International Adoption and Clinical Practice 1st Edition Heidi Schwarzwald PDF Full Chapter
International Adoption and Clinical Practice 1st Edition Heidi Schwarzwald PDF Full Chapter
International Adoption and Clinical Practice 1st Edition Heidi Schwarzwald PDF Full Chapter
https://textbookfull.com/product/entrepreneurship-the-practice-
and-mindset-2e-epub-convert-heidi-m-neck/
https://textbookfull.com/product/birth-mothers-and-transnational-
adoption-practice-in-south-korea-virtual-mothering-1st-edition-
hosu-kim-auth/
https://textbookfull.com/product/hemodiafiltration-theory-
technology-and-clinical-practice-1st-edition-menso-j-nube/
https://textbookfull.com/product/food-allergy-molecular-and-
clinical-practice-1st-edition-andreas-l-lopata/
Forensic Psychiatry: Fundamentals and Clinical Practice
1st Edition Basant K. Puri
https://textbookfull.com/product/forensic-psychiatry-
fundamentals-and-clinical-practice-1st-edition-basant-k-puri/
https://textbookfull.com/product/neuroimaging-techniques-in-
clinical-practice-physical-concepts-and-clinical-applications-
manoj-mannil/
https://textbookfull.com/product/neurophysiology-in-clinical-
practice-1st-edition-abdul-qayyum-rana/
https://textbookfull.com/product/motivational-interviewing-for-
clinical-practice-1st-edition-petros-levounis/
https://textbookfull.com/product/angela-carter-and-western-
philosophy-1st-edition-heidi-yeandle/
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Cornhill
Magazine, February, 1860 (Vol. I, No. 2)
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away
or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License
included with this ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you
are not located in the United States, you will have to check the
laws of the country where you are located before using this
eBook.
Author: Various
Language: English
CORNHILL MAGAZINE.
FEBRUARY, 1860.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Nil Nisi Bonum 129
Invasion Panics 135
To Goldenhair (from Horace). By Thomas Hood. 149
Framley Parsonage 150
Chapter IV.—A Matter of Conscience.
„ V.—Amantium Iræ Amoris Integratio.
„ VI.—Mr. Harold Smith’s Lecture.
Tithonus. By Alfred Tennyson 175
William Hogarth: Painter, Engraver, and Philosopher.
Essays on the Man, the Work, and the Time 177
I.—Little Boy Hogarth.
Unspoken Dialogue. By R. Monckton Milnes. (With an
Illustration) 194
Studies in Animal Life 198
Chapter II.— Ponds and rock-pools— Our necessary tackle
— Wimbledon Common— Early memories— Gnat larvæ—
Entomostraca and their paradoxes— Races of animals
dispensing with the sterner sex— Insignificance of males—
Volvox globator: is it an animal?— Plants swimming like
animals— Animal retrogressions— The Dytiscus and its
larva— The dragon-fly larva— Molluscs and their eggs—
Polypes, and how to find them— A new polype, Hydra
rubra— Nest-building fish— Contempt replaced by
reverence.
CORNHILL MAGAZINE.
FEBRUARY, 1860.
FOOTNOTES:
1
See his Life in the most remarkable Dictionary of
Authors, published lately at Philadelphia, by Mr.
Alibone.
2
At Washington, Mr. Irving came to a lecture given by the
writer, which Mr. Filmore and General Pierce, the
president and president elect, were also kind enough to
attend together. “Two Kings of Brentford smelling at one
rose,” says Irving, looking up with his good-humoured
smile.
3
Mr. Irving described to me, with that humour and good
humour which he always kept, how, amongst other
visitors, a member of the British press who had carried
his distinguished pen to America (where he employed it
in vilifying his own country) came to Sunnyside,
introduced himself to Irving, partook of his wine and
luncheon, and in two days described Mr. Irving, his
house, his nieces, his meal, and his manner of dozing
afterwards, in a New York paper. On another occasion,
Irving said, laughing: “Two persons came to me, and
one held me in conversation whilst the other miscreant
took my portrait!”
4
Since the above was written, I have been informed that
it has been found, on examining Lord Macaulay’s
papers, that he was in the habit of giving away more
than a fourth part of his annual income.
Invasion Panics.
When, about the year 1899, Field-marshal Dowbiggin, full of years
and honours, shall edit, with copious notes, the Private
Correspondence of his kinsman, Queen Victoria’s celebrated War
Minister during England’s bloody struggle with Russia in 1854–5, the
grandchildren of the present generation may probably learn a good
deal more respecting the real causes of the failures and
shortcomings of that “horrible and heartrending” period than we, their
grandfathers, are likely to know on this side our graves.
And when some future Earl of Pembroke shall devote his
splendid leisure, under the cedar groves of Wilton, to preparing for
the information of the twentieth century the memoirs of his great
ancestor, Mr. Secretary Herbert, posterity will then run some chance
of discovering—what is kept a close secret from the public just now
—whether any domestic causes exist to justify the invasion-panic
under which the nation has recently been shivering.
The insular position of England, her lofty cliffs, her stormy seas,
her winter fogs, fortify her with everlasting fortifications, as no other
European power is fortified. She is rich, she is populous, she
contains within herself an abundance of coal, iron, timber, and
almost all other munitions of war; railways intersect and encircle her
on all sides; in patriotism, in loyalty, in manliness, in intelligence, her
sons yield to no other race of men. Blest with all these advantages,
she ought, of all the nations of Europe, to be the last to fear, the
readiest to repel invasion; yet, strange to say, of all the nations of
Europe, England appears to apprehend invasion most!
There must be some good and sufficient reason for this
extraordinary state of things. Many reasons are daily assigned for it,
all differing from each other, all in turn disputed and denied by those
who know the real reason best.
The statesman and the soldier declare that the fault lies with
parliament and the people. They complain that parliament is
niggardly in placing sufficient means at the disposal of the executive,
and that the people are distrustful and over-inquisitive as to their
application; ever too ready to attribute evil motives and incapacity to
those set in authority over them. Parliament and the people, on the
other hand, reply, that ample means are yearly allotted for the
defence of the country, and that more would readily be forthcoming,
had they reason to suppose that what has already been spent, has
been well spent; their Humes and their Brights loudly and harshly
denounce the nepotism, the incapacity, and the greed, which,
according to them, disgrace the governing classes, and waste and
weaken the resources of the land. And so the painful squabble
ferments—no probable end to it being in view. Indeed, the public are
permitted to know so little of the conduct of their most important
affairs—silence is so strictly enjoined to the men at the helm—that
the most carefully prepared indictment against an official delinquent
is invariably evaded by the introduction of some new feature into his
case, hitherto unknown to any but his brother officials, which at once
casts upon the assailant the stigma of having arraigned a public
servant on incomplete information, and puts him out of court.
But if, in this the year of our Lord 1860, we have no means of
discovering why millions of strong, brave, well-armed Englishmen
should be so moved at the prospect of a possible attack from twenty
or thirty thousand French, we have recently been placed in
possession of the means of ascertaining why, some sixty years ago,
this powerful nation was afflicted with a similar fit of timidity.
The first American war had then just ended—not gloriously for
the British arms. Lord Amherst, the commander-in-chief at home,
had been compelled by his age and infirmities to retire from office,
having, it was said, been indulgently permitted by his royal master to
retain it longer than had been good for the credit and discipline of the
service. The Duke of York, an enthusiastic and practical soldier, in
the prime of life, fresh from an active command in Flanders, had
succeeded him. In that day there were few open-mouthed and vulgar
demagogues to carp at the public expenditure and to revile the
privileged classes; and the few that there were had a very bad time
of it. Public money was sown broadcast, both at home and abroad,
with a reckless hand; regulars, militia, yeomanry, and volunteers,
fearfully and wonderfully attired, bristled in thousands wherever a
landing was conceived possible; and, best of all, that noble school of
Great British seamen, which had reared us a Nelson, had reared us
many other valiant guardians of our shores scarcely less worthy than
he. But in spite of her Yorks and her Nelsons, England felt uneasy
and unsafe. Confident in her navy, she had little confidence in her
army, which at that time was entirely and absolutely in the hands and
under the management of the court; parliament and the people being
only permitted to pay for it.
Yet the royal commander-in-chief was declared by the general
officers most in favour at court to know his business well, and to be
carrying vigorously into effect the necessary reforms suggested by
our American mishaps; his personal acquaintance with the officers of
the army was said to have enabled him to form his military family of
5
the most capable men in the service; his exalted position, and his
enormous income, were supposed to place him above the
temptation of jobbing: in short, the Duke of York was universally held
up to the nation by his military friends—and a royal commander-in-
chief has many and warm military friends—as the regenerator of the
British army, which just then happened to be sadly in need of
regeneration.
A work has recently been published which tells us very plainly
now many things which it would have been treasonable even to
suspect sixty years ago. It is entitled The Cornwallis
Correspondence, and contains the private papers and letters of the
first Marquis Cornwallis, one of the foremost Englishmen of his time.
Bred a soldier, he served with distinction in Germany and in America.
He then proceeded to India in the double capacity of governor-
general and commander-in-chief. On his return from that service he
filled for some years the post of master-general of the Ordnance,
refused a seat in the Cabinet, offered him by Mr. Pitt; and, although
again named governor-general of India, on the breaking out of the
Irish rebellion of 1798 was hurried to Dublin as lord-lieutenant and
commander-in-chief. He was subsequently employed to negotiate
the peace of Amiens, and, in 1805, died at Ghazeepore, in India,
having been appointed its governor-general for the third time.
From the correspondence of this distinguished statesman and
soldier, we may now ascertain whether, sixty years ago, the people
of England had or had not good grounds for dreading invasion by the
French, and whether the governing classes or the governed were
most in fault on that occasion for the doubtful condition of their native
land.
George the Third was verging upon insanity. So detested and
despised was the Prince of Wales, his successor, that those who
directed his Majesty’s councils, as well as the people at large, clung
eagerly to the hopes of the king’s welfare; trusting that the evil days
of a regency might be postponed. And it would seem from the
Cornwallis Correspondence, that the English were just in their
estimation of that bad man. H. R. H. having quarrelled shamefully
with his parents, and with Pitt, had thrown himself into the hands of
the Opposition, and appears to have corresponded occasionally with
Cornwallis, who had two votes at his command in the Commons,
during that nobleman’s first Indian administration. In 1790, Lord
Cornwallis, writing to his brother, the Bishop of Lichfield and
Coventry, says: “You tell me that I am accused of being remiss in my
correspondence with a certain great personage. Nothing can be
more false, for I have answered every letter from him by the first ship
that sailed from hence after I received it. The style of them, although
personally kind to excess, has not been very agreeable to me, as
they have always pressed upon me some infamous and unjustifiable
job, which I have uniformly been obliged to refuse, and contained
much gross and false abuse of Mr. Pitt, and improper charges
against other and greater personages, about whom, to me at least,
6
he ought to be silent.”
The intimacy which had existed from boyhood between General
Richard Grenville, military tutor to the Duke of York, and Lord
Cornwallis, and the correspondence which took place between them,
to which we have now access, afford ample means of judging of the