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Environmental and Disaster
Displacement Policy
Organisational Cooperation between
the UN High Commissioner for
Refugees and the International
Organisation for Migration
Silvana Lakeman
Environmental and Disaster Displacement Policy
Silvana Lakeman
Environmental and
Disaster Displacement
Policy
Organisational Cooperation between the UN High
Commissioner for Refugees and the International
Organisation for Migration
Silvana Lakeman
Bremen International Graduate School of Social Sciences
University of Bremen
Bremen, Germany
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2022
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the
publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to
the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and
institutional affiliations.
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Results incorporated in this standard have received funding from the
European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme
under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement no. 713639.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank all who provided feedback throughout the process of
putting together this book, and especially those who participated in inter-
views. You have both provided valuable insights and made the research
process highly enjoyable!
vii
Contents
ix
x Contents
Index249
Abbreviations
xi
xii Abbreviations
xiii
CHAPTER 1
International Organisations
and the Climate-Migration Nexus
During my time working on this book, the world has been gripped by a
global pandemic. Political and media attention are naturally fixated on
scientific, social and economic developments in response to Covid-19, and
momentum regarding climate change—arguably the largest threat to
humanity in the twenty-first century—has been placed on the backburner.
Despite this, few issues have received as much debate on the global stage
as migration and climate change in recent decades, and it is my belief that
in the coming years, these issues will dominate once more. Oftentimes,
climate change and migration overlap in complex and messy ways. Recent
reporting supports the argument that climate change is contributing to an
increase in both the frequency and the intensity of slow and sudden-onset
climatic events, which are major drivers of human displacement (UNDRR/
CRED, 2020). Natural hazards, such as tropical cyclones, flooding,
desertification, drought and bushfires, are increasingly unsettling tens of
millions of people worldwide, leading to natural disasters. Further, those
in the poorest, most underdeveloped parts of the world are disproportion-
ately affected by these phenomena. In fact, according to the Internal
Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC), 2018 saw almost 17.2 million
individuals newly displaced internally due to climate-related disasters,
mostly in developing countries (IDMC, 2019a). Now more than ever,
inter-governmental and international organisations (IGOs and IOs) with
an agenda to protect displaced populations have an important role to play
have the potential to equate to greater competition in the long run at the
international organisational level.
In many ways, the proliferating threat of climate change (and its ability
to worsen or exacerbate conflict and hazards which may result in natural
disasters and displacement) is the epitome of the modern crisis. This is
especially true in the sense that climate change does not respect borders or
confine itself to one policy area (Boin & Lagadec, 2000, p. 185). Given
the position of international organisations at the frontline for cross-
boundary issues, it is perhaps unsurprising that climate change threatens
to undermine the work of a vast variety of IOs across a range of policy
spheres. Those studying crisis management would suggest it is not climate
change or ensuing challenges that cause issues, but rather the systems—
including organisations—we have in place, and their inability to adapt and
uphold their legitimacy in the face of adversity (Dayton et al., 2004,
p. 168). Despite this challenge, crises can also be powerful instigators for
positive organisational change and learning opportunities for organisa-
tions to grow and adapt to new realities (Wang, 2008, p. 427).
while minimalists (such as Black, 2001, and Massey et al., 2010) have
emphasised ‘the complexity of the interaction between environmental and
social systems’, noting that environmental change is just one of many
complex factors that may drive human movement (Morrisey, 2012, p. 38).
When it comes to definitions, maximalists have employed the term ‘envi-
ronmental refugee’, with the relatively few supporters of the creation of
such a definition arguing that the term was first used by a UN body (the
UN Environmental Programme) in a 1985 report, and that its previous
use at the UN provides a strong basis for its future use at the UNHCR in
particular (El-Hinnawi, 1985).
In more recent years, there has been a notable softening of rhetoric
between these two camps of thought. Bettini (2014, p. 185) has high-
lighted that nowadays, ‘nobody objects to the idea that climate change
will have a large influence on mobility’. An increasingly popular way to
approach the issue is somewhere in the middle; Cantor (2021, pp. 270–271)
has pointed to a consensus that even as one of potentially many overlap-
ping factors, environmental change ‘may produce distinct forms of mobil-
ity, as in circumstances of sudden or extreme environmental change’.
Minimalists have even softened on the use of the term ‘environmental
refugee’ (Morrisey, 2012, p. 38), with François Gemenne admitting that
despite associated legal issues, there may be benefits to using it—forgoing
the term ‘is also, in a way, forgoing the idea that climate change is a form
of persecution against the most vulnerable and that climate-induced
migration is a very political matter, rather than an environmental one’
(Gemenne, 2015, p. 71).
Perspectives on the issue continue to shift and, as environmental change
becomes an increasingly important factor in human mobility, often beyond
the desks of scholars. In 2006, the Maldives petitioned for an extension of
the 1951 Geneva Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees to include
the term ‘environmental refugees’, which was rejected (McAdam, 2011a,
p. 103). Since then, further solutions at the international level have been
discussed and proposed, such as legal concepts including ‘deterritorialised’
states or ‘nations ex-situ’ for those left without territory due to rising sea
levels (Burkett, 2013; Rayfuse, 2010). However, such proposals lack a
comprehensive analysis of previous international organisational responses
to specific cases of displacement, both short and long term. Some have
highlighted existing bilateral agreements between states that may prevent
more permanent migration as a solution, such as the Recognised Seasonal
Employer scheme in New Zealand (Shawn & Gemenne, 2011); however,
1 INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATIONS AND THE CLIMATE-MIGRATION NEXUS 9
a consideration of how directly relevant IOs may play a future role in such
schemes remains largely underdeveloped. Regarding actual attempts to
claim asylum or refugee status, a lack of definitional expansion has defini-
tively inhibited individuals seeking safety from environmental threat, as in
the popularised case of a Kiribati national seeking refuge in New Zealand
due to the effects of climate change (Library of Congress, 2016). The case
of Ioane Teitiota, who made the claim in 2013, was more recently rejected
by the United Nations, which found that Teitiota was not in immediate
danger. However, the case has set a precedent for the future of legal
debates in this area (BBC News, 2020). Although it remains to be seen
what effect this landmark ruling will have for the future management of
environmental displacement, future discussions should at least consider
the role of UNHCR and IOM, given their positioning as prominent refu-
gee and migration IOs. Indeed, UNHCR and legal scholars have more
recently further clarified available legal frameworks for cross-border pro-
tection in the context of climate change and disasters—at least in part
motivated by precedent set by the Teitiota case (UN High Commissioner
for Refugees, 2020a). While there have been international attempts involv-
ing IOM and UNHCR to address cross-border displacement due to cli-
mate change, such as the Nansen Initiative and Platform on Disaster
Displacement (McAdam, 2016), gaps remain regarding a critical analysis
of IO involvement and influence in such projects.
Despite reporting in recent years that a majority of human displace-
ment due to environmental and disaster-related causes have been (and will
continue to be) internal (IDMC, 2019b), internal displacement as a result
of environmental stressors has not received the same academic and policy
attention as cross-border displacement. Nor has the involvement of
UNHCR and IOM—despite definitive proof regarding their involvement
in disaster scenarios. This could be because many perceive the existence of
the 1998 UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement to be a suffi-
cient legal and normative protection framework (Koser, 2011). While the
Guiding Principles state that national authorities are primarily responsible
for protection and humanitarian assistance in cases of internal displace-
ment, IOs do ‘have the right to offer their services in support of the inter-
nally displaced’, and states should not see this offer as an interference or
an unfriendly act (UN High Commissioner for Refugees, 1998). Further,
when national authorities are simply ill-equipped (or potentially politically
unwilling) to handle the enormity of a disaster or environmental degrada-
tion that may result in displacement, international organisations may play
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