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SPRINGER BRIEFS IN ARCHITEC TURAL DESIGN
AND TECHNOLOGY
Pablo Guillen
Urša Komac
City Form,
Economics and
Culture
For
the Architecture
of Public Space
123
SpringerBriefs in Architectural Design
and Technology
Series Editor
Thomas Schröpfer, Architecture and Sustainable Design, Singapore
University of Technology and Design, Singapore, Singapore
Indexed by SCOPUS
Understanding the complex relationship between design and technology is
increasingly critical to the field of Architecture. The Springer Briefs in
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provide in-depth knowledge on all aspects of integrating architectural design
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better world. Provocative and inspirational, each volume in the Series aims to
stimulate theoretical and creative advances and question the outcome of technical
innovations as well as the far-reaching social, cultural, and environmental
challenges that present themselves to architectural design today. Each brief asks
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Briefs in Architectural Design and Technology provides must-have, cutting-edge
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123
Pablo Guillen Urša Komac
The University of Sydney Western Sydney University
Sydney, NSW, Australia Westmead, NSW, Australia
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd., part of Springer Nature
2020
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
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Contents
1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
2 Why Cities Exist? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Reference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
3 Cities Are More Important Than Ever . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
4 Public Goods, Externalities and the City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
5 Governing for the Public Good: The Problem of City
Governance and Planning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Reference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
6 Growth and Shape of the Pre-industrial City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
7 The Raise of the Rail-Based Mechanical City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
8 Motorisation and the City: America Leads the World . . . . . . . . . . 27
8.1 The Logic of Congestion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
8.2 How About Smart Cars? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
8.3 Modern American City Thinking and Trends . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
8.3.1 The Death and Life of the Great American Cities . . . . . . 45
8.3.2 Paul Mees, Public Transport for Suburbia . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
8.3.3 Edward Glaeser’s Urban Economics Critique . . . . . . . . . 48
8.3.4 Richard Florida . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
8.3.5 The New Left, the Gentrification and Other American
Planning Buzzwords . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... 49
v
vi Contents
8.3.6 Light Rail Versus the Kochs and the Great American
Public Transport Melancholy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
9 The Japanese Experience: The Rise of the Minimal Car Use
Megalopolis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
10 Following America, Not Japan: Car Dependent Emerging
Megacities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
11 Motorisation and De-motorisation in Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
12 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
Abstract This is a book about how the cities utilise space and how the resulting
urban form provides different ways to deal with the tangle of public goods and
externalities caused by agglomeration. We rely on well-known economic thinking
plus a historical analysis to why cities exist and why they have evolved to be the
way they are. We identify several defining factors: the geography and the technology
(both defining what is possible to do), culture (which defines what the society’s goals
are) and the necessary government regulation in the presence of public goods and
externalities (determined both by culture and the desire to achieve positive economic
outcomes). Regulation is the set of rules (not only planning codes) that underpins
how markets are allowed to work in the city. Our method is also comparative as it
explains the evolution of urban form in the US and how it stands in a sharp contrast
with the evolution of urban form in Japan. An emphasis is put on the difference in
regulations between both jurisdictions. We point out that, against the conventional
wisdom, how American cities are constrained by rules that are much further from
the “neoliberal” economic idea of free and competitive markets than the Japanese
ones. We demonstrate how Japanese planning fosters competition and variety in the
availability of goods and services. We also include an explanation of the origin of
the differences in those regulations. We hypothesise how changing regulations could
change the urban form to generate a greater variety of goods and to foster the access
to those goods through a more equitable distribution of wealth. Critically, we point
out that a desirably denser city must rely on public transport, and we also study how a
less-dense city can be made to work with public transport. We conclude by claiming
that changes in regulations are very unlikely to happen in the US, as it would require
deep cultural changes to move from local to a more universal and less excluding
public good provision.
This book is about explaining the most relevant planning and cultural differences
in the way cities are allowed to function, grow and change. Those are differences
in planning regimes with historical reasons we explore and rooted in culture. They
reflect, but also shape, the mainstream views of the population, but have also very
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd., part of 1
Springer Nature 2020
P. Guillen and U. Komac, City Form, Economics and Culture,
SpringerBriefs in Architectural Design and Technology,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5741-5_1
2 1 Introduction
strong economic and spatial implications. That is, most people use, see and feel the
city as a consequence of planning rules they are not aware of. The aim of exploring
these planning differences is not only to help to come closer to best practice given
society’s goals, but even perhaps allowing to direct change or bring more consistency
to those goals.
Following a historical analysis of the evolution of cities influenced both by tech-
nological progress and cultural change, we argue that the unintended consequences
of mass motorisation are at the origin of many, if not most, of the ills affecting con-
temporary cities. We propose a new approach to limit private car usage in urban
environments based on the somehow laisser-faire Japanese experience and compar-
ing it to the more heavy-handed, micro-managed approaches to planning used both
in North America and Europe.
The car-dependent city generates problems that go much further than the obvious
of pollution and excessive energy usage. First of all, universal car usage has huge
implications in terms of land use, as cars need to be parked and will be actually
parked most of the time. The need of parking space (“no parking no business” is,
for instance, the de facto Southern California motto) means that buildings have to be
spaced from each other to leave space for car parking. The result is neighbourhoods
unappealing for pedestrians and leaving no option but driving. Business will be built
and located to the scale and convenience of motorists. This environment makes all
but impossible for small restaurants, cafes and stores to exist as they will not be
even visible from zooming cars. That is, car dependency has an impact in the variety
of goods and services offered. A car dependent city is therefore dominated by huge
stores located far from residential zones and accessible only by car. Such city, coupled
with a locally controlled strict zoning regime in terms of permitted uses, also results
in a closed or socially exclusive city.1 The poor won’t even be visible in the rich
areas and the rich have no reason to adventure driving through the poor areas as there
is nothing interesting for them there. The poor in the car dependent city will suffer
when their car breaks down. Soon they may not be even able to go or to look for work.
As the poor and the rich live far apart, schools will be easily segregated by income
and social mobility will suffer greatly. Last, but not least, there are health benefits
associated to the use of public transport. Indeed, every user of public transport is a
pedestrian who has to walk at least the so-called “last mile” (and probably the first
too). Daily users of public transport don’t need to use ridiculous walking machines
in the gym or standing desks in the office as walking and standing forms part of their
daily commuting to work, errands, shopping and entertainment routine.
Our main point is therefore that different planning regimes result in substantial
differences in urban form, even when these differences often arise from unintended
consequences of the rules chosen. For instance, the Japanese governments of the
1950s wished for a rapid motorisation but at the same time they found it unfeasible,
given the narrowness of most streets, to allow on-street parking. Therefore, national
1 Locally controlled planning has the aim of keeping poorer people away. Also, may be more
accurate to say that a city based on public transport facilitates, but does not guarantee, openness
and inclusivity. These themes will be treated in the body of the book ahead.
1 Introduction 3
laws were passed by the Japanese national parliament mandating one private parking
space per car and making overnight street parking illegal.2 People in Japan did buy
cars at rates not so dissimilar with their American and European counterparts but
soon found them difficult to use for everyday life in the urban environment (Berri
2009).
From our reading of the architecture and urban design literature, we believe that
both architects and urban designers are mostly unaware of the forces that actually
shape cities and of the regulation frameworks put in place to harness and direct those
forces. As a result, architects often overestimate their own contribution to the urban
form. When realising they are not reaching their intended goals, they blame strawmen
such as “capitalism” or “the system” and even wish for a catastrophe that would allow
for a fresh start, see among a myriad of trite articles such as Aureli (2008). Quite on the
contrary, we point out real world examples, mostly in Japanese and European cities,
that could potentially allow architects to achieve positive outcomes in terms of more
liveable cities. Japanese cities look like a straightforward result of what we believe
are wise and clear planning rules. We are not saying that architecture in Japanese
cities is to be emulated, as we will show examples of the commonly low-quality
Japanese architecture, but we point out how the Japanese planning rules would allow
for potentially excellent results. On the other hand, those excellent results would be
much harder to achieve within the Anglo-American planning framework.
To us, European cities do usually look better3 than the ones in Japan and America.
We believe this is partly because the old parts of town were built before cars were
available. Before the Industrial Revolution the relative cost of high-quality crafts-
manship in building must have been much lower than it is now. After all, there were
not that many interesting and skilled jobs for the vast majority of talented individuals
before the Industrial Revolution. After all, the association of clever craftsmen is at
the very origin of the Free-Mason organisation in the Middle Ages. Once education
becomes increasingly available to the masses the majority of the most talented indi-
viduals prefer to become teachers, lawyers, medical doctors, professors of economics
or perhaps software engineers in recent times. Craftmanship is shown in different
ways, that become more rewarded by society in the form of higher salaries. Con-
struction jobs are left to individuals who in the olden times were only deemed worth
of carrying bricks to the masons. Our theory will become painfully compelling every
time our estimated reader, most likely a member of the illustrated class of craftsmen
in one way or another, needs anything repaired or rebuilt at home.
However, it is also true that unlike in Japan European buildings have better sur-
vived the pass of time and the destruction of war.4 In any case, cities in Europe
are nowadays much more car dependent and crowded with cars than their Japanese
2 On street parking is seldom allowed. When allowed, is often metered and indeed, cars still parked
after midnight are towed, see Barter (2014).
3 At least the areas frequented by tourists. Admittedly a value judgement.
4 The widespread use of timber in Japan even for large and symbolic buildings, such as temples
and palaces, has a lot to do with that. European medieval cities were also mostly built with timber,
besides the cathedral and the castle. When the city burned, new buildings were made of more durable
materials. Japanese timber construction was prevalent up until mid twentieth century. Buildings
4 1 Introduction
counterparts. Whenever a city in Europe has managed to limit car usage, that has
happened as a result of a very micro-managed approach and, sometimes, a substantial
cost in terms of public transport subsidy.
In summary, we are advocating for an urban form that is sufficiently dense to
foster encounters at a human scale, encourages the supply of variety goods and
services, provides opportunities for recreation and the enhancement of the soul, it is
not planned around the idea of exclusion and it is serviced by affordable and efficient
public transport that keeps pollution to a bearable minimum. It seems that such a
city would attract and shape the best minds to generate wealth which, appropriately
taxed, could provide and expand the public goods and thus grow in a virtuous cycle.
References
Aureli, P. V. (2008). The project of autonomy: politics and architecture within and against capitalism
(Vol. 4). New York: Princeton Architectural Press.
Barter, P. (2014). Japan’s proof-of-parking rule has an essential twin policy. Reinventing park-
ing. https://www.reinventingparking.org/2014/06/japans-proof-of-parking-rule-has.html. Last
Retrieved on March 01, 2020.
Berri, A. (2009). A cross-country comparison of household, car ownership: A cohort analysis. IATSS
Research, 33(2), 21–38.
Sorensen, A. (2005). The making of urban Japan: Cities and planning from Edo to the twenty first
century. Routledge.
destroyed by fire-bombing during the war were replaced in haste during the post-war economic
recovery resulting in not-so-pleasant looks. See Sorensen (2005).
Chapter 2
Why Cities Exist?
Abstract We argue cities exist are the result of economics forces of agglomeration
mediated by technological progress. That is, urban growth is fuelled by economi-
cally advantageous division of labour. Available technology is the most important
constraint to city growth. However, other factors such as political stability, peace and
the control of plagues are also important.
1 Most of our historical claims are standard and can be checked in any universal history manual, see
for instance Gombrich (2005) for a fairly comprehensive world history up to the twentieth century.
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd., part of 5
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P. Guillen and U. Komac, City Form, Economics and Culture,
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https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5741-5_2
6 2 Why Cities Exist?
different things. Architects, artists and professors come to the city because that’s
where their abilities are appreciated and paid for. All the wonders the city has to
offer, its arcades and plazas, its culture, its sophisticated food and theatre cannot
exist if architects, artists and professors, chefs and actors are not paid. If their job is
better in Melbourne, they might just leave Sydney.
Another important fact about cities is that they cannot be taken for granted. For
instance, they came next to disappearing in Western Europe at the time of the bar-
barian invasions. That happened not only because cities where directly attacked and
sacked by invaders but also because, once the authority of the Roman Empire of
the West collapsed, nothing could keep slaves working the fields thus agricultural
surplus disappeared. War and bandits cut trade routes. People had no option but to go
back to the fields to avoid starvation. Without cities, art and culture soon stagnated
in Western Europe, but flourished in the East where law and order still prevailed. For
several centuries to come, Byzantium was the new Rome.
Technology has a big role in increasing the productivity of agriculture and there-
fore causing migrations to cities. The iron Roman plough created an empire. The
steel plough of the early XIX century pushed again masses of workers from the fields
to the factories. The green revolution epitomised by tractors, chemical fertilisers and
insecticide finished the job in the XX century. It is worth noting that many of those
migrants were not only attracted by the opportunity the city had to offer but somehow
expelled from their traditional occupations in the fields. Many were escaping poverty
but ended up in a poor city slum.
Reference
Not that long ago many scholars have expressed doubts and hopes about the future
of the city. Telecommunication technology and motorisation were seen by most as
ways to stop the forces of agglomeration and allow humans to go back to live close
to nature. Congested, polluted cities were hoped to be a thing of the past by the
twenty-first century. Those hopes have been dashed. A recent study shows1 how
cities of different eras aren’t as different as we might think. Modern settlements
grow similarly to their ancient counterparts. In particular, city growth in all ages is
characterised by productivity increasing faster than population. The city is a source of
economies of scale.2 By and large, the economic success of the city is the main driver
of population growth and urbanisation. Note that the phrase “economic success”
has to be understood in a wide sense. On one hand cities are a good place for
production given the economies of scale fuelled by specialisation, but critically and
often overlooked, cities are also a good place for consumption as they offer a plethora
of varied goods, services and other opportunities3 not available elsewhere. That
explains why not everyone moves to Dubai, which offers excellent salaries (related
economist would put it, enhancing the “choice set” in many realms, i.e. sexual partners.
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd., part of 7
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P. Guillen and U. Komac, City Form, Economics and Culture,
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https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5741-5_3
8 3 Cities Are More Important Than Ever
to production), but comes with serious shortcomings in terms of goods, services and
other opportunities on offer.4
The forces of specialisation and agglomeration are nowadays stronger than ever
before. As a result, population is concentrating in cities faster than at any time in
human history, Ritchie and Roser (2018). The world is going through a gradual but
seemingly unstoppable process of urbanisation. If by the beginning of the twentieth
century about 15% of the world population lived in cities, this proportion increased
to 50% in 2007. The accelerated shift of population from rural to urban areas has
also been accompanied by a very strong population and economic growth. World
population went from 1.6 billion in 1900 to 6 billion in 1999.5 All in all, urban
population went from about 250 million at the beginning of the twentieth century
to 3 billion at the end of the century. That’s a 12-fold increase or a 1100% increase
in percentage terms. Urbanisation and population growth are a staggering, unprece-
dented phenomena in human history. Both processes are a result of technological
and cultural changes that, starting in the mid-eighteenth century, gave birth to the
very efficient although still evolving form of production known as capitalism. That
is a mode of production characterised by capital accumulation. In the pursue of ever
higher profits, current profits are invested to expand the production capabilities by
purchasing new and/or better machines (capital) or more sophisticated and efficient
ways of combining capital with labour.6 Indeed, for good and bad, this is main force
behind our thriving, growing cities.
One fact common to all contemporary cities is the huge impact motorisation has
in its organisation. Humans now mostly live in cities, but most of the newer ones
have been built to move around in cars. The older ones had to accommodate to the
new technology. Far from being back to nature humans now live in a tar and steel
jungle where the rich can afford a lawn and a pool as, maybe, a poor substitute of a
meadow and a river of clear waters. Many people rub bumpers rather than shoulders.
The rush hour is still alive and well.
4 That is, if you don’t quite like golden taps and air-conditioned beaches.
5 This fast increase in population was much unexpected by the average person in the mid-twentieth
century. For instance, in the 1940 s Isaac Asimov assumes fairly low overall populations in his
futuristic science fiction novels, see Asimov (2004).
6 Note that capital accumulation is not unique to countries commonly known as capitalists. Both
capital accumulation and technological progress were indeed at the core of the planned economies in
so-called socialist countries. The essential difference lies in that most of the investment is decided
centrally in a planned economy rather than decided by privately owned companies in a not-so-
planned economy. Public infrastructure and public goods are still provided by the state even in the
most capitalist economies. The urban governance problem, particularly related to the city, lies on
what infrastructure to build and which public goods to provide for the city in order to reach which
goals. These problems will be discussed in more detail later on in the book.
References 9
References
1 In
fact, the legal system as a whole is a public good. Without a legal system the enforcement of
property rights would be impossible. The mere existence of markets therefore relies on a public
good that must be provided by the government. This fact is as essential as overlooked.
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12 4 Public Goods, Externalities and the City
Private goods, such as pears and laptops, are obviously both excludable and rival-
rous. Goods that are non-excludable and rivalrous, such as a public good that became
saturated, are called “common pool resources”, i.e. fish stocks in the oceans. Finally,
some goods are excludable and non-rivalrous like a movie shown in a cinema. Those
are, by the way, called “club goods” in economics. For instance, a non-toll unsat-
urated road can be understood as a public good. Once it becomes saturated it is a
common-pool resource.
Now it is useful to argue that non-excludable goods are unlikely to be provided by
a for-profit private entity. For instance, if a fireworks show can be seen from people’s
balconies, not many people would be willing to pay for it. Even if most people who
like fireworks were willing to pay $10 for a show, many (or most) could not be
compelled to do so. Therefore, a private fireworks show would not happen because it
is unlikely to be a good business. That is, free markets will not provide public goods.
Free markets are also bad at exploiting common-pool resources.2 Club goods can be
efficiently provided by the market under certain conditions too technical to discuss
here.
A concept close to public goods is that of externalities. A positive externality
arises when something someone affects positively somebody else who does not pay
for it. That is, a $1000 firework show payed for by a rich die-hard fireworks enthusiast
entails a positive externality for everyone else who enjoys it but does not pay for it.
Die-hard rick fireworks enthusiasts, willing to foot the bill all by themselves, are a rare
species so fireworks are most of time payed by the city government and ultimately
funded by taxes.
Negative externalities can be thought to be linked to public bads, that is non-
rivalrous and non-excludable things everyone dislikes.3 For instance, something
someone does for private profit negatively affecting other people who did not pay
for it. That could be the case, for instance, of driving in a congested road. More to
the point, driving to work produces a private benefit and several negative external-
ities. Pollution and congestion are the two most obvious. We will argue afterwards
that planning rules that encourage or impose car dependency in a large urban area
generates other, perhaps more pervasive, negative externalities in terms of land use
and city form. Also, it is very important to understand that free markets are not a
good way of dealing with externalities. As with public goods, a perfectly competitive
industries will produce too much of a negative externality and too little of a positive
externality.
Finally, note that public goods and externalities need to be considered relative to
location. For instance, CO2 emissions entail a global negative externality in terms
of climate change. On the other extreme, local planners may put limits to low socio-
economic families to settle in their municipality as those would bring a negative
2 For instance, an unregulated, perfectly competitive fishing industry would result in depletion of
the fish stocks, see Nicholson and Snyder (2015).
3 Note that something can be a good for some and a bad for others. Fireworks are a good example.
4 Public Goods, Externalities and the City 13
externality in terms of lowering real estate values, decreasing the quality and increas-
ing the cost of public goods provided locally etc. Similarly, Euclidean zoning4 limits
density and imposes single use zones to ameliorate the negative externality caused
by traffic in residential areas. We will argue that these forms of planning, while being
locally effective have a negative regional or nationwide effect. That is, forcing the
poor to live next to the other poor creates huge negative externalities in terms edu-
cation and crime outcomes that affect the city, region or nation as a whole. Limiting
density and separating zones by use has the effect of increasing overall traffic and
congestion. It just pushes it away from particular, often affluent, residential areas.
We have argued that cities are growing fast because of their increased capacity
to produce wealth. That is now mostly happening in the form of highly valuable
services. Cities, however, entail a huge tangle of non-private goods (public, common
pool and club) and a variety of positive and negative externalities that must be dealt
with by government intervention, provision or regulation.5 For instance, public space
generates several public goods at the same time. Architects and city planners need
to be well aware of how the design of the city affects in a positive or negative way
the provision of those goods.
It is also useful to differentiate between a public good and the public good. The
former is a non-excludable, non-rivalrous good and the latter what is good, in the
sense of positive, for the public in general. It could be said that public goods are
provided for the public good, the benefit of the public. And that should indeed be the
goal of government: nothing else other than the public good.
References
etc. is actually lower than the cost of government failure. That is the cost imposed on society in
terms of taxes, lobbying, corruption and so on. Notwithstanding government ought to be less than
perfect, we deeply disagree with this line of thought.
Chapter 5
Governing for the Public Good: The
Problem of City Governance
and Planning
Abstract We discuss the problem of city governance in general and with regards
to urban planning in particular. Although cities exist because of their capacity to
generate wealth, we do not believe that elected public officials should focus solely
on the maximisation of economic growth. Indeed, cities are not only centres of pro-
duction but also residence and consumption of private and public goods. Elected
official should then strive to maximise a social welfare outcome rather than a merely
monetary one. Any planning policy is a form of government intervention or regula-
tion. Given the complexity of interconnected public goods and externalities posed
by agglomeration, the need for regulation is unavoidable.
We have argued that specialisation and trade foster agglomeration. Cities grow
because they are a hotbed of economic opportunity. Should city governance be
thus focused on the generation of wealth? Of course not, good governance is to
be focused on the public good, which is what economists call maximising social
welfare. Of course, that does not simply imply maximising the generation of wealth.
Politicians would ideally have some abstract and overarching goals, for instance
equality of opportunity, the provision of certain public goods, a certain degree of
redistribution of income and economic growth. Those goals would together generate
a particular social welfare outcome. Different political platforms would emphasise
different aspects in terms of social welfare. Some would insist on income distribu-
tion while others would support economic growth combined or not with universal
education as a mean to achieve equal opportunity as the ultimate goals of society. In
a democratic system people choose a political platform through voting to organise
society according to a particular set of principles, for a limited time.
A politician likely to become a planning minister should seek advice on how to
reflect their ideals in the planning portfolio. In the best-case scenario, the job of
such politician is to convince a majority of the electorate of the merits of a political
platform on planning. We are not saying that a politician should ignore any ideas
or suggestions coming from the public, but they should see how they fit with expert
advice and the political principles. For instance, if one asks the public about placing
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd., part of 15
Springer Nature 2020
P. Guillen and U. Komac, City Form, Economics and Culture,
SpringerBriefs in Architectural Design and Technology,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5741-5_5
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Shall they go on thus keeping up this so-called beauty and
delicateness, even if it be at the expense of ennui, debility,
nervousness, and general ill health?
Or, on the other hand, shall they go often and freely into the open
air, walking miles every day; or what is perhaps better, engage in
active, and, if possible, out-door pursuits, a part of each day?
In the one case, health is, as a general thing, easy to obtain; in the
other, impossible.
As children know by instinct, and physiologists by scientific facts,
human beings must go often into the open light of day, in order to
insure firm and enduring bodily health.
Nor are the good effects of light less important on the feelings,
habits, and mental manifestations of the individual.
AIR AND EXERCISE.
Would that I could now impress upon your minds, in some good
degree, the importance of AIR and EXERCISE in pregnancy.
See how well the Indian women get along with child-bearing; and
you know they are active in their habits, and go a great deal in the
open air.
How well, too, the poor, laboring people, the Irish and the
Germans, get along in having children; and are not they obliged to
work? Labor! verily thou art a blessing which we poor mortals do but
poorly prize!
I must say to you, then, in my humble way, to all of you who are
pregnant, DO NOT FAIL TO WORK. Work regularly—not too much at a
time, but little and often, avoiding all extremes. Go out, too, EVERY
DAY, and get the fresh air and light of heaven. So will you be rewarded
for every thing you do.
LETTER XI.
MANAGEMENT IN PREGNANCY.
In all 144 „
Fainting—Its Causes—Symptoms—Results—Treatment.
“Dear Sir—Your very worthy wife inquired of me yesterday what she should do
in reference to preventing abortions, to which she is of late growing subject. I
advised her the following treatment:
“1. Perform thorough ablution on rising in the morning. Drink some water, and
walk in the open air, but not so much as to induce great fatigue. Housework is very
good, but going into the open air, an hour or thereabout before dinner, will be
better.
“2. Take the rubbing wet-sheet, and after it the sitting-bath ten minutes. Take
also some kind of exercise before and after this bath.
“3. In the afternoon practice the same thing as in the forenoon.
“4. The rubbing wet-sheet on going to rest.
“5. It is very important that due attention be paid to diet. She should eat no
meat, butter, and as little sweet as possible. Rice, brown bread, Indian mush,
hominy or samp, potatoes, good fruits, and milk—these are the best articles for
her.
“6. In addition to the above advice which I gave to your wife, there is a very
important matter to be observed. Do you not practice too frequent cohabitation
with her? This is, perhaps, of all, the most prominent among the causes of
abortion. Taking a survey of the animal kingdom, we observe it to be a law, that
animals do not cohabit during the period of pregnancy.
“Knowing that you are a kind and good-hearted husband and desire the best
good of your wife, I take the liberty of submitting to you the following rules, which,
I am confident, you will agree with me will be safe:
“1. Always sleep separately for six months at least, and twelve would be better.
By that time we have every reason to believe your wife will enjoy her natural
health.
“2. Suppose that after these six or twelve months, pregnancy again occurs, sleep
then again separately during the entire period, and at the same time let your wife
follow a similar course in water, diet, exercise, etc., to that I have above
recommended.
“Then will she be able to prevent those disastrous consequences of frequent
abortion.”