare, education, housing, nutrition, food, and clothing facilities, in life. In short, “human

poverty is more than income poverty: it is the denial of choices and opportunities for living a

18
tolerable life”18 According to NISER’s report (2003) more than 40% of Nigerians live under

conditions of extreme poverty, spending less than N320 per capita per month.19 This

expenditure level would hardly provide a quarter of the nutritional requirements for healthy

living. In view of the developing nature of Tiv yam economy in Nigeria, not much attention

has been given by the government to improve the poverty situation in Tiv land and beyond.

However, Tiv-yam production in Central Nigeria has contributed in various ways to

ameliorate the poverty situation in the Tiv territory and Nigeria at large. Apart from many

non-Tiv people across the country benefitting in one way or the other from the Tiv-yam trade,

it is speculated that there are over seven million, five hundred thousand (7.5m) Tiv people in

Nigeria and beyond who feed on yam food and depend on yam production and trade related

activities.20

The second aspect of the expanded Tiv yam trade is related to the process of yam

production as the primary occupation of the Tiv farmers. According to Lyam, 21 about 93% of

Tiv people live on agricultural production and every Tiv farmer cultivates yam yearly. It is,

therefore, important to succinctly justify that the Tiv-yam industry has job-creation attributes,

food security solution, and other forms of economic developments, which have been

impacting on the social security of Tiv land, by and large on the Nigeria nation.

By implication the significance of job creation through yam production in Tiv land is

not restricted to Tiv territory in Benue State alone. It is extended across Nigeria, especially in

cities of the Southern part of Nigeria, where yam consumption rate is high, and exported

outside Nigeria. The location of Tiv-yam markets in Port-Harcourt, Lagos, Onitsha, Benin

and Aba provides petty job opportunities for the teeming youths in all these towns, apart from

engaging in yam trade proper. With this increasing rate of job opportunities, many youths in

Nigeria are engaged in productive activities. This is advantageous, more so, that it offers

more fruitful engagements for youths than engaging in criminal activities, like armed

robbery, which are detrimental to economic growth and the entire security situation of the

18
country. There is an alarming rate of unemployment in Nigeria, very much degenerating to a

catastrophic dimension, but yam production and trade have the attributes of job-creation in

the country, which has been highlighted in the study, and such potentials are capable of

improving the living standards of many Nigerians.

6.4 The Establishment of Ukum and Logo Local Government Areas or Councils in

Tiv land, 1986-2000.

There are 774 Local Government Areas out of 36 States, including the Federal Capital

Territory, in Nigeria22. Benue State is one of the 36 States in Nigeria with 23 Local

Government Areas. The Tiv ethnic group is dominant with 14 out of the 23 Local

Government Areas and has the largest land mass, popularly known as Tiv land in Benue

State.15 Within Tiv land, there is a conglomeration of three Local Government Areas, namely,

Katsina-Ala, Ukum and Logo, out of the 14 Local Government Areas of the Tiv land. It is the

conglomeration of the three Local Government Areas of Tiv land in Benue State that is

referred to as the Sankera Geo-political entity, undyor which constitutes the core yam

producing area in this study.23

Traditionally, yam production used to determine vital issues of migration, wars,

settlement patterns, treaties and others, during the pre-colonial era. According to Yandev,

yam production immensely influenced the colonial delineation of the first most popular Tiv

Native Council called Tiv Native Authority (NA).24 Findings from the field survey also

revealed that yam production and trade in Tiv land had impacted, over time, on increased

revenue sustainability, population growth and inter-kinship relations or geographical location,

which in turn materialised in the later creation of Katsina-Ala (1976), Ukum (1986) and Logo

(1996) LGAs in Tiv land. The next attempt is directed at how the galloping yam production

and trade in the Sankera axis of Tiv land has galvanised the establishment of these councils or

LGAs through population growth, sustainable revenue generation, as well as geographical

and kinship locations. After all, this is not coming up new in the economic history of yam

18
development in Tiv land. S.T. Yandev, once postulated in his dissertation that “yam

production overtly or covertly influenced the colonial delineation of the Tiv native authority

to serve as the Food Basket of the Nation”.25

6.4.1 Population growth/demographic changes

Relying on the 1963 figure of the Nigerian Census, Tseayo26 pre-viewed future

population overgrowth and land shortage in the Southern and Central parts of Tiv land. This

was, however, not envisaged to take place in the North-eastern Tiv land in the near future as

speculated by Biam thus:

Going by the 1963 Nigerian Population Census, the whole

of Tiv land has roughly 126 persons per square mile
(ppsm). But Southern and parts of Central Tiv land have
200 ppsm while densities as low as 25ppsm existed in
Northern and North-eastern Tiv land. Shortage of
farmland in parts of Central and Southern Tiv land is
unavoidable, 27

By implication, there was as low as 25 persons per square mile (25ppsm) in the

Sankera core area of yam production in the early 1970s, when the Tiv-yam economy was at

its embryonic stage of growth. Sankera zone is located in the North-Eastern Tiv land and it

clearly shows that, the Sankera axis, prior to the growth of yam economy in Tiv land, was

grossly under populated and needed a stimulant to enhance population growth to meet up

with the Southern and parts of the Central Tiv land.

The lanes of this analysis lead us to the issue of population disparity between the Southern

and Northern Tiv land. The present argument in the academic circle over the question of the

development gap between the Northern and Southern Tiv land has to be linked to both the

growth of yam economy and population in Tiv land. Population growth is an integral part of

the over-all development in any economy worldwide. The development of yam economy first

became noticeable on the soil of the Southern Tiv land. It, therefore, suggests that there must

have been a symbiotic relationship between the two. This study agrees with the argument

that, the growth of the Tiv yam economy has for long been encouraging and promoting the

18
overall development of the Tiv people on their land. As correctly argued by Biam, “due to

land overuse and consequent soil deterioration of the overpopulated Southern and parts of

Central Tiv land, yam cultivation in those areas was no longer profitable”. 20 During this time,

Eastern and North-eastern Tiv land primarily became more productive and ideal for increased

yam production in the whole of Tiv land because there was a lot of fertile and vast area of

uncultivated and uninhabited farmland for more production of yams.

6.4.2. Population Growth and Labour Migration in Tiv land

Accordingly, land deterioration and population growth constituted the centrifugal

force in the 1960s to push out yam farmers, labourers, artisans, consumers, and traders away

from the Southern and Central parts of Tiv land 28. They migrated to the Sankera axis, the

newly opened core yam production centre, which became a centripetal force, attracting all

these immigrants on the yam production mission29. Evidently, the first group of Tiv

farmers/traders, who became famous as pioneering yam businessmen and women in Tiv land,

belong to this group of immigrants from the Southern and parts of Central Tivland.30

According to Maga Chia, the late Fave Uchichi, from Gaav in the Southern part of Tiv land,

was the first yam farmer to own lorries at Zaki-Biam in the North Eastern part of Tiv land.

It is to be noted that, all the immigrants to Sankera zone have acquired permanent

status with their family members still living in the areas within Sankera region. Oral

interview with Ityoakosu revealed that some of them, like Fave Uchichi and Vaachia Iorbo,

left for Dan-Anacha area of Taraba State as soon as Zaki-Biam in Ukum area began to

experience population growth and land exhaustion, but still have parts of their families living

in Ukum area to date, doing skeletal yam production and trade.

With the influx of yam consumers, farm labourers, farm owners, yam traders, artisans,

and others, into the Sankera geo-political Zone for yam production purpose, the population of

the old Katsina-Ala Local Government Area began to expand continuously till date.

Naturally, with the increase of population through internal migration to Sankera axis with

18
diverse groups of people, like artisans, traders in assorted goods, patent medicine sellers,

meat sellers, cloth sellers, and other groups, the living standard in the area began to improve.

The result of improved health brought about an increased rate of birth in the area. There was

continuous reproductive potency of the people to give birth to more children, thereby

increasing the population of the Sankera axis, the more. Another source of population

expansion arose at this time in the Sankera geo-political axis, which was directly connected

to yam production. Findings from the field survey suggest that this was achieved through

increased marriage system between the Sankera people and the people of the Southern Tiv

land (Ityoakosu oral interview, 2015)22

Both Zever Ayua and Tyotyev Agbe retired Headmasters shared that, western

civilization in this country entered through the South, because of the early contacts with the

Europeans31. This also applies to Tiv land, especially in connection with yam production.

Western Civilization is said to have developed from the South towards the Northern Tiv land.

According to G.N. Hembe (2001), in his edited work, this act is considered generally as being

responsible for the ‘‘North/South development gap in Tivland.”32

When the situation of internal migration as a result of yam production became more

intense, the indigenous male adults of the Sankera area of Ukum, Shitile, Tongov, Ugondo

and Ikyurav saw it as an opportunity to quickly intermingle with the southern groups of Tiv

people and borrow a leaf on farm techniques for increased yam production in their domain.

This was to be easily achieved through the establishment of mutual kinship relationships by

way of new marriages with the Southern immigrants in their domain. Sankera male adults

consciously encouraged and promoted marriage of young ladies from the Southern Tiv land,

like Gaav, Kunav and Shangev to give birth to a cross-breed generation of the ‘Undyor’

known as ‘anigbaav’ people in Tiv land. On the other hand, the people of the Southern Tiv

land were more eager to give out in marriage their daughters to the indigenes of Sankera area

for mutual kinship relationships to access free land for farming and settlement. Unity of

18
purpose was developed. Elder Ugbem Dugwer emphasized on this point that many marriages

between the two groups were recorded, thereby facilitating the process of population growth

in the Sankera area of Tiv land, which met the population condition for the creation of more

Local Government Areas in the Zone (Chia oral interview, 2015).

This is justified by the fact that, the mission for more yam production consumption

and trade pulled many Southern Tiv immigrants to the Sankera core Zone of yam production

as from the late 1960s upwards. This assertion is justifiably supported by the Nigerian

population census, which shows that there has been a steady increase of population growth in

the Sankera area of Tiv land, especially as from 1963 upwards. For instance, in 1996, the then

Katsina-Ala and Ukum Local Government Areas were populated with 401,619, people while

in 2006 it increased to 442,454 people. This development eventually qualified the Sankera

Zone for the creation of more Local Government Areas within the area by meeting up the

population requirement.

6.5. Sustainable Revenue Generation Capacity of Sankera Zone

It has been acknowledged that, to achieve sustainable development, political

institutions should possess a solid foundation with a reliable and sustainable financial base.

This explains why sustainable revenue base was one of the pillars of the 1976 Local

Government Reforms in Nigeria put in place as a pre-requisite condition for the creation of

more Local Government Areas in the country. This is the extent to which the growth of yam

economy in the Sankera axis of Tiv land has enhanced the development of Sankera’s

financial base, which subsequently qualified the Zone for the creation of additional Local

Government Areas. It is remarkable to note that all the socio-political and economic

requirements which factored the creation of Ukum and Logo Local Government Areas out of

the Sankera Zone were inter-woven and inter-related. There was an internal migration

motivated by increased yam production which impacted on population expansion. By

19
extension, the population expansion increased the revenue generation base in Sankera area to

sustain more political, educational and health institutions in the area.

The post records of population census in Tiv are have shown the population growth

led to increased poll taxes, which in turn doubled the amount of money which was credited

into the treasury of the local government, in addition to the income from the increased

number of yam farmers and traders. The increased income of the local yam farmers cum

traders brought about trade expansion in other sectors of the economy. This also boosted the

demands of the people for improved health facilities, housing, clothes, food, and more wives.

In the long-run, the economy of the area was expanded and distributed, thereby raising the

living standard of the people.

The more, the number of adult heads in an economy, the more their involvement in

the pursuit of economic activities and the more the amount of money collected as poll taxes

from them. The Nigerian population census shows that, there has been a steady increase of

population expansion in the Sankera axis of Tiv land from 1963-2000.33 For example, in

1996, Katisna-Ala and Ukum Local Government Areas were populated with 401,619 people

while in 2006, it increased to 442,454 people. The increased amount of money per person

tallies with the population difference of 40,835,. Recalling that in 1996, pool tax per head

was N10, the total tax paid in 1996 amounted to 401,619 x N10 =N4,016,190. In 2006 total

tax paid rose to 442,454xN10=N4,424,540. Therefore, in 2006, the revenue increased by

N408,350.00 (N4,424,540-N4,016,190=N408,350). Findings from the field survey of this

study reveals that yam related sources of revenue generation kept leading in the internal

revenue generation of the old Katsina-Ala Local Government Area since in the 1970s, which

gave birth to Ukum Local Government Area in 1986 and Logo Local Government Area in

1996 respectively. This is clearly and detailly presented in Table XX A & B overleaf.

19
Table XXI (A): Revenue Disposition Chart in Katsina-Ala Local Government according
to Development Area Offices, 1981-1985
Yam Tax
Yam
Market related
Poll Land Revenue Association Others
S/N Year District tax(₦) Levy (₦) (₦) s (₦) (₦)
1. 1981 UKUM(ZAKI-BIAM) 47,865 138,900 141,789 162,352
UGBA(LOGO) 61,525 86,893 50,100 129,130
KATSINA-ALA 9,000 25,612 15,163 54,311
LOKO(AMAAFU) 16,001 35,415 34,300 80,050
TOR-DONGA 9,050 15,120 30,172 58,721

2. 1982 UKUM(ZAKI-BIAM) 50,790 145,600 144,000 175,623

UGBA(LOGO) 64,345 88,951 51,710 135,505
KATSINA-ALA 10,000 25,642 17,561 56,789
LOKO(AMAAFU) 18,100 40,978 36,200 81,800
TOR-DONGA 10,070 19,276 32,185 61,125

3. 1983 UKUM(ZAKI-BIAM) 51,100 149,010 145,789 189,000

UGBA(LOGO) 67,320 90,000 57,580 138,200
KATSINA-ALA 11,900 28,721 20,673 62,189
LOKO(AMAAFU) 20,018 44,111 38,970 88,002
TOR-DONGA 11,689 20,100 35,500 64,798

4. 1984 UKUM(ZAKI-BIAM) 57,468 153,090 165,510 198,700

UGBA(LOGO) 70,050 98,120 62,002 148,200
KATSINA-ALA 13,400 30,500 22,734 65,810
LOKO(AMAAFU) 22,000 46,332 42,010 98,421
TOR-DONGA 13,000 21,655 38,130 72,050

5. 1985 UKUM(ZAKI-BIAM) 60,000 156,085 172,812 202,810

UGBA(LOGO) 72,071 101,072 65,020 150,006
KATSINA-ALA 13,532 32,855 25,067 68,123
LOKO(AMAAFU) 23,400 48,665 45,050 100,230
TOR-DONGA 15,005 22,345 40,012 75,010
Source: Revenue Office of Katsina- Ala Local Government Office (2013).
Table XX(A): presents the growing strength of the internally generated revenue from yam

production related sources in Sankera Zone, according to each of the 5 Development Area offices

from 1981-1985. The table shows that Ukum Development Area office was all along leading with

the highest amount of revenue generated from yam production related activities among the 5

Development Area Offices from 1981-1985. The leading position, with a sustainable and viable

19
revenue base of Ukum Development Area Office for over a period of 5 years (1981-1985) could be

one of the reasons why it was first considered by the Federal Government for the creation of Ukum

Local Government Area out of Katsina-Ala.

Table XXI(B): Revenue Disposition Chart in Katsina-Ala Local Government According

to Development Area Offices, 1991-1995
Yam Tax

Poll Market Yam related

Tax Land Levy Revenue Associations
S/N Year District (N) (N) (N) (N) Others (N)
1. 1991 UGBA(LOGO) 144,120 200,140 120,000 300,012
KATSINA-ALA 53,000 131,420 100,000 250,000
LOKO(AMAAFU) 43,400 97,320 90,000 200,000
TOR-DONGA 30,005 52,345 80,000 150,000

2. 1992 UGBA(LOGO) 150,000 250,000 220,120 350,000

KATSINA-ALA 65,100 148,600 96,000 250,000
LOKO(AMAAFU) 52,200 100,050 88,420 178,000
TOR-DONGA 32,010 65,000 76,000 130,200

3. 1993 UGBA(LOGO) 105,000 298,000 232,210 368,050

KATSINA-ALA 77,000 150,000 98,100 244,000
LOKO(AMAAFU) 57,010 102,000 90,000 200,000
TOR-DONGA 45,000 78,342 80,000 150,000

4. 1994 UGBA(LOGO) 109,050 300,750 234,000 384,000

KATSINA-ALA 77,235 150,700 100,000 250,000
LOKO(AMAAFU) 62,200 122,000 92,400 181,000
TOR-DONGA 40,000 89,000 80,000 122,000

5. 1995 UGBA(LOGO) 120,000 312,170 345,600 405,600

KATSINA-ALA 88,000 153,000 101,000 255,700
LOKO(AMAAFU) 65,000 130,200 95,050 200,000
TOR-DONGA 50,000 100,400 82,000 150,000
Source: Revenue Office of Katsina- Ala Local Government Office (2013).
Table XX (B):, presents a figurative disposition chart of internally generated revenue,

collected from yam production related sources in Sankera Zone based on each of the 4

Development Area Offices from 1991-1995. The leading position of Ugba (Logo)

Development Area Office, among the 4 Development Area offices in terms of revenue

collected for 5 years is indicated on the table. This probably suggests why Logo-LGA, with a

sustainable revenue base, was created after Ukum LGA.

19
 On the whole, Tables XX(A) and XX(B) reflect a clear demonstration of the revenue

generating capacity, which increased yearly side by side with the population growth, in

Sankera area from 1981-1985, based on the initial five Development Area Offices (DAO) of

the old Katsina-Ala LGA. These were Tor-Donga, Katsina-Ala Township, Loko, Ukum, and

Ugba. During this period, Ukum DAO led in revenue generation from yam production related

activities in terms of internally generated revenue, which later guaranteed its creation as a

separate LGA in 1996.

Among the remaining DAOs left in Katsina-Ala LGA, after the creation of Ukum as

LGA, Ugba (Logo) also became the leading revenue generation area office from yam related

sources and was made a separate Local Government Area in 1996. Tables XX(A) and XX(B)

are clear illustrations of how yam production related sources dramatically increased the

sustainable revenue base of the Sankera people, which contributed to earning them the

creation of Ukum and Logo LGAs in 1986 and 1996, respectively.

Development area or centre is an integral land coverage within the entire land area of

a particular Local Government Area. Each centre has its separate and distinct land area

coverage, endowed with certain comparative advantages over resources within its’ territorial

domain, like fertile land and economic trees. Yam production, which depends on fertile land,

is more closely linked to the Development Centre than the Local Government Council itself.

One Development Centre within the same LGC, by virtue of its demarcation, may possess

more fertile land for yam production and equally be producing more yams than any other

centres in the same council. The more yams are produced in a Development Centre, the more

revenue is generated, especially when combined with an effective and efficient collection

management. The competitive generation of internal revenue among DAOs within one LGA,

therefore, boosts the revenue of the entire LGC yearly.

19
6.6 Urbanization:

Urbanization is a process of coming together of villages, hamlets and compounds to

form larger nucleus settlement centres in a region. According to Ortserga, 34 the formation of

urban centres is key to the development of financial institutions in any given economy

worldwide. Urbanization is, therefore, “a cause, just as it is a consequence of socio-economic

development in a region”35.

The process of urban formation was brought specifically to the Sankera axis of Tiv

land mainly through internal migration especially, yam farmers and sellers from the Southern

Tiv territory to the North-Eastern Tiv area. The Tiv people from the Southern and Central

parts of Tiv land migrated to the fertile land of Sankera area to engage in yam production and

trade during the colonial period. Varvar26 also articulated that commoditization of yam had

led to large scale migration of Tiv population from the Southern and Central parts of Tiv land

to the fertile areas of yam production, thus sustaining the migrant communities where they

existed before and creating new ones where they never existed. The field survey of the

present research reveals that many of the present yam producing and trading urban

communities in Sankera area, such as Zaki-Biam, Anyiin, Gbor, Chito, Gbeji, Ugba, Afia and

others, are dorminantly urbanised by migrants from the Southern and Central parts of Tiv

land. Very many of such migrants later became big time yam producers and traders, like Fave

Uchichi, Abwa Asemabo, Denen Tofi, and others. Results from the field survey further

reveals that certain semi-urban centres presently booming in yam production and trade in

Sankera area started their formation with migrants from the Southern and parts of central Tiv

land to Sankera Zone. By implication, yam production and trade during the study period

largely urbanized many settlement areas in Sankera, new found core yam producing zone of

Tiv.

The example of such settlement areas include Zaki-Biam, Ugba, Anyiin, Chito, Gbor and

others as illustrated on Table XXI showing an estimated number of immigrants from

Southerrn Tiv territory-Gaav, Kunav I Ishangev Tiev to a few selected settlements of Zaki-

19
Biam, Anyiin, Ugba, Chito, and Gbor for more clearifications. The justifiable point under

illustration at this juncture is that yam production and trade during the study period, largely

urbanised, many settlement areas in the Sankera new found yam producing zone of our study

area.

Table XXII: Migration of the Southern Tiv to the North-Eastern part of the Tiv for
Yam and Trade, 1960-1999
Year Migrants Total Number Host Community
of Migrants
1961-1970 Kunav, Gaav & Shangev-Tiev 2764 Zaki-Biam
1821 Ugba
2114 Anyiin
2514 Chito
3117 Gbor
1971-1980 Kunav, Gaav & Shangev-Tiev 3593 Zaki-Biam
2367 Ugba
2748 Anyiin
3268 Chito
4052 Gbor
1981-1990 Kunav, Gaav & Shangev-Tiev 4670 Zaki-Biam
3077 Ugba
3572 Anyiin
4248 Chito
5267 Gbor
1991-2000 Kunav, Gaav & Shangev-Tiev 1934 Zaki-Biam
1274 Ugba
1479 Anyiin
1759 Chito
2181 Gbor
Source: The Nigerian Census Populaation of 1963.
: Field Survey of 2013 in the Southhern and Central parts of Tiv land.

The important point established here so far is that, there has been massive migration

of Tiv people from the Southern and Central parts of Tiv land since the colonial period to

date, into Sankera area for the purpose of yam production and trade. This population increase

contributed to transform the hitherto scattered and sparsely populated settlements of the area

to urban and semi-urban centres, like Ugba, Ayati, Abako and others in Sankera Zone. These

centres, eventually became viable coordinating centres of socio-political and economic, as

well as melting points for information dissemination. The centres also served as ushers in the

development prospects of yam production and trade in Tiv land. In agreement with this

19
assertion, Ortserga argued that,27 the emergence and growth of semi-urban centres and towns

as a result of the swell-up population of immigrants, transformed the region into a forward-

looking socio-political and economic development area. In a similar way, Johnson also

asserted that:

Development is a function of the agrarian

commercialization and the rationalization of agrarian
conduction under a pecuniary stimulus calls for a network
of conveniently located central places where efficient
exchange of goods and services could occur. 36

Accordingly, these urban commercial headquarters are now acknowledged as formidable and

buoyant revenue bases, sustaining socio-political and economic development in the three

respective Local Government Councils of Sankera Zone. The three LGCs (Katsina-Ala,

Ukum and Logo) are actually ahead of the older Local Governments Councils, like

Vandeikya and Gwer-West in terms of internally generated revenue capacities, as a result of

increased yam production and trade in Sankera area.

6.7 Yam Production and the Development of Education in Tiv land, 1900-2000

Historically, before any contact was ever made with Europeans, there was the concept

of African traditional education. It is a form of education, whereby a student or child as the

case maybe, receives education in an informal manner. A child was tutored on traditional

norms and values and exposed to the basics of the natural laws established over time, by the

virtue of interaction with man and his natural environment. Such knowledge is imparted

orally and is in forms of proverbs, songs, poems, folklores or folktales, and stories, and

dances. In most African societies, particularly, the Tiv, traditional education started with the

family.

It is said that the father gathers his sons in one specific or formal way to impart this

form of education on them, while the mother handles the education of her daughters. This

could be in any given condition or situation. According to Baver Ijoho, an elder in Mbagbera

council ward, the yam stead in the yam farm, where all farmers met to take a rest after much

19
work, in most cases, was a place for a father to pass wisdom to his children (Ijoho, oral

interview).29 This could come in form of ancient folklores or proverbs, or songs, with

valuable information, which could help as a reference for knowledge and wisdom in the later

years, apart from inculcating the skills of yam production process into young ones. Bonding

is established while working and this spirit of closeness could lead the father to share his

knowledge on certain issues concerning the traditional society with his children. Thereafter,

the age grade system at the ya level was another avenue for traditional education.

During planting or harvest activities, much knowledge was imparted and transferred

through a lot of oral exchange and interaction between an older generation and the young.

Through this method, traditional education, ideas, events, knowledge and wisdom was

transferred from one generation to another.

One of the cardinal points of the Tiv traditional system of education in the pre-

colonial Tiv land was to provide the young men with basic and skilful knowledge about the

Tiv traditional ways of yam farming, including other crops on their land. Traditional patterns

of yam production techniques, such as land clearing and making of mounds for planting yam

seedlings.

In fact, acquiring sufficient skilful knowledge about farming yam was a prerequisite

qualification for maturity to marry a wife. Adequate knowledge about yam production could

qualify young men to marry wives and increase labour force for farming activities in a

family. At this stage, they brought relief to their parents from farming activities, especially

yam cultivation, considered to be highly labour intensive. The common expectation of

traditional yam farmers was that, whenever their children grew up with adequate knowledge

of the yam production techniques they would join them up, thereby adding to farm labour

which would lead to increased yam farms for higher future outputs and eventually takeover

from them. Based on the high expectations, traditional education of yam production to the

19
young ones was handled with all seriousness of purpose in Tiv land during the pre-colonial

era.

That while young men were acquiring traditional education on several aspects of yam

production ascribed to men, mothers on the other hand, educated their daughters on such

aspects which were ascribed traditionally to women, like harvesting yam tubers, planting yam

seedlings, and weeding of yam farms. In addition, mothers educated their daughters about the

traditional ways of cooking food to serve men on the farms while making mounds. Women’s

education for purposes of yam production was more intensive and involving than men’s own.

Apart from possessing more roles than men to perform on yam farms, women were taught

how to prepare delicious meals and the appropriate times to serve such meals to men on the

farms. Usually, it was traditionally common to serve roasted or boiled yam with grinded

benniseed (paste), “you sha ishwa” in the morning, pounded yam with delicious soups in the

afternoon. This was to be repeated in the evening before going to bed at night. On the whole,

traditional education greatly influenced and sustained yam production in the pre-colonial Tiv

land.

It was against this background that western education came to compliment the

traditional education during the colonial period in Tiv land. The coming of the Europeans

brought about new forms of education called western education. Western education,
37
according to B.D Iyortom (2015) is the formal method of teaching people how to read and

write; and to be able to keep records for the purpose of remembering the past events and

getting away from the primitive ways of relationships and communication. The first

Europeans to introduce this type of education to Tiv land were the missionaries. Charged

with the mission of introducing Christianity, the Christian missionaries discovered that they

could not do their own work effectively, unless its adherents were able to read and write. In a

short while, they took advantage of an educational system that was tailored toward their

19
needs. They established schools that were religiously biased by using education as a bait to

attract the people to Christianity.

It was further disclosed by B.D Iyortom that from its inception, western education

was reserved for lazy and outcast children, that is, children who had less social value and

could not work on yam farms. A lot of labour was needed on the yam farms; therefore, the

thought of giving out able bodied children was not a welcome development. Akiga Sai, a

foremost pioneer educationist, for instance, was said to have been readily offered to the

missionaries ‘uke’ because of his deformities. Education, during the early colonial era, was

not so valued by the Tiv natives. At that time, yam production was a hindrance to the

development of Western education in Tiv land.

In light of the above, many mushroom schools, known as Bible schools, were first

established with low attendance by the Tiv locals. Thus, wherever a church mission was

established, it was followed by a mushroom Christian missionary school. For example, the

Dutch Reformed Church Mission at Sai in 1911 opened a school by Carl Zimmermamm 38.

With the exposure from the First and Second World Wars, as well as the journeys to work in

coal and tin mines in Jos, came a new penchant for education.

Over time, the first schools produced an elitist class out of the forsaken and rejected

children, who cleared doubts and proved sceptics wrong about the Whiteman’s schools and

education. More schools with higher educational standards were established by both

government and the missionaries, like Mount Saint Michaels, Aliade, established in 1953,

W.M. Bristow Secondary School, Gboko 1960; Mount Saint Gabriel, Makurdi, established

in 1964, St Andrews Adikpo in 1967 and several others. It became a status symbol and a

thing of pride to have a learned person who could read and write in the Whiteman’s language

come from a family, clan or village. Thus, the struggle to educate their children in the

western system of education began. Most families began to send their wards to schools.

Various villages began to clamour for the Whiteman’s school. The yam farm that hitherto

20
was a curse and a barrier to western educational growth and development became a blessing.

Yam production in the colonial period became a commodity of trade and veritable source of

income for all needs, including payment of school fees. Small scale farmers, who would not

formally let their children go to school due to expenses incurred on the yam farms, rather

would sell their yam produce to train their children in school. Communities that were

formally hostile to the missionaries now contributed massively yams and money derived from

sell of yam to start up community development schools.

The railway constructed across Makurdi/Aliade axis, the bridges and other roads gave

vent to the massive commercialization of the yam produced like never before, which brought

about a change in the local economy39. Positive responses to Western education increased and

further enhanced the development of yam economy. This development continued to impact of

the study area.

Toward the end of the colonial regime in Nigeria, economic transformation of the

colonial economic policies, especially the commoditization of yam products significantly

increased yam production and trade in Tiv land. The provision of more infrastructural

facilities, like railways, roads, schools, public offices, money incentives and added value of

the Western education, all contributed to educational development in Tiv land, especially

from the 1960s to 2000. The contribution of yam production and trade to the development of

Western education in Tiv land within this period was done in various forms.

First and foremost, through yam trade, Tiv yam traders interacted with non Tiv people

outside the Tiv territory. These Tiv yam traders saw how Western education, had transformed

the lives and standards of living in those areas. On their return to Tiv land, the value of

Western education was inculcated into the minds of their fellow Tiv men at home. The idea

of sending children to schools increased. Tiv people began to send their children to school for

Western education, so that on graduating, they would be employed in public offices, with

huge salaries and cars attached or given to them. Many Tiv sons, like Prof. I. Saror, Prof. E.

20
Gyangyan, Prof. D. Yakubu, Prof. J. Tseayo, Prof. O. Malu, Prof. M. Jibo and others, were

all sent to schools by their parents in the late 1950s, and their education funded mainly from

proceeds made from the sell of yam. Good enough, very many of them took to teaching

profession in order to expand Western education in Tiv land and beyond.

Secondly and closely related to the above, it is commonly expressed by the adage that

“travelling is education” yam traders who went to sell yams in Igbo land, especially after the

civil war borrowed a leaf from there. They saw how Western education was considered as

very essential and serious achievement among the Igbo people in their respective

communities. These general goods traders including yam returned to Tiv land with these

laudable ideas. They then began to establish their private post primary institutions and

encouraged their communities financially with money realised from trading to establish more

of such institution across Tiv land. This explains why many private and community post

primary institutions sprang up throughout Tiv land in the 1970s as presented in Table XXII.

Table XXIII: Selected Community and Private Post Primary Institutions Established
across Tiv land, 1967-1970
S/NO NAME OF SCHOOL YEAR LOCATION
ESTABLISHED
1 Mbapuun Grammar Secondary School 1976 Zaki-Biam
2. Ngenev Community Secondary School 1977 Sankera
3 Mbaterem Community Secondary School 1977 Kyado
4. Torov Community Secondary School 1978 Chito
5. Ucha Community Secondary School 1977 Afia
6. Ugondo Community Secondary School 1978 Ugba
7. Yaav Day Secondary School 1977 Harga
8. Akume Atongo Memorial School 1979 Abaji
9. Tongov Community Secondary School 1979 Amaafu
Source: Field Survey 2015

So far under the present chapter, the seemingly positive impact of yam production and trade

are briefly examined. On the other hand, there are negative impact in Tiv land, such as land

exhaustion and soil degradation, with their attendant problems. This is the next focus of the

discourse.

20
6.8 Yam Production, Land Exhaustion and Soil Degradation in Tiv land, 1915-2000

Soil degradation is a situation of soil deterioration and exhaustion of its natural

potency through human activities or natural forces40. The depleted soil resources, such as

nutrients, manure, chemicals, water, minerals, and others make soil unsuitable for further

growth of crops, especially the yam crop. Soil degradation is, as well, the downward trend in

soil resources, such that their level of use in human societies is also debased at an increasing

rate. This is usually caused as a result of human overuse or misuse or both of the soil through

mining, cattle grazing, bush burning, deforestation, constructions, farming, hunting of games,

and others.

There are also natural causations of soil degradation, such as soil erosion, draughts,

weather conditions, rainfall, earthquake, and others. The concept of soil degradation itself

denotes negativity to a large extent in this context. Soil as the life wire of yam crop

production, when depleted obviously and adversely affects yam production, as shall be

discussed.

In addition to population expansion, the process of yam production in itself factored soil

degradation during the 1960s in Tiv land. The traditional standard regulation for yam

cultivation was to first clear the area of would-be farm field of all the bushes, grasses, small

trees, and others, before making yam heaps. The process is known in Tiv as hura ihyande.

After weeding off bushes, pulling grasses, felling of small trees, removing of stumps and

others, the area becomes cleared, ready for heaps or mounds making for planting of yam

seedlings. Tiv people refer to the cleared area as ihyande. In the course of making heaps in

the second stage of yam farm cultivation, all the underground roots of trees and stumps are

uprooted. This is to provide free and open loose soil within the heaps for yam tubers to grow

and penetrate freely without any hindrance underground. In the late hoeing period, just before

the rain sets in, the already pulled down grasses and bushes are burnt to avoid the delay of

packing them away before tilling the heaps on the field. During the early period of mound

20
making, called sule sanen in Tiv, the weeded grasses and pulled down bushes on the field are

not burnt away, but preserved mulching against direct sunlight and over drying of the mounds

before yam seedlings are planted on them. This is how yam cultivation process destroys the

natural ecosystem of the land along with its soil nutrients in the course of increasing yam

production. The destruction of trees, stumps uprooting and burning of bushes leads to

ushering on the farmland the devastating effects of soil degradation in Tiv land.

At the time of low population density in Southern and Central parts of Tiv land, Tiv

traditional mechanism of shifting cultivation was used to allow the land to remain fallow for

some years and rejuvenate. However, with rapid population expansion, especially after the

1960s, when every male adult became eager to own his individual yam farm and enlarge it

annually to earn more money. It virtually led to an invitation for land crisis to continue with

shifting cultivation in area41.

The foregoing attempt is to illustrate how the population expansion syndrome of the

Tiv people; improved rural road network in their domain, their wealth accumulation desires,

and other exigencies of the colonial administration, brought about their gregarious overuse of

their static farmlands within their domain in the 1960s. This land overuse gradually led to

deterioration and exhaustion of farmlands. A critical situation which led to soil degradation,

initially in the Southern and Central parts of Tiv land but later extended across the whole of

Tiv territory in Central Nigeria.42

A brief narration of how increased yam production had brought about the devastating

soil degradation in Tiv land before 1960s is attempted. Since then, farm land exhaustion and

soil degradation have gradually escalated to engulf the whole of Tiv area in Central Nigeria.

There are also other factors of soil degradation like mining, cattle rearing, droughts, hunting,

and many other means which gradually sprang up and continued to contribute to soil

degradation in Tiv land within the period of the study.

20
 When the manifestations of soil degradation were empirically noticed early in the

Southern and parts of Central Tiv land after the 1960s 43, there were two major responses by

Tiv people to remedy this critical situation of land scarcity. Internal migration was first

initiated to search for fertile land within Tiv territory to make up for farmland shortages. The

second way forward was double cropping and the introduction of orange and mango

plantations in Tiv land. Realistically, these two steps were taken in the right direction at the

right time and actually sustained the development of yam economy in Tiv land.

The income generated from the sell of other crops, like maize, groundnuts, guinea

corn, millet, and others was used to replace what was lost from the hitherto sell of yams. The

internal migration further led to land crisis and later external migration. All the same, it

served as a short-term relief to put into full use farm land within the Tiv territory and

maximize the benefits of yam production in Tiv land.

It is not an exaggeration to state that, when the farmlands within the Tiv territory were

almost completely exhausted, the quest for farmland by the Tiv yam farmers turned fully

outwards. It is speculated that the outward-looking for farmland turned sour and was key to

the 2001 Tiv massacre/genocide, apart from being the major source of acrimony between the

Tiv and their neighbours. A one time Minister of Defence and an extraction of the Jukun

kingdom, who are the Tiv neighbours, T.Y. Danjuma in his defence of the 2001 Tiv genocide

asserted thus:

The Tiv are at war with all their neighbours; why are they
at war with all their neighbours from Benue to Nassarawa
through Taraba to even Ebonyi State? In all these cases, it
is over land. I think it is because of the expansionist
tendencies of the Tiv people. 44

Hagher speculated that the 2001 Tiv massacre led to reduction in yam production, not only in

Tiv land but across the whole of Central Nigeria. About one million Tiv yam producers were

killed by their neighbours and the Nigerian soldiers as well as properties worth billions of

Naira were destroyed. More than twenty-billion of yam tubers were destroyed both on the

20
farms at different locations and yam markets like Dan-Anancha, Zaki-Biam, Gbeji, Vaase,

Chito, Abako, Anyiin, Ugba, and many other settlements. Evidently, after visiting most of the

destroyed sites to actually see things for himself, Professor Derry Joe Yakubu of the Peace

Mission International lamented that:

Since February, 2001, the Tiv people have been attacked

and displaced in three States of the Federal Republic of
Nigeria: Benue, Taraba, and Nassarawa. Over 1,000,000
Tiv are now refugees in their own country! The Tiv
people have been robbed of their basic human rights
which most civilised societies now enjoy. They are being
hunted down and slaughtered in their homes and farms
like wild animals. The Tiv all over Nigeria now live in
morbid fear for their lives and property.45

There is also another type of soil degradation, usually caused by natural resources, like

gypsum and barite in the soil. The extensive farmland destruction at Tse-Kucha in Yandev

land of Gboko Local Government Area, where a cement factory is located and Lessel in

Ushongo Local Government Area, where barite is mined. An important point to note here is

that, land infertility or degradation, either by land overuse or mining, both produce adverse

effects on yam production in the long run.

At the two mining areas in Tiv land, the top layer of the soil of the vast farmland is

completely removed exposing the hard layer of the soil, which does not support crop

production. It is common knowledge that, deep pits, drainages, gutters, and other

infrastructures are visibly found on the mining sites, which serve as death traps in Tiv land in

addition to land degradation. Already, there are numerous recorded cases of deaths of

underage children attempting to swim in such pits during the raining season whenever water

collected therein, especially in Lessel. The long-run effect is the creation of farmland

shortages for crop production, including yam apart from bringing about depopulation to the

area. It should not be forgotten, that yam is the most favourable and preferred food crop of

the majority of people in Tiv land. The lack of farm land for yam cultivation in Tiv land

implies an invitation to famine and food insecurity in the area. As earlier stated, farmland

20
shortages have for long been instrumental to Tiv migration to the territorial land of their

neighbours, thereby leading to wars over land in Central Nigeria.

6.9 Emergence and Growth of Indigenous Entrepreneurs in Tiv land, 1915-2000.

Scholars have generally agreed that entrepreneurship connotes all functions which

involve the exploitation of opportunities in existence within a market, like self employment

of any sort:

that the function which involves the exploitation of

opportunities which exist within a market like self
employment of any sort; the activity that involves
identifying opportunity within the economic system: the
creation of new organizations; the willingness and ability
of an individual to seek out investment opportunities in an
environment and be able to establish and run an enterprise
successfully based on the identifiable opportunities. 46

On the other hand, entrepreneurs are business persons who take or identify opportunities and

establish new business ventures regardless of the risks involved. This is to create businesses,

so that new methods, products, new markets and new forms of organizations are invented to

satisfy human needs and wants mostly at a profit.

Applying the concept of entrepreneurship to the study of Tiv yam production and

trade, both Tosh (1980) and Odey (2015) illuminated that entrepreneurship in the African

societies originated from the simple use of hoe and cutlass. This was achieved through the

engagement of peasant productive activities and the gradual development of local trade in

food stuff and cash crops upon which the colonial export trade depended. 47 Accordingly,

Odey augmenting Tosh’s (1980) argument with an opinion that, the growth of cash crop

trade, at the local and international levels, and the rising significance of cash crops

economy/monetization, were through the productive efforts of peasant farmers. These

farmers were invariably the unquestionable heroes of African micro-entrepreneurial history.

This was the initial reason for the emergence of entrepreneurship in Africa. 48 By extension,

yam production and trade among the Tiv of Central Nigeria was an important factor for

emergence of Tiv indigenous entrepreneurs. The Tiv had the ability and traditional initiative

20
to use hoe and cutlass in order to mobilize factors of production, mainly land and labour,

from a humble beginning rather than the factory or industrial enterprise.

This evidence, therefore, justifies the fact that small scale yam farmers during the Tiv

pre-colonial period were entrepreneurs per excellence. The yam crop, from the pre-colonial

till post colonial period in Tiv land, evidently served the dual purposes of food sufficiency

and income generation for the Tiv people. It is on the strength of this belief that Landes

(1971) restated that indigenous African entrepreneurship pre-dated the colonial domination in

the Central part of the continent. He further argued that penetration of the European

capitalism rather slowed down the growth of indigenous African entrepreneurs, who began to

re-establish themselves all over again.

In a contrary view, other scholars, like Myint (1971)37 argued that colonial

governments in African States encouraged the indigenous entrepreneurship in the continent

rather than slowing down the process. This study toes the latter line of argument (Myint) and

further accepts that truly the Tiv entrepreneurship pre-dated colonialism, but rather fast

tracked its process of development during the colonial period in Tiv land. Evidently, Boyd

Alexander writing before the “opening up” of Tiv land speculated in the same vein, that trade

in agricultural produce like yam and benniseed were on-going with the foreign companies

before the colonization of Tiv land. His words:

The supply of benniseed which is an important product in

the trade of the Niger Company is entirely dependant on
Munchi (Tiv) who bring it in or not as they choose; the
same is the case with yams in the markets along the
river.49

M.O Odey50 supported this view point, buttressing that food and cash crops and

estimates of surplus food stuff ranging from 60,000 to 80,000 tons of yam tubers and 65,000

to 90,000 tons of rice, guinea corn, maize, millet and beans were exported from the Central

part of Nigeria Tiv land inclusive to overseas countries. This was done by the Niger

Company, that monopolized the so called “silent trade”. Going through these written records

with the knowledge of what entrepreneurship implies, it becomes more convincing to accept

20
that the emergence and existence of Tiv entrepreneurship pre-dated the colonial rule in Tiv

land.

Berry in Odey (2015)51 once asserted that African colonial economies are worthy of

study in their own rights and terms. This is due to their resilience and persistence in petty

commodity production connected to other areas. Historically, it is based on these assertions

that this study derives additional motivation for the inclusion of this sub-topic in the

discussion. So far, it has been argued in this study that Tiv entrepreneurship pre-dated

colonialism in their land. The arrival of colonialism on Tiv land only fast-tracked the process

of Tiv entrepreneurial development and expansion in their land and beyond.

According to Austin in Odey (2015)52 by the 19th Century, primordial African

societies were extinct and productive activities and market principles had began to generate

surplus produce for the market. The “essentially static” economies of West Africa were

galvanized in the latter half of the Century by the advent of the European trading firms with

rewards for the sell of export crops which were in demand overseas . The attempt to source

for local traditions to complement this assertion, took the researcher to elder Akaazua

Muemue’s village at the outskirt of Ihugh town, in Vandeikya Local Government Area in

2014. He has a well built and equipped secondary school, named after him, and many other

storey buildings. The researcher sought to know how he began his journey of

entrepreneurship, acquiring and accumulating so much money to become one of the

pioneering wealthy persons with a lot of landed properties in Vandeikya, Gboko, Makurdi

and other places in Tiv land and beyond.

Elder Muemue53 opened up that, the proximity of sharing a common border area

between his own people (Kunav) and Udam is a blessing in disguise. According to him the

whole idea of trading in Tiv land emanated from the pre-colonial inter trading relationship

between Kunav and Gaav people of the South Eastern Tiv land and the Udam people of Cross

River State. That their great grandparents were trading with Udam people in assorted petty

wares or goods, including yam, ever before the arrival of the Whiteman’s government in Tiv

land. So, they (Muemue and his colleagues and age mates) inherited the act of trading from
20
their great grand parents when they became adults. This version is supported by D.C.

Dorward’s statement that, “the first guns bought by the Tiv were purchased from Udam...” 54

Muemue further agreed that, he was among the group of then young men who engaged in the

long distance trade across Tiv land during the colonial era. He further recalled that his

colleagues and age mates in the business at that time were Tilley Gyado, who was their

leader, Atomga Ukpo, Audu Atsem, Aunde Ikyulokyo, Belamo Ahura, A.A. Adaga, Anum

Iorzua, Kpamber Adura, and many others. With time, they were joined in the business by

other Tiv sons from different parts of Tiv land like Denen Tofi, Fave Uchichi, Tuve Erukaa,

Kula Wombo, Sunda Yongo, Samu Ihugh and many others.(Muemue oral interview)55

Elder Muemue further explained that in those days, each one of them had a special

goods container or carrier, specifically designed for carrying about their merchandise for

trade. The container was named “Kpenga” in Tiv, meaning trade. The bigger size of it was

also called “Achakpa”, probably an Udam name, also relating to the act of trade. ‘Achakpa’

has no meaning in Tiv but Tiv traders were identified in those days with these containers as

traders. This supports the assertion that, just as the act of yam trade was borrowed from the

Udam people in the early part of the study so was trade in yam. They could carry their wares

or goods made up of benniseed, yam tubers, tobacco leaves, spices and many others, to

almost all the places in Tiv land and even beyond.

Muemue further confirmed that they were not trading along the conventional trading

routes but using the local short-cuts paths to the conventional trading stations such as

Katsina-Ala, Ibi, Donga, Takum and others. They could take off in a group from Agbo, now

Vandeikya, in the morning for instance, with their ware on their heads and travel all the way

to sleep at the bank of river Katsina-Ala. The following morning, after swimming across river

Katsina Ala with the assistance of Etulo people; they continued with their journey to either

spend another night at Sai village or Kyado/Zaki-Biam, depending on which market they

were heading to on a particular trip to go and sell their goods. Benniseed was better sold at

Donga Garba market, so whenever they carried plenty of benniseed, they would spend a night

at Sai village to reach Donga Garba the next day to sell their merchandise. On the other hand,
21
whenever they carried other goods, with less benniseed, they would follow the Wukari path

to dispose their goods at Ibi market the following day. This was applicable to all the

traditional markets across the Tiv land and beyond, like Abinsi, Kwatan-Sule, Tyulen,

Makurdi, Aliade, Ogoja and others.

He finally concluded that, all his money and landed properties were acquired through

trade in petty food/cash crops and other goods which later grew into contract businesses. He

restated, that he started this act of trade during his childhood period and has grown very old

now, therefore, there is nothing on earth that is new to him now. That he has lost all his

colleagues and is extremely old with no good taste for anything in life. Death does not even

sound fearful to him because all his age mates are dead and he is gracefully waiting for when

to join them. For this singular reason, he has already dug and prepared his grave under the

ground floor of where we were seated upstairs. Thereafter, he actually conducted us down

stairs to see his already well dug and prepared grave waiting for his burial time. In agreement

with Muemue’s assertion, that the boarder proximity between Kunav and Udam people is a

blessing in disguise, our field survey further unravelled that prosperous enterpreneuers in

Kunav area alone first emerged and gradually out numbered the one in the whole of Tiv land

put together.

Similarly, Gyado’s grandson (Atoo Gyado)56 asserted that with all the expansive

nature of his grandfather’s wealth, it was legitimately acquired initially from petty trading of

food/cash crops and other goods in Kunav area of Tiv land. His grandfather graduated from

there to become a distributor of the Nigerian Tobacco Company (NTC) in Nigeria. He further

stated that it was at this level, that his grandfather enlarged and expanded the tentacles of his

enterprise across Nigeria as one of the richest men in Tiv area.

Muemue’s interview also corroborates Yandev’s assertion that all the pre-colonial

economic and socio-political activities of the Tiv people were anchored on yam production

and trade especially from the colonial period.57

The oral information from Muemue is complemented with Odey’s (2015) view, which

accepts that the introduction of the general purpose money by the colonial government, road
21
networks and influx of the Igbo traders from the Southern part of Nigeria boosted the retail

trade, from food crops to cash crops in canteens in Tiv land and beyond at Ogoja, Ibi, and

Abinsi. This development became so popular that all attempts to stop it by the Tiv elders

failed. It was on this note, that in 1941 alone, the colonial government in Tiv land regulated

yam trade for the use of colonial officials and over 225,000 tonnes of yam were exported to

the Plateau tin mines and some by rail to Enugu and Port-Harcourt, apart from 125, 000 tons

for local consumption58. It is noted at this point that this development also led to the

emergence of Tiv yam related entrepreneurship and entrepreneurs outside the Tiv land in Port

Harcourt, Enugu and Jos.

On the whole, it is suggestive that the simple use of hoe and cutlass in the process of

Tiv small scale productive activities initiated the process of Tiv entrepreneurship. The

gradual development of the local trade in petty food/cash crops upon which the colonial

export trade depended was the follow up process to complete Tiv entrepreneurship on their

land during the colonial period. The development of commodity production and the early

export of yam tubers, groundnut, benniseed and other crops from Tiv land, termed “a

revolution of cash and agricultural economies”, marked the second stage of Tiv

entrepreneurship development, during the colonial epoch in Tiv land. The emergence and

development of the Tiv indigenous entrepreneurship from the pre-colonial to the colonial

economic period in Tiv land have so far been discussed. More attempts will be made to

analyse the development of Tiv indigenous entrepreneurship in the post colonial Tiv land in

the sequential analysis that follow.

The post colonial period in Tiv land, recorded a remarkable growth of indigenous

entrepreneurship, occasioned by new developments and other exigencies, leading to the

overall economic development in Tiv land during the period, 1960-2000. Various factors

combined during the post colonial Tiv land to bring about increased yam production and

expanded trade leading to numerous economic transformations with the sporadic emergence

of entrepreneurship organizations in Tiv land and beyond. Ninga (1973) who was carried

21
away by the euphoria of increased yam production, which he considered synonymous with

the expanded yam trade, openly stated that:

Yam marketing proper started during the Nigerian Civil

War of 1967-1970 with the ever expanding war demands
and money incentives, plus the availability of transport,
yam production was said to have doubled its pre-war
volume by 1970. 59
The reality of it all is that, trade in yam proper started earlier than during the Nigerian

Civil War of 1967-1970 as already analysed in the early part of the study. However, Ninga

(1973) viewed increased yam production as being synonymous with the expanded trade in

yam with an oversight that yam production and trade are a continuous progressive

phenomenon in the history of yam development from the pre-colonial to the post colonial era

in Tiv land. The incremental expansion of yam production and trade in the post civil war

period only became more pronounced and more noticeable than before the civil war in Tiv

land.

According to an informant, “the brief decline in yam production and trade during the

Nigerian Civil War was a blessing in disguise”. As usual in Tiv land, women, children and

old men replaced those farmers that left Tiv land to execute the civil war and yam production

continued in Tiv land during the civil war period just as before the war though at a lesser

intensity. At the same time, the vacuum created by the absence of Igbo yam traders was filled

by retiree primary school teachers, returnees from the second world war, like Amee Jorpo,

Atondo Gongor, Awua Bokon and others. Yam farmers and others came into yam trade in

numbers and took over the business of yam trade in Tiv land. This group combined with the

already existing general goods-traders, lucratively revamped both trade in yam and in general

goods in Tiv land, during and after the Nigerian civil war.

At the end of the civil war, there was much more increase in demand for yam food, to

sustain war victims who were mainly Igbo yam consumers and the need to feed the Nigerian

soldiers on yam food. There was also the return of Igbo traders back into the trade; increased

incentives for wealth accumulation, improved road network and transport system, the transfer

of Tiv yam marketing centre from Gboko to Zaki-Biam in the core centre of yam production

in Tiv land, and other exigencies factored and renewed the emergence of many enterprises

21
and entrepreneurs in Tiv land. This development gradually led to the overall economic

development of the Tiv people. According to Angure Dem 60, the market overseer of Zaki-

Biam Market many yam related enterprises were visibly seen across Tiv land during the post

colonial period than before then. Kpindi Gberikon61 also argued that most of the existing pre-

colonial villages in Tiv land, like Ugba, Anyiin, Gbeji, Chito, Ayati and others, were

transformed into urban and semi urban status via yam trade across the whole of Tiv land. As

a matter of reality, petty yam enterprises, like transport organizations, yam shade owners

associations, yam flour industry at Katsina-Ala, shop/canteen owners associations, dry

cleaning and barbing saloons and many others, were visibly seen all over Tiv land via yam

production and trade.

TABLE XXIV: The Growth of Yam Related Enterpreneurships in Majoor Yam

Trading Towns in Tiv Area 1960-2000
S/NO TOWN Enterpreneurships 1960- 1970- 1980- 1990-
1969 1979 1989 1999
1 Gboko Yam Trading Association 1 1 1 1
Yam Shade Owners Association - 2 4 7
Yam Transporters Association - 3 5 10
Yam Loaders/Marketers Association 5 7 7 7
Fertilizer/Insecticide Association - 5 15 31
Yam Flour (Kpor) Association 5 5 10 7
General Goods Association 10 5 5 10
2 Zaki-Biam Yam Trading Association - 10 20 34
Yam Shade Owners Association - 15 36 51
Yam Transporters Association - 30 600 150000
Yam Loaders/Marketers Association - 10 11 16
Fertilizer/Insecticide Association - 9 20 40
Yam Flour (Kpor) Association - 8 190 230
General Goods Association - 10 20 30
3 Ugba Yam Trading Association - 5 8 18
Yam Shade Owners Association - 6 18 20
Yam Transporters Association - 11 300 5000
Yam Loaders/Marketers Association - 5 6 14
Fertilizer/Insecticide Association - 6 12 30
Yam Flour (Kpor) Association - 7 150 200
General Goods Association - 8 18 28
4 Dan- Yam Trading Association 9 21 35
Anacha
Yam Shade Owners Association - 13 30 54
Yam Transporters Association - 32 590 140000
Yam Loaders/Marketers Association - 9 10 17
Fertilizer/Insecticide Association - 6 15 30
Yam Flour (Kpor) Association - 7 180 220
General Goods Association - 9 21 32
Source: Field Survey, 2013.

21
 The above data table visibly presents that yam trade at the national level in tiv area

started in the 960s in Gboko town, creating and expanding her yam related types of

entrepreneurships till in the 1970s. After 1970, the headquarters of yam trade was transferred

to Zaki-Biam from Gboko. The growth of the main trade with its related other trades like,

yam shades, transporters, porters and others slowed down except trade in general goods

which kept expanding till date.

Zaki-biam which took off as the headquarters of yam trade in Tiv area started

developing and expanding her tentacles of other related trade till in the 1990s, when both

Dan-Ancha and Ugba, her feeder markets broke off as separate yam marketing centres in Tiv

land.

Both Dan-Anacha and Ugba towns as illustrated on the tavle continued to develop and

expand their yam related enterpreneurships respectively in the study area. The figurative

illustrations in the above table clearly justifies that yam production and trade during the study

period contributed enormously to the growth of many yam related enterprises on Tiv land.

In summary therefore, both positive and negative implications of yam production and

trade were achieved on Tiv land from 1915-2000. However, positive implications

impactively outweighed the negative ones. This apparently justifies why Tiv yam economy

throughout, the period of study (1915-2000) despite all the impediment, kept expanding and

developing in Tiv land and beyond.

On the whole, despite the economic turn arounds such as the development of

entrepreneurship in area by 2000 yam production was still at the rudimentary stage of using

traditional tools and techniques for production. The Nigerian government and other

stakeholders of yam production need to come together to proffer solutions to economic

deterrents of yam production and trade development in Tiv land.

21
6.10 Conclusion

Primarily, the aim and objectives of this study, among others, is to create new

knowledge through historicism of yam production and trade in Tiv land from 1915-2000.

This attempt yielded a lot of resilient developments about yam production and trade in Tiv

land for a period of about eighty-five years, (1915-2000). It has also shown how these

developments in turn impacted both positively and negatively on the socio-political and

economic wellbeing in Tiv land and beyond. The positive impact, among others, include food

security and other security benefits, the emergence of entrepreneurs in Tiv land, the rise of

urbanization, creation of Ukum and Logo Local Government Areas, and the acceptance and

development of Western education. On the other hand, the aftermath of yam production and

trade are, soil degradation and land exhaustion leading to land conflicts and wars, and

increase in social vices, such as theft, prostitution, drug abuse, and others.

This chapter finally argues that the positive effects of yam production and trade

transcended the three phases of the economic development of yam in Tiv land. This period

covers 85 years from 1915-2000 and stretches from the pre-colonial period through the

colonial era to the post colonial epoch. All this while, the negative impact, which started

unfolding as a result of the colonial capitalist mode of production, could not stop increased

yam production and trade in Tiv land as it kept expanding. This study has therefore,

established that, yam production and trade took over the socio-economic and political aspect

of ushering developments into Tiv land, from where Tiv benniseed production and export

stopped during the colonial period and its on-going till date in Tiv land and beyond.

On the whole, after comparing the negative with the positive manifestations of yam

production and trade on Tiv land for over 40 years, the positive manifestations overwhelmed

the negative ones, drawing the research conclusion that yam production and its trade

positively impacted more on the soci-economic and political upliftment of the Tiv land in

particular and Nigeria as a whole.

21
 Endnotes
1. G.W.G. Briggs “Crops Yields and Food Requirements in Tiv Division, Benue

Province” in Farms and Forest, Vol V, No.2 (1994) p.21

2. Vera Beearon and Nahanga Verter, “Yam Production as Pillar of Food Security in

Logo Local Government Area of Benue State, Nigeria” in European Selective

Journal, Nov., (2014), edition Vol. N0.31 ISSN1857, pp27-41

3. Nawani Aboki, And the Innocent died, the People, their land and the politics, Evans

Press Jos, (2004) Pp.38-51

4. Azuh D. and M. A. Oluwatoyin, “The Role of Agriculture in Poverty Alleviation and

National Development in Nigeria” African Journal of Economy and Society Vol. 10

No. 2 (1&2) 2010 pp.17-32

5. Yogbo Gbagir, a traditional healer, 99 years at Tse-Gbagir in Ukum LGA, on the

20/11/2012.

6. Azuh Dominic and M. A. Oluwatoyin, “The Role of Agriculture in Poverty

Alleviation and National Development in Nigeria” African Journal of Economy...

pp.17-32

7. Eugene Rubing, The sons of Tiv, Michigan, Baker Book House Company, 1969. P37.

8. NAK/MINAGRIC/12805 Vol.I-Famine Relief 1930.

9. NAK/KADMINAGRIC/1374 Food Supplies. Benue 1942-1946.

10. Rtd. Lt. Gen. S.V. Malu, one time ECOMOG Commander, at his Residence Makurdi

town, on the 27/4/2001.

11. Mindi Gbor, a retired secondary School Principal, 83 years at his residence at high

Level, Makurdi town, on the 7/3/2012.

12. C.U. Ubah, Colonial Army and Society in Northern Nigeria Baraka Press Ltd,

Kaduna, 1998, P.87

21
13. K. Agber, “The Tiv Economy in the Colonial Era” in A. A. Idrees and Yakubu

Ochefu, (ed) Studies in the History of Central Nigeria Area, Volume I. C.S.S. Lagos,

2002 pp387-398.

14. Andrew Daka, elder, 87 years old, at Vaase in Ukum LGA on the 5/11/2012.

15. 457-Nigerian Railway General.

16. Terpase Agba, 60 yearrs, at Dan-Anacha, 12/10/2012, Torbom Adi, 53 years at

Amadu in Taraba State 10/1/2012 and Tyozenda Ape 45 years on 29/10/2013.

17. Azuh Dominic and M. A. Oluwatoyin, “The Role of Agriculture...” in AJES pp.17-32

18. Azuh Dominic and M. A. Oluwatoyin, “The Role of Agriculture...” in AJES pp.17-32

19. The Report of NISER, 2003 in. D. Azuhet’al, “The Role of Agriculture...”.17-32

20. Iyorwuese Hagher, Beyond Hate and Violence: Understanding the Tiv Struggle for

Citizenship Rights and Social Justice in Nigeria, Caltop Publication Ltd. Ibadan,

2002, P.192

21. A. Lyam, 85 years at Gboko, 25/1/2011.

22. Bala Mohammed, (ed) Investment Exploration in 774 Local Government Councils in

Nigeria, Trop Savanan Publication, Abuja, (2004) P.iii

23. Lawal W.L. et’al, “Socio-Economic Analysis of Yam Production in Ukum Local

Government Area of Benue State” Journal of Applied Agricultural Research,

2011:3:3(2012). P.3-13.

24. AR/ASS/T/7, Munishi Division Assessment Report.

25. S.T. Yandev, “Yam Production, and its Impact on the Tiv Economy and Society,

1929-2000” M.A. Dissertation, B.S.U Makurdi, Jan., 2007 pp1-91.

26. J.I. Tseayo, Conflict and Interruption in Nigeria: The Integration of the Tiv, Gaskiya

Corporation, Zaria 1975 p123

27. J.I. Biam, “Yam Marketing in Tiv land: The Case of Ngenev Yam Marketing

Association, 1970-1976” B.sc. project ... Pp.1-73.

21
28. NAK/MAKPROF,(Federal) 4/1/1553/Southern Tiv Areas Farming Conditions in the

Experimental Farms: 1935-1939.

29 T. A. Varvar, “The Commoditization of Yyam and Its Role in the Expansion of Tiv

Rural Migrant Communities, 1960-2000” B.S.U. Makurdi, 2005 pp1-24.

30. Alaga Chia, Immigrant from vandeikya to Zaki-Biam, 79 years on the 3/7/2012.

31. Zever Ayua, retired Headmaster 70 years and Tyotyev Agbe 75 years at Zaki-Biam on

the 30/8/2013.

32. G.N. Hembe (ed) Issues in the Development of Tiv land: The North-South

Development Gap. BSU Makurdi, 2001 pp i-ii

33. Ugbem Dugwer, elder, at Zaki-Biam on the 201/12/2012.

34. D.S. Ortsega, “The Role of Urbanization in the Development of Tiv land” G.N.

Hembe (ed) Issues in the Development of Tiv land...pp 53-64.

35. E.A.J Johnson, The Organisation of Space in Developing Countries, Cambridge,

Harvard University Press 1970 pp133.

36. E.A.J Johnson, The Organisation of Space ... pp133.

37. B.D. Iyortom, scholar, 87 years old interviewed at Mkar, on 21/5/2015.

38. AR/MSC/9, Mission Division, 1934-1935.

39. RLY/6-Railway Affairs General Correspondece.

40. AR/1935-1938 Soil Deterioration.

41. Iyorwuese Hagher, Beyond Hate and Violence...p131-140.

42. AR/1935-1938 Soil Deterioration .

43. NAK/PROF(Fed) 4/1/862 Agric Farm, Ihugh.

44. Iyorwuese Hagher, Beyond Hate and Violence...p192

45. Iyorwuese Hagher, Beyond Hate and Violence...p159

21
46. Lecture notes of National Universities Commission on Entrepreurship Studies for

Distance Learners in the Nigerian University System; 2016 p1-166 Wikipedia.

47. M. Odey, “Perspective on the growth of small scale Commodity Trade in Central

Nigeria up to the 1970s” Proceeding of the conference on Innovation and

Entrepreneurship, Durban South Africa, March, 2015 pp129-134.

48. M. Odey, “Perspective on the growth of small scale Commodity Trade ...” pp129-134.

49. Boyd Alexander, From the Niger to Nile, London, 1907 p11

50. M. Odey “Perspective on the growth of small scale ...”pp129-134.

51. T. Shanin, (ed) “Peasant and Peasant Societies, Penguin, Harmondsworth in Mike

Odey, “Perspectives on the growth of Small Scale…” pp129-134.

52. M. Odey, “Perspective on the growth of small scale...” pp129-134.

53. Akaazua Muemue, Oral discussions at Ihugh Residence, 2014.

54. D.C. Dorward, “A Political and Social History of the Tiv people of Northern Nigeria

1900-1939” Ph.D Thesis, University of London, 1971 p 1-422

55. Akaazua Muemue, Oral discussions at his Ihugh Residence on the 25th May, 2014.

56. Atoo Gyado, grandson of Gyado about 59 years old, oral interview at Gyado Villa in

Makurdi in 2014.

57. S.T. Yandev, “Yam Production, and its Impacts... pp1-91”

58. M. Odey, “Perspective on the growth of small scale...” pp129-134.

59. J.N. Ninga, “Yam Marketing in Tiv land... pp1-73.

60. Angure Dem Tor-Ifam, Zaki-Biam Market Overseer, 85 years interviewed at Zaki-

Biam on 27/7/2015.

61. Kpindi Gberikon, a retired Headmaster at Zaki-Biam on 27/7/2015.

22
 CHAPTER SEVEN

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONTRIBUTION TO

KNOWLEDGE

7.1 Summary and Conclusion

The thesis entitled: “The Development of Yam Economy in Tiv land of Central

Nigeria, 1960-2000” historicizes yam production and trade in Tiv land, from the Colonial to

the Post –Colonial period.

In the very anciednt time of the pre-colonial era, yam crop was introduced into the Tiv

agricultural farming system to augment the food supply of the Tiv people. After a long period

of fashioning out the appropriate mode of it’s cultivation, there evolved the lineage mode of

yam production purely based on Tiv traditional systems and beliefs. The lineage mode of

production was characterised with the use of communal ownership of land. Hoe and cutlass

were the major tools of effecting labour force of the individual families. Produce from the

farm were shared among members of the family for consumption and the little left over was

used for exchange by barter, gifts and ritual performances.* With the use of lineage system of

yam production for over a long period, surpluses were increasingly being generated all this

while. With increase generation of surpluses in the course of production, there arose the need

to exchange them for other goods and services to meet up with other utility needs of the Tiv

people thereby venting out the surpluses. With time, the exchange system developed into

what was then known as trade by barter. Trade then combined with production during the

pre-colonial era in Tiv land to give birth to an eventful phenomenon of producing yam

purposely for sales. This development of the yam economy was sustained all through the pre-

colonial period in Tivland.

During the colonial period, 1915-1960, which marks the beginning of our study

period, Tiv traditional lineage mode of production was disarticulated and transformed to the

capitalist mode of yam production. A situation which introduced a social system of allowing

22
certain Tiv farmers to own more wealth and use it to acquire land and labour force of other

farmers to further augment wealth through yam production and sales.

The colonial administration employed economic transformational policies such as

monetization, taxation, commoditization, wage, labour, imposition of cash crops production,

provision of infrastructures and others to transform the traditional lineage mode of production

to the capitalist one during the colonial era. This transformation elevated yam to a position of

a ‘commodity product’ As a commodity product, yam began to frame-work the combined

functional developments of its products and trade from this point till date in Tiv land and

even beyond. Such combined functional developments included the likes of (i) yam

marketing began to overwhelm yam consumption (ii) yam began to intensify it’s dual role of

food and cash crop in Tiv land (iii) increased yam production became synanimous with

increased yam trade (iv) yam marketing began to assert a veritable source of wealth creation

in Tiv land (v) yam trade also began to replace benniseed export as an economic main-stay of

the Tiv people and others. All these functional developments were properly anchored on yam

commodity product and sustained all through in Tiv land during the colonial period, and were

later fast-tracked and trajected into the post colonial Tiv land.

Under the post Independent Tiv land, inspite of political impediments such as the

‘Nande Nande’ of 1962, the ‘atemityough’ of 1964 and the Nigerian Civil War of 1967-1970

as well as the underdeveloped nature of farming equipment and methods, high cost of farm

inputs, land wars and others, Tiv-yam production and trade kept on progressively developing

and expanding till date and even beyond. Tiv yam production and trade boosted more than

before, after the war due to various reasons including the individual desires of the people to

recoup their lost wealth during the civil war, the need to re-sustain the food security situation

of the entire country as well as rebuilding the socio-economic and political architecture of the

Nigerian nation.

22
 In the end, the progressive development and expansion of Tiv-yam production and

trade in Tiv land and beyond for over a period of 40 years ranging from the colonial period to

the post Independence era (1960-2000), created enormous socio-political and economic

impact in Tiv land and beyond. These were manifested both negatively and positively in

terms of food and social security, urbanization, enterpreneurships, education, political

developments, land degradation, land wars, increased criminality and others in Tiv territory

and beyond. Juxtaposition of the negative verses positive manifestations of the impact,

suggests in the end that Tiv yam production and trade impacted more positively on the socio-

economic developments in Tiv land and indeed the whole nation.

Yam production and trade in Tiv land pre-date the colonial era, which is the starting

point of this thesis. However, with the introduction of colonial rule accompanied by

corresponding capitalist mode of production in the study area, several fundamental changes

began to manifest in the system and practice of yam production and trade. Within the study

period of 40 years (1960-2000) the nature of yam production and trade exhibited its changing

trends with corresponding impacts. Prior to colonialism, yam production was essentially

cultivated for subsistence purposes. Even the surpluses that were exchanged for other food

and valuable items, and services were meant for utility needs and not for money making

venture. Yam production was not deliberately produced for commercial purpose which in its

real sense was to enhance capital accumulation by way of profit. The colonial period of the

study witnessed the emergence of capitalism in Tiv land which its principal tenet was (and

still remains) the accumulation of wealth. Consequently, yam production was commoditized

through the influence of the colonial economic policies as an important means of wealth

accumulation in Tiv area. Commoditization of yam also became widely acceptable as a

means of exchange with cash money. These acts gradually standardized yam trade with

defined market structures and an elevated status of the yam trade in the colonial Tiv land.

Road infrastructure, monetization of the economy as well as its commercialization created

22
impetus to both the production of yam and its trading. These allowed for a standardized unit

of measure in yam trade such that the price of a tuber of yam depending on the size and

quality was able to be determined within and outside the Tiv land. The colonial economy

made the value of measure and means of exchange more simpler and easier especially with

regards to its mobility. Similarly, the road and other transport infrastructures such as motor

vehicles, lorries and water boats among others made the conveyance of yams from one point

to another much easier. This therefore impacted positively on the expansion of yam

production and its sales in Tiv land and beyond.

Following the exit of colonial rule, characterised by political crisis as a result of

general elections which eventually led to the Nigerian Civil War of 1967-1970, Tiv land

experienced the dwindling effects on yam production. Since crises is a process and violence

is the means of achieving it, the 1962 and 1964 political crisis which degenerated into the

political violence of 1962, called “Nande Nande” in Tiv and 1964 also called “Atem Itough”

in Tiv, became sources of insecurity and the attendant population displacement, which

temporarily had negative results on yam production. These violent situations disrupted yam

production activities including its trade routes, personnel and momentum.

The Nigerian Civil War, followed as a result of persistent political upheavals in

Nigeria from 1967-1970. The civil war suddenly took away very many yam producers into

the military service, temporarily slowing down, or reducing the rate of yam production

activities in Tiv land. Yam trade also declined at this time, because the Igbo stakeholders

suddenly left for their land to fight and the fear of unknown, apart from some yam trading

routes to Tiv land being closed down. With time, gradual make-shift arrangements were put

in place and the civil war became a boost to yam production and trade in Tiv area. The boost

in yam production and trade during the period of the civil war, made others to believe that

yam trade started during the civil war, an obvious over-sight of its initial progressive effects

22
on Tiv land. Truly, yam production and trade only boosted up during the Nigerian civil war

period. This gave rise to Ninga’s affirmation that:

However, yam marketing proper started during the

Nigerian Civil War of 1967-1970. With the ever
expanding war demands and money incentives plus the
availability of transport, yam production doubled its pre-
war volume by 1970

It is important to recall from the onset of this conclusion that statistical data and figures were

lacking to justify and authenticate the rate of increased yam production and trade in our

analysis from the pre-colonial to the colonial periods. This was because the colonial

government was more interested in the export trade of cash crops than the local trade of the

African food crops. Justifications and authentication in all the analysis, during the two

periods in the study were anchored on recorded testimonies, facts and oral information.

However, starting from the post colonial period to date, such statistical data, figures and

information became available to strengthen the analysis as demonstrated in the last segments

of the study.

After the civil war, demands for yam continued to rise as a result of socio-economic

exigencies arising from the aftermaths of the war and the general situation of economy in the

country. With the return of peace and tranquillity after the war in the country coupled with

the return of ex-service returnees in Tiv area, more yam farms were increased on Tiv land. At

the same time, Igbo yam traders resumed yam trading. Both Tiv and non Tiv traders were

engaged in yam trade in and outside Tiv land. The non Tiv traders in particular sourced yams

in Tiv land for onward trade in areas outside the Tiv territory like Enugu, Aba, Port-Harcourt,

Lagos, Calabar and other cities across the country. Table XV:, on page 145 presents a clear

picture of increase in yam production and trade by displaying the external distribution of yam

from Zaki-Biam yam market in Tiv land to various destinations across the country after the

civil war, 1971-1976. The table also shows that the highest amount of traded yam went to

Onitsha town in 1971 with 869,689 and 1972 with 1,171,440 tonnes of yams respectively.

22
Awka followed with 232,359 in 1971 and 21,906 tonnes in 1972 respectively. This is an

indication that increase in yam production and trade continued after the civil war period to

the 1980s in Tiv area.

Beginning from the 1980s some form of mechanization crept into yam production

techniques in Tiv land. These methods included the use of herbicides, insecticides in weeding

farms as well as control of yam-destroying insects and rats. In addition, both the Federal and

Benue State governments deliberately enforced different policies of encouraging yam

production and trade. These include improved road network and transportation: government

subsidy and distribution of fertilizers; provision of agricultural extension services to rural

farmers; and facilitating soft loans or credit facilities to Tiv farmers. The positive yielded

result, increased yam production and trade as reflected, for instance in Table XVIII, on page

163 showing external distribution of yam from Dan-Anacha yam market, a nearby yam

market established by the Tiv farmers in Taraba State between 1981-1986 and Table XIX, on

page 167 showing external distribution of yam from Ugba, yam market, one of the main yam

markets in Tiv land between 1996-2001. One important point to note about these two tables is

that, after the civil war, yam trade got expanded to key cities across the country besides Igbo

land. Table XVIII, on page 163 projected Lagos as one of the leading receiver of yams from

Tiv land with 2,100,000 tonnes in 1981, and 24,360,000 tonnes in 1982 respectively apart

from establishing Iddo Tiv Yam Market. While Table XIX, on page 167 indicates that Kano

city received 403,200 tonnes in 1996 and 907,200 tonnes in 1997 respectively clearly

indicating the rise in Tiv yam market after the Nigerian Civil War. The three tables under

reference demonstrate increased production and trade of the Tiv yam distributed for

consumption across the whole country via trade after the civil war till date.

The study has also shown that yam production and trade in Tiv land during the period

of analysis has led to the growth of Tiv economy in particular and Nigeria at large in three

stages namely, pre-colonial, the colonial period and the post colonial era facilitating food

22
sufficiency in this nation. Yam serves as both food and cash crop and promotes the volume of

food in circulation in Tiv land and by extension, Nigeria at large especially during the post

colonial era. Tiv yam is consumed across the length and breadth of this country. In the same

manner, yam production and trade provide the revenue base for capital formation, which is a

critical requirement for economic development of any society worldwide. Yam production

and trade in the study area also enhanced political developments in the area as it creates

viable and sustainable sources of revenues thereby qualifying the areas to merit more Local

Government Councils, such as Ukum, Logo and Katsina-Ala Local Government Councils as

beneficiaries in this regard.

In addition, yam production and marketing facilitated the development of education

and the setting up of market centres in and outside Tiv area. The Zaki-Biam yam market in

Ukum, Benue State, Dan-Anacha yam market in Taraba State, Port-Harcourt yam market

among many others are classical examples. So also was the issue of urban development.

Some small settlements grew into semi-urban areas due to the massive assemblage of

immigrants for yam marketing activities that took place in them. For instance, Zaki-Biam,

Dan-Anacha, Ugba among others. On the negative side, yam production and marketing

brought about land conflicts which in certain cases graduated into full blown land wars.

There has been persistent violence between Tiv farmers and other elements in Dan-Anacha

and other areas in Nasarawa, Plateau and Taraba States including Wukari. These which

reoccurred in many years since the 1980s and boiled down to land contestations. Yam

production and trade as well promoted the growth of social vices including prostitution, theft

and house breaking, alcoholism among others.

In spite of the seeming positive impacts of yam production and trade on Tiv land and

Nigeria at large, progress in yam production and marketing are made less than required in

order to attain sustainable levels. This is as a result of some of the following factors:- Yam

production in Tiv land was largely embarked upon through traditional methods. The

22
mechanization process in production was minimal. Similarly, there was virtually the total

absence of mechanized system of processing yams in order to add value to it. Storage

facilities were also absent. On the other hand, many farmers and potential entrepreneurs in

the yam economy lacked the required financial capital to engage in high level productive

ventures in yam, among other constraints, including ecological ones.

All in all, the conclusion drawn from the analysis in the study suggests that yam

production and trade in Tiv land, from 1960 to 2000 impacted both positively and negatively

on the socio-political and economic life of the Tiv area. These include improvement in the

security system; emergence of entreprenurership; urbanization, creation of Ukum and Logo

Local Councils and the development of Western education. Negative impact include, land

degradation and exhaustion leading to conflicts and wars, and increment of social vices such

as thefts, drug abuse, prostitution and others. Comparatively, positive impact overwhelm the

negative ones, drawing a conclusion that yam production and trade impacted more positively

on the socio-political and economic upliftments/developments in Tiv land and beyond

especially from 1915 to 2000.

7.2 Recommendations/Suggestions

The research work unravels that according to Tiv traditions, “yam is food and food is

yam” which makes it the most highly valued and priced crop since inception in on their land.

In as much as its production is labour, land and capital intensive, it has gradually become a

veritable source of life dependence for food security and wealth accumulation in Tiv land and

beyond. These recommendations are therefore directed at tackling problems emanating from

labour, land and capital to further develop yam production process and marketing mechanism

on Tiv land. Based on the findings of the study, the following recommendations are here

proffered:

The Benue State Government and all the Local Government Areas, famous for yam

production should mandatorily make functional legislations to allocate 5% of their every

22
annual budget for the development of yam production and trade in all the Tiv speaking Local

Government Councils. The government should reasonably subsidize yam production inputs,

such as fertilizers, agro-chemicals, and equipment, like tractors, and many others. These tiers

of government should guarantee soft bank loans for yam farmers across the state. In addition,

they should make policies that will encourage private entrepreneurs and large scale farmers

across the State by way of subsidy, soft financial loans, and price control management.

Generally, yam production and trade related industries, like yam flour mills and

storage facilities should be encouraged. By so doing, yam exportation to the outside world

will be made easy as it is done in Ghana, the leading exporter of yams worldwide. The State

Government should liaise with Federal Government to create reserve farm land with water

facilities, preserve and protect them in all the local government areas. The State Government

should further liaise with the Federal Government to put in place a high powered agency,

fully backed by legislations, to constantly monitor and nip in the bud all issues of land

crisis/wars involving yam farmers and Fulani cattle rearers and others within and outside

Benue State. This body should also be equipped with cross boarder legislations for

adjudication and also encourage annual Agricultural Shows to showcase and promote the best

yam producers of each year.

Enabling government laws should be put in place to create separate yam production

and trade funds under the already recommended powerful State agency to finance and

promote small scale yam production and trade schemes across the State. Government and

stakeholders of yam production should come together to commercialize research on yams in

both the Federal and State Universities located within Benue State. Then commercialize and

grant aid them, to encourage, promote and improve yam varieties and new techniques of yam

production. There should be more incentives, rural infrastructural and security apparatus put

in place by the State government for increased yam production and trade. This will minimize

rural-urban migration of youths who will take to yam farming which will keep them away

22
from social vices. Finally, the State government in conjunction with the Local Governments

producing large quantities of yam and private entrepreneurs should encourage and establish

skill acquisition centres. This will enhance development in yam related small scale and agro-

industries, like fertilizer blending industries in the State. Other economic infrastructures such

as roads and electricity supply should be developed by the government. All these will provide

an enabling environment for yam farmers and entrepreneurs to step up yam production and

marketing across Tiv land and indeed, the whole nation to sustain the development of yam

economy.

7.3 Contribution to Knowledge

The central argument of this thesis is that yam production and trade in Tiv land

beginning from 1960 to 2000 went through remarkable changes worth examining by

perspective historians in the region. This is because yam has remarkably come to stay as one

of the most important food crops as well as cash crop among the Tiv of Central Nigeria in the

yam belt of the West African Sub-Region. It was in the light of the foregoing that this

research efforts were embarked upon from the colonial period to the post colonial times in

Tiv area in Central Nigeria from 1915 to date for additional knowledge. The study finally

concludes that yam production and trade have become a lucrative established aspect of the

Nigerian agricultural economy, predominately practiced among Tiv, one of the largest ethnic

groups in central Nigeria. As a common knowledge in history, conclusions of research

studies are regarded as laws in sciences, therefore this conclusion provides additional new

knowledge about the Tiv yam economy which can be put into use to replicate further

development of the Nigerian agricultural economy especially the yam crop. This additional

knowledge becomes most important, coming at this critical time, when the oil sector of

economy is fast dwindling and there are increasing clamours all over the country for

diversification of the dependable source of our nation’s economy to the agricultural sector.

23
 This thesis further establishes an embodiment of a practical disposition of impediment

or constraints for food agricultural development in this country. Any form of efforts put in

place to tackle these constraints jointly by governments, stakeholders, and private economic

developers would surely yield a good result for increased development of the Nigerian

agricultural economy. The development of the Nigerian food economy is another sure way

out for enhancement of the entire food security system and indeed the National development

in this country.

The study has also generated additional new knowledge to bridge up the hitherto

existing lacunas in yam production and trade in Tiv land. It also provides new information,

data and figures which can further be put into use for more research works, revenue

allocation formular of government policies among others. As an authentic information

source-based study, it also serves as dependable new knowledge to specifically move forward

yam production and trade in Tiv land of Central Nigeria and indeed, the whole nation.

23
 Bibliography

A: Primary Sources:

Oral Interviewees

S/N Name Occupation Age Date of Place of Interview

Interview
1 Aahe Azaugba T. Yam Trader 65yrs 11/12/2012 Abuja Town

2 Abeega Akawe Yam Porter 36yrs 12/5/2011 Anyiin, Logo LGA

3 Abo Akaa Yam Farmer 49yrs 20-03-2013 Chito, Ukum

4 Abo Mkem Yam Trader 63yrs 15-02-2013 Wukari Yam Mkt

5 Adaa Ahange Yam Trader 50yrs 17-12-2012 Tyowanye Town

6 Adem Akaa Yam Porter 45yrs 14-05-2011 Anyiin, Logo LGA

7 Adi Kuku Yam Porter 50yrs 24-02-2012 Takum, Taraba State

8 Adrew M. Daka Farmer 68yrs 30-12-2012 Chito, Ukum

9 Adue Amo Yam Trader 47yrs 27-07-2011 Ugba, Logo LGA

10 Aerga Gum Anar C/m, Yam Ass. 81yrs 15-12-2012 Tse-Anar, Ukum LGA

11 Agba Akor Yam Trader 50yrs 30-10-2013 Kyado, Ukum

12 Agber Gafa Yam Trader 49yrs 18-12-2012 Tyowanye Town

13 Agber Hueza Ex-Soldier 89yrs 15-07-2013 Agadam, Gboko

14 Agber Ijembe Yam Trader 53yrs 29-03-2014 Aliade, Gwer

15 Agbo Adi Ukor Yam Trader 45yrs 3/1/2011 Chembe Village, Logo

16 Agbo Dugwer Yam Asso. 71yrs 15-07-2014 Zaki-Biam

17 Agbo Dugwer Transporter 67yrs 30-08-2013 Onitsha Yam Mkt

18 Agu Mue Yam Trader 58yrs 20-11-2012 Port-Harcourt

19 Agu Tor Mue C/M Yam Ass. 57yrs 30-07-2013 Kyado, Ukum

20 Agya Tamen Yam Trader 55yrs 11/12/2012 Gbor Town

21 Ajiidi Ashwe Yam Trader 40yrs 15-02-2013 Wukari Yam Mkt

23
22 Akaabo Asom Yam Farmer 50yrs 22-06-2013 Vaase, Ukum

23 Akaahar Adi Elder-Gboko 103yrs 1/10/2010 Gboko, Jemgbagh

24 Akaazua Feghe Yam Trader 71yrs 13-10-2012 Zaki-Biam

25 Akange Ihyo Yam Labourer 41yrs 7/12/2012 Gbor Town

26 Akile Anjondo C/M Yam Ass. 75yrs 10/1/2009 Mbamena, Ukum

27 Akombobee Ityo Yam Farmer 49yrs 13-03-2014 Vaase, Ukum

28 Akor Azer Yam Loader 41yrs 26-02-2012 Donga Yam Mkt

29 Akor Azer Bua Yam Trader 47yrs 20-02-2012 Chanchangi, Taraba

State
30 Alhaji Baakobo Transporter 58yrs 16-03-2014 Lafia, Nassarawa State

31 Amakaa Agye Lender 75yrs 10/9/2013 Mbamena, Ukum

32 Anoki Daura Yam Trader 50yrs 13-01-2014 Agyaragu, Nass. State

33 Apebo U. Aza Shade Owner 53yrs 7/2/2013 Wukari Yam Mkt

34 Aper Ukor Yam Farmer 49yrs 7/12/2013 Kyado, Ukum

35 Apuu Kwaghna Yam Trader 47yrs 15-02-2013 Wukari Yam Mkt

36 Apuur Mkem Yam Trader 49yrs 28-03-2014 Aliade, Gwer

37 Ashinde Awar Yam Farmer 57yrs 28-11-2012 Abaji Town

38 Asor Akombo Yam Farmer 50yrs 30-07-2013 Vaase, Ukum

39 Asor Kor Yam Farmer 51yrs 12/1/2012 Chanchangi, Taraba

State
40 Ata Iju O. Yam Farmer 49yrs 18-03-2014 Lafia, Nassarawa State

41 Atim Abee Yam Farmer 50yrs 25-06-2013 Vaase, Ukum

42 Atim Nguher Yam Trader 60yrs 25-11-2012 Katsina-Ala Town

43 Atom Shaminja Yam Trader 51yrs 20-11-2012 Adikpo Town

44 Atondo Gongor Ex-Serviceman 65yrs 10/8/2011 Dan-Anacha

45 Avuu Gyaase Ubi Ugba Yam Mkt 78Yrs 11/12/2012 Ugba Town, Logo LGA

46 Awua Donko Farmer/ Teacher 79yrs 20-10-2013 Katsina-Ala Town

23
47 Azenda Akor Yam Trader 50yrs 27-03-2014 Aliade, Gwer

48 Azenda Akorga Yam Porter 47yrs 11/12/2012 Gbor Town

49 Azer Abya Yam Trader 73yrs 10/1/2013 Tine-Nune, Ukum

50 Azer Igbodo Transporter 60yrs 30-08-2013 Onitsha Yam Mkt

51 Bende Nenge Yam Trader 53yrs 15-12-2012 Gbor Town

52 B. T. Akaabee Trader 49yrs 16-07-2011 Ugba Town

53 Chenge Ikyaagba Tra. Ruler 51yrs 16-07-2011 TyoGbenda Udende

54 D. Tarkighir Businessman 65yrs 25-08-2013 Onitsha Yam Mkt

55 Daa Una Yam Trader 61yrs 25-11-2012 Katsina-Ala Town

56 Dajo Apav Yam Farmer 48yrs 18-12-2012 Jato Aka Mkt

57 Damiyo Akem Yam Trader 53yrs 18-12-2012 Ugbema Mkt

58 Dankwabo Adi Transporter 56yrs 29-02-2014 Agyaragu, Nass.State

59 Debo Orakaa Yam Farmer 41yrs 23-03-2014 Aliade, Gwer

60 Dekaan Amo Yam Loader 45yrs 10/1/2011 Abeda, Logo LGA

61 Dekaan Ape Yam Farmer 47yrs 8/5/2012 Sai Mkt, K/Ala

62 Dekaan Msugh Yam Farmer 47yrs 13-03-2014 Vaase, Ukum

63 Dekor Ade Yam Trader 72yrs 25-01-2013 Gbagir, Ukum

64 Dem Anivo Yam Farmer 44yrs 27-03-2013 Chito, Ukum

65 Demeor Aka Yam Farmer 51yrs 17-01-2014 Agyaragu, Nass.State

66 Demkaa A. Amo Shade Owner 49yrs 7/2/2013 Wukari Yam Mkt

67 Demkaan Mfe Shade Owner 50yrs 10/2/2013 Wukari Yam Mkt

68 Demkaan Mfo Yam Farmer 51yrs 18-01-2012 Chanchangi, T/ State

69 Denen Tofi Trader 90yrs 30-10-2012 Gboko Town

70 Denjim Ate Yam Trader 60yrs 6/12/2013 Kyado, Ukum

71 Depuun Ayom Yam Farmer 57yrs 25-07-2013 Jootar, Ukum

23
72 Deseer Atim Yam Farmer 65yrs 13-07-2011 Jootar, Ukum

73 Deve Amo Yam Trader 70yrs 30-01-2013 Gbagir, Ukum

74 Doobee Lyam Yam Trader 49yrs 27-10-2013 Kyado, Ukum

75 Dooden Ape Yam Trader 60yrs 6/11/2013 Kyado, Ukum

76 Dooior Ajege Yam Porter 60yrs 20-10-2013 Zaki-Biam

77 Dr Hans Senwua Prov. COE K/la 57Yrs 10/12/2012 G.R.A Katsina-Ala

78 Dyako Atser Elder-Vkya 71yrs 15-07-2012 Vandeikya, Jechira

79 Ernan Akpor Sec. Yam Ass. 51yrs 25-11-2013 Zaki-Biam

80 Ervihi Apinega Yam Farmer 48yrs 11/4/2012 Abako Mkt, K/Ala

81 Ezra Senwua Sec. Yam Ass. 50yrs 27-07-2013 Kyado, Ukum

82 Gbangban Kaan Yam Farmer 43yrs 28-03-2013 Gbejir, Ukum

83 Gbayor Anungwa Sec. Yam Ass. 70yrs 13-01-2011 Alabar, Ukum

84 G. T. Gwebe Farmer/ Trader 70yrs 31-12-2012 Zaki-Biam Town

85 Gbekaan Ashe Yam Farmer 55yrs 5/12/2013 Kyado, Ukum

86 Gbemgbem Amo Yam Asso. 49yrs 25-02-2011 Abeda, Logo LGA

87 Hingir Gbenda Yam Trader 58yrs 25-11-2012 Katsina-Ala Town

88 Hongor Shakon Yam Trader 53yrs 20-11-2012 Adikpo Town

89 Iorpande Chaha Businessman 81yrs 16-11-2011 Zaki-Biam

90 Iorpine Dura Yam Trader 63yrs 30-08-2013 Onitsha Yam Mkt

91 Ishom Kor Yam Farmer 49yrs 31-12-2013 Gbor-Ucha, Ukum

92 Ishom Zer Yam Trader 45yrs 7/3/2013 Chito, Ukum

93 Ivokor Unongo Elder-Guma 99yrs 20-08-2012 Gbajimba, Minda

94 Iworiwo Wanan Transporter 63yrs 11/10/2013 Angwan Tiv, Kaduna

95 James Ape Transporter 58yrs 30-11-2012 Abaji Town

96 John Ali Yam Porter 39yrs 7/3/2014 Agyaragu, Nass. State

23
97 John Gbande Yam Farmer 50yrs 31-03-2013 Gbor-Ucha, Ukum

98 John Igba Yam Farmer 50yrs 5/12/2012 Amaafu Town

99 Joseph S. Yina Yam Farmer 66yrs 10/2/2013 Maihula, Taraba State

100 Joseph Uda Yam Trader 57yrs 29-11-2012 Abaji Town

101 Kaahwan Gange Transporter 76yrs 10/8/2013 Iddo Garage Lagos

102 Kange Nyagba Yam Labourer 51yrs 4/12/2012 Amaafu Town

103 Keghkegh H. O. Yam Trader 45yrs 24-02-2011 Anyiin, Logo LGA

104 Kende Kaa Yam Farmer 49yrs 7/1/2012 Amadu, Taraba State

105 Kende Penda Yam Farmer 46yrs 18-12-2012 Ugbema Mkt

106 Kohol Apase Yam Trader 52yrs 21-03-2011 Uzer, Logo LGA

107 Kohol Ishu Yam Trader 40yrs 28-07-2012 Ugba, Logo LGA

108 Kohol Sua Yam Trader 49yrs 27-03-2013 Gbagir, Ukum

109 Kor Avom Yam Trader 50yrs 30-03-2011 Ugba, Logo LGA

110 Kor Kever Yam Trader 48yrs 11/12/2012 Gbor Town

111 Kor Songo Yam Farmer 43yrs 25-03-2014 Aliade, Gwer

112 Kucha Utebe Ex-Soldier 77yrs 30-07-2013 Gboko Road, Makurdi

113 Kukor Nyer Yam Trader 65yrs 8/12/2013 Kyado, Ukum

114 Kwaghbee Tom Yam Trader 51yrs 20-07-2013 Jootar, Ukum

115 Kwaghyoon Ubo Yam Farmer 50yrs 29-06-2013 Vaase, Ukum

116 Kwaghza Uke Yam Porter 53yrs 17-06-2011 Anyiin, Logo LGA

117 Lanshima W.O. Farmer/Trader 65yrs 25-11-2013 Gidan Donga, T/ State

118 Liambee Shande Elder-Farmer 93yrs 30-09-2011 Adikpo, Kwande

119 Maishanu Abaji Yam Farmer 54yrs 29-02-2014 Agyaragu, Nass.State

120 Mamkaa Ade Yam Farmer 59yrs 3/7/2012 Sai Mkt, K/Ala

121 Mary Ude Yam Trader 47yrs 15-10-2012 Uzo, Ukum

23
122 Mbaadega Tiv Yam Farmer 49yrs 27-07-2013 Tse-Gube, Afia

123 Mbaan Upav Yam Farmer 40yrs 23-07-2011 Ugba, Logo LGA

124 Mbache Akese Yam Farmer 65yrs 15-12-2014 Afia, Ukum

125 Mbakaan Aho Yam Trader 43yrs 17-10-2012 Adogo, Ukum

126 Mbakpen Ibo Yam Farmer 47yrs 16-01-2012 Chanchangi, T/State

127 Mbanan, K.G. Farmer/Trader 75yrs 20-11-2013 Dan-Anacha

128 Mbatsav Adue Yam Loader 58yrs 15-01-2011 Abeda, Logo LGA

129 Mindi Gbor Rtd. Sch. Principal 83yrs 7/3/2012 High-Level Makurdi

130 Mlanga David Yam Asso. 61yrs 13-02-13 Afia, Ukum

131 Msen Uande Yam Trader 53yrs 27-02-2012 Donga Yam Mkt

132 Mson Adi Yam Trader 55yrs 24-02-2012 Takum, Taraba State

133 Mson Kave Yam Porter 42yrs 20-07-2011 Uzer, Logo LGA

134 Nongo Atse Yam Trader 51yrs 25-12-2013 Port-Harcourt

135 Nyako Agyaragu Yam Trader 45yrs 25-02-2014 Agyaragu, Nass.State

136 Nyor Kuma Yam Trader 51yrs 16-12-2012 Gbor Town

137 Oralu Sambe Yam Asso. 49yrs 20-11-2012 Zaki-Biam

138 Ordue Yem Yam Labourer 35yrs 7/12/2012 Gbor Town

139 Orfega Ko Farmer 51yrs 27-12-2013 Gawa, Taraba State

140 Orir Torkon Yam Trader 51yrs 29-11-2013 Katsina-Ala Town

141 Orkar Ishom Yam Farmer 57yrs 11/4/2013 Gbejir, Ukum

142 Orshio Feghe Yam Trader 62yrs 13-10-2012 Zaki-Biam Town

143 Orta Kekon Transporter 53yrs 18-12-2012 Ugbema Mkt

144 Perikyaa Zegi Tra. Singer 69yrs 11/10/2013 Mbamena, Ukum

145 Pila Tsutsu, B. C/m, Yam Ass. 52Yrs 30-12-2012 Zaki-Biam

146 Pila Tsutsu Tor Transporter 67yrs 21-03-2013 Angwan Tiv Kaduna

23
147 Pila Tyo Akaabo Yam Farmer 71yrs 21-01-2012 Mbamena, Ukum

148 Rtd. Major Gen. J. T. W Author On Tiv 61Yrs 3/12/2012 Ngibo, Katsina-Ala
Gbor Books
149 Sale Abwagi Yam Loader 53yrs 8/3/2014 Keffi, Nassarawa State

150 Sambo Dan. Transporter 60yrs 16-01-2014 Agyaragu, Nass. State

151 Samuel Ugondo Yam Farmer 49yrs 12/3/2011 Wukari, Taraba State

152 Samuel Ugondo Farmer/ Trader 57yrs 11/11/2013 Gbogodo, Taraba State

153 Sani Abogi Yam Porter 67yrs 8/3/2014 Keffi, Nassarawa State

154 Sani Ada Yam Trader 50yrs 25-02-2014 Agyaragu, Nass.State

155 Sende Tyokaa Yam Farmer 66yrs 22-03-2014 Gbajimba, Guma

156 Seta Ahii Yam Loader 61yrs 31-01-2013 Donga Yam Mkt

157 Shachia Kegh Shade Owner 56yrs 7/2/2013 Wukari Yam Mkt

158 Shikaa Tina Farmer/Trader 61yrs 30-11-2012 Maihula, Taraba State

159 Suemo Chia Author 76yrs 30-06-2013 GRA, Makurdi

160 Sule Akany Transporter 53yrs 10/3/2014 Lafia, Nassarawa State

161 Sule Kadaroko Yam Trader 53yrs 29-02-2014 Agyaragu, Nass. State

162 Sule Kahan Yam Porter 57yrs 10/12/2012 Gbor Town

163 Sule Maishanu Yam Trader 49yrs 29-02-2014 Agyaragu, Nass. State

164 Tamen Doo Yam Loader 50yrs 7/12/2012 Gbor Town

165 Tanko Akashi Yam Trader 49yrs 25-02-2014 Agyaragu, Nass. State

166 Tasha Aga Yam Trader 48yrs 18-12-2012 Tyowanye Town

167 Terdoo Aba Yam Labourer 54yrs 5/12/2012 Amaafu Town

168 Terhemba N.Y. Yam Farmer 51yrs 15-03-2011 Wukari, Taraba State

169 Terhemba O.K. Farmer/Trader 49yrs 10/11/2013 Gbogodo, Taraba State

170 Terkaa Uden Yam Asso. 50yrs 27-03-2011 Abeda, Logo LGA

171 Terkor Ahemba Yam Trader 47yrs 1/11/2013 Kyado, Ukum

23
172 Terkura Fave Yam Farmer 60yrs 12/10/2012 Dan-Anacha, T/State

173 Terpase Agba Yam Trader 60yrs 25-11-2012 Katsina-Ala Town

174 Tile Gyado Trader 97yrs 11/6/2011 Ihugh Town

175 Amakaa Agye Kindred Head 78yrs 5/11/2011 Mbamena, Ukum LGA

176 Torbee Tangur Yam Trader 55yrs 12/7/2012 Jootar, Ukum

177 Torbom Abi Tam Farmer 53yrs 10/1/2012 Amadu, Taraba State

178 Torhemba Ude Yam Farmer 51yrs 20-06-2013 Vaase, Ukum

179 Torkaa Dwem Yam Farmer 48yrs 25-02-2014 Agyaragu, Nass. State

180 Torkwase Ade Yam Trader 45yrs 13-10-2012 Ayati, Ukum

181 Torpande Igbut Yam Porter 56yrs 13-05-2011 Anyiin, Logo LGA
A reporter
182 Tyodoo Agune Yam Asso. 59yrs 21-03-2014 Afia, Ukum

183 Mrs. Mbakaan Adam House wife 69yrs 27-04-2011 Anyiin, Logo LGA

184 Tyopine Uke Yam Farmer 51yrs 10/3/2012 Abako Mkt, K/Ala

185 Tyotyev Agbe Teacher 75yrs 25-11-2013 Afia, Ukum

186 Tyozenda Ape Yam Trader 45yrs 29-10-2013 Kyado, Ukum

187 Tyozoho Kem Trader 61yrs 30-03-2012 Takum, Taraba State

188 Udaa Kon Yam Loader 49yrs 27-02-2012 Donga Yam Mkt

189 Udekaan Apine Yam Trader 55yrs 2/3/2013 Chito, Ukum

190 Ugba Ayem Yam Farmer 95yrs 10/1/2012 Amadu, Taraba State

191 Ugba Kume Shade Owner 60yrs 7/2/2013 Wukari Yam Mkt

192 Ugba Kume Transporter 85yrs 19-03-2014 Lafia, Nassarawa State

193 Ugba Shamin Yam Farmer 56yrs 19-01-2012 Chanchangi, T/ State

194 Ugbem Dugwer Elder-Ukum 99Yrs 20-12-2012 Zaki-Biam, Sankera

195 Ugber Akpa Yam Farmer 40yrs 19-12-2012 Jato Aka Mkt

196 Ugber Kon Yam Trader 69yrs 7/1/2013 Ayati, Zaki-Biam

23
197 Ugondo Gum Transporter 75yrs 27-03-2010 Port-Harcourt

198 Ugondo G. Anar Yam Marketer 65Yrs 27-11-2012 Dan-Anacha

199 Ukaha Gbenda Shade Owner 59yrs 7/2/2013 Wukari Yam Mkt

200 Ukehemba Vor Yam Dealer 49yrs 23-09-2011 Uzer, Logo LGA

201 Ukekor Ishom Yam Farmer 47yrs 25-02-2014 Agyaragu, Nass.State

202 Ukekor Ityo Yam Farmer 57yrs 11/4/2013 Gbeji, Ukum

203 Ukende Ashe Yam Farmer 47yrs 1/3/2012 Abako Mkt, K/Ala

204 Ukesongo Ordue Yam Farmer 47yrs 11/1/2014 Agyaragu, Nass. State

205 Mbakurun Yawe House wife 61yrs 11/5/2011 Anyiin, Logo LGA

206 Chief D. Dzahan Ter Ukum 89yrs 20-02-2011 Afia town Ukum LGA

207 Ukor Adi Yam Porter 35yrs 19-07-2011 Anyiin, Logo LGA

208 Ula Lisa Ex-Soldier 86yrs 10/8/2013 Iddu Garage Lagos

209 Usman Agya Yam Trader 51yrs 25-02-2014 Agyaragu, Nass. State

210 Vaachia Iorbo Blacksmith 71yrs 20-07-2012 Zaki-Biam Town

211 Vaachia Ter Yam Trader 45yrs 31-12-2012 Ugba Town

212 Vihimga Ude Yam Farmer 53yrs 31-12-2013 Gbor-Ucha, Ukum

213 Gbave Kyukyundu Rtd Pastor 99yrs 20-11-2012 Ayaba Ukum LGA

214 Yaro Kumbur Farmer/Trader 69yrs 30-07-2013 Zaki-Biam Town

215 Yogbo Gbagir T. Healler 99yrs 27-02-2012 Gbagir Ukum LGA

216 Zemzem Anshu Yam Farmer 53yrs 11/4/2013 Gbejir, Ukum

217 Zendesha Uza Yam Trader 47yrs 29-03-2011 Anyiin, Logo LGA

218 Zever Ayua Rtd Headmaster 70yrs 30-08-2013 Kendev, Ukum

24
Archival Sources

NAK/KADMINAGRIC

NAK/KADMINAGRIC/3717: Food Supplies – Benue 1942-1946

NAK/MINAGRIC/34883: Yams & Yams Flour: Control Movement 1944-1953

NAK/MINAGRIC/ 34893: Yams & Yams Flour: Control Movement 1949-1953

NAK/MINAGRIC/ 12805 Vol. I Famine Relief 1930

NAK/KADMINAGRIC, 1/1/480 Vol. iv

NAK/KADMINAGRIC, 1/1/4207

NAK/MAKPROF, 4/1/862, Agric. Farm Yandev, Annual Reports: 1933-1935

NAK/MAKPROF, 4/1/1312, Railway- Road Feeder Service, 1935

KAD MINAGRIC, 1/1/7203 Vol. 3, General Correspondence Related to Benue Province

1945-1955

KAD MINAGRIC, 1/1/7212, Benue Provincial Annual Report, 1926-1948

NAK/MAKPROF, (Federal), 4/1/1553/Southern Tiv Areas, Farming Conditions in the

Experimental Farms: 1935-1939

NAK/AR/1/26, Marketing & Exports, (1948-1949), (1957-1958)

NAK/SNP, 1715/43491 Benue province Annual Report, 1947

NAK/MAKPROF, 4/693 Vol.2, 1948

NAK/KADMINAGRIC, 1/1/7205

NAK/SNP, 1775 43391, 1947 Benue province Annual Report

NAKPROF (Fed) 4/1/862 Agric Farm, Ihugh

AR/1935-1938 Soil Detonation

NAKPROF (fed) 4/1/1656- Ute Demo-Farm

KADMINAGRIC, 1/123503, 1934-1939

Tiv Native Authority (TNA) Gboko Divisional Files

571, Vol. II, Agric and Native Administrations. Agric ordinance policy (1936-1956)

24
 235, Tiv N.A. Trading Layout at Taraku, 1955-1956

168, Agricultural General

223, Tobacco Production in Nigeria General

226, Hides and Skins: General Matters, 1933-1955

312, Vol.III, Guinea-corn: Matters Relating to Grain Requisition General, 1948-1954

6951, Makurdi Layout

69511, Makurdi Town Planning

154, Annual Report on Extension Work in Benue Province by the Agricultural Department.

AR/ASS/T./7, Munshi Division Assessment Report

645, Application for Permission to open a school at the Railway Station, Makurdi Station,

194401952.

457, Nigerian Railway General

499 Approved Produce Buying Points: Benniseed.

455, Foodstuff Application for Buying Permit.

166, Vol. II, Markets- General, 1954-1955

141, Makurdi market General

143, Makurdi Market

166, Vol. II, Markets General, 1954-1955

168, II, Agricultural General

AR/ASS/T./III Munshi Division Assessment Report General

Makurdi Divisional Files

AR/ASS/T./2- Munshi Divisional Assessment Report

AR/ANT/T./4- Tribal and Social Organisation of the Tiv Tribe

AR/ANT/T./8- Tiv Tribe Demography

AR/ANT/T./5- History of the Tiv Tribe by Akiga of the DNCM

AR/ANT/T./1- The Tiv (Munshi) of Benue Province: Report on Mr Dewar

24
EDUC/9- Local Education Committee Tiv Division, Agenda and Minutes

M.NAT/1- Retail Price: Local Foodstuff

RLY/6- Railway Affairs General Correspondence

4463- Railway Land at Makurdi- Elsewhere in Benue 1933- 1955

4462-Makurdi Railway Amenities, Public Relations Complaints, 1948-1952

4682- Yonov District- Tiv Division 1949

1315- Benue Province: History of Tiv from 1926-1935

764- Nigerian Railways: General 1933-1954

410- Railway Labour Tax 1933-1954

385- Otukpo-Taraku-Katsina-ala Road 1933-1942

1848- Railway Labour Camps, Benue Province 1932-1951

1316- Travelling by goods Train- Permission for 1927-1935

1312- Railway Road fedder Servic 1935

837- Minerals- Discovery of Tiv in Benue Provinces

AR/ASS/T./7, Munshi Division Assessment Report

AR/INT/T./7, Ngenev/Masev District: Reorganisztion of K.P Maddocks

AR/MSC/9, Mission Tiv Division, 1934-1935

AGR/57, Urban Consumer Survey: Northern Nigeria

CRH/49/T.1- Fresh Food Purchases

124/1926- Trading Site at Taraku- Application by Niger Company, 1926-1928

152/1926- Layout on Nigerian railway in Benue Province, 1926-1930

239/1929- Roads Connecting Benue and Plateau Provinces, 1929

85/81- Tiv Studies: Bohannan Expedition, 1949-1954

631- Tobacco Production in Nigeria

514- Foodstuff Application for Buying Permit

443- Makurdi Market General

24
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Ake Claude, A Political Economy of Africa, Longman, 1981.

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Akpon, N, The Struggle for Secession 1967-1970, London, Francass, 1971

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Babu, S.C. & Sanyal, P. Food Security, Poverty & Nutrition Policy Analysis: Statistical

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Cohen, R. Labour and Politics in Nigeria, Heineman, 1974.

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Dent, J.M. Nigeria: The Politics of Military Rule. Francass London, 1981

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Elaigwu, J.I, The Politics of Federalism in Nigeria. Aha Publishing House, Jos, 2010.

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Hembe, G.N., J.S. Tarka: The Dilemma of Ethnic Minority Politics in Nigeria, Makurdi,

Nigeria, 2003.

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Hobsbwan, E. On History, Weldenfeld and Nicolson, London, 1979

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Isichie, E.A. A History of Igbo People, Macmillan, London, 1976.

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Jhingan, M.L. The Economics of Development & Planning, New Deihi, 2011.

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