UNIT 1 IMPERIALISM AND COLONIALISM:

A THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE
Structure
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Colonialism: Various View Points
1.2.1 Nature of Colonialism
1.2.2 Impact on Colony
1.3 Stages of Colonialism
1.3.1 First Stage
1.3.2 Secondstage
1.3.3 Third Stage
1.4 L e t U s S u m U p
1.5 Key Words
1.6 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

This Unit presents a broad discussion of the phenomenon of imperialism arid

colonialism and tries to show how this can be helpful in understanding the basic features
of historical development in India under the British colonial rule over a period of t w o
centuries.
After going through this Unit you will be able to learn:
what is colonialism, its nature and its various stages,
the links between colonialism and the world capitalist system, and
how under colonialism the Indian economy and society were completely
iubordinated to British economy and political control.

1.1 INTRODUCTION
Imperialism refers to the process of capitalist development which leads the capitalist
countries to conquer and dominate pre-capitalist countries of the world. Under this
head, we deal with the development of capitalism in advanced capitalist countries, the
mutual relations among advanced capitalist countries, and the subjugation of
pre-capitalist countries by a capitalist country (also described here as metropolis or
metropolitan country). More narrowly, the term imperialism is used to denote or
describe the relations of political and economic domination between metropolis and
the country it subjugates or dominates.
The country which isso subjugated by a metropolitan capitalist country is described as
a colony, and what happens in a colony is colonialism. The total system of imperialist
domination of a pre-capitalist country is colonialism. The study of imperialism and
colonialism is closely co-related and, in a way, we shall be discussing both. But here we
shall concentrate more on the study of colonialism while leaving major aspects of
imperialism to be taken up in the study of development of capitalism.

1.2 COLONIALISM: VARIOUS VIEW POINTS

What does colonialism mean'! Is it merely the political control by one country ur.
another, or does it indicate a process of economic subordination of one country to
another? The understanding of colonialism has varied from one scholar to another. In
I thissection we will introduce you to va~ious view points on colonialism as well as other
I

I related aspects: Kamesh Mechrocks

c-.nd i) One view represented by a large number of sociologists, political scientists and
economists is that colonial society was basically a traditional society or, in other words
colonialism retained basicsocio-economic elements and structures of pre-colonial
' society. Post-colonial societies then begin the task of modemisation from a traditional
'socio-economic structure. Many others see colonialism as representing a transitional
society, that is, a society which was being transformed economically, socially and
politically from a traditional, pre-colonial society into a modern capitalist society. They
believe that, given enough time, colonialism would have succeeded in the task if it had
not been overthrown.
ii) Still other writers hold that colonialism produces a dualistic society in which ohe
sector is modern and capitalist while another sector is traditional and pre-capitalist. The
two sectors exist side-by-side without either being strong enough to overwhelm o r
overthrow the other. Some writers have followed a more radical version of the dualistic
model. According to them colonialism begins the task of modernisation but fails to
complete it giving up the effort half-way. This leads to 'arrested growth' of the colonial
economy and society. Thus the semi-feudal features of agriculture are seen as remnants
of the pre-colonial period. Colonialism is accused of preserving these semi-feudal
features or, at least, of failing to uproot them.
iii) Many writers see colonialism as nothing more than political dumination or foreign
political rule. The weaknesses of colonialism are seen as weaknesses of policies.
followed by individual cdonial administrators.

1.2.1 Nature of Colonialism

Colonialism produced a society which was neither capitalist as in Britain nor was it
pre-colonial o r pre-capitalist. Thus, for example, India under British rule neither
resembled capitalist Britain nor was it basically similar to Mughal India. The
development of agrarian relations in the colonies- in India, o r Egypt, o r Indonesia-
makes this aspect quite clear. For example, landlordism in both zamindari and ryotwari
areas of British India was something new; it did not exist in Mughal India. It was the
creation of British rule. It was the result of the colonial rulers' efforts to transform
Indian agriculture. Indian agriculture was not capitalist but it had many capitalist
elements; for example, property relations were capitalist; land was now a private
property which was freely bought and sold on a large scale.
Infact, we can say that the colonial societies under-went a fundamental transformation
under colonialism. They were made an integral part of the world capitalist system. For
example, colonialism in1ndia was as modem a phenomenon as industrial capitalism in
Britain -the t,wo had developed together since the middle of the 18th century.
Capitalism was, by its very nature, a world-system -that is, it must cover the entire
world; but it does not cover the entire world in the same way:
It has one face in the metropolis and another in the colonies. It devilops the
metropolis as a modem industrially developed country, it underdevelops the colony.
The same capitalist process which produces economic development in the metropolis
and makes it an advanced capitalist country produces and maintains
underdevelopment in the colonies and transforms them into colonial societies.
Colonialism uproots old society and economy, but the new colonial society and
economy are as much a barrier to modern economic development as are the old,
precapitalist economy and society.
A colony is integrated into-or made a part of -world capitalist system, but without
taking part in industrial revolution or the development of capitalist production.
Colonialism in fact blocks the development of modem capitalism in the colonies.

1.2.2 Impact on Colony

You would like t o know the essential features of Colonialism. Basic t o colonialism are
two features:
i). One is the complete subordination of the colony to the needs of the metropolis or
the imperialist power and,
ii) Second is economic exploitation of'the colony or the appropriation of the colony's
economic surplus by the metropolis.
Kamesh Mechrocks
The economic surplus in the colony is produced in many different ways. from traditional ImprWirm lad Cdwi.lism :
A Theoretical Ptnpectlvc
agriculture to plantations to modern mining and factory production. But the essence of
colonialism is appropriation of this surplus by various classesof the imperialist country.
Subordination means that the basic issues of the colony's economy and social and
political development are not determined by the colony's own needs but by the needs
and interests of the metropolitan economy and of the metropolitan capitalist class.
Colonialism is thus much more than political control or colonial policies. It is best seen
as a structure. Colonial interests and policies, colonial state and administrative
institutions, colonial culture and society. colonial ideas and ideologies, all fur~ction
within the framework of colonial structure.
Check Your rrogress 1
1) Which of the following statements are right or wrong? (Mark V or x ) .
i) India under British rule resembled capitalist Britain. '

ii) Capitalism, by its nature, is a localised phenomenon.

iii) Colonialism obstructs the economic growth of a colony.
iv) Indian agriculture had some capitalist elements before India became a clonoy.

2) Discuss in about ten lines the main features of Colonialism.

1.3 STAGES OF COLONIALISM

Colonialism is not one continuous phenomenon or unified structure. Colonialism goes
through several stages. The subordination of the colonial country and its exploitation
remain constant but the forms of subordination and exploitation undergo changes over
time from one stage to another. These changes are linked to several factors. For
example:
the historical development of capitalism as a world system,
the changing patterns of the individual metropolitan (or imperialist) country's
economic, social and political development,
the changing position it occupies in the world system,
and the colony's own historical development.
Colonialism may be divided into three distinct stages which were related to distinct
forms of exploitation or surplus appropriation. Consequently, each stage represented
a different pattern of subordination of colonial economy, society and polity and
therefore, different colonial policies, political and administrative institutions,
ideologies and impact as also different responses by the colonial people.
Stages of colonialism for different colonies are not bound by the same time horizons.
Different stages occur in different colonies at different times, that is, different stages
jccupy different periods in different countries. But the content of a stage remains
broadly the same whenever and wherever it may occur. We should also noiz !ha: z, stage
of colonialism does not occur in a pure form, nor is,there a sharp and complete break
between one stage and another. Forms of surplus appropriation or exploitation and
other features of colonialism from earlier stages continue into the later stages. Different
Kamesh Mechrocks
stages are, however, marked by distinct dominant features -there is a qualitative
I ~ . F - . - d
change from one stage to another.
w.~*..uI(. Basic features ofcolonialism and its different stages can be illustrated from the history
of colonialism in modern India. This is especially so because historians agree on treating
India as a classic colony. The basic character of British rule did not remain the same
through its long history of nearly 200 years. The changing pattern of Britain's position
'In the developing world capitalist ecohomy led to changes in the nature of British
, colonialism in India, that is changes in forms of exploitation and consequently in
colonial policies, impact and Indian response. The last two aspects, that is, impact of
colonialism on India and the response of the Indian people will be discussed in other
units. Colonial policies will also be discussed at length later in other units. But we
will now discuss the basic features of colonialism in India during different stages as also
the reasons for transition or change from one stage of colonialism to another.
1.3.1 First Stage
This is described as the Period of Monopoly Trade and Direct Appropriation (or the
Period of East India Company's Domination, 1757-1813). During the last half of the
18th century, India was conquered by a r?onopoly tradingcorporation -the East India
Conipany. The Company had two basic objectives at this stage.
i) TheYirst was to acquire a monopoly of trade with India. This meant that other
English or European merchants or trading companies should not compete with it in
purchase and sale of lndian products. Nor should the Indian merchants do so. This
would enable the East India Company to buy lndian products ascheaply as possible and
sell t h e y in World markets at as high a price as possible. Thus Indian economic surplus
was to b i appropriated through monopoly trade.
The English competitors were kept out by persuading the British Government to grant
the East India Company through a Royal Charter a monopoly of the right to trade with
India and the East. Against the European rivals the Company had to wage long and
fierce wars on land and the sea. To acquire monopoly against Indian traders and to
prevent lndian rulers from interfering with its trade, the Company took advantage of
the disintegration of the Mughal Empire to acquire increasing political domination and
corltrol over different parts of the country. After political conquest, Indian weavers
were also employed directly by the Company. In that case, they were forced to produce
cloth at below market prices.
ii) The second major objective of colonialism at this stage was to directly appropriate
or take over governmental revenues through control over state power. The East India
Company required large financial resources to wage wars in lndia and on the seas
against European rivals and lndian rulers and to malntaln naval forces, forts and armies
*aroundtheir tradingposts, etc. East lndia Corn?any did not possess such resources and
the British Government neither possessed tt-m nor was it willing to use them to
promote theCompany's interests. The much needed financ~alresources had, therefore,
to be raised in India from the Indian people. This provided another incentive to make
tenitorial conquests in India.
Financial resources had to be raised in India for another reason. lndian money was
needed to purchase Indian goods. This could be acquired either by sale of British goods
in Iqdia o r by export of gold and silver to India. The first method was barred because
the British produced hardly any goods which could be sold in lndia in competition with
Indian products. British industrial products could not compete with lndian handicraft
products till the beginning of the 19th century. British Government, heavily influenced
by merchantalist theories, was also unhappy with the export of gold and silver from
Britain. Appropriation of government revenue would also, of course, increase the
profits of the East India Company and dividents of itsshareholders. Both the objectives
-the monopoly of trade and appropriation of government revenues - were rapidly
fulfilled with the conquest first 0.f Bengal and parts of South India and then over the
yearc16f the rest of India. The East India Company now used its political power to
acquire monopolistic control over Indian trade and handicraft products. Indian traders
were gradually replaced and ruined, while the weavers and other craftsmen were
compelled either tosell their productsat uneconomic rates o r to work for the Company
a t low wages. It is important to note that at this stage there was no large scale import of
~ ~ t imanufactures
s h into India; rather the reverse occurred, thatis, there was increase
in expWfl of Indian textiles, etc. The weavers were, for example, not ruined at this stage
by British imports but because of the Company's monopoly and their exploitation by
being forced to produce for the Company under uneconomic conditions.
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With political conquest, the East India Company acquired direct control over the
revenues of the Indian states. Moreover, both Company and its servants extorted
illegally immense wealth from Indian merchants, officials, nobles, rulers and
zamindars. In fact, this element of plunder and direct seizure of surplus was very strong
in the first stage of colonialism. Gradually, large number of highly paid British officials
were appointed in India and their salaries and pensions became a form of surplus
appropriation. There was intense struggle within Britain, especially among the
aristocracy and the landed gentry, for British appointments in India.
An iKnportant feature of colonialism during this period was that no basic changes were
introduced in the colony in administration, judicial system, transport and
comhunication, methods of agricultural or industrial production, forms of business
management or economic organisation (except for the Permanent Settlement in Bengal
which really belonged to the second stage of colonialism). Nor were any changes made
in education or intellectual field,' culture or social organisation. Only two new
educational institutions were started -one at Banaras for Sanskritic learning and other
at Calcutta for Persian and Arabic learning. Even the Christian Missionaries and
British capitalists, who might have acted as a channel for the import of modern Western
ideas, were kept out of British possessions in India. The only changes made were:
i) in military organisation and technology which contemporary independent Indian
rulers were also introducing in their armed forces, and
ii) in administration at the top of the structure of revenue collection so that it could be
made more efficient and diverted to the Company.
At this stage, British rule was not very different from traditional Indian empires which
too relied on land revenue collection.
Why was this so? Why were so few changes introduced? Because the two basic
objectives of colonialism at this stage did not require basic socio-economic-
administrative changes in India. Colonialism of the first stage could be superimposed
over its existing economic, cultural, social and political structure. Also the British
rulers did not feel the need to penetrate the villages deeper than their indigenous Indian
predecessors had done so long as land revenue was successfully sucked out through the
traditional machinery of revenue collection. There was therefore no need to disturb
India's existing economic or political structure, or administrative and social
organisation, or cultural and ideological framework.
This lack of change was also reflected in the ideology of the rulers. No need was felt to
criticise traditional Indian civilisation, religions, laws, caste system, family structure,
etc. for they were not seen as obstacles at that stage of colonial exploitation. The need
was to understand them sympathetically so that political control and economic
exploitation could proceed smoothly without arousing opposition from Indians on
religious, social or cultural grounds.
This period witnessed large scale drain of wealth from India. This wealth played an
important role in financing Britain's industrial revolution. Drain of Wealth from India
constituted 2 to 3 per cent of Britain's national income at the time.

Check Your Progress 2 !

1) Discuss the two major objectives of the East India Company in about ten lines.

Kamesh Mechrocks
2) Which of the following statements are correct or wrong? (Mark V or x).
i) Colonialism is a continuous phenomenon with no change in forms of
exploitation.
ii) The various stages of colonialism developed simultaneously in all colonies at the
same time.
iii) The British Government was not willing to use its resources for the promotion
of the East India Company's interests.
iv) The Company's servants extorted immense wealth from Indian merchants.
3) List the main features of the monopoly trade phase of colonialism in India.

1.3.2 Second Stage

This was a period of exploitation through trade and is also termed as Colonialism of
Free Trade during the 19th century. Immediately after the East India company
became the ruler over most parts of India, an intense struggle broke out in Britain to
determine whose interests would the newly acquired colony serve. Britain was after
1750 undergoing the Industrial Revolution. The newly developing industrial capitalists
began to attack the East India Company and the forms of its exploitation of India. They
demanded that colonial administration and policy in India should now serve their
interests which were very different from those of the East India Company. They did not
gain much from a monopoly trade in Indian products or from the Company's control
over Indian revenues. They wanted India to serve as a market for their ever-increasing
output of manufactured goods, especially textiles. They also needed from India exports
of raw materials, especially cotton, and foodgrains. Moreover, India could buy more
British goods only if it earned foreign exchange by increasing its exports. Increasing
exports were also needed to enable dividents of the East India Company and profits of
British merchants and earnings and pensions of British.officia1s to be transferred to
Britain.
But what was India to export? Since the British were for years not willing to let India's
textiles be imported into Britain and later their export was no longer economic, these
exports from India could consist only of agricultural raw materials and other non-
manufactured goods. In other words, to suit the convenience of British industrial
capitalists, British colonialism in India must enter its second stage. India must become
a subordinate trading partner of Britain, as a market to be exploited and as a dependent
colony to produce and supply the raw materials and food-stuffs Britain needed. India's
economic surplus was to be appropriated through trade based on unequal exchange. As
a result, Britain increasingly produced and exported goods which were produced in
factories using advanced technology and less labour, and in which level of productivity
and wages was high. On the other hand, India produced agricultural raw materials
through backward methods of production using great deal of labour leading to low
productivity and low wages. This international division of labour was, moreover, not
only highly unfavourable to India but was unnatural and artificial and was introduced
and maintained forcibly through coloniel domination.
The beginnings of the change occurred with the passing of the Regulating Act of 1773
and Pitt's India Act of 1784 which were primarily the result of intense struggle within
the British ruling classes. The East India Company was saved and given a reprieve by
the French Revolutionary Wars after 1789. But the Company gradually lost ground. By
1813, when another Charter Act was passed, the Company had lost most of its political
and economic power in India; the real power being wielded by the British Government
which ruled India in the interests of the British capitalist class as a whole.
India could not be exploited in the new way within its existing economic, political,
Kamesh Mechrocks
administrative and socio-cultural setting. This setting, therefore, had to be shattered
 and transformed all along the line. The British Indian Government set out to do so after I m p r h l h dColoalPlbm :
A Theorrtkrl Perspective
1813. In the economic field this meant integrating India's colonial economy with the
British and world capitalist economy. The chief instrument of this was the introduction
of free trade. All import duties in India were either totally removed or drastically
reduced to nominal rates. Thus India was thrown open to British manufactures. Free
entry was also now given to British capitalists to develop tea, coffee and indigo
plantations, trade, transport, mining and modern industries in India. The British
Indian Government gave active state help to these capitalists.
The agrarian structure of India was sought to be transformed in a capitalist direction
through the Permanent Settlement and the Ryotwari systems. The large-scale imports
and their sale in land and even more the large-scale export of the bulky raw materials
and their gathering at the ports from long distances inside the country required a cheap
and easy system of transport and communications. Without such a system India could
not be opened to large-scale foreign trade. The Government, therefore, improved
rivers and canals, encouraged the introduction of steamships on the rivers and improved
the roads. Above all, during latter half of the 19th century, it encouraged and financed
a large network of railways linking India's major cities and markets to its ports. By 1905
nearly 45,000 kms. of railways had been built. Similarly, a modern postal and telegraph
system was introduced to facilitate economic transactions.
Many changes were now brought about in the administrative fieid. Administration was
made more elaborate and comprehensive and it reached down to the villages and-
out-lying areas of the country so that British goods could reach, and agricultural
products drawn from, its interior villages and remotest parts. Legal and judicial
structure of India was overhauled to promote capitalist commercial relations and
maintain law and order. The changes, however, related to criminal law, law of contract
and legal procedures. Personal law, including that relating to marriage and inheritance,
was largely left untouched since it did not in any way affect colonial transformation of
the economy. Further more it was in the 1830sand 1840s, that English replaced Persian
as the official language in India. Lord William Bentinck's resolution dated March 7,
1835 stated that 'the funds appropriated to education would be best employed in
English education alone'.
Modern education was now introduced basically with the objective to man the new,
vastly expanded administration. But it was also expected to help transform India's
society and culture. This transformation was needed for two reasons; it was expected to,
i) create an overall climate of change and development and,
ii) generate a culture of loyalty to the rulers.
It is to be noted that it was around this period that many Indian intellectuals like Raja
Ram Mohan Roy began to work for social and cultural modernisation for different
reasons, mainly as part of national regeneration.
The second stage of colonialism generated a liberal imperialist ideology among many
British statesmen and administrators. They talked of training the Indian people in the
arts of democracy and self Government. Britain was at this time, the workshop of the
world -it was the only rapidly industrialising country. Consequently, many in Britain
believed that the pattern of trade with India could be maintained even if Britain was to
withdraw its direct political and administrative control over India, so long as law and
I order, free trade and sanctityof businesscontract were maintained there. But even the
liberal imperialists believed that it would take Indians a hundred years or more to
acquire these virtues, and therefore, British rule should be maintained and
strengthened for centuries to come.
If India's socio-economic structure was to be radically transformed, its existing culture
and social organisation had to be declared unsuitable and decadent. Indian culture and
society were now subjected to sharp criticism. No racialism was, however involved in
this criticism for it was simultaneously maintained that Indians could gradually be
raised to the level of Europeans.
The earlier formsof surplus extraction continued during this phase. This, plus the costly
administration, plus the efforts at economic transformation led to a steep rise in
taxation and in the burden on thc peasant. Because of the constant needs of colonial
administration for funds to maintain military and civil administration and for
~.onstructionof railways. and its large reliance on taxation of land, which had its own
limits, colonial administration suffered from constant financial constraint.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Imprhlbm,-.nd Consequently, the process of modernisation in other fields was reduced to paltry
Ndennm pr~portions.

India played a crucial role in the development of British capitalism during this stage.
British industries, especially textiles, were heavily dependent on exports. India
absorbed 10 to 12 per cent of British exports and nearly 20 per cent of Britain's textile
exports during 1860 to 1880. After 1850, India was also a major importer of engine
coaches, rail lines and other railway stores. Moreover, Indian army played an important
role in extending British colonialism in Asia and Africa. Throughout this stage In'dian
wealth and capital continued to be drained to Britain.

1.3.3 Third Stage

This is described as the Era of Foreign Investments and International Competition for
Colonies. A new stage of colonialism was ushered in India from about 1860s. This was
the result of several major changes in the world economy:
i) Spread of industrialisation to seveal countries of Europe, the United States and
Japan with the result that Britain's industrial supermacy in the world came to an
end.
ii) There was intensification of industrialisation aaa result of the application of
scientific knowledge to industry. Modern chemical industries, the use of petroleum
as fuel for the internal combustion engine and the use of electricity for industrial
purposes developed during this period.
iii) There was further unification of the world market because of revolution in the
means of international transport.
The new industries in many industrialised countries consumed immense quantities of
raw materials. Rapid industrial development also led to continuous eypansion of urban
population which needed more and more food. There now occurred an intense struggle
for new, secure and exclusive markets and sources of agricultural and mineral raw
materials and foodstuffs.
Moreover, the development of trade and industry at home and extended exploitation
of colonies and semi-colonies produced large accumulations of capital in the capitalist
countries. Simultaneously there occurred concentration of capital in fewer and fewer
corporations, trusts and cartels and merger of banking capital with industrial capital.
Outlets had to be found for this capital. This led to large scale export of capital. Once
again the developed capitalist countries began a search and compete for areas where
they could acquire the exclusive right to invest their surplus capital.
Thus in their search for markets, raw materials and fields for capital investment the
capitalistic countries began to divide and re-divide the world among themselves.
Colonialism at this stage also served important political and idealogical purpose in the
metropolitan, that is, imperialist countries. Chauvinism or aggressive nationalism
based on the glorification of empire could be used to tone down social divisions at home
by stressing the common interests in empire. The British, for example, raised the slogan
that "The Sun never sets on the British Empire" to spread pride and a sense of
contentment among workers on whose slum-houses the Sun seldom shone in real life.
The French talked of their "Civilising Mission", while Japan talked of Pan-Asianism
and claimed to be the champion of the Asian people.
During this stage, Britain's position in the world was constantly challenged and
weakened by the rival capitalistic countries. It now made vigorous efforts to consolidate
its control over India. Reactionary imperialist policies now replaced liberal imperialist
policies. This was reflected in the viceroyalties of Lytton, Dufferin, Lansdowne and
Curzon. The strengthening of colonial rule over India was essential to keep out the
rivals, to attract British capital to India and to provide it security. After 1850, a very
large amourt of British capital was invested in railways, loans to the Government of
India, trade and to a lesser extent in plantations, coal mining, jute mills, shipping and
banking in India.
India also performed another important role for Britain. Its army -men and financial
resources -could be used to fight Britain's rivals in the struggle for the division and
re-division of the world. In fact, the Indian army was the chief instrument for the
defence, expansion and consolidation of British empire in Africa and Asia. The result
Kamesh Mechrocks
was a costly standing army that absorbed nearly 52 per cent of the Indian revenues in Imperinlim and Cdoniibm :
A Theoretical Perspective
1904.
Politically and administratively the third stage of colonialism meant renewed and more
intensive control over India. Moreover, it was now even more important than ever
before that colonial administration should reach out to every nook and corner of India.
The administration now became more bureaucratically tight,efficient and extensive
than earlier. Railways were built at even a faster rate.
A major change now occurred in the ideology of colonialism. All talk of training the
Indian people for self-government died out. (It was revived in the 20th century after
1918 as a result of pressure from the Indian national movement). Instead, the aim of
British rule was declared to be permanent 'trusteeship' over the Indian people. Indian
people were declared to be a permanently immature, a 'child' people, needing British
control and trusteeship. Geography, 'race', climate, history, religion, culture and social
organisation were cited as factors which made Indians permanantly unfit for self-
government o r democracy. Britain had, therefore, to exercise benevolent despotism
over them for centuries to come.
Efforts at the transformation of India continued during this stage, though once again
with meagre results. This was partly because of the financial constraints discussed
earlier and also because of the rise of the national movement. Even the limited changes
produced an intelligentsia which began to oppose colonialism and analyse the
mechanism of colonial exploitation. The British administrators increasingly assumed a
neutral stand on social and cultural questions, and then began to support social and
cultural reactionaries in the name of preserving indigenous institutions.

Check Your Progress 3

1) Discuss in about 100 words the basic forms of surplus extraction or exploitation
during the second and third stages of colonialism in India.

..........................................................................................................
2) Which of the following statements are correct or wrong? (Mark V or x).
i) During the Free Trade phase of colonialism in 1ndia import duties were
increased.
ii) The Railways contributed in the extension of markets.
iii) With new challenges to British industrial supremacy its colonial policy
underwent a change.
iv) The British claimed that "the Sun never sets on the British Empire"
3) Discuss in about ten lines the efforts made by the British to consolidate their position
in India in the latter half of the 19th century.

Kamesh Mechrocks
1.4 LET US SUM UP
Under colonialism, Indian economy and society were completely subordinated to
British economy. The result was that during the very years after 176b when Britain was
developing into a leading capitalist country of the world India was becoming
underdeveloped and turned into a classic backward colony.

1.5 KEY WORDS

Capitalism: An economic and political system in which property business and industry
are privately owned and where competition is the mainstay of the economy.
Intelligentsia: That section of society whose social role is to generate and spread ideas.
They can be teachers, lawyers, men of politics, arts and letters.
Landed gentry: People of high birth and high social status who were owners of
considerable portions of land e.g. zamindars, tallukdars.
Metropolis: A technical term referring to a capitalist country possessing colonies.
Mercantalist theory: A political and economic philosophy according to which the main
aim of the nation state was to maximise exports, minimise imports and accumulate as
much bullion (gold and silver) as possible.

1.6 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) -(i) x (ii) x (iii) d (iv)
2) See Sub-section 1.2.2
Check Your Progress 2
1) See Sub-section 1.3.1
2) (i) x (ii) x (iii) q (iv) q
3) See Sub-section 1.3.1
Check Your Progress 3
1) Sec Sub-sections 1.3.2 and 1.3.3
2) (i) x (ii) V (iii) V (iv) V
3) See Sub-section 1.3.3

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 2 IMPERIALISM: ITS EFFECTS
Structure
2.0 Objectives
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Theories of Colonialism
2.2.1. European Views
2.2.2 Indian Nationalists' Views
2.3 Effects of Colonialism
2.3.1 De-industrialisation
2.3.2 Famines in Colonial India
2.3.3 Commercialisation of Agriculture
2.3.4 Impact of Commercialisation on Rural Society
2.4 Modern Industry and Indian Capitalist Class
2.5 The Colonial State
2.6 Let Us Sum Up
2.7 Key Words
2.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

2.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit we intend t o study the impact of Colonialism on Indian society in details
and spell out the economic, social and political effects of the British colonial rule in
India. This unit shows that the colonial state was a serviceable instrument not so much
for the modernisation of Indian economy and society as for maintaining the logic of
colonial state. After reading this unit, you will be able to learn :
the various theories of colonialism, both European as well as those formulated by
Indian nationalists,
the impact of colonialism on Indian economy in terms of de-industrialisation and
commercialisation of agriculture,
how modem industry emerged in India and the role of capitalist class, and
some of the political aspects of the colonial process.

2.1 INTRODUCTION
In order to understand the nature of colonialism and its economic, social and political
impact on India, it is necessary to comprehend colonialism in a world perspective. If we
look at India alone we shall fail to understand the structural logic of imperialism and a
good deal of what happened might appear to be due to the "bad policies" or from
another point of view "good policies" of certain individual figures among the ~rit"lsh
rulers and policy framers in India. A great deal of historical criticism in the past has
been done in these terms; how a misguided Governor General or a bad administrator
or a negligent public opinion in England allowed or brought about bad things to happen
to Indian People. The apologists for the empire have invariably repeated the same
discourse on goodlbad policies. Even the nationalist leaders of the early days were not
entirely free from this type of superficial thinking about the empire. They were able to
build a convincing case against the exploitative and oppressive aspects of British rule;
but lacked the broader perspective which enabled the later-day critics including those
influenced by Marxism to locate colonialism within the context of capitalist imperialism
or the capitalist world system, and thus enhanced our understanding of the historical
developments within its coii~punentpart, the Indian Elnpiie. The iatrcl dpproech rc the
phenomenon of colonial expansion can be traced back to some early twentieth century
critics of imperialism; Hobson, Hilferding, Rosa Luxemburg and Lenin. In India this
approach was developed by, among others, M.N. Roy, Jawaharlal Nehru and R.P.
Dutt etc. Kamesh Mechrocks
Impri.Lbm,--d
N.tbo.ILm 2.2 THEORIES OF COLONIALISM
Let us examine the various theories propounded by Europeans as well as Indian
nationalists in relation to colonialism.

2.2.1 European Views

Hobson, far from being a Marxist, was a conventional British ~ a b o uPartyr intellectual
who propounded a theory of colonial empire building (his major work Imperialism was
published in 1902). He thought that capitalism was bound to engender such
expansionism or imperialism. Capitalist system, he pointed out, means a very uneven
distribution of income. Large profits accumulate in the hands of the capitalist and the
wages of the worker are low. Thus the low level of income of the large mass of workers
under capitalism keeps the level of consumption low. What is the result? On account of
"under-consumption" all the industrial products that are produced cannot be sold
within the country, for there are no buyers. What can the capitalist do under these
circumstances? He can try to sell the excess produce, that cannot be marketed within
the country,to foreign markets. If all capitalist countries follow this policy there will be
a struggle to capture markets and to secure captive markets in the form of colonies.
Thus colonial expansion and conflict between capitalists of different countries,
according to Hobson, were inevitable outcomes of the capitalist system. Further, due
to the above constraint of "under-consumption", the opportunities for investdent for
the capitalist become limited in the long run. At the same time profit keeps on
accumulating and there are savings waiting to be invested. This is what Hobson called
"over-saving" which again tended to push the capitalists' towards colonial expansion:
acquisition of colonies would make investment of surplus capital possible. To sum it up
Hobson's theories of under-consumption and over-saving suggested that colonial
expansion or imperialism was a logical corollary of the capitalist system.
Eight years after the publication of Hobson's work, Rudolf Hilferding published (1910)
another important analysis, focusing attention on Finance Capitalism. A social
Democrat, a brilliant economist, and for a while the Finance Minister of Germany,
Hilferding had to seek refuge in Paris after the rise of Hitler and Nazism in Germany;
when Paris was occupied by the German invading army Hilferding was captured and
killed by them. This heroic leader of the Central European socialist movement is
known for his penetrating analysis of the ultimate phase of capitalism. During this
phase, capitalism as Hilferding pointed out, is dominated by huge banks and financial
interests who act in close association with monopolist industrial business houses. This
analysis of finance capitalism was further extended by V.I. Lenin in his tract on
Imperialism, The Last Stage of Capitalism (1916). In 1913 Rosa Luxemburg also published
her work on accumulation of capital and the stages of imperialist expansionism. She was
a socialist leader who migrated from Poland to Germany. Intellectually and politically
she left a mark on the European socialist movement and continued to play an important
part until she fell a victim to the Nazi onslaught. As for Lenin, all that perhaps needs to
be said here is that this tract on Imperialism was written to expose the capitalist
tnachinations leading to World War. His ultimate aim was t o dissuade the Russian
people from engaging in a war that was caused by conflict of interests between the
financial monopolists of Western Europe. It was a very successful piece of polemical
writing which deeply influenced Marxist Historiography.

2.2.2 Indian Nationalist.' Views

Independent of this critique of Imperialism developed by Hobson, Hilferding and
Lenin, the nationalists $nIndia in their scholarly and polemical writings offered a sharp
and telling criticism of the colonial economic impact on India. Through the works of
Dadabhai Naoroji, Mahadev Gobind Ranade, Romesh Chandra Dutt and many others
who developed a school of Economic Nationalist analysis which highlighted some
important features of India's experience under British Rule. The main components of
this analysis were as follows:
i) The concept of Drain of Wealth evolved in the writings of Naoroji and Dutt. To
them it meant the transfer of wealth from the late 18th century in the form of
plunder and loot and illicit gains by servants of the East India Company and in the
form of Home charges, i.e. the expenses incurred by the Government of India in
Kamesh Mechrocks
England out of its income derived mainly from the taxation of the Indian people
 and finally, in the form of interests and profits and capital transfer from India to
England on private account. *
Nationalist critics pointed out how drain in these different forms impoverished this
country and increased the economic gap between India and England which was the
destination of the drain of wealth.
ii) They also pointed out how British regime brought about the destruction of the
small-scale industries of India, a process that in more recent times has been called
de-industrialisation.
iii) The idea of Free Trade and laissez faire, nationalists contended, led to a tariff and
industrial policy which stifled the possibilities of growth of industries in British
India. Consequently, India became "the agricultural farm" of industrial England,
i.e. a source of raw materials and food-grains, dependent totally on industrial
supplies from England.
iv) The rate of taxation of agriculture was also criticised by R.C. Dutt who felt that the
burden of land revenue was excessive in areas which were subjected to periodical
temporary settlements. This, in his opinion, was the cause of frequent recurrence
of famines in British India. Wealth of the countryside was drained away through the
revenue collection machinery, making the economic viability of farming so
precarious that the farmer could not withstand failure of rain and other natural
disasters.
v) Finally, an important part of the nationalist analysis of British economic policy in
India was their criticism of government expenditure on the army, the police and
other apparatus of government. The expenditure was so excessive that
developmental investments were neglected. For example, the low expenditure on
irrigation works contrasted sharply with the generous expenditure on the British
Indian army, the railways, etc.
We shall discuss the above issue later in detail. For the present, it may, however, be
noted that most of the criticisms voiced by these two schools, the European Socialists
as well as the Indian Nationalists, relate to the phases of colonialism that correspond to
the stage of Industrial Capitalism and Finance Capitalism in Europe (see the 'stages of
colonialism' in Unit 1). Further, one may note that the Indian Nationalists' critique is
naturally directed towards features characterising 'Formal imperialism', i.e.
imperialism as witnessed in India under formal political subjugation of the colony under
British Imperial power. The European Socialists like Hobson, Hilferding, etc.
addressed themselves on the other hand, to a study of imperialis~llin a more general
way, also taking into account 'informal imperialism' where political subjugation of the
colony might not have occurred but economic colonialism characterised metropolitan
colonial relations (e.g. in the case of China or the Latin American countries). Finally,
we may also note that unlike the Indian Nationalists' approach developed by Naoroji,
Ranade, R.C. Dutt etc., the Hobsonian or Leninist approach linked colonialism t o the
world system of capitalism. Colonial exploitation, to Hobson and others, was a natural
systemic product of capitalism as it evolved in Europe, not merely an abberation caused
by 'wrong policies' in Europe. O n the whole the critique of imperialism offered by the
Indian Nationalists was one of the most powerful instruments of building national
consciousness among a subject people. The latter day nationalist spokesmen, like
Jawaharlal Nehru developed and strengthened this critique by incorporating into it
some elements derived from the Marxian, Hobsonian and ~ e n i n i sapproach
t to
imperialism.

Check Your Progress 1

1) Read the following statements and mark (V) or wrong (x).
i) According to Hobson "under consumption" and "over consumption" led to
colonial expansion.
ii) Hilferding and Rosa Luxemburg pointed out the positive aspects of colonialism.
iii) European theorists linked imperialism with the structure of capitalism.
iv) The early nationalists in their views were followers of the European scholars.
2) Write in about ten lines the contribution of early nationalist leaders towards an
understanding of colonialism.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Imperialism, Colonialism and
Nationalism

..........................................................................................................
3) What do you understand by the terms 'formal imperialism' and 'informal
imperialism? Write in hundred wmds, with examples.
..........................................................................................................
............................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................

2.3 EFFECTS OF COLONIALISM

-
You have read about the various stages of colonialism in Unit 1. But how did these
stages affect the Indian economy? The artisan, peasant, worker and merchant -
practicallq all sections of the Indian society were affected by colonial policies. In this
section we shall deal with the economic impact of colonialism.

The destruction of traditional Indian industries was one of the earliest consequences of
colonialism to be noticed and documented in this country. While it was evidently
connected with the growth of modem factory industry in England, the beginning of the
process of destruction of Indian cottage industries lay further back, in the 18th century,
when the products of Indian industries were still prized as valuable items of commerce.
In that early stage of mercantile capitalism the source of profit of the East Indian
Company was the difference between the cost prices in India and the sale prices in
England of the Indian Industrial products like cotton and silk textiles. This price
difference, i.e. the profit rates of the English East India Company, could be increased
if the Indian cost price at which East Indian Company purchased goods from the Indian
artisans, could be lowered. So long as there was a competitive market in India, that is,
so long as the English East Indian Company was competing in the Indian market, with
other East India Companies of the French or the dutch and with other merchants of
Indian and Asian origin, the Indian artisans were in a good bargaining position. But in
the last decades of the eighteenth century the British gradually eliminated most of their
competitors, in particular the French and the Dutch. Moreover, by virtue of their
military power and, in some regions (e.g. Bengal from 1765), their political and
administrative position, the British established a hegemony which allowed them to
become monopolists in the market.
The English Company's purchase together with the purchases of the servants of that
company in their private capacity accounted for a very large portion of the marketed
textiles of superior quality in Bengal. As we all know, a monopolist can influence the
market to his own advantage. In the last three decades of the eighteenth century this
was the advantage which enabled the English traders to reduce the prices paid to the
native artisans in this country and thus to reap high profits from sale in the European
Kamesh Mechrocks
market. This excessive exploitation of Indian artisans weakened the very basis of our
i handicraft industries by reducing the artisan to a low level of income. It also destroyed
I
the possibility of accumulation of resources to invest in the industry and to improve its
technology. As we know, accumulation of capital and a technological revolution
occurred in England in the last decades of the eighteenth and early decades of the
nineteenth century. This Industrial Revolution first of all wiped out the market for
India's artisans in Europe, because the economies of large scale pfoduction in the new
English factories made it impossible for artisanal products to compete with factory
products. By the beginning of the 19th century the staple industrial exports, cotton
textiles, began to decline and soon they ceased to be exported. Some other items, e.g.
indigo and raw silk, continued to be exported -though from 1813it was no longer the
East India Company but private trade which became the agency for exports. Not only
was the export market of the Indian artisans taken away by the foreign factories, but
the home market began to be invaded by imported factory products.

This is the process which has been called de-industrialisationsince it is the reverse 8f the
process of industrialisation.

Here we may pay attention to the debate that has taken place on the question of de-
industrialisation in India in course of the 19th century. Romesh C. Dutt and Madan
Mohan Malviya (in his note of dissent to the Indian Industrial Commission) used the
statistics of import to prove their point. They showed, for example, thai import of
Manchester cloth increased in value from 96 lakh sterling in 1860 to 27 crore sterling in
1900. Some recent authors, particularly Morris David Moms, argue that this evidence
is not decisive; they argue that under Pax Britanica the population increased; the per
capita income increased, the sale of cloth increased due to change in consumption
habits, and thus it was possible for Indians to buy more foreign cloth, leaving the market
for indigenous artisans unaffected. In short, Morris's argument is that the market
expanded so that it was possible to accommodate both Manchester and Indian Weaver's
produce. Manchester cloth, Morris maintained, did not displace indigenous weaver's
cloth. This view of Morris is unacceptable because he does not produce any evidence to
prove increase in population and per capita income during the 19th century. There is
plenty of evidence put forward by recent economic historians like Sarda Raju for
Madras, N.K. Sinha for Bengal, A.V. Raman Rao for Andhra, R.D. Choksey for
Maharashtra and A.K. Bagchi for Bihar, etc. which lends support to the de-
industrialisation thesis. The early nationalist economists did not have access to the
sources and methdds used by these recent economic historians but their conclusion
regarding de-industrialisation is confinned by the findings of later researches. In the
middle Gangetic region, according to Bagchi's estimate, the industrial decline can be
measured with some accuracy: the weight of industry in the livelihood pattern of the
people was reduced by half from 1809-13 to the census year 1901.
That the process of de-industrialisation continued upto the last decade of the 19th
century is established beyond question. Did the growth of new industrial activities in
the last decade of the 19th century restore the balance? DenielThorner has put forward
the controversial thesis that the census statistics available from 1881donot suggest that
de-industrialisation was in progress from 1881to 1931. At first sight, the census figures
indicate that the male work-force in agriculture increased from 65% in 1881 ro 72% in
1931, while the proportion in industry declined from 16% in 1881 to 9% in 1931. But

I
Thorner believes that this categorisation was erroneous and one should lump together
agricultural work force with another category, general Labour's and likewise aggregate
industrial work-force with 'Trade'. If thatis done, the picture looks different. The
increase in the compounded categories appears to be far less in the primary sector (only
rI about 2% growth between 1881 and 1931). Similarly the decline in industry and trade
put together is also much less (only about 3% decline in 1881-1931). Further, Thorner
L dismisses the data on female labour force on the ground that the data collected were
t inaccurate in the opinion of census officials. In this way Thorner arrives at the
I conclusion that the 1881-1931 census does not show any evidence of substantial
de-industrialisation.
In criticism of Thorner, one obvious point is that the process of de-industrialisation had
already done the damage well before the census operations began. The first reliable all
India census was that of 1881. This much Thorner is himself willing to concede.
Secondly, he is perhaps wrong in dismissing the figuresregarding employment of
women. These figures for 1881-1931show a'n increase in employment in Agricultureby
Kamesh Mechrocks
13% and a decline in Industrial em~lovmentbv 9%. In the Indian social context the
cdwislienand employment of women is quite significant, and it is likely that in case of decline in
artisan's business the women of the household gave up industrial work (to take up
household chores or agricultural labour) earlier than menfolk in the artisan families.
Above all, there is the question: how reliable is the sectoral distribution of work-force
as an index of industrialisation or its reverse? The crucial index is the per capita
productivity and the value of what is produced as a proportion of national produce, i.e.
ratio to national income. J. Krishnamurthy has, on this ground cast doubts upon the use
of demographic data, as in Thorner's argument, to answer the question, was there
de-industrialisation?
Lastly, we may note that there was also an important trend of imperialist apologists
which frankly admitted the de-industrialisation of India as a fact but argued that it was
good for both India and Britain that the colony specialised in the production of
agricultural goods. As late as 1911 Lord John Meynard Keynes wrote that
industrialising India was neither possible nor desirable. India could, infact, attain
greater prosperity by exchanging agricultural products for all the industrial goods that
may be needed through imports from the West. This view goes back to the classical
theory of comparative advantage and international division of labour, assigning to
colonies like India the r d e of the agricultural farm of the industrialised imperial
country. One of the real achievements of the nationalist economists was to defeat this
view and to establish in the political agenda of the freedom struggle the economic
programme of India's industrialisation.

2.3.2 Famines in Colonial India

If colonialism meant destruction of old industries did it mean the growth of agricultural
production? The answer is probably negative on the whole. It is decidedly negative
when we consider per capita and per acre productivity in food-grains from 1898 to 1947.
As for the earlier fifty years, the repeated occurrence of current famines tell its own
story.
From the middle of the 19th century a number of famines devastated India. In the
following figures we mention the famines which the government acknowledge during
this period.
Famines in Colonial India

1853-55 6 Bombay Presidency

Madras Presidency
Rajputama 1876-78
Bombay Presidency
Mysore
Hyderabad
Madras Presidency
Kutch
1860-61
1888-89 iris'
ihar

1862 Deccan

Bihar
1896-97 4 Rajputana
Bombay Presidency

Orissa 1905-06 -Bombay Presidency

1866-67 Northern Madras
Hyderabad 1906-07 -Bihar
Mysore
1907-08 <C.P.
C.P. (Present-day
Madhya Pradesh)
Rajasthan
1 8 6 ~ 0 Bombay Presidency
Parts of Bengal
Bihar
These figures include native states and in some instances (e.g. Uttar Pradesh, Madhya
Pradesh), the present day states are mentioned on account of various changes in
nomenclature in those iegions. According to official estimates in these famines the total
Kamesh Mechrocks
loss of life was at least 1 crore and 52 lakhs, and the total number of famine-affected
people was 39.7 crores.
These vast numbers indicate periods of subsistence crisis. The immediate cause for this
undoubtedly was droughts and crop failure but the roots of the crises lay in what was
the "normal" rate of agrarian production. Stagnation in agricultural technology, failure
of investment to raise yield per acre, the drain of the agriculturists resources into the
hands of the revenue intermediaries and money lenders and dealers in agricultural
commodities were undoubtedly important contributing factors. The sparseness of
government investments in irrigation and other developmental investments, and the
rapid rise in population from 1920's were also responsible for creating the colonial
agricultural 'normalcy'. A significant index of the normal situation in respect of food
supply is the per capital availability of food-grains in India. We have three estimates in
this regard for the period 1901 to 1943. In these years, according to George Blyn's
estimate for British India, per capita food-grain availability declines from 0.23 ton to
0.16 ton. According to Shivasubramanian's estimate for the whole undivided India the
decline was from 0.2 ton t o 0.14 ton. According to Alan Heston the decline was from
0.17 ton (1901) to 0.16 ton (1946). Thus all the estimates indicate that the supply of food
grains declined in the last half-century of British rule though they differ on the extent
to which it occurred.

2.3.3 Commercialisation of Agriculture

As we have already seen, the food-grain production did not improve, but this was not
true of some so-called 'cash crops'. Both the total and per acre output of non-food grain
crops increased, and this was largely due to increased demand and rising prices of these
both in the external and the internal market. The most dramaticincrease of this sort was
the Cotton Boom of the early 1860's which merits our special attention.
The emancipation of the black slaves by Abraham Lincoln and the consequent Civil
War in U.S.A. led to a massive short-fall in the world supply of cotton in 1860-64. This
led to the increase in cotton prices, export of cotton from India, and the growth on
cotton cultivating acreage in India. This Cotton Boom brought the Indian peasants in
Cotton growing areas within the ambit of the world capitalist system. The important
export housesof Bombay, the wholesale traders in the bigcities, the brokers and other
middlemen in cotton export trade, down to the level of the village bania who advanced
credit to the peasant for cotton cultivation, all profited enormously from the Cotton
Boom. This profit, as well as the profit from the commercial crops developed even
earlier, viz. opium and indigo. contributed to the accumulation of capital in the hands
of some Indian businessmen. More important was the fact that the Cotton Boom
marked the recruitment of India as a supplier of agricultural commodities and raw
material needed by the industrialised West. Thus it complemented the process of
de-industrialisation. The role of the colony specialising in agriculture and of the
industrialised metropolitan country in the West were demarcated clearly in the
contemporary theory of international division of labour. This was characteristic not
only of India and England, but also of other colonies and metropolises in the stage of
industrial capitalist imperialism.
The statistics of agricultural production indicate a substantial increase in non-food
grains output while foodgrain production shows an opposite trend. The per annum
increase in population in 1891-1947 was 0.67% while total food-grain production
increased byonlyO.l I t % in this period. The per acre production ot food-grains decreased
by 0.18% per annum. O n the other hand the increased demand in the market and the
rising prices of highly commercialised non-food grain crops increased by 0.86% per
annum and their total output by 1.31% per annum. The non-food grain crops were
primarily cotton and jute but also included tobacco, sugarcane, oilseeds etc.

2.3.4. Impact of Commercialisation on Rural Society

Commercialisation of agriculture paved the way for the generation of usury and
merchant capital in rural society and widened the levels of differentiation among the
peasantry. The common cultivator's dependence on the village bania for advance of
credit. for the marketing of his crop, for loans during lean seasons for subsistence
increased as commercialisation progressed. In thc payment of land revenue also the
money lender-cum-trader played an important role in supplying cash. Finally, the
Kamesh Mechrocks
 village bania was also an agent for the penetration of the rural market by the imported
industrial consumer goods, particularly Manchester cloth.
While some of the poorer peasants were raising crops for the market virtually
hypothecated in advance to the money lender, the better-off section of the peasantry
was relatively free. The latter could store their goods, and wait for better prices than
what prevailed during the glut in the market after harvest. Thejr could also cart their
crops to markets in towns to obtain a better price than what the village bania or itinerant
dallal offered. Furthermore, they could make their own decision as to which crop to
grow while the poorest farmer was virtually forced to raise crops as demanded by the
village bania. In some regions, the rich peasants themselves became money lenders to
poorer peasants and thus the process of differentiation was accentuated.
In course of this differentiation process and the operation of money-trading capital, an
increasing number of peasants began losing their land and becoming 'de-peasanted'
landless labourers. It must, however, be noted that landless labourers had existed in the
pre-colonial-period too (particularly in the south of India in substantial numbers on
account of servitude of some castes). It is the economic process of depeasanting and the
significantly larger number of landless agriculturists which emerge as the characteristic
features of the colonial period.
According to estimates based on the 1931 census we get the following picture of social
strata in village India. At the bottom of the pyramid were the landless agricultural
labourers (including bonded labourers) accounting for 37.8% of agriculturists. The,
stratum above them were the farmers with very small holdings of below 5 acres (9%)
and various types of tenants-at-will and share croppers (24.3%). The layer above
consisted of the better-off section of farmers with land above 5 acres in size (about
25.3%). Finally at the narrow top of the pyramid were members of the rent receiving
class, many of whom did not actually cultivate land themselves (3.6%). The condition
of the bonded labourers was the worst: they worked all their life, and sometimes for
generations, for the 'master'. Efforts to improve the conditionof this class of people
and the tenants will be discussed later (Unit 29, Block 15).
1
Check Your Progress 2
1) O n what grounds do Moms David Morris and Danial Thorner attempt to disprove
the hypothesis of de-industrialisation? D o you agree with their views? Write in the
space given below:

2) Read the following statements and mark right (d) or wrong (x).
i) J. Krishnamurthy feels that the demographic data can answer the question of
de-industrialisation.
ii) R.C. Dutt a r s e d that there was no de-industrialisation in India.
iii) The frequent famines in the 19th Century cannot be explained by the under-
production of the food crops.
L
iv) Commercialisation of Agriculture meant a sudden increase in the cultivation of
cash crops.
Kamesh Mechrocks
3) Write five lines each o n the following terms: Irnprlnlism : Its Effects

A ) Cotton Boom

B) International Division of Labour

2.4 MODERN INDUSTRY AND INDIAN CAPITALIST

CLASS
T h e pattern of industrial capitalist imperialism included an agenda of action by the
colonial state for promoting the development of an economic infrastructure foi the
exploitation of the natural resources and raw materials of the colony. We shall turn to
that aspect very soon. Suffice it t o say that these infrastructural developments.
particularly the railways and transport system, created conditions of development not
only for foreign capital in some sectors (e.g. jute factories, coal mines, tea and coffee
plantations) but also for indigenous capital. T h e latter kxtended industrial investment
first in cotton textiles, in the teeth of the opposition of Manchester interests and the
inimical tariff policy of theBritish Indian Government. From 1854 when the first Indian
mill wasset u p in Bombay till the World War I the progressof Indian industrial capital
was painfully slow and halting. It was the W a r and the inter-war period which saw the
rapid development and industrial diversification of Indian Capital. This development
was in part the story of struggle against foreign capitalist domination (most pronounced
in eastern India). It also involved a struggle against British business interests which
exercised powerful influence on policy-making in England and also against the
unsympathetic British Indian Government. This would explain the emergence of alliance
between the Indian capitalist class and the nationalist leadership who fully supported
national capital.
Within a colonial context the growth of national capital was obviouslv subject to severe
limitations. T h e potentials of colonial industrial development were exceedingly limited.
From Shivasubramanian's estimates of national income it is clear how small was the
extent of industrial growth even in the last fifty years of British rule. O n the average the
ratio of industrial sector's share t o the Net Domestic Product was 12.7%0in 1900-1904,
13.6% in 1915-19, and 16.7% in 1940-44. That India virtually remained where it was.
predominantly agricultural, is clear from the ratio of income generated in the primary
sector t o the total N D P : 63.6% in 1900-04, 59.6% in 1915- 19, 47.6'Y0 in 1940-44. The
Tertiary Sector alone showed a striking increase in its share: 23.7% in 1900-1904
compared t o 35.7% in 1940-44.
In common with many other colonial and industrially backward countries, India was
characterised by stagnation in the level of national income. In the early years of Br~tish
rule we have no index of national income. In the 1860's. according t o D a d a b h a ~
Naoroji's calculation, the per capita income of India was Rs. 20 per annum. W e have
already seen how Naoroji and others nationalists identified the Drain of Wealth from
India as one of the causes of this poverty in India. About this time, 1870 t o be exact, the
per capita income in England (Mitchell and Deane's estimate) was f 24.4 ster!irig. This
was equivalent t o Rs. 568.
T h e more recent estimates of Shivasubramanian suggest that in the last half century of
British rule per capita income in India remained almost stagnant. In 1900-04 it was
Kamesh Mechrocks
Rs. 52.2, in 1915-19 it who Rs. 57.3 and in 1940-44 it was Rs. 56.6 (at constant price of
1938-39).This gives us an idea of the degree of underdevelopment and stagnation from
which colonial India suffered.

2.5 THE COLONIAL STATE

The political impact of colonialism and resistance to colonialism in course of the
freedom struggle is a subject to be dealt with later in this course (Block 2 , 4 and 5). We
are concerned here only with some of the political aspects of the colonial process. The
colonial state was obviously not devised for fashioning the economy of India in the
manner demanded by British imperial interests; but it was the most important
instrument in serving that purpose. The professed political ideology of late 19th and
early 20th century British rulers has been described as 'laissez faire' plus policeman.
But departures from non-interventionism were frequent, and fundamental. So far as a
colony like India was concerned the theory was that the country needed to be prepared
through active intervention for making the 'civilizing mission' of the West effective.

Hence, for example, the heavy governmental support to British private capital in
Indian railways, in the form of guaranteed interest irrespective of profit and loss. This
was evidently beneficial to British business interests. On the other hand laissez faire was
insisted upon in the sphere of tariff policy: refusal to put any significant tax burden on
imported Manchester cloth for instance, was good for British interests and bad for all
Indian mill owners. Again laissez faire was invoked to absolve the government from any
intervention in trade in 'food-grains (including export of grains) during the famines in
the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
The political structure in Britain ensured that important business interests could
influence policy-making in India through Parliament, the Secretary of State for India
who was a member of British Cabinet, the Governor-General, and the higher
bureaucracy in India. Till World War- I in particular this influence was clearly visible.
However, the necessity ofimaking some compromise between 'Home' pressures and
India's needs increasingly moderated the policies of the British Indian Government in
the later period. The viability of rule over India, financial stability of the government,
need to strike compromises with Indian capitalists and other important interests and
nationalist pressures were some of the factors that modified British policies from the
1920's onwards. Subjeat to such qualifications one can say that the colonial state was a
serviceable instrument not so much for the 'modernisation' of Indian economy and
society as for the colonialisation of India from the middle of the 19th century to 1947.

~ h d c kYour Progress 3
1) How would you explain the alliance between the Indian capitalist class and the
nationalist leadership? (Write in fifty words).

2) Write on the lines given below, the nature of the colonial state.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 IaprLtbm: ItSEIlatn
2.6 LET US SUM UP
The nature of colonial rule and its impact on the colony have been analysed differently
by different scholars. The Indian nationalist scholars like Dadabhai Naoroji, M.G.
Ranade and R.C. Dutt spoke mainly about the Indian context and pointed out the
impact of the British rule on the Indian economy. They emphasised the drain of wealth
and de-industrialisation as the ill-effects of the British rule. The European scholars on
the other hand, made a general survey of colonialism, the world over and linked it up
organically with the structure of capitalism. Scholars like Hobson, Hilferding, Rosa
.
Luxemburg and Lenin considerably enhanced our understanding of colonialism.
Other aspects of colonialism in India were the commercialisation of agriculture and a
slow and uneven pace of industrialisation. Indian economic advance was geared
towards the requirements of colonialism and the colonial State played an active role in
shaping the Indian economy so as to serve the imperial interests. It was precisely
because of the unfavourable British policies towards the Indian business interests that
led to a confrontation between the colonial state and the Indian business groups,
resulting in the latter joining the Indian National Movement.

2.7 KEY WORDS

Dalld: Middleman
De-peasanting: The process of land holding peasant losing their land and becoming
agricultural labourers.
Differentiation: Break-up of the peasantry into classes as a result of certain sections
prospering at the expense of others within the same class.
Demographic Data: Figures regarding population.
Imperialist Apologists: Scholars with a softer attitude towards imperialism.They under .

played the exploitative aspect of imperialism and tried to absolve it from any
responsibility for the economic degeneration of India.
'Laissez Faire': Non-interventionism, or a policy of no intervention into the economic
process of the country. The phrase plus policemen refer to the idea.of a state responsible
mainly for law and order, and refraining from economic intervention.
Net Domestic Product (NDP): Cumulative National Product from industry, agriculture
and the service sector.
Output: Total volume of production.
Per Acre Production: Production divided by each acre of land under the plough.
Per Capita Income: Net National Income divided by population.
Per Capita Production:The rate of production after being divided by total population.
Primary Sector: ~ ~ r i c u l t u rfishery,
e, animal husbandry and forest-produce.
Productivity: Producing capacity.
Share croppers: A class of agriculturists who cultivated and managed other peoples'
land and shared the crop, in return.
Tenants-at-will: The class of old peasant proprietors, now turned into tenants on the
land of newly created Zamindars who could now evict the former at their will for failing
to pay the rent.
Tertiary Sector: Service Sector including trade and transport.
Village Bania: Class of rural money lenders who also sometimes acted ds intermediaries
between the cultivators and the market.

Kamesh Mechrocks
r s p r L I L r 9 C d a w h . d
~db=dQ 2.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES -

Check Your Progress 1

1) (i) V (iij x (iii) V (iv) x
2) Read Sub-section 2.2.2
3) Find out from Sub-section 2.2.2

Check Your Pmgress 2

1) Read Sub-section 2.3.1 carefully and write the answer in your own language.
2) (i) X (ii) X (iii) x (iv) V
3) See Sub-section 2.3.3

Check Your Progress 3

1) Find out horn Section 2.4
2) Read Section 2.5 and write your own answer.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 3 THE RISE OF NATIONAL
CONSCIOUSNESS
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Ruin of Indian Economy
3.2.1 Agriculture
3.2.2 Industry .
Factors Contributing to National Consciousness
3.3.1 Unified System of Administration
3.3.2 Communication Network
3.3.3 Printing Press
3.3.4 New Education System
3.3.5 British Policy of Expansion
3.3.6 Intellectual Awakening
3.3.7 Racial Discrimination
The Indian Response
3.4.1 The Peasant and Tribal Movements
3.4.2 Middle Class Consciousness
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

3.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you should be able to :
learn how the colonial rule affected the different classes of Indian People,
list the main factors which helped the growth of national consciousness, and
explain the way Indian masses and middle class responded to the challenge of
colonial rule and assess how the national consciousness took an organised form.

3.1 INTRODUCTION
In Units 1 and 2 of this Block you studied the process through which India was being
exploited as a British colony. You also studied how the process of colonisation affected
the economic, political and social conditions of India. In this Unit we will discuss how
British policies developed a national consciousness in the nineteenth century. Our
emphasis would be on the factors responsible for the growth of the consciousness and
the shape it took during the period under study.
The rise of national consciousness in the nineteenth century was essentially the result
of the British rule. The economic, political and social changes brought about by the
British rule resulted in the oppression of all classes of Indian people giving rise to a wide
spread dissatisfaction among the masses. Moreover, the uniform system of
administration, development of post and telegraph, railways, printing press and
educational institutions created by the British primarily as measures for running an
effective administration also became instrumental in providing favourable"conditions
for the rise and growth of national movement. In this Unit we will discuss in some detail
the role of some of these factors.

3.2 RUIN OF INDIAN ECONOMY

The British economic policies in India led to the ruin of Indian agriculture and
handicraft industries. The peasants. artisans and other classes were badly impoverished
in the process. You have already studied the details of the economic impact (Unit-2)
which showed itself in the form of de-industrialisation, commercialisation of
agriculture, famines etc. Here we will mention very briefly how the British rule changed
Kamesh Mechrocks
our economic life during the nineteenth century.
3.2.1 Agriculture
The British agrarian pdl$y was mainly aimed at drawing out maximum land revenue.
In the Permanent Settlement areas the land revenue was fixed for the Zamindam (to be
paid to the State). The Zamindars kept charging more from the peasants than what they
had to pay to the State. Most of the time the peasants had to borrow money from
money lenders. The money lenders charged exorbitant rate of interest for the money
they lent to the peasants. As you can yourself imagine, whenever the peasants tried to
resist the exploitation by landlords and money lenders, the official machinery helped
the latter. A large number of cash crops (like indigo, cotton, sugarcane) were taken by
the British on dictated prices to be used as raw materials. Cotton and indigo cultivators
were the worst affected. As a result of the British land revenue policy large number of
peasants were reduced to landless labourers. The number of landless labourers was as
high as 20% of the population (52.4 million with their dependents) in 1901.

3.2.2 Industry
When we come to industry, we find that the artisans were also facing great hardships.
Restrictions were imposed on import of Indian textiles in Britain while the British could
bring their machine-made textiles virtually without any taxes to India. The Indian
artisan was not in a position to compete with the goods produced by machines in
England. With the coming of machines the artisans had suffered in England. But in that
country they were soon compensated by alternate employment opportunities in new
factories. In India, machine-made products were coming from England, and, the
development of factories in India was very slow as it was disfavoured by State. This
being the situation a large number of artisans were rendered jobless. The workers in
factories, mines, and plantations also suffered. They were paid low wages and lived in
extreme poverty.
The newly emerging Indian industrialists also faced hardship due to the government's
plolicies relating to trade, tariff, taxation and transport. Theycould see how Britain was
using India mainly aq a source of raw materials for British industries or in the later
period as a place for the investment of British capital. The British capitalists who had
vast resources were hrovided with all the facilities. The Indian capitalist class that had
just started emerging and needed government patronage, was, on the other hand
completely ignored.

The Indian Scene in 19th Century

You can see from this brief description that almost all the sections of Indian population
were suffering under the British rule. However, this discontent could not automatically
lead to the development of a new consciousness among the people. This discontent
expressed itself at times, in the form of sporadic revolts against someofficer, zamindar
or a new regulation. There were a number of factors due to which the dissatisfaction
with the foreign rule did not generate a proper national consciousness. Vastness of the
country with backward means of communication, lack of education, absence of a
common language, and differences in the nature of grievances in different regions due
to differences in the working of the administrative system were some of the important
reasons.
Check Your Porgress 1
1) How did the British policies in India affect the Indian economy?

2) List the two main classes of Indian society which were ruined by the colonial rule.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Why was it that during the early years of colonial rule the Indian opposition t o the The R k of Natlonnl
Condouswss
foreign rule could ndt be properly channelised?
..........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
..............................................................................................
<..a<.......

..........................................................................................................

3.3 FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO NATIONAL

CONSCIOUSNESS
Due t o the factors we have mentioned above the British were also facing problems in
maintaining effective control of the government. T o overcome these deficiencies the
British evolved some administrative measures and new policies. These measures also
helped in the development of national consciousness among Indians. Let us now
examine these policies and their effects.

3.3.1 Unified System of Administration

For a better exploitation of the Indian resources the British brought large parts of the
country under a uniform system of administration. Land revenue administration,
police, law and order machinery and judicial system were some of the important
measures adopted for bringing about this uniformity in administration.

3.3.2 Communication Network

Post and telegraph services were extended and improved. AH the major towns were
linked with telegraph. After 1853, work on Railway lines was started. The plan was to
link the presidencies with each other and the hinterland with major ports. The main
advantage of Railways for the British was a cheap mode of transport to carry goods to
ports and back. But once the railway network developed, passenger traffic also
increased, and people living at distant places got new opportunity to interact with one
another.

3.3.3 Printing Press

The introduction of the printing press made the transmission of ideas and learning less
expensive. A number of newspapers and periodicals started appearing. Through'these
publications the problems in different parts of the country could be shared by people.
You can guess from your own experience how the press could play an important role in
the development of national consciousness among the literate sections of the people.

3.3.4 New Education System

The British introduced a new system of education which was mainly derived from the
West - both in form and content. The main idea behind this system was to create a loyal
section of Indians who would effectively carry out clerical and lower administrative
tasks for the British. As Macaulay put it, the idea was to form "a class of persons,
Indians in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in
intellect".
However the modern educational system familiarised the educated classes with the
ideas of equality, liberty and nationalism, in an atmosphere of growing disillusionment
with the colonial rule. The education system itself bred disillusionment as it was elitist,
serving only a small section, while as many as 92% Indians were illiterate even in 1921.
So the educated Indians turned towards contemporary nationalist movements in
Europe (like German unification, Italian unification and nationalist movement against
Turkish empire). They then were exposed to the works of liberal writers and thinkers
like John Milton, Shelly, Bentham, John Stuart Mill, Herbert Spencer, Rousseau,
Voltaire, Mazzini and Garibaldi. The Indians who were studying in England found on
their return t o India that they were denied all the rights which were taken for granted
in the European countries.
Kamesh Mechrocks
tmprldbm, Colonbaa rd 3.3.5 British Policy of Expansion
Natlmrlbm
The British in the beginning conquered different areas to establish their hold. But this
policy of expansion continued. They kept extending their territories by annexing Indian
states, one after the other, even if those states were not at war with the British. The
important among these were annexations of Sind (1843), Punjab (1849) Rangoon and
Pegu (1852) and Awadh (1856)-Jhansi, Satara and Nagpur were also taken over. 'I'he
Indian rulers were getting apprehensive of the British.

3.3.6 Intellectual Awakening

Nineteenth Century India is marked by a process of social reform and intellectual
ferment. By intellectual ferment, we mean an attempt at a critical and creative
examination of the contemporary society with the purpose of transforming it along
modern lines. This was done by the intellectuals who had received the benefit of modern
education. Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Keshub Chandra Sen, Ishwar Chandra vidyasaga;.
M.G. Ranade and Sir Syed Ahmed Khan were among the leading intellectuals of the
nineteenth century who contributed to the awakening of national consciousness. The
British, in order to provide a justification for foreign rule had tried to project the
immediate Pre-British period (18th century) as a period of stagnation. Along with this
they tried to establish that Indians had no achievement to their credit in the field of
Science and Technology and were incapable of providing a proper government. The
educated Indians countered this thesis by bringing to light the achievements of Indians
in art, architecture, literature, philosophy and science. This enquiry Into the h~story,
led to a new awakening aimed at reforming Indian society, by, doing away with the evil
practices which were being perpetuated in the name of religion.

3.3.7 Racial Discrimination

The attitude of racial superiority adopted by the English also contributed to the growth
of Nationalist sentiments. Apart from social behaviour this discrimination was carried
in judicial inatters as well.
G.O. Travelyan, a historian and an influential civil servant, pointed out in 1864: "The
testimony of a single one of our countrymen has more weight with the court than that
of any number of Hindus, a circumstance which puts a terrible instrument of power into
the hands of an unscrupu;lous and grasping English man". The experience of this
discrimination also contributed to the growth of national consciousness.

Check Your R.ogress 2

1) Write answers to the'following questions in one or two sentences each:
i) Why did the British lay the Railway lines?

.....................................................................................................
ii) How did printing press help in updating knowledge?

.....................................................................................................
iii) What was the British aim in giving modem education to Indians?

Kamesh Mechrocks
2) Which of the following princely states were not annexed by the British. The Rise of National
Consciousness
i) Sind
ii) Gwalior
iii) Awadh
iv) Jhansi
v) Hyderabad
vi) Satara
vii) Baroda
3) State whether the following statements are True or False.
i) There was no racial discrimination in judicial matters in the 19th Century in
India.
ii) The British gave importance to the development of Railways so that lndians
might travel fast.
~ i )The British tried to establish a uniform system of administration in India.
iv) The Introduction of Printing Press made the transmission of ideas cheap.

3.4 THE INDIAN RESPONSE

The Indians opposed British exploitation and the harmful policies at different levels.
Gradually this resistance took the form of a national movement, although the process
in the initial stages was rather slow. The Indian resistance may broadly be divided into
two forms; (i) the peasant and tribal movements, and (ii) the middle class opposition.

3.4.1 The Peasant and Tribal Movements

In the nineteenth century we come across a number of peasant and tribal uprisings. The
early uprisings were not consciously nationalist uprisings, but, in due course this
contributed to the emergence of nationalist consciousness. T o begin with, these peasant
and tribal revolts were organised against the British oppressive policies. According to
Sumit Sarkar, for at least a century after Plassey there were revolts led by traditional
elements (dispossessed local chiefs, zamindars or religious figures). These revolts were
predominently of a lower class social character. Kathleen Gough has compiled a list of
77 peasant uprisings involving violence.
The tribal movements were militant. K. Suresh Singh in his study of the tribals, says
that, they revolted more often and far more violently than any other community
including peasants in India. Some important peasant and tribal revolts are mentioned
below.
There is avery long list of peasant and tribal revolts spread throughout India. erewe
wilI mention a few of them which are important. Later you will read in detail in a
separate unit about peasant movements. In the first half of the nineteenth century
Travancore revolt (1800-09), Bhil revolt (1818-31), Ho revolt (1820-21) and Khasi
revolt (1829-31) were among important peoples movements. And so were Wahabi
movement (1830-69), Kol revolt (183 1). Faraizi movement (1 834-47) and Santhal
revolt (1855-56). In most of these revolts the leadership and support was provided by
the feudal chiefs. These revolts cannot be called the conscious nationalist movements
in the modern sense. The most important factor behind all these movements was a
combined protest against British policies. At times these were also sparked off by some
oppressive policies of a zamindar, money lender or an administrative officer. During the
same period we come across a number of protests by town people against the British.
Strike in Banaras (1810-11) and the revolt of Bareilly (1816) are important examples.
In the case of Banaras, the city people on strike against the levying of House
Tax while, in Bareilly, the protest was directed against the PoliceTax, which was levied
to provide police protection to the citizens. In the case of Banaras the British had to
withdraw the tax while in Bareilly people had to pay the tax.

The Revolt of 1857

The accumdlated feelings of discontent and dissatisfaction with the British rule gave
rise to the revolt of 1857. The revolt spread to most of the Northern and Central India.
Kamesh Mechrocks
I m ~ r i n l h c. o ~ o l l ~ awl
l~m "Firstly, in Hindustan they have exacted as revenue rupees 300 where only 200 were
~atiwnliam due, and rupees 500 where but 400 were demandable, and still they are solicitous to
raise their demands. The people must therefore be ruined and beggared. Secondly,
they have doubled and quadrupled and raised tenfold the chowkeedaree tax and have
wishes to ruin the people. Thirdly, the occupation of all respectable and learned men is
gone, and millions are destitute of the necessaries of life. How far can we detail the
oppression of the tyrants. Gradually matters arrived at such a pitch that the
Government had determined to subvert everyone's religion"
In the revolt we notice for the first time that some sort of nationalist feelings were
inspiring the people. This has been highlighted by Dr. S.N. Sen in his work Eighteen
.
Fiy-Seven The revolt was ruthlessly supressed and the British Government took the
control of India from the East India Company into its own hands. Even after the
suppression of this major revolt popular uprisings in India continued throughout the
nineteenth century.

Peasant Movements after 1857

The important movements in the second half of the 19th century were Indigo revolt
(1859-60) in Bengal, Kuki revolt (1860-90) in Tnpura, Kuka revolt (1869-72) in Punjab,
Pabna Peasant Movement (1872-73) in Bengal, Vasudev Balvant Phadke's Revolt
(1879) in Maharashtra and Birsa Munda's revolt (1899-1900) in South Bihar. Thus we
notice that throughout the nineteenth century Indian masses were struggling against
the British rule. These revolts invariably ended in failure but they fostered a fighting
spirit and strengthened national consciousness among the people.

Check Your Porgress 3

1) What was the nature of early peasant and tribal revolts?

2) In the above section you read a portion of the proclamation issued by the 'rebels' in
Delhi in 1857. List 3 main grievances of the Indian people on the basis of this
proclamation.

3.4.2 Middle Class Consciousness

During the nineteenth century, apart from popular uprisings and revolts at the mass
level, a new consciousness was developing in the educated sections and middle classes.
It was this middle class consciousness, which became the chief medium for the
channelisation of popular discontent, and, was instrumental in the development of
national consciousness in India.
The educated classes began to critically examine the Indian society and the awakened
sections made all-out efforts for reforms. Ram Mohan Roy was the pioneex: in this field.
He established Brahmo Samaj to fight social evils. Dayananda Saraswati formed the
Arya Samaj, Vifbskananda established Ramakrishna Mission. A number of other
organisations were formed for doing away with the social evils like Sati,untouchability,
rituals etc. These reform movements, though confined in a large part to the middle class
sections, developed a national social consciousness among Indian people, and,
deepened their sense of belonging to a common culture.
Besides this social consciousness political consciousness was also developing. As
noticed earlier, the educated Indian middle class which included merchants, traders,
industrialists, professional groups like lawyers, teachers, journalists and doctors was
also suffering under the British rule. As compared to peasants and workers this class
could see more clearly the imperial designs and analyse the nature of colonial rule. In
Kamesh Mechrocks
I
the beginning (first half of the 19th century), this c!.rss was of the opinion that the means
of communication, railways and other industrial enterprises were going to benefit
Indians. Under this understanding they therefore supported the British policies but
gradually it became clear that the British administrative measures were to help the
British rule, and, their economic policies were benefiting the British merchants and
capitalists. Once the Indian middle class realised this, they started protesting against
the colonial rule. But unlike the peasants, tribals and workers whose prutest was
expressed in the form of uprisings and revolts, this class followed a different policy. The
middle class worked in two ways.
1) They started writing books, articles and publishing newspapers to critically analyse
the British policies and developing consciousness among the masses.
2) The second method adopted by the middle classes was to form organisations,
associations and societies for joint programmes and activities.
Let us first examine the literary activities. We have earlier referred to the introduction
of the printing press, and its utility, in the transmission and diffusion of ideas. Ram
Mohan Roy was a pioneer in this field. H e produced a number of books and started a
journal called Sambad Kaumudi (Bengali) which published several articles on varied
themes. Dinabandhu Mitra wrote the play Nil Darpan depicting the plight of indigo
cultivators. Bankimchandra wrote Anand Math,full of nationalist aspirations. In Urdu
a large number of works were written in prose and poetry about the degrading
conditions of the masses and destruction of many urban centres. In Marathi, Hindi and
Tamil also a number of works were published. A number of periodicals and newspapers
in different languages started publication. These publications were in English and
vernacular languages. The prominent among these were: the Hindu Patriot, Amrita
Bazar Patrika, Bengali, Sanjivani in Bengal, Native Opinion, Mehratta and Kesari in
Bombay, the Hindu, Andhra Patrika and Kerala Patrika in Madras, the Hindustan and
h a d in U.P., the Tribune and the Akhbar-i-amin Punjab. By 1877there were as many as
169 newspapers in the vernacular. A number of nationalist literary figures also came
into prominence such as Bankimchandra Chatterjee, Rabindranath Tagore, Vishnu
Shastri Chiplukar, Subramaniyam Bharti, Bhartendu Harish Chandra and Altaf
Hussain Hali.
The second method adopted by the middle class was to form associations and
organisations. Some of the early organisations were the Landholder's Society (1838),
Bengal British India Society (1843), British India Association (1851)in Bengal; the
Bombay Association and Deccan Association (1852) in Maharashtra, the Madras
Native Association in Madras. The main aim of these organisations was collective
action against the British policies harming their interests. Their methods were mostly
legal actions in courts or petition against the East India Company and British
parliament. They wanted reforms to be included in the Company's charter of 1853. But
the charter of 1853 failed to satisfy their aspirations.
After the take over of ~ndia'sadministration by the British Crown in 1858, new hopes
kindled among the Indian middle classes. They thought that the British government
I
would stop the economic exploitation and work for the welfare of the country. Soon
they realised that the British Crown too was out to exploit India economically. Now the
political activities increased and a number of new organisations appeared. In England
was formed London India Association which was later merged with the East Tndia
Association (1866). In Maharashtra was formed Poona Sarwajanik Sabha (1870) and
Indian Association (1876). In Bengal was formed Indian National Conference (1883)
and in Madras Mahajan Sabha.
As compared to the earlier organisations formed by middle class elements these
I
organisations were political. Their main aim was t o protest against the British policies
through petitions and resolutions. They tried to achieve mass awakening through
public meetings and statements. They also exchanged views on the national issues.
Actually these organisations opened the way for the formation of a strong all India
1 organisation, Indian National Congress in 1885. You will read in detail about the
I
foundation of Indian National Congress in a separate unit of your course. Around the
I same time the British Government passed some repressive measures like Lincoln Act
I
I Vernacular Press Act, lowering the age for Indian Civil Services etc. You will read
i about these measures and see how far Lord Lytton (1876-80) the Viceroy was
I responsible for them. The reaction to these measures was very strong. The main
newspaper of Bengal, Bangalee wrote:
Kamesh Mechrocks
I
 "To Lord Lytton must belong the credit of having done much by his repressive
measures towards stimulating the public life of this country and for this service
certainly his Lordship will be entitled to the gratitude of our country (June 12.
1880)".

Check Your Progress 4

1) Why did the educated Indian middle class become disillusioned a h the British
after 1857?
..........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
2) How did newspapers and journals help in the growth of national consciousness?

3) How did the formation of organisations help in the growth of National

consciousness?

3.5 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit you have studied how National Consciousness gradually conveyed and
developed in India during the British rule. This consciousness mainly developed as a
result of British policies in India.
In fact it grew as a reactiod to British policies although some of their policies indirectly
helped the growth of such a corisciousness. At the mass level the popular uprisings in
different parts of the country strengthened national consciousness in their own way.
The middle classes gradually developed this consciousness and ultimately channelised
it into the n a t i ~ n a movement.
l

3.6 KEY WORS)S

Racial discrimination: The British attitude of prefemng ~ n ~ l f os rhwhite skinned
people for higher govt. jobs, reserving separate compartments for them in trains etc.
Intellectual Ferment: The phenomenon of interaction and development of newlold
ideas which in 19th century led to both generation of new ideas and revival of old ones.

3.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES

Check Your Progress 1

1) The British Policies affected the agriculture and artisan production adversely. Read
again the Sections 3.2.1 and 3.2.2 and answer.
Kamesh Mechrocks
2) i) Peasant
 3) The Indian protest and opposition during the early years could not be properly
channelised because different section of Indian people were secluded from one
another and they were spread over a wide area. Besides, the means of
communication were backward.

Check Your Progress 2

1) i) The British laid the railway lines to provide quick and cheap mode of transport
for goods.
ii) With the development of printing press the news ideas and literary works could
be printed at a very low cost.
iii) The British wanted to educate Indians to employ them in lower Government
jobs. Also read Sub-section 3.3.4.
2) (ii), (v), ( i i )
3) (i) False (ii) False (iii) True (iv) True

Cbeck Your Progress 3

1) The early peasant and tribal revolts were spontaneous and lacked an organised
effort. Read Section 3.4.1 and answer in-your own words.
2) i) The increase in land revenue.
ii) The toll tax (chowkeedaree tax) was increased causing loss to merchants.
iii) The respectable people have lost their position and jobs.

Check Your Progress 4

1) Before 1857, the educated middle class thought that the British rule would
modernise India and the Indians would enjoy the fruits of this modernisation. But
after 1857 the British repressive policies kept on increasing and the people were
denied all their rights. Read Section 3.4.2.
2) Read Section 3.4.2 and answer.
3) The formation of different organisations in the country provided an opportunity for
collective action and channelised the people's enthusiasm towards broader national
interests, thus promoting the growth of national consciousness.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 4 THE REVOLT OF 1857
Structure
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Causes
4.2.1 Exploitation of the Peasantry
4.2.2 Alienation of the Middle and Upper Strata of Indians
4.2.3 Annexation of Princely States
4.2.4 'The Alien Kulc
4.2.5 Impact on the Sepoys
4.2.6 Threat to Religion
4.2.7 The Immediate Cause
4.3 Organisation .
4.4 The Rebellion
4.5 Leadership
4.6 Defeat
4.7 Causes of Failures
4.7. I Lack of a Unified Programme and Ideology
4.7.2 Lack of Unity Among Indians
4.7.3 Lack of Support from the Educated Indians
4.7.4 Disunity Among the Leaders
4.7.5 Military Superiority of the British
4.8 Impact
4.8.1 Transfer of Power
4.8.2 Changes in Military Organisation
4.8.3 Divide and Rule
4.8.4 New Policy Towards the Princess
4.8.5 Search for New Fricnds
4.9 Assessment
4.10 Let Us Sum U p
4.11 Key Words
4.12 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

In the earlier Units you have aIready been familiarised with the various aspects relating
to Imperialism and CoIoniaIism. You are aware that during the period of its rule over
the country the East India Company expIoited and harrased the Indian people.
Although various sections of Indian people defied the English supremacy at different
times, it was the great uprising of 1857, often termed as the First War of Independence,
that posed a serious challenge to the English supremacy at an all India level. After
reading this unit you wilI be able to:
trace the causes of the uprising of 1857,
know about the various events and conflicts and about the role of various sections of
people as well as their leaders,
identify the regions where the English authority was most severely challenged during
1857,
determine the reasons for the failure of the revolt, and
understand its impact and form an opinion about the nature of the revolt.

4.1 INTRODUCTION
The revolt of 1857 forms one of the most important chapters in the history of the
struggle of the Indian people for liberation from the British rule. It shook the
foundations of the British empire in India and at some points it seemed as though the
British rule would end for all time to come. What started merely as a sepoy mutiny soon
engulfed the peasantry and other civilian population over wide areas in northern India.
Kamesh Mechrocks
The upsurge was so widespread that some of the contemporary observers called it- a-
~mprlllsm.c o b i d i s m and "national revolt". The hatred of the people for the ferangis was so intense and bitter
~atlondlem
that one observer, W.H. Russell, was forced to write:
In no instance is a friendly glance directed to the white man's carriage.. ..Oh! that
language of the eye! Who can doubt! Who can misinterpret it? It is by it alone that
I have learnt our race is not even feared at times by many and that by all it is
disliked.
In this Unit we will tell you about the various aspects relating to this great uprising.

4.2 CAUSES
How did the Revolt break out? What were its causes? The main reason fofthis was the
ruthless exploitation of the Indian people by the British. The British rule which was
formally established after the Battle of Plassey in 1757 in Bengal, strove to fill the
coffersof the East India Company at the expense of the Indians. The East lndia
Company was governed by greedy merchants and traders who could go to any extent to
enrich themselves. The Company was formed in 1600, and was given a Royal Charter
by Queen Elizabeth which conferred on it the exclusive privilege to trade with the East.
Its main aim was to assume the trade monopoly in India. It was not an ordinary
merchant company formed for trade but had its train of soldiers who fought battles with
the Portugues and the French trading companies in the 17th and 18th centuries in order
to establish its trade monopoly. After these rival powers had been defeated it also tried
to humble the Indian traders who offered competition. When the Battle of Plassey was
won in 1757, the British successfully imposed their trade monopoly over the area under
their control, eliminated competition from the Indian traders and forced the artisans to
sell their products to them. The artisans were now paid so low that they could hardly
survive. The legend has it that the weavers of Dhakacut their thumbs toprotest against
such low payments by the East India Company for their superb work on muslin
renowned for its fine texture.

4.2.1 Exploitation of the reasantry

Although the trade monopoly enriched the East India Company considerably, its main
source of income was now derived from the land. After entrenching itself in Bengal, it
spread its power in India through wars and treaties. To extract as much money as
possible it devised new systems of land settlements - Permanent, Ryotwari and
Mahalwari -each more oppressive than the other. The Permanent Settlement which
was effective in Bengal Presidency and in large parts of north India did not recognise
the hereditary rights of the peasants on land, which they had earlier enjoyed. The loyal
zamindars and revenue-collectors were now given the propietory rights on land. The
cultivators were reduced to the status of simple tenants. But even the newly created
landlords were not given absolute rights. Their situation was also deliberately left very
precarious. They had to pay to the Company 10/1lth of the entire rent derived from the
cultivators and if they failed to do so. their property was sold to others.
The other land settlements were no better. In all of these the peasants had to pay
beyond their means and any adverse natural shifts like droughts or flood compelled
them to go for loans to the money lenders who charged exorbitant interest. This made
the peasants so heavily indebted that they were ultimately forced to sell their land to
these money lenders. It is because of this that the money lenders were so hated in rural
society. The peasantry was also oppressed by petty officials in administration who
extracted money on the slightest pretexts. If the peasants went to the law court toseek
redress of their grievances, they were bound to be totally ruined. When the crop was
good the peasants had to pay back their past debts; if it was bad, they were further
indebted. This nexus between the lower officials, law courts and money lenders created
a vicious circle which made the peasantry desparate and ready to welcome any
opportunity for change of regime.

4.2.2 Alienation of the Middle and Upper Strata of Indians

It was not merely the peasntry that got alienated from the British rule, the middle and
upper strata Indians also felt oppressed. During the period of the Mughals or even in
the administration of the local princes and chieftains, the Indians served at all the places
-both lower and higher. The disappearance of these Indian states and their replacement
Kamesh Mechrocks
 The Revolt of 1857
by the British administration deprived the Indians of higher posts which were now
taken mainly by the British. The Indians now servedonly as subordinates andon other
petty positions in the administration. Even the most brilliant of Indians were
subordinated to the second or third-rate Britishers who as a matter of right, grabbed all
the higher paid positions. Further more, the cultural personnel like poets, dramatists,
writers, musicians etc. who were earlier employed by the native states were now thrown
out. The religious men like Pandits and Maulvis also lost all their former power and
prestige.

4.2.3 Annexation of Princely States

The East India Company did not spare even its former allies. The native state of Awadh
was annexed by Dalhousie in 1856 on the pretext that Nawab Wazid Ali Shah was
mismanaging the state. Even before this he had annexed Satara in 1848 and Nagpur and
Jhansi in 1854on the pretext that the rulers of these states had no natural heir to succeed
them after their death. These annexations embittered the rulers of these states, making
Rani of Jhansi and Begums of Awadh staunch enemies of the British. Further the
British refusal to pay pension to Nana Sahib, the adopted son of Peshwa Baji Rao I1
worsened the situation. The annexation of Awadh was also resented by the sepoys as
most of whom came from there.This action hurt their patriotic loyalty and sense of
dignity. Moreover, since their relatives had now to pay more taxes on land, it adversely
affected the purses of the sepoys themselves.

4.2.4 The Alien Rule

Another important reason of th'e unpopularity of the British was the alien nature of
their rule. They never mixed with the Indian people and treated even the upper class
Indians with contempt. They had not come to settle in India but only to take money
home. So the Indians could never develop any affinity towards them.

4.2.5 Impact on the Sepoys

The revolt of 1857 originated with the mutiny of the Sepoys. These Sepoys were drawn
mainly from the peasant population of North and North-West India. As we have seen,
the rapacious policies followed by the East India Company were impoverishing and
ruining the peasantry. This must have affected the Sepoys also. Infact, most of them
had joined the military service in order to supplement their fast declining agricultural
income. But as the years passed, they realised that their capacity for doing so declined.
They were paid a monthly salary of 7 to 9 Rupees out of which they had to pay for their
food, uniform and transport of their private baggage. The cost of maintaining an Indian
Sepoy was only one-third of his British counterpart in India. Moreover, the Indian
Sepoy was treated roughly by the British officers. They were frequently abused and
humiliated. The Indian Sepoy, despite his valour and great fighting capacity. could
never rise above the rank of a Subedar while a fresh recruit from England v:as often
appointed his superior overnight.

4.2.6 Threat to Religion

Apart from degrading service conditions, another factor inflamed the feelings of the
sepoys. An impression was created among them that their religion was being attacked
by the British. This belief was also shared by the general civilian population. The
proselytizing zeal of the missionaries and some of the British officials instilled fear in
the minds of the people that their religion was in danger. At several places conversions
to Christianity were reported to be made. The Government maintained the chaplains
at its own cost and in some cases also provided police protection to the missionaries.
Even the army maintained chaplains at state cost and Christian propaganda was carried
among the sepoys. Furthermore, the sepoys were forbidden to wear their castemarks,
and in 1856an Act was passed under which every new recruit had to qive an undertaking
to serve overseas, if required. The conservative beliefs of the sepoys were thus shaken
and they sometimes reacted strongly. For example in 1824, the 47th Regiment of sepoys
at Barrackpore refused to go to Burma by sea-route because their religion forbade
them to cross "black water". The British reacted ruthlessly, disbanded the Regiment,
and put some of its leaders to death.
In 1844, seven battalions revolted on the question of salaries and batta (allowance). Even
Kamesh Mechrocks
during the Afghan War from 1839 to 1842 the soldiers were almost on the verge of rrvnlt
Like sepoys, the people of India had also risen in revolt against the oppressive British
rule. The most important of these uprisings were the Kutcha rebellion (1816-32), the Kol
uprising in 1831 and the Santhal uprising in 1855-56. The main point with regard to the
1857challenge, however, was that both the military and civilian revolts merged and this
made it really formidable.

4.2.7 The Immediate Cause

The atmosphere was so surcharged that even a small issue could lead to revolt. The
episode of greased cartridges, however, was a big enough issue to start the rebellion on
its own. Dry tinder-box was there and only a spark was needed to set it ablaze.
Cartridges of the new Enfield rifle which had recently been introduced in the army had
a greased paper cover whose end had to be bitten off-before the cartridge was loaded
into rifle. The grease was in some instances made of beef and pig fat. This completely
enraged the Hindu and Muslim sepoys a_nd made them believe that the government was
deliberately trying to destroy their religion. It was the immediate cause of the revolt.

1. lamat ti on issued by Nana Saheb from Kanpur mentioning the use of new eutridgp.

4.3 ORGANISATION
What kind of organisation did the rebels employ in order to raise their banner against
the British? On this question there has been a good deal of controversy among
Kamesh Mechrocks
historians. One view is that there was a widespread and well-organised conspiracy,
while another view maintains that it was completely spontaneous. The fact seems to be The Revolt of 1857
that some kind of organised plan was in existence but it had not matured sufficiently
when the revolt broke out.
As the rebels formed a clandestine set-up they did not keep any records also about the
nature, functions and structure of their secret organisation. But the stories which have
come down to us talk about the red lotuses and chappatis, symbolising freedom and
bread, being passed from village t o village and from one regiment to another. Besides
these means speeches were also delivered and quite preaching conducted by the
roaming sanyasis and fakirs to mobilise and rally anti-colonial forces. All these stirred
the sepoys to revolt.

4.4 THE REBELLION

On 29th March, 1857, a young soldier, Mangal Pandey, stationed at Barrackpore,
revolted single-handedly attacking his British officers. H e was hanged, and not much
notice was taken of this event. But it showed the resentment and anger aroused among
the sepoys. Less than a month later, on 24th April, ninety men of the Third Native
Cavalary, stationed at Meerut, refused to use the greased cartridges. Eighty-five of
them were dismissed and sentenced to ten years imprisonment on 9th May. The rest of .
the Indian sepoys reacted strongly to this, and the next day, on 10th May, the entire
Indian garrison revolted. After freeing their comrades and killing the British officers,
they decided to march on to Delhi. This shows that they did have in mind some sort of
alternative t o the British.
Another thing which makes it clear that it was not merely army mutiny was that the
people from surrounding areas began to loot the military bazaars and attacked and
burnt the bungalows of the British as soon as they heard the shots fired by the sepoys
on their officers. The Gujars from the surrounding villages poured into the city and
joirled the revolt. Telegraph wires were cut and horsemen with warning messages to
Delhi were intercepted. As soon as thc sepoys from Meerut reached Delhi, the Indian
garrison also rcvolted and joined the rebels. They now proclaimed the old Bahadur
Shah, as the Emperor of India. l h u s in twenty-four hours. what began as a simple
mutiny had swelled into full-scale political rebellion.
In the next one month thc entire Bengal Army rose in revolt. Whole of North and North
West India was up in arms against the British. In Aligarh, Mainpuri, Bulandshahr,
Etwah, Mathura. Agra. Lucknow, Allahabad, Banaras, Shahabad, Danapur and East
Punjab, wherever there were Indian troops, they revolted. With the revolt in army, the
police and local administration also collapsed. These revolts were also immediately
followed by a rebellion in the city and countryside. But in several places the people rose
in revolt even before the sepoys. Wherever revolt broke out, the government treasury
was plundered, the magazine sacked, bar'racks and court houses were burnt and prison
gates flung open. In the countryside, the peasants and dispossessed zamindars attacked
the money lenders and new zamindars who had displaced them from the land. They
destroyed the government records and money lenders' account books. They attacked
the British established law courts, revenue offices, revenue records and thanas (police
stations). Thus the rebels tried to destroy all the symbols of colonial power.
Even when the people of particular areas did not rise in revolt. they offered their help
and sympathies to the rebels. It was said that the rebellious sepoys did not have to carry
food with them as they were fed by the villagers. O n the other hand, their hostility t o
the British forces was pronounced. They refused to give them any help or information
and on many occasions they misled the British troops by giving wrong information.
In central India also, where the rulers remained loyal to the British, the army revolted
and joined the rebels. Thousands of Indore's troops joined in Indore the rebellious
sepoys. Similarly, over 20,000 of Gwalior's troops went over to Tantya Tope and Rani
of Jhansi. In the whole of north and c e n t ~ aIndia
l the British power was limited only to
the towns of Agra, and Lucknow. Elsewhere the entire British army and administration
fell like a house of cards.
One of the most remarkable thing about the rebellion was its solid Hindu-Muslim unity.
The Hindu sepoys of Meerut and Delhi, unanimously proclaimed Bahadur Shah as
their Emperor. All the sepoys, whether Hindu o r Muslim. accepted the suzeranity of
Kamesh Mechrocks
 mm-' the Emperor and gave the call "chalo Delhi" (onward to Delhi) after their revolt.
-w Hindus and Muslims fought together and died together. Wherever the sepoys reached,
cow-slaughter was banned as a mark of respect to the sentiments of the Hindus.

Check Your Pmgress 1

1) How and by which sections was the Peasantry exploited? Write in ten lines.

2) Read the following statements and mark them right ( d )or wrong ( X ) .
i) The Peasants joined the ~ a m i n d a r in
s fighting the British.
ii) The Sepoys perceived a threat to their religion by the British rule.
iii) The middle and upper class Indians were the beneficiaries of British rule.
iv) The exploitation of the most sections of the Indians was the long standing reason
but the episode of greased cartridges provided the immediate reason for the
revolt to break out.
3) Write in about fifty words when, where and how the uprising started.

4.5 LEADERSHIP
The storm-centres of the revolt 'were Delhi, Kanpur, Lucknow, Bareilly, Jhansi and
Arrah. All these places threw up their own leaders who for all practical purposes.
remained independent, even though they accepted the suzerainty of Emperor Bahadur
Shah.
t
Bakht Khan

' In Delhi Bahadur Shah was the leader. But the real power lay with the soldiers. Bakht
Khan, who had led the revolt of the soldiers at Bareilly, arrived in Delhi bn 3rd July,

.P'
' 185'7. From that date on he exercised the real authority. He formed a Court of soldiers
composed of both Hindu and Muslim rebels. But even before that the soldiers showed
little regard for the authority of the Emperor. Bahadur Shah deplored the army officers
for their "practice of coming into the Court carelessly dressed and in utter disregard to
the forms of respect to the royalty"
C

Nana Saheb and Tantya Tope

At Kanpur the revolt was led by Nana Saheb, the adopted son of Peshwa Baji Rao 11.
2. Tantya Tope.
The rebellious sepoys also supported Nana Saheb andunder his leadership both the
44 military and civilian elements were united. They expelled the British from Kanpur and
Kamesh Mechrocks
 The Rwdt of 1857.
declared Nana Saheb as Peshwa who acknowledged Baliadur Shah as the Emperor of
India. Most of the fighting was, however, carried on by Tantya Tope on his behalf, and
it was Tantya Tope who passed into the popular legend as a great patriot and
anti-British leader.
The Begum of A y ~ d h
/

At Lucknow the Begum of Awadh provided the leadership and proclaimed her son,
Birjis Kadr, as the Nawab of Awadh. But here again, the more popular leader was
Maulavi Ahmadullah of Faizabad, who organised rebellions and fought the British.

Rani Lakshmi Bai

Rani Lakshmi Bai of Jhansi was another great popular leader. She believed that she had
been robbed of her ruling rights in defiance of recognised Hindu law. Though she
showed some hesitation at the initial stage, she fought valiantly once she joined the
ranks of the rebels.

Kunwar Singh
But the most representative and outstanding leader was Kunwar Singh of Arrah. Under 3. Kunwar Shgh.
his leadership the military and civil rebellion were so completely fused that the British
dreaded him most. With a war band of about 5,000, including about 600 Danapur
sepoys and the rebellious Ramgarh state battalion he marched across hundreds of miles
to reach Mirzapur, Banda and the vicinity of Kanpur. He reached up to Rewa state and
it was thought that as soon as Rewa fell to the rebels, the British would be forced to
move to the south. But, for some reasons, Kunwar Singh did not move southwards. H e
returned to Banda and then back to Arrah where he engaged and defeated the British
troops. He was seriously injured and died on 27th April, 1858 in his ancestral house in
the village of Jagdishpur.

The Unknown Martyrs

Apart from these acknowledged leaders who are remembered for their patriotism and
courage, there were many unknown and unacknowledged but no less valiant leaders
among the sepoys, peasantry and petty zamindars. They also fought the British with
exemplary courage to expel them from India. Peasants and sepoys laid down their lives
for the cause of their country, forgetting their religious and caste differences and rising
above their narrow personal interests.

4.6 DEFEAT
The British captured Delhi on 20 September, 1857. Even before this the rebels had
suffered many reverses in Kanpur, Agra, Lucknow and some other places. These
earlier reverses did not dampen the rebel's spirits. But the fall of Delhi, on the other
hand, struck a heavy blow to them. It now became clear why the British concentrated
with so much attention to retain Delhi at all cost. And for this they suffered heavily both

4. Surrender of Emperor Bahadur Shah.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 5. Villagers being ejected by English troops.

in men and material. In Delhi, Emperor Bahadur Shah was taken a prisoner and the
royal princes were captured, and butchered. One by one, all the great leaders of the
revolt fell. Nana Sahe), was defeated at Kanpur after which the escaped to Nepiil early
in 1859 and nothing was heard of him afterwards.
Tatya Tope escaped into the jungles of central India where he carried on bitter guerrilla
warfare until April 1859when he was betrayed by a zamindar friend and captured while
asleep. H e was hurriedly tried and put to death on 15th April, 1859. The Rani of Jhansi
died on the field of battle oh 17th June, 1858. By 1859, Kunwar Singh, Bakht Khan,
Khan Bahadur Khan of Bareilly, Maulavi Ahmadullah were all dead, while the Begum
of Awadh escaped to Nepal. By the end of 1859, the British authority over India was
reestablished, fully and firmly.

6. Autograph of Tantya Tope.

4.7 CAUSES OF FAILURE

There were many causes,which led to the collapse of this mighty rebellion. Here we list
some of them to you.

4.7.1 Lack of a Unified Programme and Ideology

The rebellion swept off the British system of government and administration in India.
But the rebels did not know what to create in its place! They had no forward-looking
Kamesh Mechrocks
plan in mind. This made them rely on the outmoded feudal system with Bahadur Shah
at its head. The other prominent leaders of rebellion like, Nana Saheb, Begum of
Awadh, Rani of Jhansi, etc., were also representatives of the old feudal world. This
system had lost its vitality and was unable to withstand the onslaught of the British. It
was because of the failure of these rulers, that the British had earlier been able to
conquer almost the whole of India. Reliance on these elements made it difficult for the
rebel forces tt;\ rreate a new sense of unity among the Indian people which alone could
have created a viable alternative to the British rule.

4.7.2 Lack of Unity Among Indians

As mentioned above, no broad based unity among the Indian people could emerge.
While sepoys of the Bengal army were revolting, some soldiers in Panjab and south
India fought on the side of the British to crush these rebellions. Similarly, there were
no accompanying rebellions in most of eastern and southern India. The Sikhs also did
not support the rebels. All these groups had their reasons to do so. The possibility of
the revival of Mughal authority created a fear among the Sikhs who had faced so much
oppression at the hands of the Mughals. Similarly, the Rajput chieftains in Rajasthan
and Nizam in Hyderabad were so much harrassed by the Marathas that they dreaded
the revival of Maratha power. Besides this, there were some elements of the peasantry
that had profited from the British rule. They supported the British during the revolt.
The zadndars of Bengal Presidency were the creation of the British; and had all the
reasons to support them. The same applied to the big merchants of Calcutta, Bombay
and Madras who did not go over to the rebels but supported the British.

4.7.3 Lack of Support from the Educated Indians

The modern educated Indians also did not support the revolt because, in their view, the .
revolt was backward-looking. This educated middle class was the product of the British
system of education and they believed mistakenly that the British would lead the
country towards modernisation.

4.7.4 Disunity Among the Leaders

The main problem however, was lack of unity in the ranks of rebels themselves. Their
leaders were suspicious and jealous of each other and often indulged in petty quarrels.
The Begum of Awadh, for example, quarrelled with Maulavi Ahmadullah, and the
Mughal princes with the sepoy-generals. Azimullah, the political adviser of the Nana
Saheb, asked him not to visit Delhi lest he be overshadowed by the Emperor Bahadur
Shah. Thus, selfishness and narrow perspective of the leaders sapped the strength of the
revolt and prevented its consolidation.

4.7.5 Military Superiority of the British

Another major factor for the defeat of the rebels was the British superiority in arms.
The British imperialism, at the height of its power the world over and supported by
most of the Indian princes and chiefs, proved militarily too strong for the rebels. While
the rebels were lacking in discipline and a central command, the British continued to
have a constant supply of disciplined soldiers, war materials and money from British.
Sheer courage could not win against a powerful and determined enemy who planned its
strategy skillfully. Because of illdiscipline the rebels lost more men and material than
the British in every encounter. Manysepoys, seeing that the British had an upper hand.
left for their villages.
These were the main factors responsible for the failure of the revolt.

4.8 IMPACT
Despite the fact that the revolt of 1857 failed, it gave a severe jolt to the British
administration in India. The structure and policies of the re-established British rule
were, in many respect, drastically changed.

4.8.1 Transfecof Power

The first major change was that the power to govern lndia passed from the East India
Kamesh Mechrocks
Company to the British Crown through an Act of 1858. Wow a Secretary of State for
India aidedby a Council was to be responsibldor the governance of India. Earlier this
authoritywas wielded by the Directors of t'he Company.

4.8.2 Changes in Military Organisation

The second drastic change was effected in the army Steps were taken to prevent any
further revolt by the Indian soldiers. Firstly, the number of European soldiers was
increased and fixed at one European to two Indian soldiers in Bengal Army and two to
five in Bombay and Madras armies. Moreover, the European troops were kept in key
geographical and military positions. The crucial branches of the army like artillery were
p u t ~ e ~ l u s i v e in
l y European hands. Secondly, the organisation of the Indian section of
the arfrtyms now based on the policy of "divide and rule". Regiments were created on
the basisx>f caste, cotnmunity and region to prevent the development of any
nationalistic fceling among t h c \oldicr\.

7. Disarming ofsepoys at Burackport.

4.8.3 Divide and Rule

This policy of "divide and rule" was also introduced in the civilian population. Since the
British thought that the tevolt was a conspiracy hatched by the Muslims the latter
were severely punished and discriminations made against them in public appointme.its
and in other areas. This policy was later reversed and a belated appeasement of Muslims
began. Pi policy of preferential treatment of the Muslims was adopted towards the end
of the 19th century. These polici'es created problems for Indian freedom struggle, and
contributed to the growth of communalism.

4.8.4 New Policy towards the Princes

Another important change was in the British policies towards the Princely states. The
earlier policy of annexation was now abandoned and the rulersof these states were now
authorised to adopt heirs. This was done as a reward to those native rulers who had
remained loyal to the British during the revolt. However, this authority of the Indian
rulers over particular territories was completely subordinated to the authority of the
British and they were converted into a Board of privileged dependents.

4.8.5 Search for New Friends

Besides these changes, the British now turned to the most reactionary groups among
Kamesh Mechrocks
the Indians, like the zamlndars, princes and landlords, for strengthening their fortune
in the country. In fact, the revolt of 1857 brought to the surface the real reactionary
nature of the British rule in India. It made most of the Indians realise that the British
rule in India was essentially anti people and it was bound to be oppressive and hostile
to their national interest.

8. Extortion of money from the Citizens of Delhi.

1.9 ASSESSMENT
Havingdiscussed various aspects of the rebellion, let us, in the end, see how the events
of 1857 have been interpreted by the contemporary officials as well as by subsequent
scholars.
The nature of the 1857 uprising aroused fierce controversy from the very outset. The
official British explanation was that only the Bengal army had mutinied and civil
disturbances were caused by the breakdown of law and order machinery,Many officials
thought that it was only a mutiny. But this view was challenged by Benjamin Disraeli,
the conservative leader, in July 1857. H e said:
"The decline and fall of empires are not affairsof greased cartridges. Such results
are occasioned by adequate causes, and by the accumulation of adequate causes"
Them he querried:
"Is it a military mutiny or is it ,a national revolt?"
The official view was challenged by a section of the British community in India also.
Colonel G.B. Malleson, who later completed J.W. Kaye's History of the Sepoy War,
challenged the official theory of simple mutiny: "The crisis came: At first apparently a
mere military mutiny, it speedily changed its character, and became a national
insurrection."
V.D. Savarkar, who gave a nationalist interpretation to the uprising asserted in 1909
that it was the "Indian War of Independence."
Savarkar's views were supported by S.B. Chaudhary, who in his writings demonstrated
that 1857was a "rising of the people". In fact, the historiographic tradition in Inida soon
at:ccprcd this line of argument. Kamesh Mechrocks
A discordant note was however, struck by R.C. Majumdar. He refused to rccog~lisc.
1857 as a w a r o f Independence. His view was that "to regard the outbreak of 1857 as
either national in character or a war of independence of India betrays a lack of true
knowledge of the histo j of Indian people in the nineteenth century".
Some historians have held that the Muslim elite was responsible for inciting the trouble.
Outrum regarded the revolt as a "Muslim conspiracy exploiting Hindu grievances". Yet
another school of thought believes that during the revolt the people were fighting not
only against the British but also against the feudal structure. The backsliding of these
feudal chiefs led to the collapse of the revolt. Talmiz Khaldun wrote: "It was crushed
so easily because of betrayal by the propertied classes"
Later Historiography, tqough accepting the popular character of the Revolt, laid
P
emphasis on its backwar -looking character. Bipin Chandra has stressed this point:
"The entire movement lacked a unified and forward looking programme to be
implemented after the capture of power"
Tara Chand was more explicit when he wrote that the "Revolt of 1857 was the last
attempt of an effete order to recover its departed glory"
Percival Spear added, "And it has been asserted to have been a purely military
outbreak produced jointly by the grievances and ipdiscipline of the Indian troops and
the folly of the British military authorities. It is in fact an anchronism to describe the
mutiny as the first essay towards modem independence. It was rather, in'its political
aspect, the last effort of (he old conversative India".
These, however, are only some of the interpretations offered. The debate is still going
on. We hope to beenriched and enlightened by future research on the rebellion of 1857.

1) Write a small note, oh the space given below, on the leaders of the Rebellion.
I
I

2) What were some of the main reasons for the defeat of such a mighty rebellion? Write
in about 100 words.

Kamesh Mechrocks
.3) Did the events of 1857 leave any impact on the Indian society? Write in the space
given below.

4.10 LET US SUM UP

The events of 1857, which we have discussed in the Unit are important not only because
they represented the crystallisation of popular feelings against the alien rule but also
because of the many changes that they produced in the country. These changes
pertained not only to the policy formulation and the political structure but also to
popular beliefs, ideas, and attitude regarding the nature of British rule. The invincibility
of the British rule was shattered once for all and the stage was set for an organised and
long drawn out struggle against the alien rule. This led to the beginning of the National
\
Movement which ultimately, ended the foreign rule and brought independence to the
coyntry in 1947.

4.11 KEY WORDS

Appeasement: Act or practice of trying to prevent someone from harming you by giving
them what -they want, pacification.
Communalism: An ideology of a group which aims at advancing the interest of a
religious community or caste at the expense of another caste or religious community.
Crystalisation: A process by which an idea or opinion becomes fixed and definite in
one's mind.
Mobilise: To briqg people together for achieving a definite objective.
Perspective: Aparticular way of thidking about or viewing something esp. one tbat is
influenced by one's beliefs and experiences.
Reactionary: Something opposed to progress.
Suzerainty- Predominance.
Uprising: A violent outburst against established authority.
Vicious Circle: A difficult situation that has an effect which create new problems which
in turn recreate the original problems.

4.12 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES ,

Check Your Progress 1

1) See Sub-section 4.2.1
2) (i) X (ii) V (iii) X (iv) V
3) Find out from Section 4.3

Chegk Your Progress 2

1) See Section 4.5
2) See Section 4.7
3) See Section 4.8
Kamesh Mechrocks
 --

UNIT 5 COLONIALISM: THE NEW

ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM -
PRE AND POST 1857
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Establishment of British Supremacy
Administrative System Before 1857
5 3.1 East lndia Company Vis-a-vis British Parliament
5.3.2 Economic Policy
5.3.3 Land Revenue Policy
5.3.4 Judicial System
5.3.5 Impact of British Administration
Administrative System After 1857
5.4.1 The New Administrative Set Up
5.4.2 Administrative Decentralisation
5.4.3 Economic Policy
5.4.4 Organisation of the Army
5.4.5 Civil Services
5.4.6 Relations with Princely States
5.4.7 Itost~leAdministration
5.4.8 The Question of Self Government for lndia
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

The aim of this Unit is to study the pattern and growth of British Administrative System
before and after 1857. After going through this unit you should be able to understand:
the transformation of the East India Company from a commercial to a territorial
power,
the growth of British parliamentary control over Indian affairs without assuming
direct responsibility for the governance of India,
administrative system of the East India Company,
the growth of India into a British Colony,
the assumption of direct control by W i s h Parliament and the impact of British Rule
in India, and
the rise of National Consciousness and demand for Self Government leading to
freedom.

5.1 INTRODUCTION
The Mughals had established a centralized form of administration. In their
administrative set-up, as you can recall, the cult of personality dominated all
departments. The personalised state was, however, unable to stand stress and strain
and proved weak before the onslaught of the East India Company. The defeat at
Plasscy cxposcd all thc Indian weaknesses. From now onwards the British established
themselves as a strong power. In this unit you will study the pattern of British
Administrative System as under the East India Company and later as under the British
Crown. We will also discuss how behind the problem of administration lay the
fundamental issue, the nature and object of British rule over India.

5.2 ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY

The East lndia Company began as a trading corporation. Its early organisation was
suitable to that of a purely trade organisation. Each Chief "factory" or tmding
Kamesh Mechrocks
establishment was underlthe control of a President, later called Governor, and a
Council, consisting of the senior servants of the company in the factory. New and less
important factories were put under the charge of a senior merchant or "factor". The
Commercial factories which had a President as head came to be called Presidencies,
such as those of Madras, Bombay and Calcutta.
The jurisdiction and control of the company grew by different processes, namely the
acquisition of Zamindari rights, conquest or cession of territory and assumption of the
Diwani.
In 1698 the company bought the Zamindari rights of the villages of Sutanati, Calcutta
and Govindpur. In 1757 the company acquired rights in the twenty-four parganas on
the basis of a quit rent which was subsequently assigned to the company.
In 1760 Mir Kassim ceded to the company the district of Burdwan, Chittagong and
Midnapur and this was confirmed by the Mughal Emperor Shah Alam. The
constitutional position of the British Crown with regard to territories obtained by a
grant from the emperor was not clear but, the official viewpoint is reflected in this
statement:
"In respect to such places as have been or shall be acquired by treaty or grant from
the Mughal or any of the Indian Princes o t Government your Majesty's letters,
patent are not necessary the property of the soil vesting in the company by the
Indian Grants, subject only to your Majesty's right of Sovereignty over the
settlement.. .. in respect to such places as have lately been required or shall.
henceforth be conquered, the property and sovereignty vests in your majesty by
virtue of your known prerogative and consequently the company can only derive
a right to them, by your Majesty's Grant".
Over Englishmen the company relied upon its chartered rights while over Indians the
authority of the Company was that of a Zamindar under a local fauzdar.
After the battle of Buxar in 1764 the British became the supreme power in Bengal.

5.3 ADMINISTRATION BEFORE 1857

When the British took control of Bengal, they tried to establish administration according
to their requirements. Before 1765 the Nawab of Bengal was looking after the
administration. Theoretically he was working as an agent of the Mughal Emperor, but in
practice he had absolute authority. As Nizam he was incharge of law and order, military
power and criminal justice and as Diwan he was responsible for the revenue collection
and administration of civil justice. In 1764after the Battle of Buxar the British became
supreme power in Bengal. Open annexation would have created political complication
both for the company in India and the home government. The company therefore
procured an order from the Mughal emperor granting them the diwani (rights to collect
h n d revenue) for Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. Even in the exercise of its powers as diwan,
the actual collection of revenue initially remained in the hands of the Nawab's
deputies. The nizamat remained in the hands of the Nawab. This dual nature of
administration came to an end in 1772, when the company decided to take actual
control of revenue collection.
The company had now grown from a predominantly commercial into a predominantly
territorial power. The question now was whether India was to be governed by a trading
corporation which would l w k primarily to its commercial interests or whether authority
was to be exercised by British Parliament.
With the expansion of political power of the company misuse of power by its officials
also increased. The acquisition of political power by the company was questioned in
England and there was pressure on parliament to intervene. Continuous wars and
mis-management by the cofnpany officials landed it in deep financial crisis. The
company requested parliament for financial help. The parliament agreed on the -
condition that it will regulate the administration of company in England and India. For
this purpose the Regulating Act of 1773 was passed.

5.3.1 East India Company Vis-a-vis British Parliament

Kamesh Mechrocks
The Regulating Act of 1773might be regarded as the first serious attempt by the British
Parliament to regulate Indian affairs. It constituted for the first time a supreme Colonialism :
The New AdministrntlveSystem
government, headed by a Governor General of Fort William in Bengal and four - Pre and Post 1857
Councillors, having the supervisory authority over the presidencies of Bombay and Madras.
The presidencies were forbidden to make war or peace with Indian states without the
consent of Governor General and Council, except in cases of imminent necessity and
also in the cases where they had received direct orders from the court of Directors. The
Act also provided for the establishment of a Supreme Court of Judicature at Calcutta.
The Regulating Act recognised the right of Parliament to regulate the civil, military and
revenue affairs of the company's territories in India and registers the first concern in the
intervention of the Indian affairs. The Act suffered from certain fundamental defects
which contributed to the difficulties of Warren Hastings who was opposed by his
councillors. The Act was also vague about the jurisdiction control over subordinate
presidencies and the jurisdiction between the Supreme Council and the Supreme
Court. As a consequence of the defects of the Act, Warren Hastings found himself
unable to carry out his administrative responsibilities and one crisis often developed
another in the council.
In 1781 steps were taken to bring greater control over the company's affairs. The
North-Fox coalition made a serious attempt to reorganise the Company's system of
government. They introduced two bills. Charles James Fox spoke of the Company's
administration as a system of despotism "unmatched in all the histories of the world".
The Company expressed its opposition to the placing of its patronage at the disposal of
Ministers. The bills were passed by the House of Commons but were rejected by the
Lords.
On assumption of office of the Prime Minister, William Pitt decided to introduce an
India Bill. Pitt had the support of only a minority in the House of Commons. At the
same time he had to allay the fears of the East India Company. Pitt negotiated with the
Company and with its approval worked out a plan of Parliamentary control over Indian
affairs known as Pitt's India Bill which passed into a law in August 1784.
According to this Act, distinction between territories and commerce was to be
maintained. Territorial administration was to be placed under a representative body of
Parliament while the Company was to continue to control commerce. The government
in India however, would still be run in the name of the company but political and
revenue matters would be subject to the control and supervision of the proposed
parliamentary body.
Pitt's India Act established an effective instrument of control, direction and supervision
which worked with slight alterations till 1858. And the control of the Crown was now
complete over India.
In the first half of the nineteenth century the character of legislation for the
administration of British territories was to some extent infuenced by Utilitarian thought
and principles as shown by Eric Stokes in his book "The English Utilitarians and India"
(Oxford, 1959). The renewal of the Charter in 1813 was marked by expression of liberal
principles. Administration of the company was left in its hands but the monopoly of the
Company's Indian trade was abolished. By the Act of 1833, the Company surrendered
all its personal property in India and held it in trust for the crown. The company
disappeared as a commercial agency in India, remaining as a political agent for the
crown. Now the government of India was reconstituted on a new model which gave it
in all India character.

5.3.2 Economic Policy

The economic policy of the British government led to a rapid transformation of India's
economy into a colonial economy, whose nature and structure were determined by
British needs. From 1600-1757 the East India Company's role was of a trading
corporation which brought goods or precious metals into India and exchanged them for
Indian goods like textiles. After the Battle of Plassey the Company's commercial
relations underwent a qualitative change. The company now used its political control
to push its Indian trade.

1
Industrial evolution in Britain further helped to strengthen the colonial pattern.
Between 1 93-1813 British manufacturers launched a powerful campaign against the
company and its commercial privileges and finally succeeded in abolishing its monopoly
Kamesh Mechrocks
of Indian trade. The aim of British industry was to transform India into a consumer of
British manufactures and a supplier of raw materials.
The colonial pattern of bondage and exploitation brought about the disintegration of
the entire Indian social and economic system.
The Company went olt putting additional burdens in order to consolidate its own
position in the territories it possessed and to extend its influence through expeditions
and war. The company needed extra money to pay high dividends to its share holders
in England, tributes to British Government and bribes to influential persons. After
1813 in addition to export surplus, the company extracted wealth of India as Home
Charges to England. These Home Charges included besides other forms of
expenditure, payment of interest on the Indian debt. By 1858Indian debts stood at 69.5
million. India got no adequate economic or material return for this export of wealth to
Britain. The fact of the drain from 1757 to 1857 has been accepted by British officials.
Lawrence Sullivan, Deputy Chairman of the Court of Directors, remarked:
Our system acts very much like a sponge, drawing up all the good things from the
banks of the Ganges and squeezing them down on the banks of the Thames.

5.3.3 Land Revenue Policy .

After assuming control in different parts of India the company followed a number of
methods for the collection of land revenue depending on the local conditions. Mostly it
was in the form of revenue farming. Gradually the company acquired the knowledge
about the land revenue system prevalent in India and devised long term policies in
different regions. The main aim was to increase the tax collections with little concem
for the peasantry or age long practices followed in India. Mainly three types of
settlements were followed in different parts of the country.
1) Permanent Settlement: In 1793Permanent Settlement for Bengal, Bihar and Orissa
was introduced. Its special features were:
a) The Zamindars became the owners of the entire land in their zamindaries and
became agents of the government in collecting land revenue.
b) A Zarnindar was to pay over nine-tenth of what he received from the feasting to the
state, retaining a tenth as remuneration for his exertion.
c) The land revenue to be collected from Zamindar was permanently fixed by declaring
Zamindars as the owners ofiland.
The Permanent Settlement by declaring Zamindars as owners of land brought into
existence a wealthy and privileged class of zamindars which owed its existence to British
rule. This class would therefore be compelled by its own basic interests to support it.
The Permanent Settlement was later extended to parts of Banaras and North Madr s.
With the Permanent Settlement the company lost all contact with the peasants whc
were now at the mercy of the zamindars. The fixation of revenue had no scientific basis
and was adhoc. The long standing ties between peasant and zamindars were arbitrarily
annulled. The burden of land revenue was very high.
The Zamindars also faced problems. Their zamindaries were auctioned for non-
payment of revenue. This encouraged a new group of people to become Zamindars.
The urban based merchants, speculators, money lenders etc. bought zamindaries. This
group had no permanent interests in the development of land or the welfare of
peasantry. As a result a number of peasant uprisings took place in this region. The
prominent were in 1795 in Panchet, 1798 in Raipur, 1799 in Balasore and in 1799-1800
in villages around Midnapore.
In 1762-63 taxes collected from Bengal were about Rs. 646,000 but by 1790 the
Company was collecting Rs. 2680,000. Bengal once known as the granary of the East
became almost barren. Hunger and famine, death and disease stalked the country. The
Select Committee of the House of Commcns reported in 1783:
"About 1,00,000 a year is remitted from Bengal on the company's account to
China, and the whole of the product of that money flows into the direct trade from
China to Europe. Besides this Bengal sends a regular supply in time of peace to
those presidencies in India which are unequal to their own establishment".

Kamesh Mechrocks
2) Ryotwari Settlement: According to the Ryotwari settlement introduced in parts of
 Colonialism :
Madras and Bombay presidencies in the beginning ~f the nineteenth century, the The New Administrative System
cultivator was to be recognised as the owner of his plot of land subject to the payment -Pre and Pmt 1 8 7
of land revenue. Here the British also recognised the mirasdars (i.e. members of village
communities) and peasants who paid tax direct to state. These mirasdars became small
landlords. The ryots right of ownership was however negated by three factor\(a)
exorbitant land revenue (b) Government's right to enhance land revenue at will and the
I
fact that (c) Theryot had to pay revenue even when his produce was partially or wholly
1I destroyed. The pasture and wasteland which belonged to the village communities were
now appropriated by the state. The burden of revenue also increased.

I 3) Mahalwari Settlement: A modified form of Zamindarr, which came to be known as

l
Mahalwari settlement was introduced in the Gangetic valley. North-West provinces
1
and parts of Central India and in the Punjab. Settlement was to be made village by
village with landlordsor headsof families, who collectively claimed to be the landlords
I of the village or estate. The British introduced a fundamental change in the ex~sting
1 land systems of the country. In fact the stability autonomy and continuity of Indian
I villages was shaken by the introduction of these new changes in the land.
I

5.3.4 Judicial System

The early Charters of the Company gave it authority to make reasonable laws,
'constitutional orders' and 'ordinances' and within limits to punish offences committed
by its servants, but they gave no territorial powers of jurisdiction. In 1661 Charles I1
authorised the Governor and Council of each factory to exercise criminal and civil
jurisdiction, not only over the Company's servants, but over all persons under the said
Governor or Company.
After the assumption of Diwani the Company to some extent, became responsible for
civil justice. In criminal matters Muhammadan law was followed, but in civil cases the
personal law of the parties was applied. In civil suits appeals lay to the Sadar Diwani
Adalat which in effect meant the President and members of Council while criminal
appeals lay with Sadar Nizamat Adalat which was under the Nawab.
However, the first concrete step in organising judicial administration was taken up by
Warren Hastings. He for the first time made the district as a unit of judicial
administration. In each district civil and criminal courts were established. In each
district collectors were to preside civil courts, and in criminal courts an Indian officer.
worked with the help of two maulvis. Over the district courts were created the courts of
appeal at Calcutta. The Sadar Diwan Adalat consisted of the Governor and two
members of the council assisted by the Diwan of the exchequer, the head Qanungo etc.
Sadar Nizamat Adalat was presided over by the Nazim's deputy, a muslim officer, who
was assisted by Maulvis.
In 1773 the Regulating Act set up i n Bengal the Supreme Court wh~chderived its power
from the Crown. The establishment of the Supreme Court led to the emergence of two
rival sets of judicial authorities: The Supreme Court, and Sadar Diwani Adalat. A
temporary solution was found with the appointment of the Chief Justice of the Supreme
Court as Presrdent of the Sadar Diwani Adalat.
In 1790 criminal appeals were transferred to the Governor-General and Council who
was to be assisted by Chief Qazi and two muftis. This was part of the general policy of
Cornwallis in replacing Indians by Europeans in all higher posts. Cornwallis established
District courts under British judges. He separated the posts of civil judge and the
collector from whom appeals lay to four new appellate courts set up at Calcutta, Dacca,
Murshidabad and Patna. Below the district courts were Registrar's courts, headed by
Europeans and a number of subordinate courts headed by Indian judges known as
Munsifs and Amins.
Cornwalliserected the structure of a system of govcrnmcnt undcrwhich India came to
be ruled for t h c next hundrcd years. I t was bascd on thc perpetuation of foreign rulc
and exploitation of the wealth of thc governed.
- - -
In 1801 the judicial authority of the Governor Generill anrl council came to an end and
three judges were appointed to form the S:ltl;~rIliwuni Arlalat or ~ i v Appellate
l Court.
The principle of duality hetween thc courts of the Crown and the zamindari courts
e-nded in 1Mil whcn the Indian High Court Act established High C:ourts at Calcutta.
Madras and Bombay in placc of the Suprc~ncC'ourt :I> wcll a h thc S:I~~:II-Cour~.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Imperialism. Colonialismand The important features of the new judicial set up were the rule of law. equality before
Nationalism
law, recognition of the right to be judged by his personal law and thc growth o f the
professional and trained judicial hierarchy.
However, the new judicial system suffered from certain serious weaknesses. In criminal
cases the Europeans had separate courts and even laws. They were tried by European
judges who at times gave them undue protection. In civil matters the situation wasquite
scrious. The courts were situated at distant places. the procedures were long and tinic
consuming. Justice was proving very expensive. Village committees and panchayats
lost importance even in the village matters.

5.3.5 Impact of British Administration

The benefits of British Administration could he seen in the maintenance of pcacc and
order. hclicf in lihcrty ;lnci ushering in a proccss of modernisation. A common systcm
of law and uniform court uf government produccd a large measure of unity.Howevcr.
the rcmotc and impersonal nature of administration proved to be both ;I sourcc o f
wcakncss and strength. Its defect was that it produccd a lack of scnsitivcncss l o thc
feelings of the people.
T h e British administrative policies resulted in the disappearance of indigenous
institutions of local self government and exclusion of Indians from higher ranks of
administration. The effects of subordination o f Indian economy to British interests
were many. such as the ruin o f artisans and craftsmen, impoverishment of the
peasantry, ruin of old zamindars and rise of a class of new landlords, stagnation and
deterioration of agriculture.
T h e general discontent which began to brew up among the Indians as a consequcncc of
British policies,ultimately led to the out break of 1857.

Check Your Progress 1

Note: i) Writc your answer in the space provided below each question.
ii) Check your answers with those given at the end of the Unit.

. I ) What were the different processes by which thc jurisdiction of the Company grew
2) Which was the first major Act passcd by the British Parliament to regulate Indian
affairs. Write five lines on it.
3) Writc three important features of the Permanent Settlement.
1)
ii)
iii)
4) Write 3 main achievements a n d 3 disadvantages of the new judicial system.

5.4 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM AFTER 1857

The Company's economic and administrative policies gave rise t o widespread discountent
in all sections of societies. This discontent together with various other factors gave rise
t o the rcvolt of 1857. (You must have read about it in Unit 4). T h e revolt shook the East
India Company. T h e British Government also got alarmed. All sections of political
opinion in Britain agreed that the East lndia Company should be set aside and British
Government should assume direct responsibility for the administration of India. The
British crown by a proclamation in 1858 assumed the direct control of lndia.

5.4.1 The New Administrative Set Up

By the Act of 1858 lndia was to be governed directly by and in the name o f the Crown
through a Secretary of State in England. T h e Secretary of State was t o he assisted by a
Council of fifteen members of whom at least nine would have served in India for not
less than ten years, and would have left India not more than ten years before their
appointment to the Council.
The Central administration in India continued to remain in the hands of the Governor
Kamesh Mechrocks
General who was given the new title of Viceroy. A n executive council was formed t o
I
help the (;o\.cr~iorGeneral. The membersof executive council were to act as the heads Colonialism :
The New Administrative System
01' dcpal-tmcntsand aclvisors to Governor General. -
' Pre and Post 1857

I'hc, [~icliaC'ouncils Act of IS61 cnlargccl the Govcrnor General's council (from 6 to 12
I nlcnihcrs) for making laws in which capacity i t was known ;IS thc Imperial Legislative
I
Council. In this council Indians could also he associated for making laws.
1
I'hc lncli:~nN;~tionalCongress aftcr its formation in 1885. clcmandcd a number of
changes in the i~dniinistration.As a result The Act of 1892 w;~sp;~sscd.By this Act the
number of members in the Council was increased from 10 to 16. The Act also empowered
tlie Council to cliscuss the annual financial statement. They wcre not to votc thc budget

1
I
item by item, but could indulge in a free and fair critisim of the policy of the
Ciovcr~imcnt.
The role ol's~~p~r\.ision a n d control ofthe Secretary of Statc for India was incrc;~scdancl
I :I prolxwtion:~ldiminution in thc powers of the Govcrnor General vis-a-vis the Home
(iovcrnmcnt W;IS hro~~glit about. Thc dual control of the President of the Boarcl o f
1 Control ;111cl the Directors of the Company was abolishccl ancl all the authority was
I
i
centered in the Secretary of Statc. The financial powers enableel the Govcrnor-Gencral
to scru1ini.s~a n d control the expenditure of the Government of 11iclia.Thc Royal Titlcs
! Act of 1577,clc:1rly brought out the subordination of thc Governor General and his
L council to tlic a~rtliorityof the Secretary of State.
While the powcrs oftlic Secretary of Statc wcre increased the checks upon his authority
wcrc wcakcnecl. The Inclian Council was reduced to advisory functions. In fact the
Sccrctary of State hcg;~nto bc regardcd as the "grand Mughal".
When the Viceroy of India, Lord Mayo tried to assert his Council's authority he was
clcnr'ij, told that:
Thc principle is that the final control and direction of the affairsof India rcst with
the Homc Government and not with thc authorities appointed and established by
thc crown. under Parliamentary cnactment, in India itself
Thcse devclopnicnrs became possible as a result of the laying o f a dircct c:~blcline
hctwc.cn England and India in 1870, the opening of the Suez Canal and the shortening
of voyage between the two countries by introduction of steam vessels which helped to
quicken communic:~tion.
Aftcr abolition o f the East India Company, the Crown began to tighten its control
over thC Indian :lclministration. It was in fact a pcriod of British Imperi:~lismin India.

5.4.2 Administrative Decentralisation

A beginning in thc tlircction of decentralisation was made by the Act of 1861 . It
pro\idccl Icgisl;~tivcpowers to the Presidencies of Bonibay and M;~dras.But they had
to obtain ~~crmission from the Govcrnor General for passing an act. Lord Mayo in I87O.f(!r
the fi~.sttime granted l'ixcd sums to provinccs to spend it as they wished o n Police. Jails.
t:clucation. Mcdic:~lScrviccs. ctc. More financial indcpcndcnce was given in I877 when
1-orcl Lytton transferred certain other expcnclitures like Land Revenue. Excise.
Cicncr;~IAdministr;~tio~i. 13y I882 the system of giving fixed grants ti) the provinccs was
put to an cncl. Instc;~tlthe pr0vinccs wcrc asked to gcncratc :I fixed income from thc
provincial t;~xcs.ilccording t(? tlicsc arrangemcnts some sources of revenue were fullv
handcd over to the provinces, some partially and some reserved fro Centre. The
cxpcnditurc o n wi~randfa~nincswas the rcsponsihility of the centre. 'This nrrangemcnt
continu~~cl t i l l 1002.

I.ocal Bodies
Ijuc to financi;~lprc>l,lems thc Government further deccntraliscd the administration
; ~ n dpromotcd municipalities and district boarcls. .['lie proccss started in 1864. In the
initial years most of the lncmlicrs wcre nominated and the bodies were prchided over
I)y the District Magistrates. They wcre to gencratc revenue to be spcnt in their
jurisdiction.
Thc situation improved by 1882. Now the local hoards wcrc to bc developed through
out the country and not only in towns:These bodies wcrc assigned dcrinitc di~ticsand
funds. The majorities of nominated members was replaced by elected members. Now
:)fficial members wcrc limited to one third, urban bodies were to he indcpcndcnt ancl
Kamesh Mechrocks
non-officials were also allowed to chair the boards. But still the official control was
firm, right to vote restricted and non-officials enjoyed very few powers. A s pointed out
by Bipin Chandra, except in the
"Presidency cities of Calcutta, Madras and Bombay, the local bodies functioned
just like departments of the Government and were in no way good examples of
local self-government"
5.4.3 Economic Policy
T h e British continued t o exploit India's economy. T h e burden of the East India
Company's London establishment and of dividends to its shareholders was replaced
after 1858, by the expenditure o n the Secretary of State's India Office. The Indian debt
in England which was already considerable as a result of the Company's military
ventures and suppression of the mutiny was further increased, when compensation to
the Company's shareholders was added to Government of India's account. T h e Home
charges also included, pensions to British Indian officials, costs of army training, etc.
In 1901, the Home charges came to about $ 1 7 . 3 miilion.
Both Home charges and private remittances were channelised through Indian exports
as pointed out by the nationalist economists from Dadabhai Naoroji onwards. T h e
character of economic drain which was originally mercantalist, underwent a change
and it now took the form of exploitation through free trade. In the later stage it got
linked with the structure of British Indian finance capitalism. In fact India's export
surplus became vital for Britains' balance of payments by the end of the nineteenth
century. In the nineteenth century the developing capitalist economies of Europe had
erected high tariff walls. Britain was finding it difficult to get markets for its exports.
The policy of free trade in India meant a ready market for its Lancashire textiles while
India's export surplus helped to counter balance British deficits. Besides military and
strategic advantages, this indeed was a solid advantage which the British gained from
the Indian Empire.
T h e British rule inhibited and curbed indigeneous industry through a variety of
structural constraints. T h e government policies actively promoted the European
enterprise and discriminated against Indians. The railway network and freight rates
encouraged traffic with ports as against inland centres. T h e organised money market
was largely under the British control, the only exception being the Punjab National Bank
and the Bank of India. T h e British controlled the bulk of the external trade through
exchange banks, export import firms, and shipping concerns.
The British tried to justify their policy by pointing to the remittance of capital which had
been invested in railways, plantations, mines and mills, which, they proclaimed would
lead to the development and modernisation of India. But the establishment of railways
was geared t o British commercial and strategic needs, while plantations, mines and
mills promoted inrerlockingof British financial, commercial and industrial activity and
served to intensify the capitalist exploitation of the Indians by the British.
T h e land revenue policy became interwoven with its commercial policy. T h e
government made no worthwhile effort for a long time for the improvement of
agriculture. T h e only government initiative that could be mentioned in this context is
the giving of some paltry taccavi loans from the 1870's and the introduction of a canal
system passing through Funjab, Western U P and parts of Madras Presidency. In fact
the colonial structure acted as an inbuilt depressor as proved by the famines in the 1870
and 1 890's.

5.4.4 Organisation of the Army

Some major changes were made in the organisation of the army in 1861 keeping in view
thc outhreak of 1857. With thc take over of the administration by the Crown the arlily
of the Company was also merged with the crown troops. In the re-organisation of the
army the main conccrn of the British was that the happcning of 1857 may never hc
repeated. For this a number of steps were taken
i) T h c proportion o f Furopcans in the army was raised. (In 1857 there were 4O.(M10
Europc,ln\ ilnd 115,OO Indians). In Bengal it was fixed in the ratio of I:? and in
M;~dra%and Bombay 7:s.
ii) In the important brariches of army like European hold was established over
negligible Indians. Later the sanie policy was followed about tanks and armoured
corps.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 iii) A distinction of martial and non-martial races was made and the former were
recruited in large numbers. The soldiers of Bihar, Awadh, Bengal andsouth India
who had participated in the revolt of 1857 were declared non-martial. While the
soldiers who supported the British like, Sikhs, Gurkhas and Pathans were declared
martial.
iv) TO divide the soldiers belonging to different race or caste they were put in different
companies.
v) Efforts were made to encourage regional loyalties among the soldiers so that they
may not unite on national considerations. Thus the homogeneity of the army was
broken up. Indian soldiers were used in wars of the British outside India.

5.4.5 Civil Services

Cornwallis had relegated the Indians to a subordinate position and this position did not
alter in spite of the Charter Act of 1833 and Queen's proclamation of 1858. All the
superior positions were reserved for Europeans. The officers for Indian Civil Service
were selected through a competitive examination. Though the doors were open for
I Indians but more than one or two could never be selected because:
the examination was held far away in London
the examination was heavily based on the knowledge of Latin, Greek and English
(the Indians had little background of these languages)
a the maximum age was gradually reduced from 23 in 1859 to 19 years in 1878.

All efforts of Indians to remove these hurdles bore little results. Apart from Civil
Services all superior positions in Police, Public Works Department, Forest, Post and
Telegraph and(Hea1th services were reserved for Europeans,

( 5.4.6 Relations with Princely States

After the revolt of 1857 the British realised that the Princely States could play an
important role in checking the discontent of Indian masses. Therefore the policy of
oflndian states was given up and their co-operation was sought in
strengthening the British imperialism. The Princely States were asked to extend their
co-operation. A number of powers were restored to them and they were assured that if
they continued to be loyal to the British they would not be harmed.
I Through the policy of Paramountcy a close check on the states was also maintained.
Now no Indian ruler was allowed to maintain relations with other countries except
through the British. British interfered in day to day functioning of the states through
f their agents called Residents. British Residents and nominated ministers were posted
in almost all the states. They were to protect British interests and implement British
I
I
policies. The right to recognise the successors was also reserved with the British
government. If any ruler did not fall in line he was replaced with a personof the British
choice. Likewise the rulers of Baroda in 1873 and Manipur in 1891 were removed. In
other states also a policy of interference was followed. In spite of these policies majority
I of Indian rulers supported the British t o secure their status and privileges.

I 5.4.7 Hostile Administration

The British through their administrative policies,not only drained the wealth from India
and established supremacy of Europeans,they followed a deliberate policy of hostility
towards Indians. We have already referred to the consequences of British rule in earlier
units. Here we will study a few areas where this hostility and anti Indian bias was most
pronounced.
i) Education: From 1833 onwards the British supported the growth of limited
education. However, the establishment of the Universities at Calcutta, Bombay
and Madras gave a new impetusto higher education. But with increasing education
the educated Indians developed critical attitude towards the British rule and began
organising the national movement. This alarmed the British and they adopted a
hostile attitude towards higher education.

I
ii) 'public Services: The British spent huge amounts on army and wars. While fund
allocation for health, irrigation, sanitation and public works department was
meagre.
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iii) Curbs on Press: The credit for the growth of printing press also goes to the British.
But as soon as the press started playing an important role in building public opinion
and growth of consciousness a number of legislations were passed to check its
freedom. The Vernacular Press Act of 1878 was a serious attempt in curbing the
press.
iv) Racial Discrimination: The British in the recruitment of civil and military officers
and judicial matters followed a policy of discrimination against the Indians. British
enjoyed all the privileges and Indians were deprived of their due right.
V) Labour Laws: N Ith the growingplantations and factories the number of work force
or labourers was rising. These labourers used to work for long hours in unhygienic and
poor working conditions. Most of these organisations were owned by the British
while the work force was Indian. The British made no serious attempt to provide
relief for labourers. The factory Act passed in 1881 and 1891 mainly dealt with
child labour and women. These could provide very little relief. While for plantations
all the laws were favourable to planters almost all of whom were Europeans.
Due to this hostile attitude of administration the Indians started demanding right for
self government. But this demand also failed to invoke favourable response. We will
discuss this in the following sections.

5.4.8 The Question of Self Government for India

After 1857 the idea of self government for the Indians was completely abandoned. Sir
Charles Wood, Secretary of State for India, put forth the view that representative
bodies were impractical in India. The British justified their inaction on the grovnd that
India was not a nation. They stirred divisions, primarily along religious lines but also
used caste and regional identities for this purpose. Hunter's book Indian Musalmans
(1870) while supporting the Muslims, emphasised the distinctiveness and separateness
of Muslims and called them a homogeneous community. Lord Dufferin, the Viceroy,
described the Muslims in 1888 as "a nation of 50 million" having uniform religious and
social customs. Wood in a letter to Lord Elgin, the Viceroy wrote "we have maintained
our power by playingoff (up) one part against the other and we must continue to do so"
Events in India, however, were taking a shape on account of which the government was
ultimately forced to take notice of the people's wishes. The seventies was a decade af
increasing disturbances. India experienced some of the worst famines. A.O. Hume in
1872 warned Lord Northbrook of the situation "that we have now between us and
destruction nothing but the bayonets"
Political agitation was gathering momentum during this period. The Indian National
Congress which came into existence in 1885 became an important instrument for the
articulation of the wishes and aspirations of the Indian and raised it's yoice in support
of a responsible system of government. But the government had no intention of
satisfying the aspirations of the Indian people.
When the British were forced to introduce legislation in 1892, it became clear that the
government intended to effect no real participation of the Indians in the government.
With the national movement gaining ground the British were again forced to adopt a
conciliatory move add the Act of 1909 was passed. But the principle of senarate
electrorate for the Muslims was introduced in the Act and eight of twenty seven seais
were reserved for them.
. It was only after Gandhi had emerged on the national scene and the National
Movement had become an all-India mass movement that a visible shift in the British
attitude took place.

Notes: i) Use the space provided with each question to write your answer.
ii) Check your answers with those given at the end of the unit.
1). Mention three important features of the Act of 1858.

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 .......................................................................................................... CdoaLlbm:
.......................................................................................................... 'Ibc New A d m h h h t h Sptem
-rnmd~lM

2) How did the policy of free trade help British Industry.

......................................................................................................

3) List three important features of the reorganisation of army by the British.

i) .................................................................................................
ii) ..................................................................................................
...
11l)l.. ................................................................................................

Write three areas where the British administration had a hostile attitude towards
Indians.
..........................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................
... ...............................................................................................
i.......

..........................................................................................................

5) How with the help of the right of Paramountcy did the British interfere in the affairs
of the Princely States.

5.5 LET US SUM UP

The East India Company initially began as a trading corporation. But by 1757 it had
changed from a predominantly commercial into a predominantly territorial power. The
British Government now worked out a plan to regulate its Indian Affairs. The colonial
pattern of bondage and exploitation was put into force and this led to disintegration of
the Indian social and economic system.
Kamesh Mechrocks
With the outbreak of revolt of 1857 the British Government assumed direct
responsibility for the administration of India. In the post revolt period, the British
Policy was primarily directed towards the maintenance of its Indian Empire. In the
meanwhile events in India took such a turn that the government was forced to take
notice of the people's wishes.

5.6 KEY WORDS

Drain of Wealth: Outflow of money, used in the sense of outflow of money from India
to Britain.
Industrial Revolution: Economic transformation through Industry referred to the
process of rapid industrialisation in England.
Jurisdiction:Controlling limit
Acquisition: To acquire

5.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
CbeckYwr~1
1) The jurisdiction of the Company grew by different processes namely acquisition of
zamindari right, conquest of,cession of temtory and assumption of Diwani. Also
read Section 5.2
2) The regulating act of 1773 was the first major attempt by British Parliament to
regulate Indian affairs. Also read Sub-section 5.3.1
3) Zamindars became the owners of the entire land in their zamindaries and became
agents of the government in collecting land revenue, the land revenue was fixed and
the share of the zamindar was specified.
4) Important achievementsof the new judicial set up were: rule of law, equality before
law, recognition of the right of the individual to be judged by his personal law and
the growth of a professional and trained judicial hierarchy. The main disadvantages
were the discrimination against Indians, the procedures were long and justice
expensive. Also read Sub-section 5.3.4

CheckYourProgress2
1) The dual control of the Board of control and the Directors of the company was
abolished.
India was to be governed directly by and in the name of the Crown through a
Secretary of State.
The Governor General was given the title of Viceroy.
2) The policy of free trade provided a ready market for Lancashire textile. Also read
Sub-section 5.4.3
3) The British reorgmised the army to maintain European supremacy. They also
encouraged division in the army and propagated the theory hf martial races. Also
read ref. Sub-section 5.4.4
4) Education,Public Services and Press. Also read sub-section 5.4.7
5) Read Sub-section 5.4.6

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 6 CONSOLIDATION OF THE RAJ :
FRONTIER AND FOREIGN POLICY
Structure
6.0 Objectives
6.1 Introduction
6.2 International Situation
6.2.1 British Supremacy in-the Sub-continent
6.2.2 The Decline of China
6.2.3 The n r e a t from Russia
6.2.4 Afghanistan
6.2.5 Second Afghan War
6.3 North West Frontier Policy
6.4 Persia and the Persian Gulf
6.5 Tibet
6.6 Nepal
6.7 Sikkim
6.8 Bhutan
6.9 North Eastern Frontier Agency (NEFA)
6.10 Let Us Sum Up
6.1 1 Key Words
6.12 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

6.0 OBJECTIVES
?'he policy adopted by the British to consolidate their rule in India included the
establishment of a proper administrative system as well as securing the boundaries of
the newly conquered territories. The latter aspect is called the foreign and frontier
policy and it is often referred to as an imperialistic policy because it was formulated to
serve world-wide British imperial interests. This Unit tries to analyse the basic
components of Indian foreign policy.
After reading this Unit you will :
know what the international situation was during the period of our study,
know how the British established their supremacy in the sub-continent,
understand how they tried to overcome the Russian danger in Central Asia,
learn what methods the British Indian government adopted to bring the North-West
under their control,
grasp the nature of British Indian relations with Tibet, Nepal, Sikkim, Bhutan, and
come to know about Indian policy regarding Perisa and Persian Gulf as well as
North-East Frontier Agency.

6.1 INTRODUCTION
By 1818 the British had conquered almost the whole of India except Punjab and Sindh
and their annexation too was only a question of time. After completing the empire
building process, the British followed a two-fold policy for the consolidation of the Raj,
namely, the introduction of a suitable administrative system and making arrangements
for ensuring security of the newly conquered territories. The latter effort constitutes the
frontier and foreign policy. This, of course, excludes British relations with Indian states
which were also regulated by the Foreign Department. The policy of defending British
Indian territories is often described as "an imperialistic policy" for it was formulated in
the perspective of world-wide British imperial interests. Here we are posed with a
pertinent question: can we say that India before 1947 had an independent foreign policy
of her own? To a certain extent it was so. We have the following arguments in support
of this point:
i ) The invasions of Afghanistan and Persia (Iran) and the plundering expeditions of the
the frontier tribes which had been going on for a long time ended with the
consolidation of British rule in India.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Impcrl.lisl,Cdoallbm~
N.tiaullrm
. ii) Being a big and strong component of the Empire India always had some weight in
the formulation of British foreign policy.
iii) Because of distance between India and England, the British Government of India
always had some discretion and a certain degree of initiative in the formulation of
foreign policy of India.
iv) Moreover, the British imperial interests in some spheres coincided with those of
India, such as those involving Russia, Persia and China which gave a fillip to the
evolution of India's foreign policy.
In spite of these arguments we must remember that India was a colony. The foreign
political activities of the colonial government can be termed as India's foreign policy
but these were directed towards the larger interests of British imperialism.
Here we may also draw your attention to the problem of suggesting the period or a
specific year said to be the starting point of India's foreign policy. It is generally believed
that the British East India Company began to evolve its foreign policy by establishing
relation's with the Indian states. These states were compelled to surrender their foreign
relations to be controlled by the paramount British power. The other starting point is
1818 which inaugurated an era of consolidation of the Raj by the Company. But in
terms of international law, it was the transfer of power in 1858-59 from the Company to
the British crown that gave to India's foreign policy an independent character, in form,
but not in reality.

6.2 INTERNATIONAL SITUATION

When we scan the world situation during the period of our study, we find it favourable
to the British. As far as the sea-coast and naval defences were concerned, Britain
having defeated the Dutch, the French and earlier the Portuguese, was in a strong
position. In the context of the defence of land frontier, the Russian and the Chinese
affairs figured prominently in the diplomatic and military concerns of India during the
whole of the nineteenth century. For proper understanding, it is necessary to explain
the situation by dividing the subject matter into three sections.

6.2.1 British Supremacy in the Sub-Continent

After defeating the Portuguese and the Dutch in the early stages of British conquest of
India, the British and the French were involved in a world-wide conflict for domination.
From 1740 to 1800, the conflict between these two powers was primarily confined to
South India. The French, though defeated in the Seven Years War, became a serious
threat to the British Empire in India with the rise of Haider Ali and his son Tipu Sultan
in Mysore and of Napoleon in France. Napoleon's Egyptian campaign and the
consequent Battle of Nile (1798) and the French relations with Tipu Sultan threatened
the British in India. With the defeat of Napoleon in Egypt in 1788and of Tipu Sultan in
India, the French menace disappeared altogether in the South.
After 1807 the scene of conflict shifted to North-West. After the French defeat in the
naval vaunters, Napoleon planned his strategy to attack India via land route. The
apprehension of joint operation of the French and the Persians in collaboration with the
Russians alarmed the British Government in India and compelled Lord Minto, then
Governor-General, immediately to send four diplomatic missions as a counter move to
avert the impending threat. Malcolm was sent to Tehran, Elphinstone to Kabul, Seton
to Sindh and Charles Metcalfe to Lahore. As a result of the efforts of these diplomatic
missions, friendly treaties were concluded with the respective governments with a view
to meeting the challenge of the French. These were the earliest steps taken up by the
British Indian government in evolving India's foreign policy. Although the French
threat disappeared with the defeat of Napoleon but it left a trail for the Russians to
follow. It may, however be noted that the Portuguese small scale presence in Goa
and that of the French in Pondicherry never posed any threat to the British in the
nineteenth century. However, by the closing decades of the century, the French tried
to establish a consulate in Burma to encourage insurgency. Similar fears were
entertained when the French made efforts to establish a naval base at Oman, and the
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Germans envisaged the construction of the Berlin-Bagdad railway line.
 6.2.2 The Decline of China
Despite cultural contacts and regular visits of the Chinese travellers, India never
apprehended aggression from China. This was because the two-countries were
separated by the high Himalayan ranges -acting as a barrier between the two
countries. Although China extended its sovereignty over Tibet in the eighteenth
century and established supremacy over eastern parts of Central Asia, the situation for
India did not materially change. In the nineteenth century the Chinese power and
I prestige rapidly declined. This was a period when many European powers were trying
! to open up China for trade. The attention of Chinese was drawn towards resisting these
powers rather than over its north-eastem borders.

6.2.3 The Threat from Russia

The idea of 'Russian Peril', was propagated by Lord Palmerston, British Foreign
Secretary, in the mid-nineteenth century and the term first time mentioned by William
Bentinck, the Indian Governor-General was believed to reflect a real danger. Checked
I by the British in Mediterranean Sea, the Russians rapidly advanced towards the north-
western frontier of Afghanistan. The British in India had not reached the natural
frontier, as both Punjab and Sindh were &dependent states. Persia though weak,
1 aspired to revive the glory it had achieved during the period of Nadir Shah. Mirza
I Mohammad succkeded to the throne of Persia after his grandfather's death in 1834. He
was favourably inclined towards Russia. It appeared as though the Russians were
determined to control the whole of Near and Middle East (now known as West Asia)
and this was seen as posing a threat to Afghanistan.

6.2.4 Afghanistan
The British were anxious to protect Afghanistan, the emporium of their trade, and the
only entrance to Central Asia from their side. A stage was thus set for the Central Asian
duel between the two expanding empires. Persia's siege of Herat and the unhappiness
of Dost Mohammad (the Amir of Kabul) with the British policy makers combined with
the over-anxiety of the British Indian administration lecfto the First Afghan War
(1838-42) which proved to be a great disaster for the British. One of its significant
consequences was the annexation of Sindh (1843) and Punjab (1849) which made the
frontier of British Indian empire co-terminus with that of Afghanistan.
The disaster in the First Afghan War led to the return of Dost Mohammad on the
throne of Kabul. To the distinct advantage of England, he maintained absolute
neutrality when England was fighting against Russia in the Crimean War (1854-56) or
was facing in India the revolt of 1857. Soon after the Crimean War, the Russians
advanced swiftly in Central Asia. Making the Russian intention clear Prince
Gortchadoff wrote in his memorandum of 1864 that in approaching Afghanistan Russia
was influenced by the same imperious law that had led the British armies across the
plains of Hindustan and Punjab till they reached the mountains. In pursuance of this
aim Russia extended its frontier by 1864to Bokhara, to Samarkand in 1868and toKhiva in
1873. In 1867 a new province of Russian Turkestan was formed and reduced Bukhara
'to the position of a vassal state. In 1873 Khiva fell to their control. In defence of their
policy Russians argued that British could always pose a threat to them through continental
alliances, as had happened in the Crimean War. It was for this reason, the ~ u s s i a n s
argued that they had secured a strong military position in Central Asia to keep England
in check by the threat of intervention in India.
The British reaction to this Russian posture was two-fold:
i) One move was to occupy advanced stations in Central Asia and to secure
commanding influence in Afghanistan. This came to be known as "Forward Policy"
which was generally held by the members of the Conservative Party.
ii) The other move known as 'The Policy of Masterly Inactivity' or 'Stationary
School' generally supported by the,Liberals aimed at reaching a
diplomatic understanding with Russia and adopting the policy of watchful non-
intervention as far as Afghanistan was concerned.
In the case of Russian attack, the Government of India, under this second policy during
1863-75 preferred to meet the danger on the Indian frontier itself since it was
dangerous to strive for political domination over ~ f ~ h a n i s t aMoreover,
n. the Russian
Kamesh Mechrocks
 military base being far away from the expected scene of conflict, it was better toengage
themat the Indian frontier. Opposed to this line of thinking were the protagonists of
Forward Policy who believed that the imminknt threat of Russian invasion should be
met beyond the Indo-Afghan frontier to avoid dangerous repercussions on the
disaffected Indian people. It implied that the British Indian government should go
forward to establish their control over Afghanistan and check the Russian advance on
the Hindukush Frontier.

6.2.5 Second Afghan War

In 1874 the Gladstone ministry fell due to the defeat of the Liberal Party at the polls.
The new ministry was headed by the Conservatives. Disraeli firmly believed in the
'Forward Policy' and gradually forced the Indian Government to the Second Afghan
War. The results of this war were not strikingly different from those of the First Afghan
War. While on the other side of the Hindukush, the Russian imperial expansion
continued unabated, their occupation of Merv caused tremendous nervousness in
Calcutta and London. A year later they extended control over Punjab and in 1893 they
overtook Pamir Plateau which bordered directly on Kashmir. By 1890 the European
diplomatic scene began to experience restructuring of relations. Germany after the fall
of Bismarck, alienated Russia forcing a bipolarization of powers. In this process the old
, enemies of England -France and Russia- came closer to each other, leading finally
to the formation of Tripple Entente in 1907. Thus they resolved their ~olitical differences
relating to their conflicting interests in different continents.

Check Your Prolp.ess 1

1) Mark which of the following statements are right (V') or wrong (x).
i) The foreign poliq of the colonial government in India was directed towards
protecting the larger British Imperialist interests.
ii) The British were least bothered about protecting their empire in India.
iii) The British could not establish their supremacy against other European powers
in India.
iv) Russian advance towards Central Asia threatened the British interests.
2) Mention the two policies adopted by the British to counter the Russian move in
Central Asia:

ii) ......................................................................................................

6.3 NORTH-WEST FRONTIER POLICY -

The annexation of Sindh and Punjab brought the British into direct contact with the hill
tribes. It was an undefined border beyond which lay the tangle of great hills, cut by deep
winding valleys. The northern part inhabited by the Pathans was administered by the
Punjab province while the Southern part occupied by the Baluchis known as the Sindh
frontier was then under Bombay. The hill tribes, however were practically free, owing
only nominal allegiance to the Amir of Kabul. Inhabiting dry and difficult terrain, living
on meagre resources bht endowed with courage, endurance and military skill, these
people frequently indulged in mass raids and plundering of the British Indian border
areas. These turbulent tribes created a turmoil that seemed to defy all chances of a
stable and peaceful frontier which was essential for the defence of India.
Since the North-West frodtier was under two different provincial governments, namely
Punjab and Bombay, there developed two distinct methods of administering the
frontier and conducting relations with the tribes. O n the Sindh frontier where the
valleys were broader and less tortuous than in the Punjab and where the cultivated land
was not very close to the tribal areas, the closed frontier system was adopted. Under
this system, the fron'tier was patrolled, and no tribesman from beyond the border was
allowed to enter British territory without a pass. The Punjab frontier, on the other hand
was kept an 'open frontiet'. For its protection forts and garrisons were built to guard
the narrow passes. T o encourage tribesmen to forsake their old habits of plunder the
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government allowed them to trade in the British Indian territory.
During the early ph,ase, it was Lord Dalhousie's policy which served as a grand strategy C d k l n t i o a of tbe RoJ1
Fmntkr .ad Fweip Polky
t s keep the frontier under control. His policy can be explained in three words, namely,
fines, blockades and expeditions. Fines were imposed as a punishment for plunder and
murder; blockades for keeping crisis within certain limits; and expeditions were led
against the tribes which resorted to mass plunder and rampage. The policy of sending
punitive expeditioncs and blockades was described as 'butcher and bolt policy' and was
criticised as a barbarous style of reprisal. Between 1849 and 1893 as many as forty-two
such expeditions were carried in which as many as 2173 British casualties took place. In
view of the high rate of casualties the British officers were discouraged from visiting the
tribal region. To strengthen their control and conciliate the local people, the
government encouraged the holding of fairs to promote internal trade. It also made
provision for free medical treatment by opening dispensaries and hospitals. It created
employment opportunities and encouraged the tribals to enlist themselves in military
and para-military forces. It strengthened its hold on the region by constructing roads
and railway lines. Lastly, the government organized the frontier districts of Hazara,
Peshawar, Kohat, Bannu, Dera Ismail Khan and Dera Ghazi Khan. These were the
efforts made to consolidate the frontier as the first line of defence of India.

A coniparative study of the two systems - Punjab and Sindh -reveals that the latter
achieved greater success at least upto the year 1890, not because of innate superiority of
the system but because of physical differences of the two frontiers which have already
been mentioned. There were other factors as well. The jirga, or the tribal council of the
Pathans was a large group consisting almost of the whole tribe. In Baluchistan there
were only a few leaders and it was easy to deal with them. Agreements with the Pathan
chiefs, o n the other hand, did not possess the value which those arrived at with the
Baluch chiefs, carried. Another feature that proved effective was the appointment of
Major Sandeman as an agent in Baluchistan in February 1877. His policy of friendly and
conciliatory intervention was a great success for the British. All attempts of application
of Sandeman's methods to the Pathan tribes, however, completely failed, because the
leaders here did not possess a comparably high degree of influence over the fellow
tribesmen.

The Durand Line (1893)

~ s t a b l i s h h e n of
t peace on the North-West frontier was a complex problem as usually
the Amir of Kabul intrigued with the frontier tribes. On Lord Lansdowne's insistence,
Sir Mortimer Durand was appointed to negotiate a boundary agreement with the Amir
of Kabul settling forever the responsibility of the Kabul government concerning the
tribes on the Indus border. The agreement concluded on 12 November, 1893 was as
follows:
i) the Amir of Kabul was to retain Wakhan, Asmar, Kafiristan, Mohmand and a
portion of Wazirstan;
ii) the British were allowed to retain Swat, Bajaur, Darwaz Kurrum Valley, Chalgeh
and New Chaman. The tribal areas of Gomal Pass were also given to the British.
This divided the tribal area between Afghans and the British. It was also decided that a
commission would be appointed to demarcate the frontier. The Agreement,%as
followed by a survey and demarcation of the border. The work under the supervision
of Mortimer Durand took two years as the suspicious tribal people hindered the work
of demarcation. However, after the completion of the line of demarcation known as the
Durand Line, the frontier was clearly divided for the purposes of responsibility for
maintaining law and order from Taghdumbash on the north west corner of Hindukush
to Manda Pass, separating, Kafiristan upto Kabul.
The Durand agreement gave the legal right to the British government to enforce
subordination upon the tribes like the Waziris, Afridis, and Bajauris. Suspicious as the
tribes were, the immediate consequence of the agreement was their frequent revolt
against the British. This was used by the British to lead armed campaigns into the
frontier. This agreement proved helpful to the British for developing communications
in the region; for collection of taxes, particularly salt tax; and interfering in their
customs. Their Amir was unhappy over the loss of his suzerain rights over these tribes.
Having intimate and personal knowledge of the area and the people, Lord Curzon -
the Governor-General (1899-1905)-proposed the withdrawal of British Indian regular
troops and replacing them with bodies of tribal levies. Besides gaining confidence of the
Kamesh Mechrocks
frontier and creating local responsibility for maintaining law and order the proposed
change had the additional advantage of being less costly. H e also held a darbar at
Lahore on 26 April, 1902 to conciliate the chiefs of frontier tribes. Further for
administrative efficiency and effective control, he carved out a new province known as
North-Western Frontier Province. Thus Lord Curzon could establish protracted peace.

6.4 PERSIA AND THE PERSIAN GULF

The region consisting of Persia, the coast of Arabian sea and the ~ e r s i a rGulf
i was
strategically very important to the British as it contained the approach routes through
land and sea to India. On the land route the British tried to check the invaders at various
points of time. First the French forces, then the Russian. The British foiled the Persian
attempt to occupy Herat. After two Afgan Wars, Persia by the treaty of 1907 was
divided into British and Russian zones. While efforts were being made to check the
increasing German influence in the region, revolution broke out in Russia in 1917
which gave the British an opportunity to occupy the whole of Persia. In 1921 the coup
d'etat of Reza Khan restored Persia's independence. T o defend itself against the
intervention of the Big Powers, Persia entered into a pact with neighbouring countries
like Turkey, Iraq and Afghanistan known as the Eastern Pact. Nevertheless, the region
has remained a lure for the super powers leading to incessant war among the regional
states upto the present day.
On the sea route, particularly around the Persian Gulf the British consolidated their
position by establishing control over strategic sea and coastal areas. These areas were *
either annexed to British empire or were bound to it by treaty relations. Significant
among such places were Mauritius, Zanzibar, Muscat, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman etc.
Lord Lansdowne was the first Viceroy of India (1884-94) who visited the Persian Gulf,
and about a decade later i.e. in 1903, Lord Curzon assembled the Sheikhs of the Gulf
aboard his flagship and proclaimed British supremacy over the region. In line with this
policy the British government forced the coastal states like Oman and Kuwait not to
offer facilities to her European rivals like France and Germany. After the opening of
the Suez canal, this route became a life line for the British trade, and through treaties
with coastal states the British trade was protected. Moreover, when oil was struck in the
region, the British were the first to set up their control over oil industry and trade.

Check Your Progress 2

\\
1) Which of the following statements are right (V) or wrong (x).
i) Lord Dalhousie adopted a mild policy to keep the frontier under control.
ii) The British found it easy to deal with the Baluch chiefs in comparison to Pathan
chiefs.
iii) The British were the first to establish their control over the oil industry and
trade.
iv) The Persian Gulf was strategically very important for the British.
2) Why were the British so much concerned about establishing their supremacy in the
North Western Frontier of India? Answer in about ten lines.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Cha.dLbtbnd the R.l :
6.5 TIBET ~rmtkr.nd~orem pdb

The Himalayan ranges form a natural frontier between India and China. These high
peaks sheltered many principalities like Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim and Tibet. Among
these Tibet is the most significant for the protection of India's frontier. Known as the
'Hermit Kingdom', Tibet is a landlocked country encircled by a chain of mountains with
average height of 10,000 feet above the sea level. With meagre economic resources, its
people loved isolation and used the Chinese protection granted in 1728 as a means to
ward off foreign dangers. The Chinese suzerainty over Tibet was nominal, and in
practice it was never recognized in the nineteenth century. Having no threat from
Tibet, a state which had given up war-like activities, and China being militarily weak
the British interest in Tibet, the backyard of China, was purely commercial to begin
with. Warren Hastings showed keen commercial interest in the region and sent two
missions, one in 1774 and another in 1783. But the isolationist and suspicious Dalai
Lama, the ruler declined the offer of establishing trade relations with the British East
India Company. I

Inevitably but g;adually the British interest in Tibet increased. Among many factors
accountable for this increase in interest, we may mention the following as the most
significant ones:
i) In view of the declining power of China, and scramble among the foreign powers to
divide it into spheres of influence, Tibet assumed great strategic importance
particularly for the British and the Russians.
ii) After the extension of British influence over Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim, the
boundaries of British India and Tibet came very close to the each other.
iii) When the Russian advance reached Pamirs, it posed a threat to the security of India
from the northern side.
iv) Lastly, during the nineteenth century British interest in tea and shawl wool
considerably increased. There was a tremendous pressure of the traders on the
government to develop regular traffic with Tibet through Bhutan.
With the palpable decline of the Manchu dynasty, the Chinese influence in Tibet
was weakened. When the young Dalai Lama became independent of Regency
Council, he became anxious t o liberate himself from the Chinese influence which in
reality was just nominal. But this was the impression which British, particularly
Lord Curzon, formed. Rumours were rife that a Mongol of Russian nationality
named Agwar Dordshi had gained the confidence of the Dalai Lama and was
shutting between Lhasa and Petersburg. The lure of the closed land was too strong
to resist, the fear of Russia was too great to be ignored and the desire for trade was
too powerful to overcome. For Curzon these were incentives to action, particularly
when he knew that the Tibetan had little more than prayer wheels with which to
resist modern weapons. Cumon was determined to bring Tibet under the British
control.
Though the government in England was reluctant to sanction any interference in
the Tibetan affairs, Curzon was however able to extract permission to send Colonel
Francis Younghusband to Tibet. He started his march into Tibet through Sikkim
and reached Lhasa in August 1904. After the slaughter of 700Tibetans a treaty was
imposed upon them which reduced Tibet to the status of a protectorate of the
British. The treaty yielded some commercial concessions to the British. But the
bogy of Russian danger soon became superfluous because Russia by 1907 treaty
acknowledged the British predominance over Tibet. Even, if it had not done so, the
Russians could not afford to pay much attention to Tibet as they were involved in
East Asia. In fact the British expedition was governed by imperialistic designs.
After the Chinese revolution of 1911, the. Dalai Lama, announced his
independence. But the new government was determined to make Tibet its integral
part. The British instead of recognising Tibet as an independent state, invited
representatives of China and Tibet to a tripartite conference in Shimla in May 1913.
It met on 13October, 1913 and finally in 1914 two agreements were concluded. By
one of them the British accepted China's suzerainty over eastern zone o r the inner
zone. The outer zone or the western zone was declared autonomous. By another
treaty it was decided to draw a boundary between Tibet and British India which is
named after the British delegate Henry McMahon-The boundary by his name was
Aal:..aa+-A Kamesh Mechrocks
J m ~ , C ~ d
~atbdiam 6.6 NEPAL
Betweemthe North-West frontier and Tibet, there was a chain of small principalities.
With the expansion of British empire in this region, these small principalities came into
contact with the British. In the process they were brought under their direct or indicrect
control to serve as outposts against Tibet or China. The first among them from the
western side was the Hindu Gorkha Kingdom of Nepal. After securing the control of
the valley of Kathmandu in 1768, the Gorkhas steadily encroached upon both east and
west, and occupied Kumaon, Garhwal and the Shimal hills. These areas were conceded
to the British after the Gorkhas were defeat by the Treaty of Sagauli in 1816.
After the treaty the British used a great deal of tact and skill in their dealings with the
rulers of Nepal. They treated Nepalese ruler as sovereign and addressed him as 'Your
Majesty'. It is important to note that the British did not depend solely on the high
ranges of the Himalays to provide India protection from the North. To them the
kingdom of Nepal was a stable and secure buffer between India and Tibet or China. To
t k g r e a t satisfaction of the British, Nepal displayed no signs of entertaining any
sentiments against the British. Relations between them were of peaceful co-existence
and confidence. They were based, more or less, on the assumption that there existed an
alliance between the two sides. The Nepalese on their part maintained perfect neutrality
during the revolt of 1857, while the British enlisted a large number of Gorkhas as
mercenaries in their army. Without any formal alliance treaty the Nepalese government
moulded their foreign policy in accordance with the British interests. For example it is
important to note the fact that they did not allow any diplomatic mission other than that
of the British into Nepal.

Check Your Progress 3

1) Which of the following statements are rights (V) or wrong ( x )
i) For a long time Tibet remained under the nominal suzerainty of China.
ii) The British had no imperialistic designs on Tibet.
iiij Nepal was a buffer state between India and Tibet or China.
iv) The relations between Nepal and British India were never cordial.
2) Discuss in about ten lines the factors responsible for the increase of British interest
in Tibet.

............................. ..............................................................................

6.7 SIKKIM
Between Nepal and Bhutan there is a small Himalayan state known as Sikkim. It had
two passes leading to Tibet. One road through Kalimpong and Jelep pass leads into the
Chumbi Valley and the other upward along the Tista river to Kampass Tsong and
Shigatse. 1n the period before the Chinese domination over Tibet, Sikkim was
politically and strategically significant because through it Tibet could be approached.
Civilized by the Tibetan monks and ruled by its aristocratic family, Sikkim was an
independent country. By the closing decades of the eighteenth century, the Gorkhas
temporarily established their control over it. The British, however, restored its
Kamesh Mechrocks
independence, and in 1861 declared it their protectorate much against the wishes of
 Dalai Lama. The British right over Sikkim was recognized by the Chinese government
in 1890. Here too, the British had acted to guard their own interests.

6.8 BHUTAN
Adjacent to Sikkim on the eastern side is the state of Bhutan. Being poor, the
Bhutanese frequently raided the plains for looting wealth. In one of such raids, the
Bhutanese kidnapped the Raja of Cooch-Behar who was a British protectorate.
To rescue him, Warren Hastings attacked Bhutan and as a result of the Bhutanese
defeat a small strip of land was annexed to the British territories. The Bhutanese
continued their raids on occasions when the British were busy eleswhere. They
occasionally mistreated the British delegates. Annoyed with such activities on the
border, the British unleashed the policy of repression and reprisal and established their
authority so firmly that in the Younghusband Expedition (2904-6), the Bhutanese
offeredfull support. Finally, through the efforts of Sir Charles Bell a treaty of friendship
was signed at Punakha which recognized the Bhutanese ruler as sovereign in all matters
except foreign relations which were placed under the British control.

6.9 NORTH EASTERN F R O N T I E AGENCY~~NEFA)

~
The hill region between Bhutan and Burma was inhabited by the hill tribes. Akin t o
their counter parts in the North-West in all qualities except race and religion, these
tribes were practically independent. Exhibiting strong and war-like spirit, they raided
the plains to mitigate their poverty. Their predatory attacks became a matter of great
concern for the British administration particularly after 1826 when Assam was
incorporated into India. T o pacify them the Government of India adopted the policy of
offering them gifts and guaranteed protection. When the British frontier reached the
watershed of the mountain ranges, they established a chain of posts and made the
Tibetan governm&t recognize the line which is known as the McMahon Line.
In the extreme North-East in the territories inhabited by the Naga tribes, it was necessary
to establish a boundary. Though these tribes were quickly brought under the British
control, they remained separate from the rest of India by inaccessible mountain ranges.
The Nagas were christianized by the Baptist Missionaries and the upper strata of society
was westernized.
Manipur another hill state posed serious problems for the British. In 1826its ruler was
recognized as Maharaja by the British. After 1886, the death of one of the successors of
Maharaja unleashed a chain of murders of British officials forcing the British Indian
government to declare it a protectorate.
L

I Burma, the eastern neighbour of India during the late 18th and early 19th centuries was
I an expanding empire. After shaking off the Chinese supremacy, it started expanding its
empire. Through conquests it extended its frontier over Thailand on the east, and on
the west over Manipur and Assam and the Burmese encroachments led to three major
wars with Burma (1st in 1824-26, 2nd in 1852 and last in 1885) which resulted in the
conquest of the whole of Burma, by the British.

Check Your Progress 4

1) Which of the following statements are right (V) or wrong ( x ) ?
i) Chinese recognised the British right over Sikkim.
ii) Bhutan maintained an independent foreign policy.
iii) Many Nagas were converted to Christianity by Baptist Missionaries.
iv) By 1885 Burma became a part of the British Empire.
2) Discuss in about ten lines the main objectives of the British Indian government's
foreign policy in the North Eastern Frontier Agency.

Kamesh Mechrocks
6.10 LET US SUM UP
In the end we should make an attempt t o draw broad conclusions from the above
description,
1) The British Indian foreign policy had-been largely shaped by the fact that in Asia
there were two great powers, namely, Russia#andChina, and their relations at a
given time detemined the political developments in India. During this period China
was a declining power. Russia on the other hand was expanding its frontier over
Central Ash. In India British power was rapidly advancing towards the North-West
in search of a natural frontier and to ensure the security of its empire. Iqevolving
foreign policy, the 'Russian Peril' was a factor to reckon with throu$hou't the .
nineteenth century.
2) India's geographical position was another determining factor in its foreign policy.
India was surrounded by small states which in themselves were not a thrent to India's
security but being militarily weak they tempted foreign powers like Russia to attack
them and consequently pose a danger to India. Moreover, India's frontier line was
inhabited by war-like tribes, who would threaten the peace of the frontier thereby
making it vulnerable and a weak line of defence.
3) Careful evaluation of the ~ r i t i s h ~ o l i c iin
e sIndia clearly establishes that the British
consolidated the Raj by organizing state administration and by taking deep interest
in ensuring that India did not suffer any foreign invasion.
And yet it has to be remembered that the entire foreign policy of the British in India
was directed towards safeguarding the world wide imperialist interests of Britain. We
shall see in the further units how and why the nationalist leadership in India criticised
this foreign policy.

6.11 KEY WORDS

Bi-polarisation: The process by which two groups come to oppose each other
Emporium: A centre or place where a variety of goods from different palces are brought
and sold.
Foreign Policy: Policy of a country dealing with its external affairs which may inlcude
diplomatic, economic, military and cultural relations with other countries. It is an
expression of the nations's internal policy.

Imperialistic Policy: The policy of establishing econoniic and political domination

over less powerful countries.
Insurgency: An act of rebellion against an established authority usually this term is
used by the established authority to characterise the act of rebellion.
Isolationist: Someone who adheres to the policy of keeping aloof.
Mercenaries: Professional soldiers who fight for those who pay them rather than out
of loyalty to a nation etc.
Paramount: Supreme
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Protectorate: A country which is independent in matters of internal affairs but Consolldatlond the Rqj :
whose foreign policy is determined by an external power. Frwtkr nnd Fwelgn Pdky

, Sovereignty: Complete political power that a country possesses to govern itself dr

1 another country.

6.12 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1)i) V
ii) x
iii). x
iv) V
2) See Sub-section 6.2.4

Check Your Progress 2

1) i) X
ii) V
iii) V
iv) V
2) See Section 6.3

Check Your Progress 3

1) i) V
ii) x
iii) V
iv) x
2) See Section 6.5

Check Your Progress 4

1)i) V
. ii) x
iii) V
iv) V
2) See Section 6.9

Kamesh Mechrocks
~mpri.lian,-.nd Some Useful Books
N.tbutlra
Chandra, Bipan (1979) : Nationalism and Colonialism in Modern India.
Orient Longman; New Delhi
Chandra, Bipan (1977) : The Rise and Growth of Economic Nationalism in India.
P.P.H., New Delhi.
Desai, A.R. (1959) : Social Background of Indian Naionalism, Bombay.
Dutt, R.P.(1986) : India Today. ~ o m b a ~ .
Gopal, S. (1965) : British Policy in India, 1850-1905, Cambridge.
Maiumdar, R.C. (19701 : British Paramountacy and Indian Renaissance, Part I & I1
, Bhartiya Vidya Bhawan, Bombay. ,
Pavlov,'V.I. ed. (1978) : Historical Premises for India's Transition to Capitalism,
Moscow.
Sarkar Sbmit (1983) : Modern India. Macmillan, Delhi.
Sen, S.N. (1957) : Eighteen Fifry Seven, New Delhi.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 7 POPULAR UPRISINGS : SECOND
HALF OF THE 19TH CENTURY
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Colonial Impact
Peasants, Tribals and Artisans
Popular Movements upto 1857
7.4.1 Orissa
7.4.2 Santhal Rebellion
7.4.3 1857
Popular ~ o v e m e k After
s 1857
7.5.1 Indigo Riots
7.5.2 Moplah Uprisings
7.5.3 Pabna
7.5.4 Deccan Riots
7.5.5 Koya Rebellion
7.5.6' Birsa Munda Revolt
Characteristics of Movements
Working Class Movements
7.7.1 Efforts of the Educated Gentry
7.7.2 Strikes
7.7.3 Characteristics
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

7.0 OBJECTIVES
After going through this unit you will be able to:
know about the factors responsible for various peasant and tribal uprisings that took place
in the second half of the 19th century,
discover the nature and main characteristics of these uprisings,
understand the attitude of the colonial regime towards these uprisings,
know how the working class emerged in India,
explain the problems faced by the working class,
know about the initial struggles waged by the working class, and
understand the importance of these struggles.

7.1 INTRODUCTION
The English were able to suppress the uprising of 1857 but this could not end the feelings of
bitterness towards their rule-particularly amongst the peasants and tribals who had to
reckon with the oppressive character of the regime in its severest form. They were exploited
by both the colonial Government and the landlords because the latter were now looked upon
by the Government as "natural leaders" of the people.
In many regions the peasants and tribals rose in revolt against the British. In this unit we
have attempted to farniliarise you with some of these uprisings of peasants and tribals.
With India becoming a part of the British empire more and more British capitalists invested
their capital in India to extort profits. A few modem industries, were established after the
introduction of railways. As a result of this limited industrialisation, plantations and railways
there emerged a new sdcial class-the working class. Initially this explo~tedclass had no
means to organise itself or raise its voice in an effective manner. But soon the workers
staned resisting their exploitation by British capitalists and European planters. The unit also
deals with some of these initial efforts made by the workers towards organisation,and
Kamesh Mechrocks
therebv raisin^ themagainst ex~loitation.
-

-
Modern India 1857 1964 Before beginning our discussion on the popular movements of peasants, tribals, artisans and
workers in the 1850-1900period, a few things may be clearly stated. Any discussion of the
theme we have chosen should take into account the colonial context. This period roughly
coincides with the'second phase of British imperialism i.e. the industrial capital phase. The
earlier phase -normally characterised as the commercial,phase of ~ritis'himperialism was
based on trade and commerce. This phase saw the development of industrial, capitalist
exploitation of India.

COLONIAL IMPACT
One has to bear in mind the impact of British imperialism on Indian agriculture and the
traditional handicraft industry.
i) As for agriculture, the land settlements (Permanent, Raiyatwari and Mahalwari)
created certain new elements like a market economy and did away with some
customary rights like forest and pasturage rights. Theagrarian policies coupled with
other developments encouraged moneylending particularly in the context of cash
paymenis of land revenue. In the context of sharpening social differentiation,
moneylending got associated with a complete control of the rural economy and society
by a few moneylenders. And, if it was a tribal tract, this interaction also implied the
process of peasantisation i.e. conversion of tribals into peasants.
ii) Secondly, social differentiation was not a new feature but colonialism accentuated the
differences and created a sharper polarisation between those who owned lands; had
acquired wealth, and through their new ownership rights, had access to the courts to
defend themselves and their property, and those whose customary rights got
undermined. This differentiation had certain implications. Besides strengthening and
polarising, these differences centred around class (rich-poor), differences around caste
and religion also got strained for example if in a particular area the landowner
belonged to a particular caste or religion and the peasants were of another caste or
religion then the caste/religious differences got strained on account of class
differentiation we have noted above. Tribal areas saw the emergence of 'outsiders'
who were moneylenders and landlords, and who ruthlessly exploited the population.
iii) Another major aspect of colonial policy was to forcibly commercialise agriculture,
with the obvious idea of providing raw material for British industries. This proved
hazardous for the peasants who were forced to grow commercial crops (like indigo and
cotton) instead of food grains, even in years of scarcity.
iv) As for the artisans, colonialism spelt doom for them. The colonisation of India implied
that India was to be a harket for British goods. These were factory-made goods-
cheaper and finer than theproducts of the India artisans. This led to the wiping out of
the traditional Indian industries like cotton and salt. Besides throwing a large section of
the artisans out of employment, it increased the pressure on land as the artisans tried to
turn to agriculture.
D

PEASANTS, TRIBALS AND ARTISANS

Before we proceed further it would be useful to mention at this juncture a few things about
the peasants, tribals and the artisans:
i) When one talks of peasants one is refemng to all those people who directly participate
in agricultural production. Some of these were poor and some others were
comparatively more affluent. This differentiation increased in the colonial period.
Besides, the peasant's position sank vis-a-vis the owners of lands since colonialism
recognised the property rights of only the landlords, the peasant's having been reduced
to mere tenants-at-will. The new laws implied that the peasants could be evicted any
time by their landlords.
ii) As for the tribals, there were different tribal groups like Khonds, Savaras, Santhals,
Mundas, Koyas, Koh, etc. When we speak of tribals we are not talking of the classic
food gatherers and hunters, but tribal peasants, who had settled down as agriculturists.
Of course, they combined agriculture with hunting and food gathering as well as
manufactures from forest-based products like canes etc. Their relative isolation
Kamesh Mechrocks
coupled with closer ethnic bonds perhaps differentiated them from peasants.
 iii) The artisans were those people who were engaged in the manufacture of traditional Popular Uprisings Second
Half of the 19th Zentury
handicrafts like cotton products, salt, iron goods etc. In most cases these were persued
as caste professions. As already discussed, the unequal competition with the British
I
I industrial products ruined the artisans. Historical evidence about them is extremely
, limited. They were often clubbed with the peasants and tribals.
Check Your Progress 1
1 Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark (I( ) for correct, or (x) for
incorrect as the case might be :
i) The agrarian policies of the British encouraged moneylending.
ii) The customary rights of the tribals were encroached upon as a result of British
policies.
iii) The induction of British goods in the Indian markets helped the Indian artisans.
iv) By peasants we mean all those who directly participate in agricultural production.
2 Write in about five lines how colonialism accentuated social differentiation in Indian
society.

I
t 7.4 POPULAR MOVEMENTS UP TO 1857
I
: We can now begin our discussion by taking up some of the major popular movements
I
among the peasants, tribals and artisans in the 1850-1900 phase -known asfituris, melis,
hools and ulgulan.
I

7.4.1 Orissa
In the early 1850's we come across some tribal movements in Orissa. There were popular
movements among the Khonds of Ghumsar and Baud (1854-56) and the Savaras of
Parliakhemedi.
These popular movements were attributed to Chakra Bisoi who, since 1837, had resisted all
attempts to arrest him. The specific problem among the Khonds centred around the
determination of the colonial administration to stop the human sacrifices associated with the
'meriah' sacrifice. What is worth noting is that the new pressures and uncertainties forced
the Khonds to appease their gods for good harvests of turmeric, but the colonial
administration tried to stop this practice. Some colonial officials hoped that the improvement
of material conditions of the Khonds would serve to liquidate the 'meriah' sacrifice.
Very little is known about Chakra Bisoi and the early tribal movements. Bisoi took up the
cause of a young boy whom the Khonds 'believed' was the Raja of Ghumsar.
'We get references to Khonds 'attacking' some villages in Ghumsar (1854) and how they
kefused to betray Chakra. In a desperate attempt to crush the rebellion the police arrested a
mendicant by mistake, thinking that he was Chakra Bisoi. It seems some landholders and
ruling chiefs (i.e. of Patana and Kalahandi) who felt threatened by colonial rule maintained
links with Chakra.
In 1856-57 there was the Savara rebellion in Parliakhemedi led by one Radhakrishna
Dandasena. The colonial administration saw links between this movement and Chakra Bisoi,
who could never be arrested. Nothing was heard of him after October 1856. He seems to
have faded into popular memory after the Savara rising was crushed with Dandasena's
hanging in 1857. However, there are doubts whether Chakra Bisoi was behind all these
popular movements, or whether his name came to be associated as a symbol of popular
tribal protest. Kamesh Mechrocks
 -.. -. .

-
Modern India 1857 1964 7.4.2 Santhal Rebellion
Yet another major mbal rebellion was among the Santhals (1855-57) of Birbhum, Bankura,
Singhbhum, Hazaribagh, Bhagalpur and Monghyr. The colonial character of the regime
contributed to the precipitation of this conflict. We get references to some merchants and
moneylenders from Northern and Eastern India, completely controlling the existence of
Santhals through interests on loans, with rates ranging from 50% to 500%. These
exploitative people used two types of measures, a big one (Bara Ban) to receive things and a
small measure (Chota Ban) to give things to the Santhals. They also grabbed lands of the
Santhals.
Some of the intermediaries of the Zamindars were also ruthlessly exploitative. We also get
references to recruitments of forced labour and the sexual exploitation of tribal women at
the railway sites.
When the movement started it was not ostensibly anti-British, but was directed chiefly
against the mahajans and traders. The Santhals declared that their new God had directed
them to collect and pay their revenue to the state at the rate of two annas on every buffalo
plough and half anna on each cow-plough. They also fixed interest rates on loans which
were to be on the lower side. The Santhals were punished for night 'attacks' on mhajans,
whereas their oppressors were not even admonished. Rebellion burst forth in 1854, with an
increase in the number of 'dacoities', 'burglaries', 'thefts' of mhajans, whose wealth was
ill-earned.
It was in such a context that two Santhals--Sido and Kanhu offered the spark which
resulted in conflagration. They received the 'Command' of their God (Thakur) to stand up
and defy their exploiters. On June 30, 1855 ten thousand Santhals assembled at Bhaghadihi
where the 'divine order' that the Santhals should get out of the control of their oppressors
was announced by Sido and Kanhu. The idea that their God would himself fight along with
them gave the rebelliop a legitimacy, and in popular mbal perception labelled it as a
struggle of 'good' against 'evil'.

Kamesh Mechrocks I Sido, the Santhal leader

 As the movement gathered momentum the way in which the context determined its fonn is 1'1)pular Uprisings :Second
Half or the 19th Century
indeed interesting. From an essentially anti-mahajun and anti-trader movement it
incorporated a new element - the Santhals made no secret of their opposition to the police,
white planters, railway engineers and the officials, thereby revealing their opposition to the
colonial order as well.
The movement lasted for six months. Many villages were 'attacked' hy the Santhals after
being given prior notice. A lot of pressure was exerted on the zamindars and the
Government by the rebels. In many areas the zamindars helped in the suppression of the
rebellion.

I
2 Fort of Pakur where British Soldiers took Refuge after defeat from Santhals.

After this we can say a few things about the 1857 Rebellion, without going into details of
the Rebellion itself. There is a controversy among historians regarding the level of popular
participation in the revolt. Some scholars like Eric Stokes (Peasant and the Raj, Cambridge,
1978) point out how the rural elite whose interests had been threatened by colonialism led,
the peasants and artisans who followed them 'tamely'. Others, like S.B. Chaudhuri
(Theories of the Indian Mutiny 1857-59, Calcutta, 1965) and Rudranshu Mukherjee (Awadh
in Revolt, Delhi 1984) feel that although landed elements provided the leadership there were
Kamesh Mechrocks
some exceptions, and, more importantly, the strength of the Rebellion was based on the
 -
Modern India 1857 1964 The common resentment against the oppression of the moneylender united the peasants and
the artisans. British rule was identified as 'Bania Ka Raj' and the Rebellion marked an
opposition to the moneylenders as well as the British. Along with this was the erosion of
cudtomary rights and privileges of the peasants.
The forms of popular protest reflect the combination of the twin currents of anti-imperialism
and anti-feudalism which had emerged at that particular juncture. Symbols of foreign rule
such as police stations, railway lines and telegraph wires were destroyed. As for the popul;.r
movements which converge with the 1857 Rebellion, we get evidence of the destruction ( ~ f
records. In fact, we are told of the 'debris' of accounts books, which reflect the obvious
opposition to the new taxation system. Although the Europeans were the first'targets, they
were followed by attacks on their Indian supporters like moneylenders, auction purchasers,
bankers and traders in some regions.
In this phase we also get reference to the dismantling of factories in Shahjehanpur,
Shahibabad, Gaya and Palamau. Although our evidence is severely limited this indicates
typical reactions of artisans in early industrial societies, who saw a threat posed by the
anival of new machines. This trend can be seen in early industrial England (1830) as well.
With the disappearance of British authority, the concept of freedom drove the peasants and
artisans to seize the lands and 'plunder' the houses of the affluent landed sections. Their
property deeds and government records were also destroyed. This situation altered the
nature of the Rebellion. Thus, people like Kunwar Singh, a big landlord who led the
Rebellion in Bihar, stopped-his followers from indulging in such acts, as, otherwise after the
British withdraw there would be no proof of the rights of people and no evidence to
determine the amount due fronl one party to another.
Check Your Progress 2
1 Match the leaders with the movements they were connected with.
i) Chakra Bisoi a) Savara Rebellion
ii) Sido and Kanhu- b) Khonds of Ghumsar
iii) Radhakrishna Dandasena c) Santhal Rebellion
2 Discuss in about five lines the problems faced by the Santhals.

3 Which of the following statements are right (4)

or wrong (x)
i) The Khonds appeased their gods for good harvests by offering sacrifices. ( )
ii) Radhakrishnh Dandasena was rewarded by the British. ( )
iii) Zamindars helped the British in suppressing the Santhal rebellion. ( )
iv) The .:is no controversy among historians as to the level of popular participation in
the Revolt of 1857. ( )
V) .Artisans welcomed the coming of machines. ( )

7.5 POPULAR MOVEMENTS AFTER 1857

Popular protest did not end with the suppression of the 1857 uprising. We find a number of
movements taking place a f t e e i s and shall discuss a few of them.

7.5.1 Indigo Riats

The indigo riots of 1859 in Bengal is the next popular movement we shall examine. Indigo
plantations had been $et up as early as 1770 by the East India Company. ,The planters relied
r\-
Kamesh Mechrocks
nh.rc;nnl nr\nm;rr- n-A l n m n l rnnn;n..lnt;r\n tr\ fr\rnn thn ~ a o a n t tr\
o nrr\.sr ;nA;nr\ a t a In-c
This created a lot of discontent since the peasants could not grow foodgrains which they Popular Uprisings :Second
Half of the 19th Century
needed for survival. By 1859 thousands of peasants had withdrawn their labour, formed
organisations all over the indigo plantation districts and resisted the repression of the
planters and their armed retainers. The contemporary newspapers like THE BENGALEE
gave due coverage to the movement and reported how it was marked with success.
Dinabandhu Mitra wrote Nildarpan in Bengali which highlighted the plight of the peasants.

3 Districts Effected by Indigo Revolt in Bengal

- - -.
The indigo riots forced the Government to set up an official enquiry (1860). The movement
also knocked down the plantation system in lower Bengal, forcing the planters to shift to
DZL,, Kamesh Mechrocks
Modern India 1857.

7.5.2 Moplah Uprising

In the 1850-1900 period we also wimess a series of Moplah Uprisings in Malabar. As the
Jenmi landlords backed by the police, law courts and revenue officials tightened their grip
over the Moplah peasants the latter rebelled against the landlords and the British, it is not
surprising to see how, what was essentially a rich-poor conflict between the Jenmi landlords
and the Moplah peasants was given distinct communal colouring by the colonial state since
the landlords were Hindus and the peasants were Muslims.
The landlords resorted with repression, which continued unabated till 1880. In their attempts
to smother the peasant movement they also burnt the bodies of the rebels in order to produce
a demoralising effect. Scholars like D.N. Dhanagare (Peasant Movement in India 1920-50,
Delhi 1983) have pointed out how these acts made the peasants retaliate.
In 1875 an anonymous petition of the Moplah peasant was submitted to the Madras
Government, which led to an enquiry. However between 1882 and 1885 there was a renewal
of hostilities with the peasants 'looting' the property and burning the houses of landlords, as
well as defiling Hindu temples. These acts gave an anti-Hindu turn to what was essentially a
class conflict between peasants and the landlords. By 1896 the Moplah peasants' struggle
assumed an aggressively communal orientation.

7.5.3 Pabna
Another important movement was the Pabna (in Bengal) peasants' movement.of 1873-1885.
The peasants of Pabna did not object to rent hikes, and, in fact between 1858 and 1873 they
met the rent demands of their landlords without any resistance. At the mot of the movement
was the tendency of the zarnindars to annihilate the tenants' newly acquired occupancy
right. Occupancy tenants were being converted into tenants-at-will through forcible written
agreements.
The peasants growing knowledge of the new laws made them aware of their plight. Then
there was the problem of illegal dues in some places like Tripura. In 1873 the Pabna
peasants formed an agrarian league which spread out the entire district very soon. Most of
the newspapers which were pre-landlord (like Amrita Bazar Patrika) opposed the league.
What is worth noting is that the peasants did not defy the colonial authority and declared
that their goal was to become the ryots of the 'Queen of England'. They were opposed to the
harassment and not to the payment of dues. They wanted to be the 'Queen's Rvots' for
CPn..-;-m Kamesh Mechrocks
aArPrrnl tka;- m;P.rn..nar
 Popular Uprisings :Second
In fact, in the initial stages we get references to a sympathetic colonial administration
Half of the 19th Century
supporting the peasants in cases against their landlords. As the movement developed popular
forms of mobilisation - i.e. blasts from conch-shell, drumbeats, etc. brought people
together to resist the illegal demands of the landlords. By 'night shouts' all the people in
villages expressed their solidarity with the movement. Kalyan Kumar Sengupta (Pabna
Disturbances and the Politics ojeRent 1873-1885,New Delhi 1974) has stressed the
'Legalistic Character' of the movement, with instances of violence being very rare as the
peasants were primarily interested in defending their property and holdings.

r,.

PABNA
AREAS OF PEASANT DISTURBANCES

5 Areas Effected by Pabna Uprising

As the movement gathered momentum the oppressors tried to hit back. Given the fact that a
Kamesh Mechrocks
majority of the peasant activists were Muslims (more than 213r'ds of the peasants, and about
70% of Pabna's population were Muslims) they painted it as a communal movement. What
ib w u r ~IiI~U L ~ I11e1e
I~ i b LllaL iwo poll~illelltleaders of the Pabna peasants -Kesab Chandra
Roy and Sambhunath Pal were Hindus.
For nearly a decade, from 1873 the Pabna peasants' movement undermined the landlord's
perception of their right to fleece the peasants. Besides, the movement also spread to other
areas like Dacca, Rajshahi, Bakergunje, Faridpur, Tripura and Bogra, etc.

7.5.4 Deccan Riots

The basis of the Deccan Riots, which erupted in 1875, lay in the evolution of the ryotwari
system itself. We come across the emergence of a class of moneylenders who fleeced the
peasants through high interest on loans (25% to 50%). The decline of the collective system
of tax collection implied that unlike in the earlier days the moneylender was not subject to
the executive and judicial authority of the village. The courts and the new laws polarised the
caste differences between the Vanis (village moneylenders) and the Kunbis (cultivator
caste) by favouring the former. This implied an increase in the transfer of holding from
peasants to moneylenders. The immovable property of the Kunbi could also be sold to
recover loans. Along with these problems was an increase of the population, the dislocation
of the economy and an ill-conceived attempt to enhance rents by the colonial administration.
It was in this situation that things took an explosive turn. The young Brahmin leaders of the
Poona Sarvajanik Sabha and the dominant landed families which faced decline took up the
cause of the peasants.
The Kunbis rose against the Vanis in order to dispossess them of their title deeds and
mortgage bonds which were looked upon as instruments of oppression.
The Deccan Riots resulted in the breakdown of the link that held the Kunbis and Vanis
together. Like the pattern we have noticed earlier, class conflict was given the form of a
caste conflict.

7.5.5 Koya Rebellion

In 1879-1880 there occurred the Koya rebellion in the eastern Godavari tract of presenttday
Andhra Pradesh which also affected some portions of the Malkangiri region of Koraput
dismct in Orissa. It was led by Tomma Dora, the Koya leader. The movement reflected the
problems faced by the tribals like the erosion of customary rights over forests, the
exploitation by moneylenders who began to control the life of the Koyas through loans and
land transfers.
Tomma Dora was hailed by the Koyas as the 'King' of Malkangiri. We find references to
the taking over of a police station at Motu bjl the rebels. However, very soon after this Dora
was shot dead by the police and the movement collapsed.

7.5.6 Birsa Munda .Revolt

The last popular movement that we shall discuss developed between 1874 and 1901, and
was led by Birsa Munda &om about 1895. A tribal movement, it affected an area of about
400 square miles in the Chotanagpur region of South Bihar. Born out of the basic problems
affecting the mbals in the colonial period -erosion of customary rights forced labour,
colonial laws etc. it had a distinct connection with Christianity in the early phase. As K.S.
Singh (Birsa Munda and his Movement 1874-1901,Delhi 1983) notes, the Mundas, in fact,
accepted Christianity with the belief that the German missionaries would set things right by
checking the malpractices of the zamindars. In fact, around 1857 some zarnindars attacked
the German mission at Ranchi, as it sympathised with the Mundas. From around 1858 we
get references to Christian tribals resisting oppressive zamindars. This trend became quite
pronounced between 1862 and 1888. In 1867 as many as 14,000 'Christians' filed a petition
against the Raja of Chotanagpur and the local police, and submitted it to the colonial
authorities. Some steps were taken to restore lands of some of the dispossessed Mun&s.
In March 1879 the Mun&s claimed that Chotanagpur belonged to them. In 1881 some
sardars led by one John the Baptist set up a kingdom at Doesa. After this the movement
went through some major changes. Dissatisfaction with the German missionaries made the
Mundas severe their links with them. Instead, they turned to the Catholic mission. The
colonial officials and the zarnindars came closer to each other in order to smoothen the
movement. What developed was a struggle which united the 'rebels' against all Europeans
Kamesh Mechrocks
including Christian missionaries and officials as well as the dikus and the landed elements.
 Popular Uprisings :Second
Half of the 19th Century

#
6. Birsa Munda

It was in this context that the Mundas were led by Birsa Munda-whose initial popularity
was based on his medicinal and healing powers. The Mundas envisaged an ideal and just
order which would be free from the internal as well as European exploiters. Their search f6r
invincibility against their powerful oppressors made them look upon 'forest water' as
I something which would make them invincible. There was active participation of women in
this movement. On some occasions there was violence also. However the movement lacked
, animosity vis-a-vis the economically subordinate non-tribal people.
, The movement of Birsa Munda was ruthlessly suppressed. Birsa was handed and the
1 repressive machinery directed against the rebels to break the rebellion.
j On the basis of the above discussion certain conclusions can be drawn. The popular
t movements we have discussed were directed against colonialism as well as the Indian rich
j (i.e. moneylenders and the zamindars) often identified as dikus or outsiders. What needs to
be emphasised is that the opposition to these dikus was based on the exploitation perpetrated
by them and not btcPusc they were non-tribals.
It
7.6 CHARACTERISTICS OF MOVEMENTS

1 The movements had certain characteristics:

!
i
t
i) Inherent in most of them was the attempt to look back into the past W:~CZ 'life was
much better'. This included the fury directed against machines during the 1857
Rebellion. This was the reason for the struggle for a better present. A tendency existed
in some of the movements to attack the established order of the sahukar, zamindar and
! Kamesh Mechrocks
the British colonial administration. For example, Sido and Kanho tried to replace rent
 7 Arrest of Birsa's Followers

with an annual tribute to them. Another feature, linked to the question of looking back
into the past and attacking the established order, was the 'restorative' character of
some of these popular movements. Thus, on occasions they were led by the
traditionally affluent sections whose privileges had been undermined as a result of the
colonisation of Iridia.
ii) Conversely, in sqme cases we observe an association with imperialism in a struggle
against the landldrds and the sahukars. On occasions the people learnt through their
experience to idebtify anti-imperialism as a necessary component of their struggle, like
the Mundas. However, on occasions the illusions of British rule affected popular
perceptions as in the case of the Pabna peasants who wwted to be the 'Queen's ryots'.
This obviously undermined the struggle against imperialism. What is, however,
striking is how some of these popular struggles identified their friends and their
enemies. Beginning as an anti-imperialist movement the popular movement which
converged with the 1857 Rebellion gravitated towards anti-feudalism, posing problems
for the feudal landed sections as we have seen. The anti-feudal and proChristian
Birsaite Mundas also turned anti-imperialists in course of time.
iii) The popular movements we have discussed envisaged a fair and just order without
exploitation where everybody would be equal and live happily. This reflected a
popular peasant utopia and in many cases was associated with the hopes of their
dawning of 'new age' as well as the emergence of 'messiahs' (like Sido, Kanho and
Birsa).
iv) Another noticeable feature was the association of these popular movements with
religion and caste. Given the conditions as well as the multiplicity of both religion and
caste in our country we have seen how on occasions some of these popular
movements, although they were centred around class conflict, got affected by
communal and caste politics. Our evidence also points to how, when their position was
threatened, the landed feudal sections tried to divert the popular movements along
communal lines. Here one can cite the cases of Malabar and Pabna peasants struggles
which were projected as a communal movement by the landlords.
While discussing the question of religion and popular movements we have seen how it
also united the popular masses in their struggle with their oppressors, as in Malabar or
in Chotanagpur region. The way in which Christianity, a product of British imperialism
itself, became an instrunlent to fight the feudal as well as the imperialist order
obviously indicates how its role changed in a colony like India. Thus this dual nature
of the role of religion should be grasped.
V) Another importilnt facet of these popular movements was their close association with
'lootings' and 'crime' directed against the affluent classes. Although reduced to simple
Kamesh Mechrocks
criminalitv in official records. what rleeds to be stressed is that tllese were verv much a
 part of popular movements. The idea of hitting at their exploiters was conditioned by Popular Up! isings :Second
Half of Ll~c19th Century
the rationality of setting things right! Consequently these acts had a popular sanction
and on occasions were collective acts.
vi) The sense of solidarity exhibited by peasants, tribals and artisans is another
characteristic feature. It is worth noting here how territorial boundaries and ethnic
bonds transcended in some of the popular movements. For example, while the Pabna
movement percolated to other areas outside the district the Birsa Movement united the
Mundas and the Kols, along with the absence of any animosity vis-a-vis economically
subordinate non-tribal groups.
vii) And, finally, these popular movements served to considerably narrow the gap between
a section of the Indian Intelligentsia and the popular masses. We have seen this
tendency especially in Bengal. The pro-peasant sympathies were expressed in some
newspapers and in contemporary literary works like Nil Darpan (1860).
Check Y w r Progress 3
1 Which of the following statements are true ( 4 ) or false (x).
i) The planters coerced the peasants to grow indigo.
ii) The indigo revolt did not get any coverage in the newspapers.
iii) The Moplah uprising was given a communal colour by the colonial government.
iv) The Kinbis had cordial relations with the Vains.
v) Mundas attacked economically subordinate non-tribal groups.
2 Match the leaders with the movements. They lead.
i) Tomma Dora Pabna uprising
ii) Sambhunath Pal Munda revolt
iii) Birsa Munda Koya rebellion
3 Discuss in about ten lines the basic characteristics of the popular movements during this
period.

7.7 WORKING CLASS MOVEMENTS

After discussing the popular movements among peasants, tribals and artisans we now take
up the role of industrial workers between 1850 and 1900. Who were these industrial
workers? Given the overall conditions we have discussed in our general introduction, they
were composed primarily of the dispossessed peasants and artisans who had been thrown out
of their occupations with the advent of colonialism. These workers became associated with
the 'modem' industrial sector which developed out of the interaction of British colonialism
with India. This sector was originally an exclusive preserve of British capitalists and
evolved from about the 1840's. The abundance of raw material and cheap labour attracted
British capitalists to invest in the tea plantations (from 1839), jute, coal, mining and railways
:,(early 1850's) and by the turn of the century major recruitments also took place in the ports.
The only industry with which the Indian business class was associated was the textile "
industry, The Indian business class dominated it. Born around 1850's it was located chietly
in Rnmhav and Ahmedahad. Kamesh Mechrocks
I

Modern India I857 - What needs to be emphasised is that this 'modem' sector did not lead to full-fledged
capitalist development ns it was based on the archaic foundations of a predominantly feudal
economy deliberately preserved by the colonial regime. Moreover, it was not meant to
foster the development of India. These features had certain implications. Thus, the workers
in the 'modem' sector were left in semi-servile conditions. Besides having to work for long
hours 15 to 16 hours a day, with low wages and miserable working conditions, they
(including women and children) were even beaten and tortured. Their diet was normally
worse than what was served to criminals in jails.
There is ample evidence in the Municipal reports which points out deaths due to illness
amongst plantation workers. Given these conditions the workers were in no position to
organise themselves, and what we come across are mostly spontaneous movements aimed at
redressing their adverse conditions.

7.7.1 Efforts of the Educated Gentry

The 1850-1900 phase saw scattered and unorganised struggles among the workers. There
have been characterised as elementary struggles by Sukomal Sen (Working Class of India:
History of Emergenre and Movement, 1830-1970,Calcutta, 1979). In this phase we come
across sections of the educated gentry coming forward to focus on the problems of the
workers. In 1870 Sasipada Banerjee, a Brahmo Samajist, founded the 'Working Men's
Club' and published a journal from Baranagar (near Calcutta) in 1874. The Calcutta-
Brahmo Samaj founded in 1878 the 'Working Men's Mission' to propagate religious
morality, etc. among the workers.
By 1878 we come across Sorabjee Saprujee Bengalee and Narayan Meghajee Lokhundy
working amidst cotton mill labourers in Bombay. These attempts led to the drafting of a
memorandum in 1884 which incorporated demands for a rest day on ever; Sunday, a half-
an-hour break at noon; a 6.30 a.m. to sunset working day; wages to the worker? k paid-by
the 15th of the month following the month they have worked and that in case of injury they
should receive full wages till they recovered and if they got maimed they should get
pension. This memorandum was signed by about 5,000 workers and was submitted to the
commission of 1884 appointed by the Government of Bombay. It left its imprint of the first
Indian Factories Act of 1891.
In 1890 (April 24) Lakhundy convened another meeting attended by about 10,000 workers.
Two woman workers spoke at this meeting. A memorial asking for a weekly holiday was
drawn up and sent to the Bombay Mill Owners' Association. This request was granted on
June 10, 1890, and although perceived as a victory by the workers, it was without any legal
sanction and hence it could not be enforced. The demand for a rest day in a week became a
popular demand in almost all the industrial centres.

7.7.2 Strikes
Whereas these efforts sought to organise the workers, this phase was marked by
spontaneous workers movements. We get references to a strike by the river transport porters
of Bengal in 1853, a coachmen's strike in Calcutta in 1862 etc. The first big strike occurred
in 1862 when about 1,200 labourers of Howrah railway station went on a strike demanding
an 8 hours working day. What is worth noting is that this action preceded the historic May
Day Movement of the Chicago workers by about 24 years, and the strike occurred in a
sector which had begun from 1853.
This was followed by a number of strike actions. Thus, a big strike took place in the Nagpur
Empress Mills in 1877 on the issue of wage rates.
Between 1882- 1890 there were 25 strikes in the Bombay and Madras presidencies. What is
striking is that in Bombay presidency a'large number of strikes occurred in factories owned
by Indians i.e. textile factories. Bengal also wimessed spontaneous strikes centred around
higher wage demands and the dismissal of workers.

7.7.3 Characteristics
While surveying these popular struggles a few points should be mentioned.
1 They served to narrow the gap between the workers and the intelligentsia. The latter got
attracted to the workers due to huma~itariannotions triggered off by the socio-reform
Kamesh
movements (like theMechrocks
Brahmo Samail and cnntcmnclrarv develnnmentc in other n a r t ~nf
 I'upular Uprisings :Second
tlalf uf the 19th Centurg

m
8 An article about Rail Workers Strike in Somprakash by Dwarka Nath Vidhyabhusan

the world which were taking place along similar lines (e.g. England). This trend
continued in the early twentieth century-4andhi's attempts to reach the Ahmedabad
Mill Workers and Anusaya Ben's efforts to open-up night schools to educate them in
1918 were the manifestations of the same spirit.
2 In many cases the workers were led by 'jobbers' (Sirdars) who recruited them and who
normally belonged to the same region and caste of the workers. In such cases the
workers' demands were sidetracked as the central focus lay on the struggle between the
'jobbers' and the employers. On other occasions the workers were led by the
intelligentsia. Taken all in all it appears that the workers in this stage had to look up to
'outsiders' for leadership.
Given the fact that the workers were composed of the disposed sections of the rural
population, and that the colonisation of India prevented any attack on the old, feudal values
dominated the minds of the workers. Here, even the leadership provided by the intelligentsia
(which was influenced by the old feudal values) failed to produce any serious iinpact on the
workers' organisation or their consciousness. The degrading condition of women and child
labourers remained completely ignored due to the dominating feudal values. Consequently,
most of these popular struggles concentrated on immediate problems faced by workers like
wages, retrenchments and a rest day in a week.
Nevertheless, despite their shortcomings we have to acknowledge the heroism of the
workers in a period when there were no organised trade unions to come to their rescue.
Check Your Progress 4
1 Discuss in about ten lines the emergence of the working class in India.

Kamesh Mechrocks
-

-
Modern India 1857 1%4 2 Discuss in about five lines the problems of rhe working classes.

3 Match the year with the strikes in which they took place.
i) 1853 Nagpur Empress Mills
ii) 1862 River Transporters
iii) 1877 Railway.
4 Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark (4 ) or (x) for correct and
incorrect statements respectively:
i) Popular struggles narrowed the gap between the workers and intelligentsia. ( )
ii) The 'jobbers' never sidetracked the workers' demands ( )
iii) The degrading condition of women and child labourers remained ignored during
this period ( )
iv) Coachmen's strikeitook place in Calcutta (1862) ( )
I

LET US SUM LIP

The colonial policies adversely affected the peasants, tribals and artisans. They were now
subjected to dual oppression i.e. oppression by the colonial state and the internal exploiters
of lndian society (like landlords and moneylenders). Very often opposition to this
oppression resulted in popular uprisings. However, in official language these uprisings were
described as dacoities, riots, rebellion and so on. But in reality these uprisings were
manifestations of protest by the exploited sections of lndian Society. These uprisings came
up at different intervals of time and in different regions. At times, due to'the complex
character of Indian society, the colonial state as well as the internal exploiters both labelled
those uprisings as manifestations of communalism or casteism. Basically, however, these
were the struggles waged by the havenots against the haves. These uprisings failed, but they
did create an anti-British feeling and prepared the ground for the mass struggles at the
national level.
Another impact of the British rule was the creation of a new class in Indian Society-the
working class. Although this class was not organised, we find a number of isolated strikers
tdwards the end of the 19th century. These strikes attempted to gain better working
conditions and wages. Many of these strikes took place in factories owned by the Indians.
This suggested that the workers were exploited by both the British and the Indian factory
owners. In fact the ground for work major working class movements was laid during this
phase. In due course these economic struggles by the working class gave added strength to
the political struggle during the national movement.

7.9 KEY WORDS

Class differentiation: The process by which in objective terms one class economically
begins to differ from another class and also begins to see itself as such.
Customary rights: Rights which have come up4becauseof ceriain historical factors and so
are accepted as a part of tradition like right to use pasture lands.
Dual role of religion in popular movements: The process by which in a popular movement
religion enabled people to come together but also on the other hand because of its own
iimited world view restricted the scope of thg movement.
Forced labour: The use of force rather than legal or traditional right to extract labour.
Jobbers (Sardars): Traditionally people who recruit workers in a mill.
Occupancy right: Right to particular piece of land.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Peasant utooia: The ideal belief in a future societv amonest Deasants.
Peasant movement: A peasant is a cultivator or owner cultivator of land (the size of this Popular Uprisings :Second
Half of the 19th Century
land can vary). Historically peasants have rebelled against established authority of landlords
and state. The basis of their coming together has been religion or religious symbols because
of this their scope was limited.
Polarisation: Clear difference.
Popular movements: Movements in which people cutting cross tribal, peasant, working
class or middle class barriers participated.
Sexual exploitation of women: Discrimination and harassment of women on the basis of
sex.
Social differentiation: Process by which the peasant society was differentiated along
economic and social line.
Tenants-at-will: After the British gave right of property to landlords which they did not
have legally earlier the tenants were at the mercy of the landlords.
Tribal movements: Tribe is a group of people tied together by blood relationship. Tribal
movements are collective protests of these units against established authority.
Uprising : Upheaval.

7.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1 i) .\I
ii) .\I
iii) x
iv) .\I
2 See section 7.2
Check Your Progress 2
1 i) b
ii) c
iii) a
2 See Sub-sec. 7.4.2
3 i) .\I
ii) x
iii) .\I
iv) x

v) x
Check Your Progress 3
1 i) .\I
ii) x

iii) .\I
iv) x

v) x
2 i) c

ii) a
iii) b
Kamesh Mechrocks
 -
Modern lndia 1857 1964 3 See Section 7.6

Check Your Progress 4

1 See Section 7.7
2 See Section 7.7 and Sub-section. 7.7.1
3 i) b
ii) c
iii) a.
4 i) 4
ii) x
iii) 4
iv) 4

Kamesh Mechrocks
 - - - -

UNIT 8 SOCIAL REFORMS IN 19TH

CENTURY INDIA
Structure
8.0 Objectives
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Why Reform?
8.3 Reform Movements
8.4 Scope of Reformers
8.5 Method of ~ e f o r m
8.5.1 Reform from Within
8.5.2 Reform Through Legislation
8.5.3 Reform Through Symbol of Change
8.5.4 Reform Through Social Work
8.6 Ideas
8.6.1 Rationalism
8.6.2 Universalism
8.7 Significance
8.8 Weakness and Limitations
8.9 Let Us Sum Up
8.10 Key Words
8.-11 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

8.0 OBJECTIVES
India in the 19th century witnessed a series of reform movements under- taken in various
parts of the country. These movements were oriented toward a re-structuring of the Indian
society along modem lines. This unit presents a general and analytical view of these socio-
religious reform movements. It also seeks to highlight the significance of these movements.
Although it does not give a factual account of the ideas and activities of these movements.
and their leaders, it offers an analysis which would help you to understand these movements.
After reading this unit, you will:
Know why and how these reforms were initiated in India
Understand who were the leading reformers and their ideas about the nature of the Indian
society
Grasp the scope and methods of these reforms and highlight their shortcomings

8.1 INTRODUCTION
The conquest of India by the British during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, exposed
some serious weaknesses and drawbacks of Indian social institutions. As a consequence
several individuals and movements sought to bring about changes in the social and religious
practices with a view to reforming and revitalizing the society. These efforts, collectively
known as the Renaissance, were complex social phenomena. It is important to note that this
phenomenon occurred when India was under the colonial domination of the British.

8.2 WHY REFORM

An important question for discussion is about the forces which generated this awakening, in
India. Was this a result of the impact of the West? Or was it only a response to the colonial
intervention? Although both ~iieseqlrestians are inter-related, it wcl;!d k profitab!~t:,
separate them for a clear understanding. Another dimension of this is related to the changes
taking place in Indian society leading to the emergence of new classes. For this perspective.
the socio-religious movements can be viewed as the expression of the social aspirations of
Kamesh Mechrocks
the newlv emerging middle class in colonial India.
Modern India I857 - The carly historical writings on relhrm movements have traced their origin primarily to the
impact of the West. One ot'the earliest 6ooks to be written on the subject by J.N. Farquhar
(Mo~1e1.nReli,qiorr.\ Mor7c~nirntsit? Itidia, New York, 1924). held that:

Thestimulating forces are almost exclusively Western, namely, English education and
literature, Christianity, Oriental research, European science and philosophy,and the
material elements of Western civilization
Several historians have repeated and further elaborated this view. Charles Heimsath, for
instance, attributed not only ideas but also the methods of organization of socio-religious
movements to Western inspiration.

The importance of Western impact on the regenerative process in the society in nineteenth
century is undeniable. However, if we regard this entire process of reform as a manifestation
of colonial benevolence and limit ourselves to viewing only its positive dimensions, we shall
fail to do justice to the complex character of the phenomenon. Sushobhan Sarkar (Bengal
Retlaissance and Other Essays, New Delhi, 1970) has drawn our attention to the fact that
"foreign conquest and domination was bound to be a hindrance rather than a help to a
subject people's regeneration". How colonial rule acted as a factor limiting the scope and
dimension of nineteenth century regeneration needs consideration and forms an important
part of any attempt to grasp its true essence.

The reform movements should be seen as a response to the challenge posed by the colonial
intrusion. They were indeed important just as attempts to reform society but even more so as
manifestations of the urge to contend with the new situation engendered by colonialism. In
other words the socio-religious reform was not an end in itself, but was integral to the
emerging anti-colonial consciousness.

Thus, what brought about the urge for reform was the need to rejuvenate the society and its
institutions in the wake of the colonial conquest. This aspect of the reform movement,
however, introduced an element of revivalism, a tendency to harp back on the Indian past
and to defend,Indian culture and civilization. Although this tended to impart a conservative
and retrogressive character to these movements, they played an important role in creating
cultural consciousness and confidence among the people.

8.3 REFORM MOVEMENTS

The earliest expression of reform was in Bengal, initiated by Rammohun Roy. He founded
the Atmiya Sabha in 1814, which was the forerunner of Brahmo Samaj organized by him in
1829. The spirit of reform soon manifested itself in other parts of the country. The
Pararnahansa Mandali and Prarthana Samaj in Maharashtra and Arya Samaj in Punjab and
other parts of north India were some of the prominent movements among the Hindus. There
were several other regional and caste movements like Kayastha Sabha in U.P. and Sarin
Sabha in Punjab. Among the backward castes too reformation struck roots: The Satya
Sodhak Samaj in Maharashtra and Sri Narayana Dharma Paripalana Sabha in Kerala. The
Ahmadiya and Aligarh movements, the Sing Sabha and the Rehnumai Mazdeyasan Sabha
represented the spirit of reform among the Muslims, the Sikhs and the Parsees respectively.

The following features are evident from the above account:

i) Each of these reform movements was confined, by and large to one region or the other.
Brahamo Samaj and the Arya Samaj did have branches in different parts of the country
yet they were more popular in Bengal and Punjab respectively, that anywhere else.
ii) These movements were confined to a particular religion or caste.
iii) An additional feature of these movements was that they all emerged at different points
of time in different parts of the country. Eor example in Bengal reform efforts were
afoot at the beginning of the nineteenth century, but in Kerala they came up only
towards the end of the nineteenth century. Despite this, there was considerable
similarity in their aims and perspectives. All of them were concerned with the
regeneration of society through social and educational reforms even if there were
Kamesh Mechrocks
differences in their methods.
 Stxial Reforms in 19th
SCOPE OF REFORMS Century India

The reform movements of the nineteenth century were not purely religious movements.
They were socio-religious movements. The reformers like Rammohun Roy in Bengal, Gopal
Hari Deshmukh (Lokhitavadi) in Maharashtra and Viresalingam in Andhra advocated
religious reform for the sake of "Political advantage and social comfort". The reform
perspectives of the movements and their leaders were characterised by a recognition o f
interconnection between religious and social issues. They attempted to make use of religious
ideas to bring about changes in social institutions and practices. For example, Keshub
Chandra Sen, an important Brahman leader, interpreted the "unity of godhead and
brotherhood of mankind" to eradicate caste distinctions in society.
The major social problems which came within the purview of the reform movements were:
Emancipation of women in which sati, infanticide, child and widow marriage were taken up
Casteism and untouchability
Education for bringing about enlightenment in society
In the religious sphere the main issues were:
Idolatry
Polytheism
Religious supeistitions
Exploitation by priests

METHODS OF REFORM
In the attempts to reform the socio-religious practices several methods were adopted. Four major
trends out of these are as follows:

8.5.1 Reform from Within

The technique of reform from within was initiated by Rammohun Roy and followed
throughout the nineteenth century. The advocates of this method believed that any reform in
order to be effective had to emerge from within the society itself. As a result, the main thrust
of their efforts was to create a sense of awareness among the people. They tried to do this by
publishing tracts and organizing debates and discussions on various social problems.,
Rammohun's campaign against sati, Vidyasagar's pamphlets on widow marriage and B.M.
Malabari's efforts to increase the age of consent are the examples of this.

8.5.2 Reforms through Legislation

The second trend was represented by a faith in the efficacy of legislative intervention. The
advocates of this method -Keshub Chandra Sen in Bengal, Mahadev Govind Ranade in
Maharashtra and Viresalingam in Andhra-believed that reform efforts cannot really be
effective unless supported by the state. Therefore, they appealed to the government to give
legislative sanction for reforms like widow marriage, civil marriage and increase in the age
of consent. They, however, failed to realize that the interest of the British government in
social reform was linked with its own narrow politico-economic considerations and that it
would intervene only if it did not adversely effect its own interests. Moreover, they also
failed to realize that the role of the legislation as an instrument of change in a colonial
society was limited because the lack of sanction of the people.

8.5.3 Reform Through Symbol of Change

The third trend was an attempt to create symbols of change through non-conformist
individual activity. This was limited to the 'Derozians' or 'Young Bengal' who represented
a radical stream within the reform movement. The members of this group prominent of them
being Dakshinaranjan Mukherjee, Ram Gopal Ghose and Krishna Mohan Binerji, stood for
a rejection of tradition and revolt against accepted social norms. They were highly
influenced by "the regenerating new thought from the West" and displayed an
unoompromisingly rational attitude towards social problems. Ram Gopal Ghose expressed
.
the rationalist stance of this group when he declared: "He who will not reason is a bigot, he
who cannot is a fool and he who does not is a slave". A major weakness of the method they
Kamesh Mechrocks
adopted was that it failed to draw upon the cultural traditions of Indian society and hence the
 -
Modern India 1857 1%4 8.5.4 Reform Through Social Work
The fourth trend was reform through social work as was evident in the activities of Ishwar
Chandra Vidyasagar, Arya Samaj and Ramakrishna Mission. There was a clear recognition
among them of the limitations of purely intellectual effort if undertaken without supportive
social work. Vidyasagar, for instance, was not content with advocating widow remarriage
through lectures and publication of tracts. Perhaps the greatest humanist India saw in
modem times, he identified himself with the cause of widow marriage and spent his entire
life, energy and money for this cause.
Despite that, all he was able to achieve was just a few widow-marriages.Vidyasagar's
inability to achieve something substantial in practical terms was an indication of the
limitations of social reform effort in colonial India.
The Arya Sam4 and the Ramakrishna Mission also undertook social work through which
they tried to disseminate ideas of reform and regeneration. Their limitation was an
insufficient realization on their part that reform on the social and intellectual planes is
inseparably linked with the overall character and structure of the society. Constraints of the
existing structure will define the limits which no regenerative efforts on the social and
cultural plane can exceed. As compared to the other reform movements, they depended less
on the intervention of the colonial state and tried to develop the idea of social work as a
creed.
I

Check Your Progress 1

1' Read the following statements and mark right (4 ) or wrong (x)
i) The reform movements of the 19th century were purely religious movements.
ii) Different reform movements emerged in different parts of the country at the same
time.
iii) The initiative for these reform movements was taken in Bengal.
iv) 'Young Bengal' represented the radical stream within the reform movement.
2 Name the various reforih movements undertaken in various parts of the country in the 19th
century.

3 What were the various methods of reform adopted by the 19th century reformers? Write
on a separate sheet.

8.6 IDEAS
Two important ideas which influenced the leaders andmovements were rationalism and
religious universalism.

8.6.1 Rationalism
A rationalist critique of socio-religious reality generally characterized the nineteenth century
reforms. The early Brahmo reformers and members of 'Young Bengal' had taken a highly
rational attitude towards socio-religious issues. Akshay Kumar Dutt, who was an
uncompromising rationalist, had argued that all natural and social phenomena could be
analysed and understood by our intellect purely in terms of physical and mechanical
processes. Faith was sought to be replaced by rationality and socio-religious practices were
evaluated from the standpoint of social utility. In Brahmo Samaj the rationalist perspective
'
led to the repudiation of the infallibility of the Vedas and in Aligarh movement founded by
Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan, to the reconciling of the teaching of Islam with the needs and
requirements of modem age. Holding that religious tenets are not immutable, Sayyid Ahmad
Khan emphasised the role 6f religion in the progress of Society: if religion did not keep in
step with the times and meet the demand of society, it would get fossilized as had happened
Kamesh Mechrocks
in the case of Islam in India.
 Al~houghreformers drew upon scriptural sanction e.g. Rammohun's arguments for the Social Reforms in 19th
abolition of sati and Vidyasagar's for widow marriage, social reforms were not always Century I dia
sul~jectedto religious considerations. A rational and secular outlook was very much evident
in positing an alternative tdthe then prevalent social practices. In advocating widow
mamage and opposing polygamy and child marriage, Akshay Kumar was least concerned
with searching for any religious sanction or finding out whether they existed in the past. His
arguments were mainly based on their noticeable effects on society. Instead of depending on
the scriptures, he cited medical opinion against child mamage.
Compared to other regions there was less dependence on religion in Maharashtra. To Gopal
Hari Deshmuk whether social reforms had the sanction of religion was immaterial. If
religion did not sanction them he advocated that religion itself be changed, as what was laid
down in the scriptures need not necessarily be of contemporary relevance.

8.6.2 Universalism
An important religious idea in the nineteenth century was universalism a belief in the unity
of godhead and an emphasis on religions being essentially the same. Rammohun considered
different religions as national embodiments of universal theism and he had initially
conceived Brahmo Samaj as a universalist Church. He was a defender of the basic and
universal principles of all religions-monotheism of the Vedas and unitarianism of
Christianity-and at the same time he attacked the polytheism of Hinduism and
trinitarianism of Christianity. Sayyid Ahmad Khan echoed almost the same idea: all
prophets had the same din (faith) and every country and nation had different prophets. This
perspective found clearer articulation in Keshub Chandra Sen who tried to synthesise the
ideas of all major religions in the break away Brahmo group, Nav Bidhan, that he had
organized. "Our position is not that truths are to be found in all religions, but all established
religions of the world are true."
The universalist perspective was not a purely philosophic concern; it strongly influenced
political and social outlook, until religious particularism gained ground in the second half of
the nineteenth century. For instance, Rammohun considered Muslim lawyers to be more
honest than their Hindu counterparts and Vidyasagar did not discriminate against the
Muslim in his humanitarian activities. Even to the famous Bengali novelist Bankim Chandra
Chatterji who is credited with a Hindu outlook dharma rather than specific religious
affiliation was the criterion for determining the superiority of one individual over the other.
This, however, does not imply that religious identity did not influence the social outlook of
the people in fact it did very strongly. The reformer's emphasis on universalism was an
attempt to contend with this particularising pull. However, faced with the challenge of
colonial culture and ideology, universalism, instead of providing the basis for the developing
of a broader secular ethos, retreated into religious particularism.

SIGNIFICANCE
In the evolution of modem India the reform movements of the nineteenth century have made
very significant contribution. They stood for the democratization of society, removal of
superstition and abhorent customs, spread of enlightenment and the development of a
rational and modem outlook. Among the Muslims the Aligarh and Ahmadiya movements
were the torch bearers of these ideas. Ahmadiya movement which took a definite shape in
1890 due to the inspiration of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadian, opposed jihad, advocated
fraternal relations among the people and championed Western liberal education. The Aligarh
movement tried to create a new social ethos among the Muslims by opposing polygamy and
by advocating widow marriage. It stood for a liberal interpretation of the Quran and
propagation of Western education.
The reform movements within the Hindu community attacked a number of social and
religious evils. Polytheism and idolatry which negated the development of individuality or
supernaturalism and the authority of religious leaders which induced the habit of conformity
were subjected to strong criticism by these movements. The opposition to caste was not only
on moral and ethical principles but also because it fostered social division. Anti-casteism
existed only at a theoretical and limited level in early Brahmo movement, but movements
like the Arya Samaj. Prarthana Samaj and Rama Krishna Mission became uncompromising
critics of the caste system more trenchant criticism of the caste system was made by
I
I Kamesh Mechrocks
movements which emerged among the lower castes. They unambiguously advocated the
 -
Modern India 1857 1%4 abolition of caste system, as evident from the movements initiated by Jotibha Phulle and
Narayana Guru. The latter gave the call-only one God and one caste for mankind.
The urge to improve the condition of women was not purely humanitarian, it was part of the
quest to bring about the progress of society. Keshub Chandra Sen had voiced this concern: '

"no country on earth ever made sufficient progress in civilization whose females were sunk
in ignorance".
An attempt to change the then prevalent values of the society is evident in all these movements.
In one way or the other, the attempt was to transform the hegemonic values of a feudal society
and to introduce values characteristic of a bourgeois order.

8.8 WEAKNESSES AND LIMITATIONS

Though the nineteenth century reform movements aimed at ameliorating the social,
educational and moral conditions and habits of the people of India in different parts of the
country, they suffered from several weaknesses and limitations. They were primarily an
urban phenomena. With the exception of Arya Samaj, tbe lower caste movements which had
a broader influence, on the whole the reform movements were limited to upper castes and
classes. For instance, the Brahmo Samaj in Bengal was concerned with the problems of the
bhadralok and the Aligarh movement with those of the Muslim upper classes. The masses
generally remained unaffected.
Another limitation lay in the reformers' perception of the nature of the British rule and its
role toward India. They believed quite erroneously, that the British rule was God sent -
providential-and would lead India to the path of modernity. Since their model of the
desirable Indian society was like that of the 19th century Britain, they felt that the British
rule was necessary in order to make India Britain-like. Although they perceived the socio-
religious aspects of the Indian society very accurately, its political aspect that of a basically
- Check Your Progress 2
exploitative British rule was missed by the reformers.
-

1 Write five lines each on the following:

i) Rationalism

.......................................................................
.......................................................................
ii) Religious Universalism
.......................................................................
.......................................................................

2 Read the following statements carefully and mark right (4) and wrong (x).
i) Reformers critique of the Indian socio-religious reality was not devoid of
rationalism. a ,

ii) Universalism managed to keep itself free from religious particularism.

iii) The Aligarh movement opposed polygamy.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Social Reforms in 19th
8.9 LET US SUM UP Century India

The 19th century reformers undertook a two-fold task. A critique of the Indian society was
made. Institutions like caste, Sati, widowhood, child-marriage etc. came in for a sharp
attack. Superstitions and religious obscurantism were condemned.
An attempt was made at the modernisation of the Indian society and appeals were made to
reason, rationalism and tolerance. The scope of their activities was not confined to relirion
only but included the society as a whole. Although they devised different methods and .qere
also separated by time, they showed a remarkable unity of perspective and objectives. They
gave a vis~onof a prosperous modem India and subsequently this vision got incorporated in
the Indian National Movement.

8.10 KEY WORDS

Revivalism: An attempt to revive and glorify the past
Retrogressive: Backward
Sati: The custom of the burning of a widow on the funeral pyre of her husband
Idolatry: Practice of image worship
Polytheism: Belief in many Gods
Infanticide: The killing of an infant child
Age of consent & Bill: A bill passed to increase the marriageable age of girls to 12 years.
Bill was opposed by some Congressmen including Tilak
Monotheism: Belief in one God a custom in some societies in which a woman can be
married to more than one man at the same time
Jihad: Religious war against the infidels
Trinitarianism: Belief in the Christian ~rinit;i.e. the union of the father, son and holy
spirit in one God.

8.11 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
- - - -- ~-

Check Your Progress 1

1 i) x ii) , x iii) 4 iv) 4
2 See Section 8.3
3 Read Section 8.5 and write your own answer
Check Your Progress 2
1. See Sub-sec. 8.6.1 and 8.6.2

2. i) 4 ii) x iii) 4 iv) 4

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 9 INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS
FORMATION
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Milieu
9.2.1 The New Leaders
9.2.2 Art and Literature
9.2.3 Newspapers and Journals
Political Associations Before 1885
Imperial Response
9.4.1 Lytton
9.4.2 Ripon
The Role of the Educated Indians ,

Foundation of the Congress

9.6.1 First Meeting
9.6.2 Presidential Speech
9.6.3 Participation
9.6.4 Proceedings and Resolutions
Controversies Relating to its Origin
9.7.1 Official Conspiracy Theory
9.7.2 Ambitions and Rivalries of Indian Elites
9.7.3 Need for an All India Body
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

9.0 OBJECTIVES
In the previous Unit you have seen how the formulation and spread of modem ideas led to
an intellectual awakening in India in the 19th century. One of its major consequence was the
formation of the Indian National Congress, which has played a very important role in the
history of modem India. This unit deals with its background and focus on the factors
responsible for its formation. After reading this Unit you will:
get an idea of the milieu in which the Indian National Congress was founded,
understand the role played by the educated Indians in its formation,
get some details about the fiist congress meeting, and
became familiar with some of the controversies surrounding its origin.

9.1 INTRODUCTION
On Monday, 28 December 1885 seventy-two persons met in the hall of Gokuldas Tejpal
Sanskrit College in Bombay. They were attending the inaugural session of the Indian
National Congress. Since then this body went on to play a pivotal role in India's struggle for
liberation from British rule.
You have already been told about the establishment of the colonial state in irlciia and'also
about the factors responsible for the rise and growth of national consciousness in India. This
unit follows logically from the earlier Units you have read and deals with the formation of
I the Indian National Congress, as the political organisational consequence of the spread of
1 national consciousness in India. Kamesh Mechrocks
 -
Modern India 1857 1964
MILIEU
As the British extended their sway over India, a sullen feeling of a resentment grew amongst
the people. It was based on their perception that the new rulers were responsible for their
economic hardships. They also felt that they were being looked down upon in their own
country and their way of life was being threatened. The opportunities available to them for
advancement were insufficient. The lower strata of social and economic hierarchy expressed
their resentment by sporadic uprisings. These were often directed against immediate
exploiters-the zamindars, moneylenders and tax collectors. But, broadly speaking, these
were protests against the system built by the British. The intensity of discontent against
foreign rule became visible through these uprisings. The great Revolt of 1857 itself, in a way
sprang up as an outburst of accumulated discontent of masses in different parts of the
country.

9.2.1 The New Leaders

The failure of this Revolt revealed the inadequacy of the traditional method of protest. It
also showed that the old aristocratic'classes could not be the saviours of Indian society. The
English educated middle class seemed to be the hope of the future. The agitation carried on
by this class was of a completely different character. As you can see from the details given
in Unit 3, this class was conscious of the benefits India had derived from the British
connection. It was also familiar with European liberal ideas of that period. At the same time
it had a sense of pride in the country's glorious past and gradually developed the conviction
that foreign domination was inherently opposed to the fulfilment of legitimate hopes and ,
aap~rationsof the Indian people. A perception of identity in the interests of people inhabiting
different parts of the Indian sub-continent was also growing. The educated indians believed
for some time that their gtievances would be redressed by the benevolent rulers if they could
draw their attention to them. Therefore, in the beginning, the middle class agitation was
confined to ventilation of some specific political and economic grievances and demands.
This stage was, however, to be left behind after some time.

9.2.2 Art and Literature

During this period, ideas of nationalism and patriotism were given popular form in songs,
poems and plays. Many of the songs were composed for the Hindu Mela which was
organised for some years from 1867 onwards by a group of Bengali leaders. The purpose
was to spread nationalist ideas and promote indigenous arts and crafts. In the process British
policies were blamed for deteriorating the economic conditions of the people. The need to
use swadeshi goods was also emphasised. These ideas found expression in some drama
performances also. In a play that became popular around 1860s entitled Nee1 Darpan (see
Unit 7 Section 7.5. l), atrocities committed by indigo planters were highlighted. The most
important rnme in this context is that of Bankim Chandra Chatterji who wrote historical
nove!s highlighting the tyranny of the rulers. His most well known work is Anandmath
(1882) which also contains his immortal song 'Bande Matram' composed a few years earlier
(1875). Similar patriotic feelings can be found in the literature in other languages. Bhartendu
Harishchandra, who is regarded as the father of modem Hindi, in his plays, poems a d
journalistic writings, put forward a plea for using swadeshi things. Similar trends can be
seen in Marathi literature also where there was tremendous increase in the number of
publications-from three between 1818-1827 to 3,284-between 1885-1896.

9.2.3 Newspapers and Journals

The newspapers and journals played a creditable role in building up public opinion in favour
of Indian national interests and against the excesses and inequities of the colonial
administration. Some well-known English language papers of this period were Amrita Bazar
Patrika, Hindoo Patriot and Sorn Prakash, published from Calcutta, Indu Prakash and
Native Opinion from Bombay and The Hindu from Madras. Some important papers
published in Hindi were Hindustan, Bharat Mitra and Jagat Mitra. Jam-e-Jahan Numa and
Khushdil Akhhar were well known Urdu newspapers.
Signs of growing political awakening and feeling of oneness were obvious to perceptwe
7 .. Kamesh Mechrocks
contemporary British Observers. For example, writiniconfidentia~l~
. .--- -.. - - . - . . - "
to the Government of
 "Within the 20 years of my own recollection, a feeling of nationality, which formerly Indian h'atiunal Congress :
had no existence, or was but faintly felt, has grown up .... Now .... we are beginning to Forn~atioo
find ourselves face to face, not with the population of individual provinces, but with
200 millions of people united by sympathies and intercourse which we have ourselves
created and fostered. This seems to me to be the great political fact of the day."
Check Your Progress 1
1 In the quotation you have just read, what has been described as the great political fact of
the day?

2 Adjust the name of the newspapers against the place of its publication
i) Hindu Patriot a) Bombay
ii) Native Opinion b) Madras
iii) Hindu c) Calcutta
3 Read the following statements and mark right (4 ) or wrong (x)
i) The revolt of 1857 revealed that the traditional methods of protest could succeed.
ii) The songs, poems and plays helped in popularising ideas of nationalism in this
period.
iii) Bhartendu Harishchandra Made an appeal for using swadeshi things.
iv) The newspapers and journals helped in spreading imperialist ideas during this
period.

9.3 POLITICAL ASSOCIATIONS BEFORE 1885

The Indian National Congress was not the first political association to be established in
India. Various associations had been established earlier. The beginning of organized
political activity in India generally dates back to the establishment of landholders' society in
1837. It was an association of landholders of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa and its principal
objective was to guard its class interests. In 1843 was formed another association named
Bengal British India society. Its objective was wider, i.e. to protect and promote general
public interests. The landholders' society represented the aristocracy of wealth, the Bengal
British India society represented the aristocracy of intelligence. In 1851 the two associations
were merged, giving rise to a new one, named the British Indian Association. This was the
time when the Charter of the British East India Company was due for renewal and a need
was felt to make the views of Indians known to the authorities in London. Associations were
also formed about this time in Bombay and Madras. These were called the Bombay
Association and the Madras Native Association respectively and were established in 1852.
All these associations were dominated by wealthy landed gentry. Similar, but lesser known
associations were established in other parts of India too. Deccan Association can be
mentioned as one of them.
The three Presidency associations sent petitions suggesting changes in East India
Company's Charter. These suggestions give us a fairly good idea of the attitude of the
publically conscious classes in India at that time. Broadly speaking, the petitioners wanted
that Indians should be appointed to the legislative bodies. Company's monopoly of salt and
indigo should be abolished and the state should give aid to indigenous industry. It was also
stated that the local governments should have greater powers and Indians should have bigger
share in the administration of their country. So far as agrarian issues were concerned, a
desire was expressed for the preservation of existing interests in land. Each petition also
expressed concern about ths need to improve the condition of peasants. In the petition sent
hy members of the British Indian Association it was stated that while Indians acknowledged
Kamesh Mechrocks
Modern India 1857 - 1964 'the blessings of an improved form of government', they could not but feel that they had
'not profited by their connection with Great Britain to the extent which they had a right to
look for'. Many of their demands were later taken up by the Congress.
As has already been mentioned, during the 1860s and 1870s ideas of nationalism and
patriotism were very much in the air. A number of political associations were established in
d~rferentparts of the country during this period to propagate the cause of reform in various
'
spheres of administration and to promote political consciousness among various sections of
people. Of these, the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha, established by M.G. Ranade, G.V. Joshi, S.H.
Chiplankar and his associates in 1870, proved to be the most important. This Sabha brought
out a journal from 1878 which did much for arousing political consciousness. To carry on
political propaganda in England, some Indian students like Pherozeshab Mei:ta, Badruddin
Tyabji, Dadabhai Naoroji and Manmohan Ghose founded the East lndia Association in
December, 1866.
The half century from the establishment of Landholders society in 1837 was more a period
of aspirations than of achievemerits. But the state was set during this period for the
emergence of a national body. The need for a national platform began to be keenly felt. In
calcutta, dissatisfaction with the British Indian Association had been growing. Its
subscription was Rs. 50 pet annum which was too high for the middle class. (According to
Lord Curzon's estimate per capita income in British India in 1898 was Rs. 30 per annum.)
Its membership was, therefore, confined to the wealthy people. In 1876 the Indian
Association was founded in Calcutta. The membership fee was kept at five rupees, per
annum. It soon became very popular amongst the educated people and became a major force
in Bengal and subsequently in Indian politics. Surendranath Banerjea, a young member of
the middle class who had been ejected from the Indian Civil Service on what appeared to be
insufficient grounds was mainly responsible for its establishment. The aims of the Indian
Association included developing a strong public opinion, promoting Hindu-Muslim
friendship, establishing contact with masses and generating wider awareness amongst the
Indian people. These are certainly ingredients of a broad based nationalist movement.
Surendranath Banerjea said that the new association was based on the conception of United
India derived from the inspiration of Mazzini'-the main architect of the Stehan Unification.
Many other political bodies were established in other parts of India, like the Madras
Mahajan Sabha, the Bombay Presidency Association, the Allahabad People's Association,
the Indian Association of Lahore etc. Many of these bodies had branches in the Mofussil
towns. After 1885 these became the regional arms of the Congress.

IMPERIAL RESPONSE
Needless to say, all these activities of the educated Indians did not go unnoticed. The British
Government took a note of the growing political discontact and quickly went on the
offensive. This was reflected in the policies pursued by Lord Lytton-whocame to India in
1876.

9.4.1. Lytton
Lytton followed openly reactionary and anti-Indian policies. These afforded excellent
opportunities to the Indian Association to organize a number of all-India political agitations.
Lytton sent an expensive expedition of Afghanistan which was financed out of Indian
revmues. He removed import duties on cotton textiles to benefit British cloth industry at the
cost of the nascent Indian textile industry. These steps were resented by politically conscious
Indians. In domestic policy the Viceroy patronised these sections like the ruling princes and
landholders who played a vital role in the continuance of the British rule. He viewed the
aspirations of educated Indians with contempt. During his period the maximum age for
appearing in the Indian Civil Service examination was reduced from 2 1 to 19 years. Since
the examination was held only in Londcn, it was in any case difficult for the Indians to take
this examination. The lowering of the age was looked upon as a step calculated to prevent
Indians from appearing in *hisexamination. The Indian Association took up the issue and
launched an agitation over it in the country. Surendranath himself undertook a tour of
different parts of the country in 1877-78 and acquired all India fame. The Association also
sent a well-known Bengali banister, Lal Mohan Ghose, to England to present a memorial.
Public meetings were organised to protest against the passing of the Vernacular Press Act
'

Kamesh Mechrocks
and the Arms Act. The former imposed restrictions on the newspapers and journals printed
 in Indian languages. This caused deep resentment among the Indian societies. Amrita Bazar Indian National Congress :
Patriko which was published in Bengali till then, changed overnight into an English medium Formation
laper so as to escape the restrictions imposed under this Act. Under the Arms Act, Indians
were made to pay a license fee in order to possess a weapon but Europeans and Eurasians
were exempted from doing so. Special concessions were also given to landholders. During
the agitation on these issues huge mass meetings, attended at some places by ten to twenty
thousands people were organised in district towns.

9.4.2. Ripon
Lord Lytton was succeeded by Lord Ripon in 1880. Ripon's approach was different. He held
that the educated Indians possessed legitimate aspirations in keeping with their education
and the pledges given by the British Parliament from time to time in this regard should be
honoured. Lytton's administration, he argued, had given the impression 'rightly or wrongly'
that the interests of the natives of India were in all ways to be sacrificed to those of England.
He wanted to harness the talents of the educated classes for strengthening British Rule. He
repealed the Vernacular Press Act, promoted l k a l self-government institutions, encouraged
the spread of education and brought the Afghan War to an end. His policy, however, could
not proceed beyond certain limits on account of the constraints imposed by the very
character of British rule in India.
A bitter agitation directed at Ripon and his pro-Indian policies erupted over the so-called
Ilbert Bill among the Anglo-Indians who had been annoyed by him.
The Criminal Procedure amendment Bill, or the Ilbert Bill as it came to be called after the
name of the Law Member in Viceroy's Council was in essence a measure putting Indian
Judges on the same footing as Europeans in dealing with all cases in the Bengal Presidency.
Its purpose was to enable qualified Indians in the mofussil to try Europeans for criminal
offences (in Presidency towns they were already allowed to do so). The Bill was brought
forward because Indians were now rising in the ranks of the judicial service. It involved the
possibility of trial of Europeans by Indian judges for criminal offences without a jury. It also
gave right to Europeans to appeal to the High Court if they were not satisfied. But this
provoked a storm of angry criticism amongst the Anglo-Indians. Ripon found that even the
ciyil service was in sympathy with the opposition. In the press and in public meetings Indian
character and culture were severely criticised. Ultimately the Government had to bow before
this hostile opinion and the Bill was amended in such a manner that its very purpose was
defeated.
The entire controversy has an important place in the circumstances leading to the emergency
of an All-India body. It is often said that Indians learnt their first lesson in political agitation
from Anglo-Indians on this occasion. This is not really true. Indians had already realised the
importance of this method and had organised an all-India agitation on the question of Civil
Service Examination. In fact they had already learnt from experience that Anglo-Indians
would not make a common cause with them in their demands for more power and better
privileges. The reaction of Indians throughout the country on the issue of agitation against
the bill was the same. The Indian press made it clearly known that educated Indians valued
the principle underlying the bill and would bitterly resent its abandonment. After the main
principle was abandoned, the Indian press began to talk of an urgent need for national unity,
greater organisation and self-reliance.
I
During the early 1880s the idea of a national organisation had become an important topic for
discussion in the Indian press. The Ilbert Bill controversy seemed to reinforce this need. In
July 1883, the Indian Association held a meeting which was attended by some 10,000
persons. Here it was decided that 'a national fund' with the aim of securing the political
advancement of the country by means of agitation in England and in India, should be
created. This proposal was widely acclaimed. However, in some quarters there was criticism
on the ground that the Indian Association had failed to secure the support of other political
associations in the country. The drive for national fund yielded only Rs. 20,000. But it
saprked off widespread debate in the press. It was repeatedly pointed out during this debate
I that coordinated political action was called for and representatives of different political
associations should meet annually in big cities of the country. In December 1883 an
International Exhibition was scheduled to be held in Calcutta. The Indian Association
decided to take advantage of this event and invited prominent public men and associations in
different parts of the country to meet and discuss questions of general concern. Such a
1 Kamesh Mechrocks
Conference was held from 28 to 3 1 December 1883 and was called the National Conference.
 -
Modem India 1857 1!J64 It was not a very representative or influential gathering. But it is significant that the
programme adopted here was very similar to the one adopted by the Indian National
Congress later. It provided an opportunity to educated Indians from about forty -five
different places to mcet and exchange views. It has rightly been described as the precursor
of the Indian National Congness of 'the dress rehearsal' for it.
Check Your Progress 2
1 Make a list of five steps taken by Lord Lytton which tended to offend the Indians.

ii) ...................................................................

iii) ...................................................................

iv) ...................................................................

2 Which of the following statements are right (4) or wrong (x)

i) Lord Ripon followed an approach, different from Lytton.
ii) The Ilbert Bill enjoyed the support of the Anglo-Indians.
iii) It is true that the Indians learnt the first lesson of political agitation from the Anglo-
Indians.
iv) The Indian National Congress has been rightly described as the precursor of the
National Conference.
3 What do you understand by the Ilbert Bill controversy? Write on the space given below.

9.5 THE ROLE OF THE EDUCATED INDIANS

Here an obvious question arises: which sectiois of the sociity were taking the initiative in
organizing political activities during this period? We shall now take up this question.
Lead in organising political activities was taken by what historians have described as the
'educated middle classes', the 'professional classes', the 'English educated elite' or the
'intelligentsia'. It is important to indicate some of the traits and attributes of this section of
Indians. Broadly speaking, reference here is to those people who had acquired knowledge of
English, had grown under the impact of British rule and who had taken to professions like
law, teaching and journalism dr had secural government jobs. Originating in Presidency
towns of Calcutta, Bombay and Madras, they had spread like a thin covering over the whole
country. Kamesh Mechrocks
I Inspired i>y national consciousness and a pride in the glory of the past, the middle class Indian National Congress :
Formation
started constitutional agitation for political rights. Its growth was so gradual that it was
hardly noticed at the initial stages. Its social and economic roots did not lie in industry or
commerce, instead this class had its roots in tenurial landholding, government service or
professions. This section took pride in calling itself the middle class, i.e. a section of society
which was below the zamindars but above the toilers. It looked forward to playing the same
1 role which the middle class had played in the west-that of spearheading the transition form
the feudal to a 'modem' society through Renaissance, Reformation, democratization of
political institutions and rapid industrialisation.
The members of the middle class belonged to that section of society which could not be
!
I
called poor and they were normally from higher castes. It should. however, be noted that all
high caste people did not enjoy a high economic status in society. For example, in Bengal
I and many other parts of India it was customary for well-to-do families to employ Brahmins
I as cooks. Similarly in Bombay, according to figures collected in 1864, 10,000 beggers were
1 listed as Chitpavan or Saraswaf Brahmins.
This section of society may be called an elite in the sense that it seemed to be the select part
or pick of the society. But unlike an 'elite', the ideology of this class was not one of
defending it own privileges either in terms of education or in terms of social status. Their
one great asset was English education. Far from confining English education to themselves,
many of the educated Indians devoted themselves to spreading this type of education. Later
they were to take up with great zest the demand for the introduction of compulsory
elementary education. Similarly they did not hesitate to take up such social reforms which
could affect their privileges adversely.
In the Indian context, during our period of the term 'educated middle class' stood for groups
which acquired western education and began to assert some kind of regional or national
leadership. The social composition and outlook of these groups was significantly different
from these of the princes, chiefs and zamindars who had earlier led resistance movements
against the British. During the nineteenth century this class made a significant contribution
to Indian life by championing the cause of religious and social reforms, writing patriotic
songs, plays and novels, preparing economic critique of British rule and establishing
political organizations.
Lord Dufferin, the Viceroy, once remarked that it was 'a microscopic minority '. This remark
1 has been quoted time and again by different historians. It was a minority no doubt. But it
I was a minority which could not be ignored, as Dufferin himself knew. It was a minority that
had common ideals and used similar idiom and could take a broad all-India view. It should
also be remembered that in history it is the dynamic minorities which have usually
determined the shape of nations. Here a reference may be made to another saying that had
gained some currency. British officials used to argue that this class did not represent the
masses and it were the British who looked after their interests or were the 'ma Bapp' of the
Indian masses. This argument was advanced because it served the imperial interest of
justifying the perpetuation of British Raj. To a certain extent educated people in all countries
are cut off from the masses. In India this alienation was compounded by the foreign medium
of modem education. But knowledge of English did not mean that people ceased to know
their own language. It is significant that as a class the educated Indians could never be
bought over by the Government.

9.6 FOUNDATION OF THE CONGRESS

In this section we shall take up some relevant issues related to the foundation of the
Congress, its initial scope and activities, resolutions passed and the extent of the
participation by various sections.

9.6.1. First Meeting

The credit for organizing the first meeting of the Indian National Congress goes to
A.O. Hume. He was a retired.Govemment servant who had chosen to stay back in India after
retirement. He was on very good terms with Lord Ripon and shared his view that the
emergence of the educated class should be accepted as a political reality and that timely
steps should be taken to provide legitimate outlets to the grievances of this class and efforts
Kamesh Mechrocks
be made to satisfy its ambitions. He laboriously bnsolidated the network of contacts that he
Modern Ind6 1857 - 1964 had established. Early in December 1884 he reached Bombay to bid farewell to Ripon. He
stayed on there for three months and during this period he discussed with the leaders who
were influential in the Presidency, the programme of political action to be adopted by the
educated Indians. In March 1885 it was decided that a conference of the Indian National
Union (initially it was this name that was adopted) would be convened at Poona during the
Christmas week. Initially Hume and his group considered Calcutta as the most likely place
for the conference. But later they decided upon Poona, because it was centrally located and
. the Executive Committee of the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha expressed readiness to make
arrangements for the conference and provide necessary funds.

The First Indian National Congress, 1885

However, fate deprived Poona of the opp~rtunityto host the first session of the Indian
National Congress. The venue had to be shifted to Bombay because of the outbreak of
cholera in Poona. The first meeting was held on Monday, 28 December 1885 in Gokaldas
Tejpal Sanskrit College, Bombay. It was attended by 100 men of whom 72 were non-
officials and were recognized as members. The honour of being the first ever Congress
President belonged to W.C. Bonnerjee of Bengal. He was one of the first four Indian
Bamsters and one of the foremost legal luminaries in his day. His election established the
healthy precedent that the President should be chosen from.a province other than the one in
which the Congress was being held.

9.6.2 Presidential Speech

The Presidential Speech of the first Congress President was aimed at stating explicitly the
scope, character and objectives of the Congress. Moreover, the presidential speech also
sought to remove many apprehensions and misgivings which might,have arisen in the mind
of the people about the exact intentions of the Congress.
The aims and objects of the Congress were defined very clearly by the President. He
described the objectives as:
Promotion of personal intimacy and friendship amongst the countrymen,
eradication of all possible prejudices relating to race, creed or provinces,
consolidation of sentiments of national unity,
recording of the opinions of educated classes on pressing problems of the day, and
laying down lines for future course of action in public interest.
Besides these demands the President enumerated the blessings conferred by 'the British on
Kamesh Mechrocks
India. He assured that the educated Indians were thoroughly loyal and consistent well-
wishers of the Government. He clarified that their purpose in organizing the Congress was to Indian National Congress :
Formation
represent their views to the ruling authorities and it was wrong to condemn them as a nest of
conspirators and disloyalists. They accepted Hume's leadership because most of the
members of the British community in lndia distrusted educated lndians. Finally, the
President specified in cautious words what the Congress wanted. All that it wanted was that
the basis of the Government should be widened. Such a policy would help not just the
Government but also 'the people at large'. This also shows that the Congress was
demanding a share in the government not to serve the interest of its own class but thought of
the interests of all Indians in this context. In fact no aspiration was more keenly expressed
than the one for national unity.
The Congress leaders had tremendous faith in what they described as the British sense of
justice. They were not thinking in terms of expelling the ~ h t i s hAll
. they wanted was that
the policies adopted by the Government of India should aim at the welfare and good of
lndians which meant really the advancement of their interests. For this purpose they wanted
greater share in running the government. This was to be done through the development of
representative institutions and appointment of Indians to higher posts.

9.6.3 Participation
It is often argued that the lawyers predominated in the Congress. For example, a noted
historian Anil Seal points out that over half the delegates at the first Congress-39 out of
72-were lawyers and that during the decades to come, more than one-third of the delegates
to every Congress session belonged to the legal professions. The old aristocracy-people
like rajas, maharajas, big zamindars and very wealthy merchants were conspicuous by their
'*absence.
. Nor did the peasants or artisans feel attracted towards it. The fact that the lawyers
predominated cannot be denied. But this is more or less true of political organisations and
legislatures everywhere. In Ihdia the problem became compounded by the fact that very few
careers were open to educated Indians. Therefore, a very big number adopted the legal
profession. The old aristrocratic class did not participate in the Congress proceedings
because it felt threatened by new liberal and nationalist ideas. Though the question of
poverty of lndia had been discussed for sometime by various leaders, especially Dadabhai
Naoroji, no attempt was made to associate the masses with the movement at this stage.
When the Congress came to discuss the condition of the people, it resolved that the first step
should be the granting of representative institutions. Given the tactics adopted by the
Congress-that of petitioning and drawing attention to grievances by public discussions, this
was natural.

9.6.4 Proceedings and Resolutions

The proceedings of the Congress were conducted in the most orderly and efficient manner.
The resolutions were moved discussed and passed in accordance with strict parliamentary
procedure. Each resolution was proposed by a member belonging to one province, then
seconded by a member belonging to another province and was supported by members from
other provinces. The speeches were marked by moderation, earnestness and expressions of
loyalty to the Crown. Historian Briton Martin (New India: 1885, Delhi 1970) comments that
the first Congress was 'a distinctly professional affair, which would have been the envy of
any comparable political meeting held in England or the United States at that time'.
The first congress adopted nine resolutions:
In one resolution demand was put forward for the appointment of a Royal Commission
for enquiring into Indian affairs on which Indians would be adequately represented.
The other resolution demanded the abolition of the Indian Council of the Secretary of
State for India. The Congress wanted that the Secretary of State should be responsible
directly to the British Parliament. This demand was based on the idea that the British
people were just and fair and, if properly informed, they would never deviate from the
right path.
There was also a resolution on foreign policy which condemned the annexation of Upper
Burma.
Other resolutions covered subjects such as liberalising the Constitution and functions of
+heCentral and Provincial Legislative Councils, holding of simultaneous examination for
the Civil Service in Britain and India and the need to reduce expenditure on the army, etc.
Before dispersing, the Congress took two more decisions:
i) first was that an attempt should be made to get the resolutions passed at the Congress
session ratified by 'political associations throughout the country.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 -
Modern India 1857 1964 ii) second, the next Congress would meet at Calcutta on 28 December, 1886. .
These decisions are important. These show that the leaders did not look upon the Congress
as an isolated event but as the beginning of a movement.
In the above discussion you might have noticed that the question of social reforms was not
touched upon. Some of the members insisted that it should be taken up. But in view of the
fundamental differences of opinion on this issue, this was not done. However, some
members took advantage of the presence of so many people to discuss issues like infant
marriage and enforced widowhood at a public meeting which was held at the same venue
after the formal Congress session was concluded.
Check Your Progress 3
1 Which sections of the society did the educated Indians came from? Write in five lines.

2 List the aim and objectives of the Congress as defined by its first President.

.......................................................................
3 Mention four resolutions passed by the first Congress.

CONTROVERSIES RELATING TO ITS ORIGIN

Since the 1ndian National Congress has played an important role in India's history, it was
natural that contemporary opinion as well as subsequent historians should have speculated
about the reasons which led to its establishment. In fact this question has been discussed
ever since the congress was founded. Many scholars have made diligent attempts to identify
the efforts of an individual or individuals or the particular circumstances which can be
considered as the principal immediate factors behind the event. But the evidence is
conflicting. The issue continues to be discussed among historians, a hundred years after the
event. We shall see how far the foundation of the Indian National Congress can be explainec
in terms of the alternative positions of:
official conspiracy theory
ambitions and rivalries of Indian elites
growth of feeling that there should be an all-India political body. We shall now take them
up separately

9.7.1 Official Conspiracy Theory

If a body like the Indian National Congress had been founded by an Indian, it would have
been accepted as something normal and logical. But the fact that the idea of an all-India
political organisation was given concrete and final shape by an Englishmen -A.O. Hume-
has given rise to many speculations. Why should an Englishman take the initiative?
Kamesh Mechrocks
Moreover, Hume was not just any Englishman: he belonged to the Indian Civil Service. It is lndian National Congress :
Formation
said that while in service he had come across a mass of material which suggested that as a
result of the sufferings of the masses and alienation of intellectuals, much discontent had
accumulated and this could pose a threat to the continuance of British rule. The memdries of
the great revolt of 1857 were still fresh. Moreover, Hume himself had said that his aim was
to provide, to use his own expression, aeLsafetyvalve' providing control to the "great and
growing forces generated by" the British themselves. This has been juxtaposed with
W.C. Bannerjee's statement that Hume was acting under the direct advice of Dufferin.
These two facts studied together gave rise to the argument that the Indian National Congress
grew out of the British conspiracy, the aim of which was to provide a peaceful and
constitutional outlet to the discontent amongst the educated Indians and thus provide against
the threat to tne Raj.
But historians are now disinclined to accept this view and several reasons are offered for
this. People had exaggerated ideas about the influence which Hume was suppossed to wield
in official circles. Private papers to Lord Dufferin, the Governor-General, are now available
and they show that Hume's views were not taken very seriously by British officials.
Secondly, Hume's motives were nobler than just creation of a 'safety valve' with a view to
provide safe outlets to educated Indians discontent. He possessed a genuine human
sympathy for India, and worked tirelessly for many years to make the Congress a viable and
continuing organisation. From 1885 to 1906 he was the general secretary of the Congress
and helped in guiding, shaping, coordinating and recording its activities. For Hume there
was nothing inconsistent in working for the regeneration of the Indian people and at the
same time accepting an 'enlightened' distant imperialism from which Indian people could
substantially benefit for their social and cultural regeneration. Finally, because of other
developments to which a reference has been made, the need for establishing an all-India
organisation was being keenly felt and some efforts had in fact been made in this direction.
Hume was by no means responsible for bringing about changes in the social and political
milieu, which, in a broader sense, made the foundation and survival of a national
organisation possible. The formation of the Congress cannot be described only to the
initiative of an individual. There were other factors, as has already been pointed out. Hume
was only a strong means for the realisation of the aspirations of the fairly large, and
articulate middle class that was clamouring for sharing positions of responsibility with the
British in the running of administration in the country.
In this context a question can arise. Why is it that educated Indians accepted Hume's
leadership? Considering that some of them had been very active in their field for almost a
decade, this question becomes all the more relevant. One reason could be that being an
Englishman he was free from regional prejudices. But it seems that the more important
reason was that Indian leaders wanted to proceed cautiously lest their efforts invite official
wrath. Coming from a British ex-civil servant, such an effort was less likely to arouse
hostility in official circles. They had a fairly correct and realistic estimate of what was
possible. Under the circumstances, they wanted to consolidate and ventilate their views
without arousing suspicion in the minds of their rulers. In his speech the President
mentioned this in clear terms. He remarked: 'On more than one occasion remarks have been
made by gentlemen', who should have been wiser, in condemning the proposed Congress as
if it were a nest of conspirators and disloyalists'. If the founder was an Englishman, there
was less likelihood of inviting distrust. In this context a remark of the great Moderate leader
G.K. Gokhale is often quoted:
No lndian could have started the lndian National Congress .... If the founder of the
Congress had not been a great Englishman and a distinguished ex-official, such was
the distrust of political agitation in those days that the authorities would have at once
found some way or the other of suppressing the movement.

9.7.2 Ambitions and Rivalries of Indian Elite

During the last two decades many historians, mainly centred at Cambridge, have argued that
the Indian National Congress was, in some ways, not really national, that it was a movement
of self-interested individuals and that it functioned as a vehicle for the pursuit of their
material interests and parochial rivalries. (Anil Seal has been the most influential historian to
express this view). But this view has been challenged in India. It is true that lust for power
or desire to serve one's interests cannot be totally ignored. But at the same time the general
factors cannot be brushed aside. Such an explanation ignores the feeling of hurt caused by
Kamesh Mechrocks
racial discrimination. feeline of nride in the achievements of fellow-countrvmen and also the
 -
Modem lndia 1857 1%4 slowly growing perception that interests of their countrymen would be better served if
relations between Britain and India were restructured. The feeling that Indians shared
common culture and fundamental economic and political interests had been growing.
Ideytity in aspirations and frustrations under an alien rule.had strengthened these bonds. The
founders of the Indian National Congress and various other organizations were inspired by
idealism and loftiness of a nationalist vision because of which the interests of self, family,
caste and community were subordinated to the interests of the Indian nation. They continued
to look for ways of translating this national vision into a reality. The first generation of
Congress leaders remained extremely conscious of the fact that they were being ruled by the
British who had brought to India many liberal values and a complete break with them might
not be in the interest of their countrymen. On the other hand, they thought of ways of
making this structure serve the interests of their countrymen.

9.73 Need for an All-India Body

Viewed in a larger context, the founding of the Indian National Congress was a response to
the then existing political and socio-economic conditions which had resulted from long
subjection to the alien rule. During the 1880s, as we have seen, the idea of a national
organisation was very much in the air. In fact, during the last ten days of 1885 as many as
five conferences were held in different parts of the country. The Madras Mahajan Sabha
held its second annual conference from 22 to 24, December. It was so timed as to enable the
members of the Sabha to attend the Congress at Poona. The Second Indian National
Conference, convened by the Indian Association, met at Calcutta. Early in December 1885
when the plan to hold a conference at Poona was announced, attempt seems to have been
made to persuade Surendranath Banerjea to cancel his conference. But he expressed his
inability to do so at that stage. It merged with the Indian National Congress in 1886. Two
other conferences held during the same period were the conferences organised by Eurasians
at Jabalpur and by Prayag Central Hindu Samaj at Allahabad. Given the emergence of a
countrywide educated class, the ideas they expressed and the organisational developments
that had taken place, it was only a matter of time before a national body was created. The
Indian National Congress represented the culmination of an awareness amongst educated
groups of the need to work together for political purposes. It marked the culmination of a
long process of evolution of political ideas and a process of organisation which had started
from 1830s onwards.
It is interesting to note that the contemporaries-both participants and observers-showed a
consciousness about two things. One was that they were making history and second that &e
Congress was a symbol of the growth of feeling of nationhood. The verdict of history has
confirmed their opinion.
Check Your Progress 4
1 What do you understand by Safety Valve Theory? Write in about a hundred words.

2 Which of the theories regarding the origin of the Congress, mentioned above, do you
find acceptable? And why?
.......................................................................

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Indian National Congress :
Formation

9.8. LET US SUM UP

The establishment of the Indian National Congress in 1885 thus marked the advent of a new
era destined to see the fulfilment in a little over sixty years of the nation's urge for
liberation, sovereignty and self-reliance. It was a visible symbol of the growing sense of
unity amongst the Indian people. It is true that in the beginning Congress was not a well-knit
political organisation, it had no regular membership or a central office, its views were very
mild and moderate. But as someone has rightly said, great institutions have often had small
beginnings.

9.9 KEY WORDS

Elite: The section belonging to the upper stratum of the society.
Mofussil: A sub-division of a district.
Presidency Towns: Centres of initial British occupation like Calcutta, Madras and Bombay.
Renaissance: A process of cultural awakening, and social transformation having occurred in
Western Europe between the 14th and the 16th centuries.
Reformation: Religion reforms; an important step in the process of modernisation; followed
Renaissance in Western Europe in the 15th century.

9.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1 Read Section 9.2
2 i) c ii) a iii) b.

3 i) x ii) 4 iii) 4 iv) x

Check Your Progress 2
1 See Sub-sec. 9.4.1

2 i) 4 ii) x iii) x iv) x

3 See Sub-sec. 9.4.2
Check Your Progress 3
1 Write your answer from section 9.5
2 See Sub-sec. 9.6.2
3 See Sub-sec. 9.6.4
Check Your Progress 4
1 See Sub-sec. 9.7.1
2 Read the entire Section 9.7 and write your own answer.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 10 INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS:
MODERATES AND EXTREMISTS

Structure
10.0 Objectives
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Composition of the Congress
10.2.1 Middle Class Organisation
10.2.2 The Methods of Work
10.3 The Moderates
10.3.1 The Demands and Programme
10.3.2 Evaluation of Work
10.4 The Extremists
10.4.1 Ideological Basis of Extremism
10.4.2 Extremists in Action

I 10.5 Moderates and Extremists: An Analysis

10.5.1
10.5.2
Differences
Personality Clash
10.5.3 Open Conflict and Split
10.5.4 The Consequences of the Split
10.6 Let Us Sum Up
10.7 Key Words
10.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

I 10.0 OBJECTIVES
i In this unit we will discuss the evolution of Indian National Congress and role of early
nationalist leadership. After reading this unit you should be able to:
describe the character of the early Congress,
know how two diverse viewpoints i.e. moderates and extremists emerged in the
! Congress,
I know what were the points of differences between the two groups,

i know how the differences in moderates and extremists led to the split of Congress in
1907,
know how this split effected the Congress and national movement.

10.1 INTRODUCTION
In Unit 7 you have studied how as a result of several factors operating on the Indian scene
the Indian National Congress came into existence in 1885. The declared aims of the
Congress were:
the promotion of friendly relation among political workers hailing from different parts of
the country,
development and consolidation of the feeling of national unity irrespective of caste,
creed, or region, and
the education and organisation of public opinion for the welfare of the country.
The early years (1885- 1905) saw the evolution of Indian National Congress. During this
period the Congress was dominated by moderate leaders. Gradually a section emerged
which did not agree with the moderate policies and believed in aggressive action. Due to
their aggressive posture this group was called the extremists. Both the groups believed in
different political methods to oppose the British rule. Their differences led to the split in
Congress in 1907. In this unit we will study these developments in the Congress and how
thev affected the national movement. Kamesh Mechrocks
Modern India I857 -

Beginning with its first session at Bombay in 1885, the congress became by 1886 (second
session at Calcutta) 'the whole country's Congress'. In 1885, only 72 delegates had, attended
the Congress session, whereas at Calcutta (1886) there were 434 delegates elected by
different local organisations and bodies. Here it was decided that the Congress would meet
henceforth annually in different parts of the country.

10.2.1 Middle Class Organisation

Representing as it did the entire nation, the Congress could be only a platform of all the
races, castes, creeds, professions, trades and occupations, as well as ~ f ' ~ r o v i n c eBut
s . this
broad sweeping description does not give a correct picture. As a matter of fact there was a
great disparity in the representation of various castes, creeds, races, professions, trades and
provinces. Among the classes, the educated middle class had the largest share. The legal
profession was most heavily represented among the professions. The Brahmins among the
castes were comparatively larger in number. Among the provinces, as Anil Seal has shown
in his book, The Emergence oflndiarz Nationalism (Cambridge, 1968) the presidencies-
Bombay, Calcutta and Madras took the leading part. The masses were conspicuous by their
absence. So was the case with the landed class. So the Congress was by and large an entirely
middle cIass affair. A look at the figures of the members who attended the early sessions of
the Congress will bear out this statement.

Table 1 : Composition of the Members of Indian National Congress, 1885-1888

Place and year Lawyers Journalists Doctors Others Total

of Session

Bombay 1885
Calcutta 1886
Madras 1887
Allahabad 1888

As is clear from Table 1 over half the delegates at the first Congress were lawyers, and for
decades to come more than a third of the delegates continued to belong to this profession in
most of the sessions of the Congress.. Journalists, doctors and teachers formed an
overwhelming majority. There were only two teachers at the first session but their numbers
increased to 50 at the fourth. Many who were not directly represented also sympathised with
the movement. Though the old aristocracy was not interested in public affairs, the Congress
tried to enlist its support as well. The idea behind this move was that the support from the
princes and aristocracy would demonstrate the unity of British and princely India. This was
likely to impress the conservatives in Britain and also help in financing the movement.

10.2.2 .The Methods of Work

Early Congressmen had an implicit faith in the efficacy of peaceful and constitutional
agitation. The press and the platform at the annual sessions were their agencies. However,
the press was the only agency through which the Congress propaganda was canied out
throughout the year. Many leaders, in fact, were editors of either English or Indian language
newspapers and wielded their pen powerfully. The holding of the annual session was
another method of Congress propaganda. At these meetings the Government policy was
discussed, and resolutions were passed in a forceful manner. The annual sessions attracted
the attentions of both the educated sections of the middle class, and the Government. But the
gravest drawback was that the Congress sessions lasted only for three days a year. It had no
machinery to ca& on the work in the interval between the two sessions.
The Congressmens' belief in the essential sense of justice and goodness of the British nation
was strong. They worked under the illusion that all would be well if the British could be
acquainted with the true state of affairs in India. They thought that it was only the
bureaucracy which stood between the people and their rights. So their aim was to educate
Indian public opinion and making it conscious'of its rights. It also intend to inform British
public about the problems faced by the Indians and remind it of its duty towards India. To
fulfil the latter aim, deputations of leading Indians wete sent to Britain to present the Indian
viewpoint. In 1889, a British Committee of Indian National Congress was founded. To carry
Kamesh Mechrocks
on its propaganda the Committee started its organ India, in 1890.
It was to present the Indian viewpoint to the British authorities, that Dadabhai Naoroji spent Indian National Congress :
Moderates and Extremists
a major part of his life in England. He got elected to the British House of Commons and
formed a strong Indian lobby in that House.
Check Your Progress 1
1 List three main aims of the Congress at the time of its formation.

ii) ...................................................................
iii) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

2 Was Congress a middle class organisation in the early years? Write in eight lines.

10.3 THE MODERATES

The Congress programme during the first phase (1885-1905) was very modest. It demanded
moderate constitutional reforms, economic relief, administrative reorganisation and defence
of civil rights.

10.3.1 The Demands and Programme

The more important of the demands were:
the organisation of the provincial councils,
simultaneous examination4 for the I.C.S. in India and England,
the abolition or reconstitut/on of the Indian Council,
the separation of the Judiciary from the executive,
the repeal of the Arms Act,
the appointment of Indians to the commissioned ranks in the Army,
the reduction of military expenditure, and
the introduction of Permanent Settlement to other parts of India.
The Congress expressed opinions on all the important measures of the Government and
protested against the unpopular ones. These demands were repeated year after year, although
there was hardly any response from the Government. During the first twenty years (1885-
1905) there was practically no change in the Congress programme. The major demands were
practically the same as those formulated at the first three or four sessions.
This phase of the Congress is known as the Moderate phase. During this period the leaders
were cautious in their demands. They did not want to annoy the government and incur the
risk of suppression of their activities. From 1885 to 1892, their main demand continued to be
expansion and reform of the Legislative Councils, the membership of the Councils for
elected representatives of the people and also an increase in the powers of these Councils.
The British Government was forced to pass the Indian Councils Act of 1892, but the
provisions of this Act failed to satisfy the Congress leaders. They demanded Indian control
over the public purse and raised the slogan that had earlier been raised by the Americans
during their War of Independence, 'No taxation without representation'. By 1905 the
Congress put forth the demand for S~varajor self-rule for Indians within the British Empire
on the model of the self-governing colonies like Australia or Canada. This demand was first
referred to by G.K. Gokhale in 1905 (at Banaras) and later explicitly stated by Dadabhai
Naoroji in 1906 (at Calcutta). Kamesh Mechrocks
 -
Modern India 1857 1964 Economic Drain of India
A strong point made by the nationalists during this phase was about the economic drain of
India. Dadabhai described the British rule as 'an everlasting and every day increasing
foreign invasion' that was gradually destroying the country. In the nationalist opinion, the
British were responsible for the destruction of India's indigenous industries. The remedy for
the removal of India's poverty was the development of modem industdes. The Government
could promote it through tariff protection and direct government aid. However, after seeing
the failure of the Government in this regard the nationalists popularised the idea of
Swadeshi or use of Indian goods and boycott of British goods as a means of promoting
Indian industries. They demanded:
end of India's economic drain,
the reduction of land revenue in order to lighten the burden of taxation on the peasants,
improvement in the conditions of work of the plantation labourers,
abolition of the salt tax, and
the reduction in the high military expenditure.of the Government of India.
They also fully recognised the value of the freedom of the press and speech and condemned
all attempts at their curtailment. In fact, the struggle for the removal of restrictions on press
became the integral part of the nationalist struggle for freedom. The progressive content of
these demands and their direct connection with the needs and aspirations of the Indian
middle class is clear by these demands. Most of them opposed on grounds both economic
and political, the large-scale import of foreign capital in railways, plantations and industries
and the facilities accorded to these by the Government. By attacking expenditure on the
army and the civil service, they indirectly challenged the basis of British rule in India. By
attacking the land revenue and taxation policies, they sought to undermine the financial
basis of British administration in India. The use of Indian army and revenue for British
imperial purposes in Asia and Africa was identified as another form of economic
exploitation. Some of them even questioned the propriety of placing on Indian revenues the
entire burden of British rule itself. In the form of the drain theory, they impressed upon the
popular mind a potent symbol of foreign exploitation of India.
The Indian leaders were concerned with the problem of economic development as a whole
rather than economic advance in isolated sectors. The central question for them was the
overall economic growth of India. Developments in different fields were to be considered in
the context of their contribution to the economic development of the country. Even the
problem of poverty was seen to be one of lack of production and of economic development.
Nature of Economic Demands
As we have noted earlier, even though their political demands were moderate, their
economic demands were radical in nature. The Indian leaders advocated basically
anti-imperialist economic policies. They laid stress on basic changes in the existing
economic-relationsbetween India and England. They vehemently opposed the attempts of
foreign rulers to convert India into supplier of raw materials and a market for British
manufacturers. They criticised the official policies on tariff, trade, transport and taxation.
These were regarded as hampering rather than helping the growth of indigenous industry.

10.3.2 Evaluation of Work

- Whatever may be the drawback in the demands put forward by the Congress, it was a
national body in true sense of the term. There was nothing in its programme to which any
class might take exception. Its doors were open to all classes and communities. Its
programme w'as broad enough to accommodate all interests. It may be said that it was not a
party, but a movement.
It must be said to the credit of the nationalist leaders that though they belonged to the urban
educated middle class, they were too broad-minded and free from narrow and sectional clasc
interests. They kept in mind the larger interests of the people in general. Their economic
policies were not influenced by the short sighted vision of a job-hungry middle class.
This challenging critique of the financial foundations of the Raj was a unique service that
the early Congress leadership rendered to the nation.
The British Hostility
The political tone of the Indian National Congress might have been mild but from the fourth
session of the Congress onwards, the government adopted a hostile attitude towards it. Time
passed and nothing substantial was conceded to the Congress. Elements hostile to the
fin-cc Kamesh Mechrocks
xu.-rt= pnrnnn-o~d hu tht= Rritich Fnr pvsrnnlp thpv ~ n r n ~ w a o pthp
d Alioarh
movement against the Congress. As the century was drawing to its close, the British attitude Indian National Congress :
Moderates and Extremists
became more hostile to the Congress under Lord Curzon. His greatest ambition was to assist
the Congress to a peaceful demise. However he took certain steps which only fanned the
nationalist discontent. In an autocratic manner he tried to control the university education
and decreed the partition of Bengal. This led to a strong national awakening.
During this period general impression grew that they (the Moderates) werepolitical
mendicants, only petitioning and praying to the British Government for petty concessions.
As you have studied earlier, the Moderates had played an important role at a critical period
in the history of Indian nationalism. If fact, the flowering of the Moderate thought was the
culmination of a tradition which can be traced back to Raja Rammohun Roy, who stood for
the rational, liberal tradition of contemporary Europe. His ideas of reforms ultimately
provided the basis for the demands put forward by the early Congress. As with Rammohun,
so with the early Congress leaders, the presence of the British administration was important
for continued political progress. Quite understandably, their language was cautious and their
expectation moderate. But with changing times, the Moderates also began to alter their
position. By 1905 Gokhale had started speaking of self-rule as the goal and in 1906 it was
Dadabhai Naoroji who mentioned the word Swaraj as the goal of the Congress.
Even so, the Moderates found themselves in a tight corner with the emergence of extremist
leadership within the congress. The British authorities also doubted their bonafides. The
extremists were attracting youthful section among the political activists. The well-meaning,
loyal, but patriotic, Moderates could no longer cut ice before the manoeuvring of the British
bureaucracy. In the changed situation Extremists came to the centre stage of the Congress.
Check Your Progress 2
1 List 5 main demands of the Congress during 1885-1905.

ii) ...................................................................
iii) ....................................................................
iv) ..................................................................

2 What was the critique of economic policies of the Raj put forward by early nationalists?
.......................................................................

THE EXTREMISTS
Extremism in the Indian National scene did not spring up all of a sudden in the first decade
ol' the twentieth century. In fact it had been growing slowly but invisibly since the Revolt of
1x57 itself.

10.4.1 Ideological Basis of Extremism

The nationalist ideas behind the Revolt of 1857, according to the Extremists, were
Snudllarma and Swaraj. Attachment to rationalism and western ideals had almost alienated
the 'Liberal' (Moderate) school from the masses in India. That is why despite their high
'idealism, they failed to make any effective impact on the people. In due course a section was
bound to come to fill this gap. In the place of adoration and imitation of all things Western,
there was a movement by the eighties of the nineteenth century urging people to look to
their ancient civilisation. An under-current of this type had existed earlier but during the
Kamesh Mechrocks
 -
Modern India 1857 1964 Revolt of 1857 it had suddenly burst into open. However, the bnglish educated community
by and large had kept itself aloof from the main current of Indiap life and remained
untouched by this trend. The historic task of bridging the gulf &tween the educated few and
the general people was accomplished by Paramahamsa Ramakribhna and his English-

1
educated disciple, Swami Vivekananda. Swami Dayananda, wh was well-versed in Vedic
literature and the Arya Samaj founded by him also played a vit role in this direction. The
Eclectic Theosophical Society of Annie Besant too made a conqibution. These social reform
movements gave impetus to political radicalism. There was instihctive attachment to native
culture, religion and polity. The political radicals who derived ir/spiration from their
traditional cultural values were ardent nationalists who wanted t~ have relations with other
countries in terms of equality and self respect. They had tremendous sense of self respect
and wanted to keep their heads high. They opposed the moderates who were considered by
them to be servile and respectful to the British. To the Extremists, emancipation meant
something much deeper and wider.than politics. To them it was a matter of invigorating and
energising all departments of life. They thought that a trial of strength between the ruler and
the ruled was inevitable, and argued for building a new India of their dreams in which the
British had no contribution to make.
There were three groups of the Extremists-the Maharashtra group, headed by B.G. Tilak;
the Bengal group represented by B.C. Pal and Aurobindo and the Punjab group led by Lala
Lajpat Rai. The Bengal Extremists were greatly influenced by the ideas of Bankim Chandra,
who was a liberal conservative like Edmund Burke. He wanted no break with the past
which, he thought, might create more problems than it would solve. He was opposed to
precipitate reforms imposed from above. In his view, reforms should wait on moral and
religious regeneration which should be based on fundamentals of religion. Bankim blazed
the trail for the Extremists in his contemptuous criticism of the Moderates.
This nationalism of the Extremists was emotionally charged. The social, economic and
political ideals were all blended in this inspiring central conception of nationalism. Carrying
this message to the West Vivekananda generated tremendous self-confidence and will -
power. Aurobindo even raised patriotism to the pedestal of mother worship. He said in a
lever, "I know my country as my mother. I adore her. I worship her."
Aurobindo was very much attracted by the teachings of Dayananda who was hardly
influenced by any ideas from the West. He credited Dayananda with more definite work for
.the nation than any other reformer. Bankim Chandra, Dayananda and Vivekananda had thus
prepared the ideological ground on the basis of which the Extremists drew up their political
programme.

10.4.2 Extremists in Action

Tilak resented any interference by an alien government into the domestic and private life of
the people. He quarreled with the reformers over the Age of Consent Bill in 1891. He
introduced the Ganpati festival in 1893. Aurobindo published 'New Lamps for Old' in the
Indu Prakash between 1893 and 1894. Tilak threw a challenge to the National Social
Conference in 1895 by not allowing it to hold its session in the Congress pavilion in Poqna.
The National Social Conference was under the influence of Moderate Wing. In the same
year the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha was captured by the Extremists from the Moderates. The
Shivaji festival was first held on 15 April, 1896, with the foundation of the Deccan Sabha on
November 4, 1896, the division between the Extremists and the Moderates in Maharashtra .
was complete, but it was not so all-over India. Pal, for example, the leader of the Bengal
Extremists was still in the camp of the Moderates. He wrote in 1897 "I am loyal to the
British Government, because with me loyalty to the British Govemment is identical with
loyalty to my own people and my own country; because I believe that God has placed this
Govemment over us, for our salvation". Only in 1902, he could write, "The Congress here
and its British Committee in London, are both begging institutions".
Because of the soft and vacillating policy it pursued, Lajpat Rai also was not interested in
'
Congress programme. Between' 1893 and 1900 he did not attend any meeting of the
Congress. He felt during this period that the Congress leaders cared more for fame and
pomp than for the interests of the country.
While one disillusionment aftet the other demoralised the Moderates and weakened their
cause, the victory of Japan ovet Russia (1904-05) sent a thrill of enthusiasm throughout
Asia. Earlier in 1896 the Ethiopians had defeated the Italian army. These victories pricked
Kamesh Mechrocks
the bubble of European superidrity and gave to the Indians self-confidence.
 Indian National Coneress :
Moderates and Extremists

10. Newspaper Kesari

10.5 THE MODERATES AND EXTREMISTS : AN

ANALYSIS
There was much in common between the Moderates and the Extremists. But they also
shared certain differences in political perspective and methods. In this Section we will deal
with the differences which existed between the Moderates and Extremists, culminating in
the Surat split in 1907, and how this affected the National Movement.

10.5.1 Differences
Tilak remarked that the Old (Moderate) and New (Extremist) parties agreed on the point that
appeals to the bureaucracy were useless. But the Old party believed in appeals to the British
nation, the New Party did not. Like the Moderates, Tilak also believed that under the British
rule, the industries had been ruined and wealth drained out of the country, and Indians
reduced to the lowest level of poverty. But the way out was not. Tilak affirmed, through
petitioning. The extremists believed that Indians should have the key of their own house and
Self Government was the goal. The New Party wanted the Indians to realise that their future
rested entirely in their own-hands and they could be free only if they were determined to be
free.
Tilak did not want Indians to take to arms, rather they should develop their power of self-
denial and self-abstinence in such a way as not to assist the foreign power to rule over them.
Tilak advised his countrymen to run their own courts, and to stop paying taxes when time
came. He asserted, "Swaraj is my birthright and I will have it".
The philosophical radicalism of Aurobindo went even further. According to him the existing
condition of the Government in India suffered from corrupt western influences. To escape it,
she must get rid of these conditions and seek refuge in her own superior civilisation. The
work of nationalism, he added would be to:
i) win Swaraj for India so that the existing unhealthy condition of political life, full of
germs of the social and political malaise which was overtaking Europe, might be
entirely and radically cured, and
ii) ensure that the Swaraj when gained would be a Swadeshi Swaraj and not an importation
of the European variety. This is why, in his opinion, the movement for Swaraj found its
first expression in an outburst for swadeshi sentiment directed not merely against
foreign goods, but against foreign habits, dress, manners and education and sought to
bring the people to their own civilisation.
From the foregoing it may appear that through the Extremists used much stronger and
sharper language, but as far as the goals were concerned they were substantially not very
diffsrent from the moderates. As referred earlier, Gokhale in his Presidential Address
(Benaras, 1905) and Dadabhai Naoroji in his Presidential speech (Calcutta, 1906) had
Kamesh Mechrocks
Modern India 1857 - 1964 respectively advocated self-government and S ~ ~ a r .as
y j the goal of the Congress. The
differences were related to the methodology for achieving the goals.

10.5.2 Personality Clash

Besides these differences of attitude and emphasis mentioned above, the controversy
between the Moderates and the Extremists raged round the personality of Tilak. Both Tilak
and Gokhale hailed from Poona. Tilak was militant, as Orientalist who would use any stick
to beat the Government with. He wielded a powerful pen and exerted great influence on
public opinion through his paper ;,the Mahratta and the Kesari. Gokhale was gentle and
soft-spoken. He had wounderful mastery over Indian financial problems, was at his best in
the imperial Legislative Council beirig an expert in exposing the hallow claims of the
Government. He was Hon'ble Mr. Gokhale (Mahanama Gokhale). He had established at
Poona the Servants of lndia Society with a view to training a band of dedicated workers who
were expected to give their all to the service of the motherland. The members of the Society
had to take an oath of poverty, had to observe strict code of conduct. They were given only a
subsistence allowance and had to perform hard duty.
The difference between Gokhale and Tilak may be traced back to an earlier period. There
had been intense clash of personalities at Poona from the beginning of the nineties of the last
century. A quarrel ensured between Tilak and G.G. Agarkar although they had been co-
workers in the Deccan Education Society. Ultimately Tilak was pushed out of the Society.
Thereafter there had been a constant tussle between the followers of Tilak on the one hand
and his opponents on the other. The opponents rallied round Mahadev Govind Ranade and
Gokhale, backed in Congress affairs by Pherozeshah Mehta from Bombay. Gokhale enjoyed
the support of the Congress establishment. As the Moderates were losing their popularity
and the Extremists were capturing the imagination of the country because of the growth of
the new spirit, the conflict between the two contending groups in Maharashtra and Poona
also became more pronounced.
There was ferment, all over India. The Bande Mataram under Aurobindo was not only
challenging the right of the British Government to rule India, but also the right of the veteran
leaders to speak for India. Outside Bengal Tilak was the first to recognise the potential of the
ferment in Bengal. The Partition of Bengal was to him not so much a British blunder as
Indian opportunity to build up strength. He extended support to the anti-partition movement
and encouraged the emerging Extremist leaders in Bengal. Gokhale had seen this alliance
growing since the Benaras Congress (1905). This Tilak-Pal alliance caused a deep concern
not only to the Government, but also to many Congress Leaders. Tilak was regarded as a
dissident, if not a rebel. Pherozeshah Mehta, D.E. Wacha and the whole Bombay Group
distrusted him since the controversies raging in the 1890s. The differences were partly
temperamental. For at least 15 years there had been a cold war between the Congress
Establishment headed by Mehta on the one hand and Tilak on the other.
Your Progress 3
:heck
1 What was the ideological basis of the rise of extremism?

2 What was the political pmgramme of the extremists?

Kamesh Mechrocks
10.5.3 Open Conflict and Split Indian National Congress :
Moderates and Extremists
Tilak was unpopular with the Moderate group in Bombay. He was a shrewd tactician
waiting for the opportunity to show his hand. The unity forged at the Benaras Congress
(1905) with the Bengal Extremists proved advantageous to Tilak at the Calcutta Congress
(1906). Gokhale also had his premonitions about the Calcutta Congress. He apprehended
trouble. This mutual distrust did not augur well for the Congress. To begin with there was
controversy over the Presidentship. Pal and Aurobindo wanted Tilak to be the President, but
the Moderates were in no mood to accept him. To have their way the latter resorted to an
extraordinary manoeuvre, and without consulting the Reception Committee, wired Dadabhai
Naoroji to accept the presidentship. After the latter's acceptance, the Extremists were
presented with a faint accompli. Thus having failed in their attempt to get Tilak installed as
President, the Extremists-Tilak, Aurobindo, Pal, Ashwini Kumar Dutt, G.S. Khaparde
etc.-formed themselves into a pressure group to press their points. The Extremists were in
majority and they had substantial local support. There was much heat io the atmosphere and
the meeting of the Subjects Committee was stormy. Resolutions were discussed and
amended under pressure from the Extremists. Pherozeshah Mehta was the target of their
special fury. Mehta, M.M. Malaviya and Gokhale were heckled and booed. Ultimately a
compromise was humedly made, and the resolutions on the partition of Bengal, Swadeshi
and Boycott were re-phrased and secured a smooth passage in the open session. There was
however, no union of the minds and hearts among the antagonists. The danger was averted
for the time being but a festering sore was left.
Though the Extremists had failed to get Tilak elected the President of the Calcutta Congress
(1906), they were satisfied with what they had achieved there. They had emerged as a
strong, coherent and powerful force. They had thwarted what they believed to be determined
attempts to water down the Congress programme. The Moderates left Calcutta with mixed
feelings of bewilderment, humiliation and dismay. What worried them most was the "rough
behaviour" adopted by the Extremists.
Both the Moderates and the Extremists participated in the Swadeshi movement, but there
were real differences between the views of the Moderates and Extremists on Swadeshi. To
Tilak, Pal and Aurobindo boycott had double implications. Materially it was to be an
economic pressure on Manchester, producing thereby a chain reaction on the Government of
India. Spiritually it was a religious ritual of self-punishment. Swadeshi had primarily an
economic message for Gokhale the message of industrial regeneration which he had imbibed
from Ranade. To Surendranath the Swadeshi movement was in spirit a protectionist
movement. It appealed to the masses because they had the sense to perceive that it would
"herald the dawn of a new era of material prosperity for them". To Tilak and Lajpat Rai it
was a moral training in self-help, determination and sacrifice as well as a weapon of
'political agitation'. To Aurobindo Swadeshi was not 'secularity of autonomy and wealth',
but a return to the faith in India's destiny as the world-saviour. This Swadeshi had a far
richer and meaningful content for the Extremists than for the Moderates.
Differences of temperament and ideology and clash of personalities were to create bitter
feelings among the rival groups. Persistent criticism by the Extremists alarmed the
Moderates. The latter were afraid that the former had already captured Bengal. Maharashtra,
Berar and the Punjab and there was danger of the rest of the country also being lost to them.
So they were desperate.
At Calcutta it has been decided to held the next session of the Congress at Nagpur where the
Moderates thought that they would be in majority. The election of the Congress President
for the ensuing session (1907) developed into an occasion for trial of strength between the
Moderates and the Extremists. The Moderates were determined not to allow Tilak to hold
the presidential chair. This attitude was an ominous sign and betrayed the determination of
the Moderate to wreck of Congress if Tilak got elected as President and the Extremists had
an 1.-,per hand.
The Moderates were unanimous on the exclusion of Tilak but not on who should be elected.
Gomale had his eyes fixed on Rash Behari Ghosh, a renowned lawyer and powerful orator.
But the Moderates found themselves unnerved at Nagpur and Pherozeshah Mehta changed
the venue to Surat where he thought he would have his way. The Extremists did not like this.
The tense atmosphere and the intemperate language used by both sides pointed to the
inevitability of the coming crisis at Surat. Rash Behari Ghosh was elected the Congress
President. The relations between the two groups worsened still further. In the meeting there
was oDen conflict to the ~ r o ~ o sofKamesh Mechrocks
a lGhosh being elected as President. Tilak was not allowed
 -
India 1857 1964 to express his views in the matter. This was a signal for pandemonium. There were shouts
and counter-shouts, brandishing of sticks and unrolling of turbans, breaking of chairs and
brushing of heads. There were allegations and counter-allegations as to who was responsible
for this episode. There is no use debating this question now. But the fact that the internal
conflict had taken this form should have been a matter of concern for all.

10.5.4 Consequences of the Split

But whoever may be responsible for the split and whatever may be its cause, it was a great
national calamity. Gokhale was aware of this great disaster. The British bureaucracy was in
jubilation. Lord Minto, the Viceroy, exultingly told Lord Morley, the Secretary of State that
the 'Congress Collapse' (Surat split) was 'a great triumph for us'. But Morley knew better.
Almost prophetically he told the V~ceroythat, their immediate collapse notwithstanding, the
Extremists would eventually capture the Congress. The split did immense harm to the
Congress in particular and the national movement in general. It can be said that the
Moderates were the brain of the Congress and the nation and the Extremists were the heart;
the former were the 'law' and the latter 'impulse'. The unified action of the two was
absolutely necessary for the proper functioning of the organisation and growth of national
movement. With the extremists in the wilderness, the Moderates were to achieve little. For
about a decade, the Moderates were not in a position to show the kind of strength that was
needed to seriously oppose the British. It was only after 1916, with the re-entry of the
Extremists in the Congress and exist of the Moderates from it (19 18) that the Congress could
be reactivised. But then it was a new story. Mohandas Karamchand Ghandhi, Gokhale's
political disciple, associating himself with the programme of the Extremists, with his
emphasis on the synthesis of the reason and faith, law and impulse, representing the abiding
strength of the Indian people was to activise and rejuvenate the Congress and carry a new
phase of action.
Check Your Progress 4
1 What led to the split in Congress in 1907 at Surat?

2 How did Surat split hamper the of National Movement?

.......................................................................
F

10.6 LET US SUM UP

The first twenty-five years of Congress were very important in so much as they witnessed
the articulation of the major demands of the National Movement. Initiany the Congress
started with moderate demands and sought to realise these demands through mild
constitutional methods. The early leaders analysed how the British were draining India's
wealth in a systematic manner. They realised that this drain was increasing the poverty of
the masses. Within few years a section of the Congressmen felt that the moderate methods
were of little help. This section wanted more vigorous action against the British rule and put
forward Swaraj (self-rule) as the major demand. This internal conflict led to the split in
Congress in 1907. The split weakened the organisation for the shortwhile.
However, the biggest achievement of Congress in its early phase was that it could mobilise
the significant sections of the Indian population against the British through Swadeshi
Kamesh Mechrocks
Movement (launched against the partition of Bengals).
 Indian National Congress :
10.7 KEY WORDS Moderates and Extremists

Aristocracy: Big zamindars, big landlords, princes etc.

Arms Act: An act according to which Indians had to pay a tax for possessing arms.
Dissident: A person who doesn't agree.
Electic: Taking up just one aspect of an idea or philosophy.
Executive: Organ of government looking after legal matters and justice.
Indian Councils Act of 1892: According to this act the Governor General's
legislative-Council was to have nominated members thus a representative principle was
introduced into the councils, the functions of councils were enlarged, and although the
official majority remained but the act marked a notable step forward in Indian participation
in governmental functioning.
Radical: Left of centre.
Self-abstinence: Self-denial.
Tariff protection: Imposing a tax on imported goods so as to protect to own industry.
-

10.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1 See Section 10.1
2 See Sub-sec. 10.2.1
Check Your Progress 2
1 See Sub-sec. 10.3.1
2 See Sub-sec. 10.3.1
Check Your Progress 3
1 See Sub-sec.10.4.1
2 See Sub-sec.lO.4.2
Check Your Progress 4
1 See Sub-sec. 10.5.3
2 See Sub-sec. 10.5.4

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 11 PARTITION OF BENGAL AND THE
SWADESHI MOVEMENT
I1 Structure
11.0 Objectives
I
11.1 Introduction
I 11.2 The Plan for the Partition of Bengal
I 11.3 The Motive Behind the Plan
11.4 The Partition

iI 11.5
11.6
11.7
11.8
The Miscalculation of the Government
Boycott, Swadeshi and National Education
The Samitis and the Political Trends
The Concept of Mass Movement:Workers and Peasants
I 11.9
11.8.1 Workers
11.8.2 Peasants
The Communal Tangle
11.10 The Rise of Revolutionary Terrorism
C 11.11 LetUs SumUp
11.12 Key Words
11.13 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises ,

1 1 . OBJECTIVES
This unit attempts to place before you the factors which prompted the British to partition
Bengal in 1905. It also gives an account of the intense nationalist reaction the move evoked
and spells out the changes Swadeshi movement brought about in the content and forms of
the Indian struggle for freedom. After reading this unit you will be able to:
explain the background in which the Indian nationalists and the British authorities
confronted each other,
identify the motives behind the scheme for partitioning Bengal,
I
discuss how the Swadeshi movement grew, and what political trends and techniques it
developed,

I
appreciate the strength of the movement, as well as the difficulties it encountered, and
finally,
make an over-all assessment of the historic phenomenon.

1 1 . INTRODUCTION
The enthusiasm of the articulate representatives of the educated middle class-the newly
acclaimed leaders of Indian Societydppears to have considerably diminished by the close
of the 19th century.
Personalities like Gladstone in Britain and Lord Ripon in India, who realised the importance
of the educated Indians and sympathised with their aspirations, were no longer at the helm
of affairs. Instead, men who distrusted them without exception, and who disliked any
relaxation of Britain's imperialist hold over India, were in charge of the governance of India.
The authorities tended to ignore the Indian opinions and turned a blind eye to acts of racial
arrogance by the officials. They even tried to undermine those nominal concessions which
had grudgingly been conceded to Indians from time to time in the earlier period. The
hostility of the Raj was becoming apparent even to the earlier nationalists. Many of them
had realised by 1900 the futility of their petitioning and praying to the Government. Their
very modest demands for jobs in the Indian Civil Service and some reforms in the
Legislative Councils had practically been disregarded. Their appeal for a just British rule in
India in place of the prevailing "un-British" misrule fell on deaf ears. Their demands for
constitutional concessions that had repeatedly been made from the Indian National Congress
Kamesh Mechrocks
platform for about two decades produced only the paltry reforms of 1892. The situation was
 -
Modern India 1857 1964 considerably worsened in the early years of the 20th century due to the presence in India of a
Viceroy like Lord Curzon, who wanted to treat the Congress as an "unclean thing", reject all
itd leaders' pleas with "frigid indifference" and consider the Civil Service as one
"specifically reserved for Europeans". Like all staunch imperialists, Curzon was an
unqdalified racist, proclaiming that "the highest ideal of truth is to a large extent a Western
conceptu and speaking of Indians in his benevolent moods in tones "one normally reserves
for pet animals". (S. Gopal, British Policy in India, 1858-1905, Cambridge, 1965, p. 227).
Alarmed and ruffled by the Curzonian presence as the earlier nationalists were, they were
not so dispirited as to swallow every humiliation or to lie ignominiously low. They had
grown in stature in the eyes of their own people, learnt from their social reformers and
ideologue to have faith in themselves and acquired sufficient amount of self-respect to ask
for civilized treatment and natural justice. A confrontation between Curzon and the educated
middle class nationalists, therefore, was bound to take place. It eventually did in Bengal-
where the Indian intelligentsia was most assertive and where Curzon was at his offensive
worst.
Curzon was the first to start his attack in Bengal. As early as 1899 he reduced the number of
elected members in the Calcutta Corporation. This measure was intended primarily to satisfy
the European business interests in the city, who often complained of delays in the grant of
licences and similar other facilities. The consideration behind the action was obvious, and its
undemocratic nature was un-mistakable. The Calcutta citizens felt deeply offended and
wronged. However, before they could digest this wrong, Curzon launched an assault on the
autonomous character of Calcutta University - the pride of the educated sections in Bengal.
Armed with the recommendations of Indian Universities Commission, whose sole Indian
member (Gurudas Banerji) disagreed wholly with others, Curzon passed the Universities
Act (1904). The objective used as a pretext was "to raise the standard of educ~tion.al1
round". The act cut down the number of elected senate members (mostly Indians) and
transferred the ultimate power of affiliating colleges and schools, as well as giving them
grants-in-aid, to the Government officials. This piece of legislation left the outraged
members of the educated middle class in no doubt about the Viceroy's determination to hurt
them and break their spirit in every conceivable way. They naturally had to prepare
themselves mentally for the worst, and think in terms of offering resistance. The worst, as it
turned out, came rather quickly and dramatically in July 1905 when Curzon announced the
partition of Bengal.

The province of Bengal under a Lieutenant Governor was an unwieldy territory of diverse
population, using various languages and dialects and differing widely in terms of economic
development. Apart from Bengal proper (i.e. Bengali-speaking western and eastern Bengal),
it originally comprised the whole of Bihar, Orissa and Assam. Earlier, too, the British
authorities did occasionally think of reducing the size of the province for administrative
convenience. In 1874 they actually separated Assam from Bengal by making it a Chief
Commissioner's province, and adding to it, despite some local opposition, the
predominantly Bengali-speaking area of Sylhet. Assam was further extended in 1897 by the
transfer for the time being of South Lushai hill tracts from Bengal. Such piece-meal
reductions, however, had not conclusively solved the British difficulty in managing a
province of the proportion of Bengal with all its attendant problems. From the administrative
point of view, as well as from the angle of equal developmental opportunities for all the
areas, some sort of territorial reorganisation of the province of Bengal was therefore needed.
Curzon did not appear to be thinking unreasonably when he talked of 'readjustments' of
Bengal early in 1904. If he had ever thought of streamlining the province by disassociating
the linguistically divergent, Orisba and Bihar from it, as it was so aptly and repeatedly
advocated by the nationalists themselves, Curzon's policy would probably have been hailed
as a principled and far-sighted one. Instead, he and his main advisors-Sir A. Fraser, the
Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, and H.H. Risley, Secretary, Home Department, Government
of India-were determined to use the plea for territorial readjustment to throttle the voice of
nationalism. The move was calculated to hurt chiefly those who spearheaded the national
movement in the eastern part of India, namely, the Bengali-spealung educated middle class.
Having been the first to be brought under the British rule, the Bengalis were among the
pioneers in taking to English education, imbibing Western Liberal ideas and airing
nationalistic and pamotic views. This annoyed the imperialist authorities and they decided to
Kamesh Mechrocks
take action.
 Partition of Bengal and the
11.3 THE MOTIVE BEHIND THE PLAN .. Swbdeshi Movement

In the eyes of Curzon and others like him Bengal was the most vulnerable point in the entire
I British Indian empire. In their view the Bengalis were "a force already formidable, and
I
certain to be a source of increasing trouble in the future". To meet the growing nationalist
! challenge in eastern India Cyrzon and his advisors searched for an effective answers, and
eventually found it in the division of the Bengali-speaking people. .The official assessment
was: "Bengal united is a power, Bengal divided will pull in several different ways". Curzon
i and Company were determined "to split up and thereby weaken a solid body of opponents"
.to the British rule. The splitting up operations, or the arrangement for giving effect to the
maxim "divide and rule", had to be done in such a manner as to make the Bengalis suffer
I physical as well as mental division. This Curzon wanted to achieve by creating a situation of

i mutual suspicion and jealousy between the two major communities in Bengal -the Hindus
and the Muslims.

i Curzon and his advisors knew that their opponents in Bengal came largely from among the
Hindus, who had benefited more than their Muslim brethren by taking socio-economic and
educational advantage of the British rule. Majority of the Muslims being agriculturists could
not manage to take a similar advantage. By shrewedly suggesting that his Government
B
wished to standby the Muslims in their race for advancement with the Hindus, and secure
them from any threat of Hindu domination, Curzon planned to take away from Bengal those
temtories where hl~lslimswere more numerous, and join these with Assam to form a new
province with Dacca as its Capital. The new province, Curzon hoped, "would invest the
Mohammedans in Eastern Bengal with a unity which they have not enjoyed since the days
of the old Mussalman viceroys and kings". He also expected Dacca "to acquire the special
character of a Provincial Capital where Mohammedan interest would be strongly
represented if not predominant". By partitioning Bengal, therefore, Curzon and his
lieutenants wanted to set up Dacca as a parallel political centre to the nationalistically
oriented Calcutta. To make use, of the Muslims to counter-balance the Hindus they intended
to create out of Bengal a Muslim-majority province (where 15 million Muslims would live
with 12 million Hindus and reduce the Bengali speaking people into a minority in what
would remain as Bengal (where 19 million Bengali speaking persons should be
outnumbered by 35 million speakers of Hindi, Oriya and other languages). This mischievous
game was being played, above all, to cripple the educated Indian middle class nationalists.

I 11.4 THE PARTITION

The Curzonian scheme to partition Bengal took a concrete shape gradually from the time the
Viceroy wrote his minute on Temtorial Redistribution on 1 June, 1903 to the day the final
scheme of division was despatched to the home authorities in London for sanction on
2 February, 1905. On 19 July, 1905 the Government of India announced its decision to form
the new province of "Eastern Bengal and Assam", comprising the Chittagong, Dacca and
Rajshahi divisions, Hill Tippera (Tripura), Malda and Assam. The province came into
existence on 16 October, 1905, by breaking up Bengal and its 41.5 million Bengali speaking
people.
Check Your Progress 1
1 Which of the following statements are correct (4 ) or wrong (x)
When Bengal was being partitioned
i) Lord Curzon was the Viceroy of India.
ii) Sir A. Fraser was the Secretary; Home Department, Government of fidia.
iii) H.H. Risley was the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal.
iv) Bihar and Orissa were separate provinces.
2 What was the Curzon's real motive in partitioning Bengal? Answer in about 10 lines.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 -
Modern India 1857 1964

11.5 THE MISCALCULATION OF THE GOVERNMENT

Even while dividing Bengal most impudently, and with contempt for the Bengalis, Curzon.
and his men made their own calculations about the kind of resistance, they may have to face.
They knew about the womes of the babus in eastern Bengal over the prospect of clerical
jobs. They were also aware of the difficulty the Bengali Zamindars (hdving estates in both
eastern and western parts) had to face over the increased expenses for engaging two sets of
agents and pleaders. The Calcutta High Court lawyers', they knew, will feel concerned over
the loss of practice because of a separate High Court in the new province. They would think
of the anxieties of the jute and rice trading interests near the port of Calcutta over the
challenge that Chinagong might pose as an alternative outlet. They also knew how Calcutta
nationalists might feel disturbed on account of the loss of a considerable portion of their
audience and following. But they expected all womes to subside in course of time, or at the
most, to lead for a while only to protest meetings and processions that could easily be
tolerated and ignored.
The Government had no idea whatsoever of the stormy political movement which the
Partition would cause, breaking it away from traditional ways of respectful resmtment,
generating unprecedented militancy and turning it rapidly into a battle for swaraj (self- rule).
The authorities grossly underestimated the Bengali dislike for authoritarianism which had
been produced among them by their long history of virtual independence from nominal
central powers. They also failed to grasp the Bengali feeling for unity and pride in their
attainments, at least among the literates which had been fostered by intense educational,
intellectual and c$tural activities during the whole of the 19th century. Apart from its being
the centre of economic and political affairs, the metropolis of Calcutta-the capital of
British India-had already become the nerve-centre of Bengali consciousness. It drew
students from all parts of Bengal, sent out teachers, professionals (engineers and doctors)
and petty officials to every nook and comer of the province, often far beyond it. Calcutta
had made a significant contribution to the growth of a powerful literary language. The city
had an increasing number of high-level newspapers acld periodicals as well as a band of
writers who were producing developed modern literature.
With their gravitational point in Calcutta, the educated Bengalis were at the beginning of the
20th century inspiring large parts of the country by their achievements in literature (led by
Rabindranath Tagore), in science (led by Jagadish Chandra Bose and Prafulla Chandra Roy)
in politics (led by Surendranath Banerjee and the up-coming Bepinchandra Pal and
Aurobindo Ghosh) and in religion (typified by Swami Vivekananda). Almost at the same
time they were making careful note of the chinks that the Boer war had revealed in the so-
called impenetrable British amour. They also felt greatly elated and assured when much
under-rated Oriental Japan defeated in 1904-05 the over-rated Occidental Czarist Russia.
Their rising self-confidence was matched by the growing abhorrence with which they
looked down upon all acts of racial intimidation and discrimination.
The educated middle class Indians in Bengal, like their counter parts in the *st of the
country, were severely critical of the "drain of wealth from India to Britain, and of the
ravages which India suffered on account of frequent recurrence of famines and plague. They
themselves were hard-hit economically, partly because of over-crowding in the professions,
and partly due to the unremunerative fragmentation through inheritance of their landed
properties. To make matters worse, there was a sudden rise in the prices of all commodities
that affected everybody, including the members of the middle class, the rise being "steepest
between 1905 and 1908-precisely the years of maximum political unrest". (Sumit Sarkar,
Modern India 1885-1947,Delhi, 1983 p. 109). In sum, one could say that Bengal and the
Bengali middle class in 1905 were by no means in a mood to surrender to the Curzonian ,
Kamesh Mechrocks
assault. But Curzon himself did not seem to be adequately aware of it.
 Partition of Bengal and the
11.6 BOYCOTT, SWADESHI AND NATIONAL Swadeshi Movement

EDUCATION
The anti-partition agitation began in Bengal on the conventional moderatc nationalist lines,
though with a great deal of noise and angry protestations. There were sharp press campaigns
against the partition scheme, numerous public meetings in opposition to it and the drafting
of petitions to the Government fbr its annulment. BigBonferences were held at the Town
Hall, Calcutta, where delegates from districts came to p h i p a t e and gave vent to their
injured sentiments. All this was impressive, making the educated middle class's case against
the partition loud and clear. But it made no effect on the indifference of the authorities in
India and Britain. The evident failure of these methsds, therefore, led to a search for new
I techniques from the middle of 1905 and resulted in the discovery of the boycott of British
I goods as an effective weapon. The boycott suggestion first came from Krishnakumar Mitra's
I
Sanjivani on 3 July, 1905, and was later accepted by the prominent publicmen at the Town
Hall meeting of 7 August, 1905. The discovery was followed by the calls of Rabindranath
) Tagore and Ramendra Sunder Trivedi, respectively, for the observance of rakshu-bandhun
(the tying of thread wristlets on each other's hands as a symbol of brotherhood) and
, arandhan (the keeping of the hearth unlit at all the homes as a sign of mourning) on the day
the partition was put into effect. With these measures the movement gained a new fervour.

?Jz9<
me,., Qa m ,

11. Rakhi Sangeet

The boycott of British products was followed by

the advocacy of swadeshi or exhorting purchasers to buy indigenously produced goods as
a patriotic duty,
Charkha (the spinning wheel) came to typify the popular concern for the country's
economic self-sufficiency, and
the holding of swadeshi melas or fairs for selling handicrafts and other articles became a
regular feature.
A considerable enthusiasm was created for undertaking snsadeshi or Indian enterprises. A
nnamhPr
Kamesh Mechrocks
nf nv0lllr;~rnlr,Inrl;-n i n A l l r t r ; ~ l<,nntmmrnr rttoh a c thn Polonnttn Dnttnr;ul. Rnnnol
 -
Modern India 1857 1964 Chemicals, Bange Lakshmi Cottvn Mills, Mohini Mills and National Tannery were started.
Various soap, match box and tobacco manufacturing establishments and oil mills, as well as
financial activities, like the swadeshi banks, insurance and steam navigation companies also
took off the ground under the impetus generated by the movement.
Meanwhile, the picketing before the shops selling British goods soon led to a boycott of the
officially controlled educational institutions. The British threat to the student-picketers in the
form of the withdrawal of grants, scholarships and affiliations of the institutjons to which
they belonged (through the infamous otcular of 22 October, 1905 issued by Carlyle, the
Chief Secretary of the Government of Bengal, known otherwise as the "Carlyle Circular")
and the actual imposition of fines and rustication orders on them resulted in the decision by
large number of students to leave these schools and colleges of "slavery". Boycott of schools
and colleges forced the leaders of the Swadeshi movement to think in terms of running a
parallel system of education in Bengal. Soon appeals were made, donations collected and
distinguished persons came forward to formulate programmes for national education. These
efforts resulted in the establishment of the Bengal Technical Institute (which was started on
25 July, 1906, and which later turned into the College of Engineering and Technology,
Jadavpur-the nucleus of the present day Jadavpur University), the Bengal National College
and School (which was set up on 15 August, 1906 with Aurobindo Ghosh as its Principal)
and a number of national, primary and secondary schools in the districts.

11.7 THE SAMITIS AND THE POLITICAL TRENDS

For aiding the cause of national education, and for spreading the messages of boycott and
swadeshi, a large number of national volunteer bodies or samitis sprang up in Calcutta and
the districts. Some of the distinguished among them were the Dawn Society (named after the
famous journal of the time-Dawn), the Anti-Circular Society (formed initially to protest
against the "Carlyle Circular"), the Swadeshdhandhav, the Brati, the Anushilan, the Suhrid
and the Sadhena samitis. These samitis preached the essentials of swadeshi and boycott, took
up social work during famines and epidemics, imparted physical and moral training,
organised crafts and national schools and set up arbitration committees and village societies.
'
They encouraged folk singers and artistes (notably persons like Mukunda Das, Bhusan Das
and Mufizuddin Bayati) to perform on the swadeshi themes in local dialects. These efforts
served to, supplement at the rural level the spate of patriotic compositions by literary
stalwarts like Rabindranath Tagore, Rajanikanta Sen, Dwijendralal Roy, Girindramohini
Dasi, Sayed Abu Mohammed, or playwrights like Girishchandra Ghosh, Kshirodeprasad
Vidyavinode and Amritalal Bose. The ideologies of samitis ranged from secularism to
religious revivalism, from moderate politics to social reformism (through constructive
economic, educational and social programmes), and included within their range political
extremism.
As a matter of fact several trends of political thinking were competing with one another for
popular acceptance during the swadeshi days in Bengal:
i) The moderate nationalist opinion (which was represented by persons like Surendranath
Banerjea, Krishnakumar Mitra and Narendra Kumar Sen) still had abiding faithing in
the British sense of justice, and were not in favour of stretching the agitation too far. Its
advocates actually pinned their hopes on the Liberal Morley's appointment as Secretary
of State for India in Britain. Their lukewarmness was so obviously out of tune with the
prevailing militant mood against the British authorities that the moderates rapidly and
conclusively lost their popularity.
ii) The second or the social reformist creed of "constructive swadeshi"- as it was
teped- aimed at gathering national strength through a persistent movement of
self-help and self-reliance (or Atmashakti according to Rabindranath Tagore) by
organising indigenous enterprises, nationalistic educational processes and setting up
village uplift societies to bridge the gulf between the rural and urban people.
All those who did not see eye to eye with the moderate nationalists supported the cause
of "constructive swadeshi" in the beginning. Satishchandra Mukherji, Aswini Kumar
Dutta, Rabindranath Tagore, Prafulla Chandra Roy and Nilratan Sircar were its prime
adherents.
iii) Even though the programme recommended by the social reformists was significant in
some ways, it was too arduous, unostentatious and unexciting to have wide appeal in
Kamesh Mechrocks
these headv davs. It could neither match the exuberance of wlitical leaders like
 Bepinchandra Pal, Aurobindo Ghosh and Brahmabandhav Upadhyaya, nor satisfy the Partition of Bengnl and the
Swndeshi Movement
impatient, adventurous youth of Bengal. In such circumstances, the appearance of
political extremism-the third trend-was natural. It found expression in periodicals
like New India (edited by Bepinchandra Pal), Bande Mataram (edited by Aurobindo
Ghosh), Sandhya (edited by Brahmabandhav Upadhyaya) and Yugantar (edited by
Bhupendranath Dutta). The political extremists demanded self-government for India,
not under British tutelage or British Paramountcy (as the moderates wished), but by
severing all British connections, and wiping off all British influences.
The extremist political leaders gave a clarion call for the establishment of swaraj and
attempted to find the ways and means for achieving it. They speedily came to the conclusion
that the techniques of boycott should be escalated from British goods and educational
institutions to other spheres, such as the British administration, the British courts of law and
the ~ritish'services,shaking the foundation of British authority in India. Bepinchandra Pal
discribed such escalation as "passive resistance" or refusal "to render any voluntary or
honorary service to the Government". Aurobindo Ghosh improved upon the strategy further
1 in a series of articles in Bande Mataram in April 1907, and came out with the theory of
"organised and relentless boycott*'of British goods, British system of education, judiciary
and executive, and the social boycott of the loyalists and civil disobedience of unjust laws.
If British repressions surpassed the limits of Indian endurance, Aurobindo Ghosh was
prepared to embark upon an anti-British armed struggle. How could British rule in India
continue, Brahmabhandav Upadhyaya asked, if the chowkidar, the constable, the deputy, the
munisiff and the clerk, not to speak of the sepoy, resigned their respective functions.
The fervow with which the exponents of political extremism brought the issues of swaraj
and its attainment through passive resistance to the fore, relegated all other points to the
back-ground, including the very question that occasioned the agitation the partition of
Bengal. In comparison with the importance of the struggle for swaraj, the unification of
Bengal seemed only a secondary issue-"the pettiest and narrowest of all political objects"
(Aurobindo Ghosh's article in Bande Mataram, 28 Apri1,1907) Such nationalisation of a
regional issue, and the clarification of the national goal accompanying it, marked the most
extraordinary advancement that Indian nationalists were able to make within a brief
.,-
animated span of merely two years.
Check Your Progress 2
1 Match the following periodicals with the names of their editors.
i) Bande Mataram a) Bepin Chandra Pal
ii) Sandhya b) Awobindo Ghosh
iii) New India c) Brahmabhandav Upadhyaya
2 Discuss in about 10 lines that circumstances leading to the Swadeshi Movement.

.......................................................................
.......................................................................
; Write in about 100 words the techniques which evolved duririg the Swadeshi movement.

.........................................................................

Kamesh Mechrocks
 -
Modern India 1857 1964 ........................................................................

4 What were the political trends which developed during the Swadeshi Movement? Write
in about 5 lines.

11.8 THE CONCEPT OF MASS MOVEMENT, WORKERS

AND PEASANTS
The national goal of swaraj, and the means to achieve it through boycott in all spheres, or
through the method of passive resistance as it was then formulated necessitated not only a
widespread awakening of the masses, but also their whole-hearted participation in well-
.
organised anti-British mass movements. The educated middle class had by and large
awakened with the progress of the Swadeshi movement and even some members of the
landed aristocracy and the representatives of commercial and mercantile interests were
becoming sympathetic to the national cause. But the vast majority of the poorer classes,
especially the working class and the peasantry, had not yet been brought in the thick of the
struggle.

11.8.1 Workers
Some of the swadeshi activists (notably Aswini Coomar Banerji, Prabhat Kusum
Roychoudhury, Althanasius Apurba Kumar Ghosh and Premtosh Bose) did, however, try to
organise workers in Bengal, and direct their economic grievances into political channzls.
The lead in the direction came from 247 clerks of Bum Company in Howrah who struck
work in September 1905 in protest against a derogatory new work regulation. This was
followed by strikes in the tramways in Calcutta, in the jute mills and railway workshops.
Coolies, carters and sweepers also took recourse to strikes in Calcutta to voice their
economic demands. Such greater politicisation was noticed among the more militant
printing press, jute mill and railway workeks. A bitter strike in the Government owned
presses resulted in the formation of the first real labour union, namely the Printers' Union in
October 1905.
A similar struggle of the employees of the Eastern Indian Railway saw the organisation of a
Railwaymen's Union in July 1906. There were attempts on the part of the swadeshi leaders
like Bepin Chandra Pal, Shyarnsundar Chakrabarthy and Liakat Hussain to organise agitated
railway workers in Asansol, Ranigunj and JamaIpur, which ended up in police firing at the
Jamalpur Workshop 27 August, 1906. The jute mill workers, who agitated'almost on similar
lines from 1905, were led by Aswini Coomar Banerji bo form an Indian Millhands' Union at
Budge-Budge in August 1906. However, all these unions later on suffered a set back in the
face of the hostility of the Government. Not being ideologically committed to the cause of
the workers, the enthusiasm of the nationalists in activating them steadily subsided after
1907.

11.8.2 Peasants
Kamesh Mechrocks
Workmen, they practically refrained from rallying the peasants. Although the samitis had Partition of Bengal and the
Swadeshi Movement
numerous branches in the rural areas (like the Swadeshbhandhav Samiti which alone had
175 village branches in Barisalglistrict), preaching passive resistance to the masses, they
failed to stir up the peasants' irtragination. To the bulk of the impoverished kisans, their
patriotic calls remained vague, distant and even abstractly rhetorical. The reason was the
lack of genuine interest among these leaders in improving the agrarian situation, or in
formulating concrete programmes for the betterment of the peasant masses. The members of
the middle class in Bengal, whether, professionals, clerks or businessmen, depended
substantially for their economic well-being on the rentals from their ancestral lands. Their
rentier character had, therefore, placed them into an exploitative category vis-a-vis the
exploited peasantry, and had perpetuated a contradiction between their interests and the
peasants' aspirations. Already the Bengali middle class did not generally approve of the
meagre tenurial rights which the Government had conceded to the cultivators in the Tenancy
Act of 1885. Its representatives had often been intolerant of the "insolvent raiyats", and as
Bhadraloks (gentlemen), they were contemptuous of the Chhotoloks (Lowly men).
The Swadeshi movement did not raise any voice of protest against the peasant's burden of
debts, his periodic eviction from land or against his continued subjection to begar (unpaid
forced labour). No Samiti gave any call to the cultivators for launching an agitation on the
issues of exorbitant tax and rent. Even a radical spokesman of the stature of the Aurobindo
Ghosh expressly ruled out such campaigns lest they should hurt the interests of pamotic
Zamindars (Aurobindo Ghosh's articles in Bande Mataram, April 1907). What was worse,
the strong religious overtone that the Swadeshi movement acquired in course of time - its
undue emphasis on the Hindu revivalistic symbols and idioms - largely discouraged the
Muslim peasants (who formed the bulk of the peasantry in east Bedgal) from taking a lively
interest in the great commotion.

11.9 THE COMMUNAL TANGLE

In traditional societies religion has often been used as a convenient means to arouse an
indigenous and popular brand of nationalism, and it has usually led to unfortunate
consequences. The experience of the Swadeshi movement was no different. The Political
capital that the leaders in Bengal tried to make out of Hinduism and Islam contributed in
effect to the widening of the gulf between the two major communities there. Dividing the
land and the people of Bengal, and playing the Hindus and Muslims.against each other, were
the known British imperialist ideas. These were taken up 1905 by Curzon, Sir Aridrew
Fraser and Sir Herbert Risley, as it has already been pointed out, and their successors like
Lord Minto (who replaced Curzon as the Viceroy), Sir Bampfylde Fuller (who was
appointed as the first Lieutenant Governor of East Bengal and Assam) and Sir Lancelot Hare
(who came in place of Fuller) devoutly clung to the same methods. While Minto was
convinced of the necessity for the "diminution of the powers" of the Bengali politicians,
Fuller actually started "playing one of the two sections of the population (Hindus and
Muslims) against each other", and Hare thought of giving extraordinary advantages to the
Muslims in matters of Government jobs over the Hindus.
Simultaneously with the wooing of the educated Muslims, the authorities encouraged the
aristocratic elements among them to think in terms of Muslim Political Power and to form in
October, 1906 the Muslim League, under the leadership of Nawab Salimullah of Dacca, to
protect the "separate" interests of the Muslims.,Besides in the eastern Bengal countryside the
obscurantist mullahs and maulavis wielded much influence and often projected the
contradiction between Zamindars (majority of whom happened to be Hindus) and cultivators
(majority of whom happened to be Muslims) in terms only of religious antagonism. .

Despite all this, however, eloquent pleas were heard during the Swadeshi movement in
favour of communal harmony (such as the writings in Sanjivani). Great scenes of Hindu-
Muslim fraternization were witnessed (such as the joint procession of 10,000 students in
Calcutta on 23 September, 1906). Some distinguished Muslim publicmen took up leading
roles in the agitation (such as Liakat Hussain, Abdul Hakim,Ghiynavi, Abdul Rasul,
Maniruzzaman, Ismail Hussain Siraji, Abul Husiain and Din ~ahornoed).But much of the
effect of these positive developments was neutralised by the educated middle class
nationalists' attempts at utilising the rites, images and myths of Hindu orthodoxy as a .
morale-booster for their rank and file, and as a medium of communication between the
leaders and the led.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 -
Modrrn India 1857 1964
The stridently Hinduised exhortations of the nationalist organs like Bunde Muturum,
Sandhya and NuhshLlkri, the uncritical glorification of Hindu past, the nostaligia for thi lost
Hindu rashtra (nation), the practice of taking a pledge of swudeshi (for not using British
goods) before a Hindu deity, the vow of self sacrifice before the goddess Kali and the
constant references to the Gita did not help the political leaders in bringing the Muslims
closer to the Hindus. Rather, these contributed to a hardening of attitudes on the part of both
the communities. The observance of Birashtami (in memory of the eight Hindu heroes of the
medieval past), the emphasis on traditional Hindu values in programmes for national
education, the use of Pauranic images on public platform, the insistence on the goddess
Durga's being "the visible representation of the eternal spirit': of the Bengalis harmed the
movement considerably by the projection of its content in re~;~ious forms. Bepinchandra Pal
justified such misrepresentation on the ground that religion and national life were
"inseparable, and that "to separate national life from religion would mean the abandonment
of religious and moral values in personal life also" (Sumit Sarkar, The Swadeshi Movement
in Bengal, 1903-1908, Delhi, 1977, p. 76). Brahmabandhav Upadhyaya went a step further,
and urged his audience: "whatever you hear, whatever you learn, whatever you do-remain
a Hindu, remain a Bengali...."Aurobindo Ghosh--editor Bande Mataram, went to the
farthest point when he discovered germs of democracy, of even socialism, in the caste rules
of Hindu society ("Caste and Democracy" Bande Mataram, 21 September, 1907). Such
Hindu revivalistic propaganda at the height of the agitation, and that, too, by its leading
figures, actually incited Nawab Salimullah's men and the mullahs to spread communal
hatred among the Muslims in accordance of course, with the Curzonian expectations. ;
It was comparatively easy in such circumstances for the communalists to take recourse to
communal violence. The eastern part of Bengal saw a series of communal riots, first in
Ishwargunj in Mymensingh district in May 1906. followed by disturbances in Comilla,
Jamalpur, Dewangunge and Bakshigunj in March 1907, and then again in Mymensingh in
April-May 1907. The rioters were encouraged by the rumours, spread by communalists, of a
British decision to hand over the charge of administration in Dacca to Nawab Salimullah.
The riots also revealed a submerged agrarian character, since the targets were often found to
be Hindu Zclmindars and Mahajans (moneylenders). Although they were alarmed by these
untoward developments, the nationalists would not try to understand the entire phenomena
correctly. They seemed to be in a hurry to brand the rioters merely as British-hired trouble
makers, without any serious effort at understanding the depth of the malaise. As a result, .
. their religious fewour continued to increase rather than decrease.

11.10 THE RISE OF REVOLUTIONARY TERRORISM

A large-scale participation of the masses in the struggle for Swaraj-the essential pre-
condition of a successful passive resistance-was not, however, realized. With little success
among the workers, total failure in respect of the cultivators and sad mismanagement of the
communal tangle, the Swadeshi movement was unable by a second half of 1907 to rise to its
full potential, or assume the character of a mass upheaval. Besides, as an anti-imperialist
agitation of great intensity, it had to bear continuously the repressive measures of its
powerful opponent. The authorities prohibited the shouting of the slogan "Bande Mataram"
in public places, disqualified from the Government employment all those who took i>art in
the agitation in any form and expelled and fined student participants of the movement.
Bands of Gurkha soldiers were sent to Barisal and other places to teach the agitators a
lesson, and the police and the officials were given a free hand to heap indignities and launch
physical assaults o<them. The climax was re&he& in April 1906 when the delegates
attending the provincial conference at Barisal were lathi-charged by the police. Then
followed measures like exemplary caning of the picketers and institution of cases against
them, banning of public meetings and processions, and innumerable arrests and convictions
of persons, including Bepinchaddra Pal and Liakat Hussain. The question of meeting force
with force--using terror against terror-naturally came to the forefront.
1

A violent method also appealed to-thh romantic recklessness of the middle class youth of
Bengal, who sought solace in heroic individual acts when mass actions did not materialize
and who pinned their hopes on secret societies when open politics could not overwhelm the
Government. The cult of violence was also attractive to those who were in a desperate hurry
and whose patience had practically run out. "If we sit idle and hesitate to rise till the whole
population is goaded to desperation", Yugantar argued in August 1907, "then we shall
continue idle till the end of time ...." The alternative was for the advanced elite section to
Kamesh Mechrocks
 take up arms against the opbressors, strike terror in the hearts of the hated British officials Partition of Benpl and the
l Swadeshl Movement
and their henchmen, and arouse the masses by death-defying examples. Soon some of
, samitis grew exclusive inner circles, hatched conspira~iesfor selective assassinations and
committed political robberies for raising funds to buy arms and ammunitions. These militant
i' proceedings were spearheaded by the Yugantar group im Calcutta and the Anushilan Samiti
in Dacca. Prafulla Chaki died and Khudiram Bose, a boy of 18, were hanged for their
I attempt on the life of a notorious British Magistrate Kingford who escaped unhurt. It also
/ led in April 1908 to the discovery of a secret bomb manufacturing factory in the Manicktala
1 area of Calcutta, and to the sensational asserts of some hard-core militants, including
Aurobindo Ghosh. Revolutionary terrorism, however, took this set back in its stride. It
I continued to operat-ven spread in other parts of India and abroad-as the clandestine
1 legacy of the momentous. uproarious Swadeshi movement.

I Check Your Progress 3

1 Why did the peasants not participate in the Swadeshi movement in a big way? Answer in
about 10 lines

2 Why do you think the communal situation worsened in 1906-07? Answer in about 10
lines.

.......................................................................
3 How did "Revolutionary terrorism" emerge in 1907-08? Answer in about 10iines.

Kamesh Mechrocks
11.11 LETUS SUMUP
The growth of revolutionary terrorism had certainly disturb4 the British in India, but it
could not challenge their authority as the open politics of swadeshi did, nor could it
seriously threaten their rule as an ever-expandingmass mobilisation might have done.
Swadeshi movement's failure to assume the stature of a mass upsurge, and the fact of its
being eventually cornered into a secretive position, were manifestations of the presence of
some of its weaknesses and limitations. But despite its many weaknesses, the degree of
success it achieved at the levels of ideology, organisation and techniques uf political
struggle was not only astounding, but also innovative and in some respects far in advance of
its time.
Swadeshi movement marlred a total reversal of the earlier nationalist approach of
"petitioning and praying" to the Raj for_concessions,as well as a virtual rejection of the
moderate political programme. It set before the Indian people the goal of swaraj or
independence, and committed them to the task of doing away with Britain's imperialist
stranglehold over India. For attainment of swaraj, it chartered out for the nation the path of
"passive resistance" or civil disobedience of British authority, and relegated
constitutionalism to a secondary position. The success of such resistance being conditional
on extensive participation of the masses, the Swadeshi movement struggled hard to gain a
popular base, and, despite, its failure to become a full-fledged mass upsurge, it nevertheless
succeeded in leaving behind for the posterity the ideal of wide-spread mass struggle. With
all these, and also with its scheme for "constructive swadeshi", the movement clearly
anticipated the Gandhian mass struggles of the post-first world war period. Barring the
principle of non-violence, Gandhiji's inspiring call from 1920 onwards for achieving swaraj
through "non-cooperation," "civil disobedience" and "constructive programme" resembled
closely with "boycott", "passive resistance" and "constructive swadeshi" of the Bengali
political scenario preached and practised fifteen years ago. The Swadeshi movement had put
up the stiffest Indian resistance to the Government of an arch-imperialist like Curzon, and
after his departure from India in November 1905, to the succeeding Government of Minto. It
k a m e a contributing factor in the resignation of Fuller, the Lieutenant Governor of East
Bengal and Assam, in August 1906, and forced the authorities eventually to annul the
partition and re-unify Bengal in 1911. However there were hardly its major achievements in
the larger nation-wide context. Its chief success lay in giving Indian nationalism a new
imaginative direction, and in raising the state of nationalist unrest to the high plane of bitter
anti-imperialist struggles.
As it invariably happens in all cases of political and social turmoil, theswadeshi movement
also left its deep marks on the cultural and intellectual activities of Bengal; with their fall-
outs spread over different parts of the country. Apart from a rich crop of patriotic
compositions, playwritings and dramatic performances, it generated the Bengal Schocil of
Painting under the leadership of Rabindranath Tagore, kindled scientific enquiries under the
supervision of Jagadish Chandra Bose and Prafulla Chandra Roy, revived interest in the folk
traditions through the labours of Dinesh Chandra Sen and invigorated historical research
with the help of the findings of Rakhaldas Banej i , Hariprasad Shastri and Akshay Kumar
Maitra.

11.12 KEY WORDS

Authoritarianism: A phenomenon in which authority is imposed without taking into
account the popular will.
Ideologues: People who are involved in propagating certain ideology.
Political Extremism: Aphenomenon in which ultra militant methods&i used to solve
political problems.
Politicisation: A process by which politics becomes a part of the way people think about
life.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Racial arrogance: Feeling of racial superiority over others.
 Religious Revivalism: A phenomenon in which the religious past is totally evoked to justify Partition of Bengal and the
Swadeshi Movement
certain present objectives or notions.

I 11.13 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
I Check Your Progress 1
i) .
! ii) x iii) x iv) x
2 See Section 1 1.3
Check Your Progress 2
I
1 i)b ii) c iii) a
I
I 2 See Section 1 1.5 '
3 See Section 1 1.6
1 4 See Section 11.7
Check Your Progress 3
1 See Section 1 1.8
b
2 See Section 1 1.9
3 See Section 1 1.10

Kamesh Mechrocks
Some Useful Books
Chandra Bipan, 1979. Nationalism and Colonic.~ismin Modern India, Orient Longman,
New Delhi.
Desai, A.R. (ed.), 1979. Peasant Struggles i r India. Oxford University Press, Bombay
Joshi, V.C. (ed.), 1973. Rammohun Roy and the Process of Modernisation in India,
Vikas, Delhi.
Mehrotra, S.R., 1971. Emergence of the Indian National Congress, Vikas, Delhi.
Sarkar, Sumit, 1977. Swadeshi Movement in Bengal 1903-1908, Peoples' Publishing
House, New Delhi.
Sarkar. Sumit, 1983. Modern India 1885-1947, Macmillan, New Delhi.
Tarachand, 1983. History of the Freedom Movement in India. Publication Division,
New Delhi (Vols. I1 & 111).

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 12 MARXIST AND SOCIALIST
THOUGHT

f
L
Structure
12.0
12.1
Objectives
Introduction
L
12.2 Definition of Socialism
12.3 Origins of Socialist Thought
12.4 Early History of Socialist Thought
1 12.4.1 St. Simon
12.4.2 Charles Fourier
12.4.3 Roben Owen
12.5 Marxism: Economic and Social Analysis
12.5.1 Marxism: Political Theoly
12.5.2 Marxism: Theoly of Revolution
12.6 Let Us Sum Up
12.7 Key Words
12.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

12.0 OBJECTIVES
The purpose of this Unit is to introduce you to the meaning of the concept of socialism, and
its origin and development in the 19th and 20th century Europe. After going through this
Unit you should be able to :
understand what the concept of socialism means,
understand what were the factors that gave rise to the growth of socialist ideas in Europe,
trace the main stages of the development of socialist ideas and socialist movements,
distinguish between utopian and scientific socialism,
recognise the basic principles of a socialist society. and
know something about the contribution'of Karl Marx to social and political theory.

12.1 INTRODUCTION
You may have heard the words socialist and socialism used many times, and also the words
capitalist and capitalism. You may also have heard that United States is a capitalist country
and the Soviet Union a socialist country.
You may not be very clear as to what are the distinguishing features that make a society
capitalist or socialist. This is not surprising. because these historical concepts are sometimes
used very carelessly and without clear reference to their scientific meaning. Therefore, you
i must know first what exactly is meant by these terms.

I Today almost one third of the world's people live in a socialist society. Many millions are
fighting in their countries for the establishment of socialism in their countries. What are they
fighting for, do you know? Why are they ready to give their lives for transforming their
societies into socialist societies? Why have so many millions already given their lives in
history for a socialist cause? You will only understand this if you know what socialism
means and what kind of a society is a socialist society.
When did mankind first think about a socialist society? Where did people first think about
it? And why did they think about it at a particular stage in history? Man has always thought
1! about building a better world, but how and when did he start thinking about socialism? You
may want to know something about the ideas of those who wanted to build throughout the
world a society free from oppression, a society which is equal, and in which the resources of
the world are equally shared. The ideas of such people are known as socialist ideas, and the
kind of society they wanted to build is known as a socialist society. Their movements which
I Kamesh Mechrocks
were aimed at building a socialist society are known as socialist movements.
Radical Trends, Nationalism The most important socialist thinker was Karl Marx. But he went further than most socialist
and Mahatma Gandhi
thinkers of his time, and drew a blue print of a communist society. He based his ideas of
how to change the world, on a scientific analysis of society through history. He saw the final
stage of man's history as a stage in which the society would be communist. He also showed
how it could be brought about. Therefore, to distinguish his ideas from that of other
socialists his followers began to call themselves communists, and his ideas began to be
known as Marxism. We will also study in this lesson what was the contribution of Marxism
to socialist thought.
The first country in which Socialism, or the kind of society the communists were fighting
for, was built in Soviet Russia after the Revolution of 1917. You will read about the
revolution in Unit 14.

12.2 DEFINITION OF SOCIALISM

We start by asking the question. What is Socialism?
Socialism is a social system which comes into being as a result of the socialist-proletarian
revolution. It is a form of society which resulted from the overthrow of the capitalist system.
No society can be socialist before having gone through the stage of capitalism. It is
capitalism which creates the conditions for the growth of socialist movements and ideology,
and eventually for the building of a socialist society. We will talk more about it later when
we discuss the ideas of Marx.
Socialist society destroys private ownership of means of production and in its place creates
public ownership of means of production. This means that all resources out of which wealth
can be created - land, factories, mines, banks - no longer remain the property of one
person or group of persons. They become the property of the whole people. This also means
that nobody can enrich himself from these resources just by owning them, and making
others work on them. The workers who work them are the owners of these resources, and
they derive from them the wealth created by their own labour, because, they now themselves
own these resources.
All societies prior to socialist societies are class societies, based on antagonism of class
interests, between those who own resources and those, who work on those resources to .
produce wealth. Socialist society destroys this antagonism, because, now the people who
work are also the people who own the resources. Therefore, in a socialist society there is no
exploitation of one class by another, and, it is a society based on the equality of all men.
This equality is not only political and legal, as in capitalist societies, but also social and
economic, because private property, which is the root of all inequality, is abolished in a
socialist society. Socialist society is, therefore, a society characterised by social justice.
This does not mean, however, that people cannot own anything individually. In a socialist
society people do have the opportunity to own their personal belongings -house hold
things, vehicle, house, bank account from their savings etc.
Only, they cannot own those things, means of production -which they can use to deprive
other human beings of the fruits of their labour. In fact, as wealth increases in a socialist
society as a result of increased production, everyone owns more and more personal
belongings, not just a few people.
The increase in production in a socialist society comes about through planned production.
You must have heard of the Five Year Plans. In socialist societies this is a centralised plan
which takes into account all the needs of a society, deciding what needs priority in terms of
everyone's interests.
Socialist society also establishes a state of the working people, in the interests of the
working people. It ensures that everyone works according to his ability and everyone gets
according to his work. Socialist democracy ensures certain social rights to all people - the
right to employment, rest and leisure, health protection, security in old age, housing, free
and equal education, apart from the right to participate in administering the state and public
affairs.
A socialist society promises complete separation of religion and politics. This does not mean
that people cannot hold private beliefs. It means only that they cannot make religion into a
Kamesh Mechrocks -
 public affair, or use it politically, or propagate it in schools etc. We all know about the Marxist and Socialist 'Thought
communal riots in our country. and how religious feelings are exploited by communal
groups, and should, therefore, see how important it is to separate religion as a private belief
from politics, and also to build a scientific temper.
A socialist society also grants complete equality to women. It creates the material bases for
this equality also through shorter hours of work for wamen with small children, creches at
places of work- so that women can feed their children during the day, canteens and public
kitchens at places of work etc. Advanced capitalist countries also have these benefits, but
they have to be heavily paid for individually. They are commercial enterprises for profit, arld
only the rich can afford them. A socialist state guarantees these benefits to all women. with
minimum cost. It gives allowances for children, who are considered a responsibility of
society as a whole, though it is the family which cares for them and looks after them.
A socialist state also supports all national liberation movements, and movements of the
working people against oppression. Here we would also like to point out what is meant by
socialist thought.
Socialist thought is that body of ideas which analyses society scientifically, and which wants
not only to understand the world, but also to change it for the better. It looks at mankind's
historical experience not from the point of view of the interests of kings and rulers and those
privileged, but from the point of view of the down trodden. It emphasises the role of the
working people in building human civilization and in transforming society through its
various stages. It aims at drawing the blue-print of a society which is equal, human, and just,
and seeks to organise the working people for creating such a society. For this purpose, it
makes a critique of the capitalist society, and shows how it is an unequal and unjust society.
A Socialist thought also calls for an end to the capitalist system for this reason, and helps in
the creation of working people's organisation and struggles.

12.3 ORIGINS OF SOCIALIST THOUGHT

How did socialist thought come up? Historically, socialist thought arose as a reaction to the
reality of capitalism. Since capitalism first developed in Western Europe, its opposition in
the form of socialist theory also first developed in Europe. The first revolution based on
! socialist ideals and socialist transformation of society was the Russian Revolution of 1917.
I
Before discussing the rise of socialist movements in Europe, it is first necessary to describe
! the historical context in which they arose. The context which gave birth to socialist ideas,
I
was capitalism, with all its consequences for the vast majority of the people. Capitalism was
I the form of society which grew in its developed form in Western Europe during the 19th
t
I century. Capitalism is a society in which the means of production dr sources of wealth i.e.
1

I
land, factories, mines, raw-materials are owned by a few individuals known as capitalists.
But, in order to produce goods one other thing is also required, and that is labour. For, if
nobody is there to work with the raw materials in the factories, mines or land, how will 1
things be produced? For production. labour is one of the most essential needs. Therefore, for
this purpose, the factory owners employ workers who do not have any other source of
income except the hands with which they work.
So you can see, in a capitalist system there is one class of people who own things frorp
which income can be derived, and another class of people who work on these things. Those
who own the sources of income do not work. But still they are the ones who are rich by
exploiting the labour of others. Those who work are poor because they cannot take and sell
in the market what they have produced.
But now you will ask me why is that wrong. After all the capitalist pays wages to the worker
for the work he does for him. And if one gets the profit from the market, the other gets the
wages.
But do you know. the workers are not paid the full amount for what they produce. The
factory owner pays to the worker for the number of hours the worker works in his hciory.
But the goods the workers collectively produce in the factory have more value and are sold
at a higher price in the market, and this amount the factory owner keeps, for himself. This is
the factory owner's profit with which he becomes rich, while the worker who is the real
producer remains poor. Kamesh Mechrocks
Radical Trends, Nationalism This relationship of inequality is of tremendous importance in a capitalist society, and it is
and Mahatma Gandhi this that makes the capitalist society an unjust society. One classlives by owning, the other
class lives by working. One lives without working, the other cannot live unless it works.
Can you then see how a capitalist society is a society of inequality, social injustice and
oppression of the large majority of the people? And how this inequality is a result of private
property and profits?
It was against this growing capitalist factory system that socialist thought arose.
Man can think about a pfioblem only when a problem exists. The problem of a capitalist
society could be thought about by man only when the consequences of capitalism were felt
and seen. Therefore, socialist thought arose only with the development of capitalism, when
it became necessary to think about how to improve the conditions of life of the working
people in factories.
But did the socialist thinkers emerge suddenly in an intellectual vacuum? Did no one before
them think about the oppressed?
No, this is not so.
But man can conceive (think) of as attainable, only that, which is not very far removed from
the possibilities of his time and age. For example, going to the moon could only be a dream
in the 16th century when science and technology were not so developed. To man it seemed a
dream then. In the 20th century, when science and technology had developed so much more,
man began to see that going to the moon was a possibility. It could happen if he tried and
worked for it. And it has happened! Do you think it could have happened in the 16th
century? Similarly, mankind could think of providing all the necessities of life to everyone,
of having a good life for everyone, only when the possibilities of such a life existed. Only
under capitalism and growth of factories when production increased so much did it become
realistic to think of providini for everyone's needs -material and other needs such as
leisure, health and education for all. Therefore, ideas for betterment of mankind existed
almost as long as man hiaself has existed, but the ideas of socialism could emerge only in
the 19th century with the growth of factory industry:
Early thinkers had debated about social justice and equality. But for them justice and
equality were seen in relation to the ruling, rich and educated sections of their society. For
example, Plato of whom gou may have heard of, did not question the slavery of his times.
The chivalrous and brave knights of the medieval legends were not sensitive to their
peasants who were serfs. It was the Enlightenment thinkers of the 18th century who
extended the idea of freedom to all. But their idea of freedom was limited. The socialists
developed these ideas of freedom and extended them to a broader vision of freedom. In fact
we cannot think of socialist ideas without thinking of the intellectual heritage of the
Enlightenment thinkers of the 18th century. Just as socialism could not be possible without
factory industry, which creates the conditions for socialism, socialist ideas could not be
possible without the contribution of the Enlightenment thinkers. Everything in history
develops through contifiuity and conflict, which sharpens the struggle to a higher stage.
Socialist thought was thus not only a product of capitalism, but also a product of the
intellectual heritage of the 18th century Enlightenment.

- - - -

12.4 EARLY HISTORY OF SOCIALIST THOUGHT

It is not known who first used the words 'Socialism' and 'Socialist'. Around 1800, in both
England and France there began to appear books, pamphlets and speeches against
capitalism. It is generally believed that the word 'Socialism' was first seen in print in 1832,
in a French periodical called Le Globe.
The real pioneer Socialists were Charles Fourier and St. Simon in France, and Robert Owen
in England, and around each of them there developed big movements. Their books came to
be widely read throughout Europe, and in the United States. Together they made a great
contribution to the advance of social, political and economic thought of their age.
They made a scathing critikism of capitalist society. They showed in their writings how it
was an unjust and an unequal society, and also, how, its main consequence was a denial of
good life for the vast majoqity of people -even though, as they pointed out, capitalism had
Kamesh Mechrocks
created tremendous possibilities for increased production.
But it is. important to remember that they were not satisfied with only criticising the Marxist and Socialist Thought
capitalist society. Each of them also worked out, in the minutest detail, his own vision of an
ideal society-i.e. society as it should be. In this they went far ahead of the Enlightenment
thinkers of the 18th Century.
The Enlightenment thinkers had said that everything must be analysed and judged on the
basis of reason and rationality, and that a reasonable government was one which worked
according to a rational law, and granted to its citizens political and civil liberty. They
e'mphasised the fundamental rights of the individual, such as freedom of expression.
religious toleration, equality before law etc. because these things were reasonable and
everybody should therefore, have a right to them. They alsq talked about popular
sovereignty or the right of participation of people in their own governance. You may have
heard of Montesquieu who talked of 'separation of powers' and said all power should not be
concentrated in one authority. You may also have heard of Rousseau and his General Will.
The socialist thinkers also demanded equality. But in their scheme the demand for
equality was not limited to political rights or equality before law. They demanded also
social and economic equality. They wanted not simply the abolition of class privileges
- but of class distinctions themselves.
Secondly, they wanted the end of capitalism. They wanted its end not only because it was
exploitative, but also because they recognised that it was not a permanent stage in history.
They thought it was bound to end because it was unjust, and because of the problems and
contradictions inherent in it. They saw history from the perspective of the interests of those
who were oppressed and: therefore, uncompromisingly opposed capitalism. They were also
opposed to private property as a source of profit. Therefore they wanted a common or social
ownership of means of production. That is why they were called Socialists.
But they did not know how to bring into being this new kind of society. This is because they
belonged to a period when capitalisfn had developed enough for them to see the misery it
caused to the working people. But, as yet, the working class, whose interests are most
directly and uncompromisingly opposed to that of the capitalists, had not developed
sufficient class-consciousness and organisation for independent political action. Also, the
workings of the capitalist system were not yet clear, and it was not yet known that capitalism
as a system had inherent in it inevitable crises. Their theories, therefore, reflected the
undeveloped or early stages of capitalism. They did not understand what the historic role of
the working class would be. They did not recognise that class struggle between the workers
and capitalists was a necessary feature of capitalism, or that the interests of the two were
irreconciliable. In fact, they did not really understand the working of the capitalist system.
They did not take into account the fact that the profit of the owners depended precisely on
the exploitation of the workers - and that is why the interests of the workers and the
capitalists could not be reconciled.
But they thought otherwise. The solution for them, therefore, lay in a change of heart and
development of a new morality. This new morality could be achieved through a new and
correct education, through propaganda and through experiments which would serve as
examples for others. They did not understand that economic changes form the basis for
changes in political institutions and social life. That is why they were known as Utopian
Socialists.

12.4.1 St. Simon

One of these Utopian Socialists was St. Simon. He analysed the society of his day as
consisting of two main classes - the 'idle proprietors' and the 'working industrialists'. This
means that in the second class i.e. of the working people he included not only workers and
peasants and artisans, but also the rich factory owners who exploited the workers. As you
can see, he did not see the class opposition between the industrialists and the working class.
The result was that he did not oppose private property which, as we have seen, is the root of
exploitation. He opposed only its 'misuse', which he thought was possible. He also believed
in a gradual and peaceful transformation of society. He had not learnt from historical
experience that a few people may, but a whole class does not voluntarily give up the
advantages that it enjoys.
His followers later began to demand the abolition of private property, planning, and
distribution of goods according to labour. However, they also thought that socialism would
Kamesh Mechrocks
 - .- - - .-

Radical Trends, Nationalism result automatically from a further development of society. Also, they did not analyse the
and Mahatma Gandhi
sources and distribution of surplus value, i.e., the source of exploitation of workers.

12.4.2 Charles Fourier

In Charles Fourier's writings there was systematic criticism of capitalist society, including
lPie position of .women. He was the fipt to say that an index of the general well being of a
society is how it treats its women. He also had a certain conception of the history of society
- savagery, feudal, and free competition or the bourgeois stage. He also recognised that the
wealth of a few in the capitalist society came out of the poverty of the large majority. He
was aware that every period of history has its phases of rise and decline. He set himself the
task of discovering the "laws of social motion" just as scientists had discovered the "laws of
material motion". He knew that capitalism was only one stage in history -and that each,
stage of history was based on the state of production in that stage.
But as in the case of St. Simon, he did not see what was the root cause of injustice in a
capitalist society. Like other Utopian Socialists, he thought that with a change of people's
hearts it would be possible to have a peaceful transformation of society,

12.4.3 Robert Owen'

Robert Owen was more scientific in his thinking. He recognised that it is 'being that
determines consciousness'; this means that man is a product not only of hereditary features,
but also of the environment during his lifetime, particularly during his period of
development. He saw in the growth of industry the basis for reconstruction of society i.e., a
society in which there will be plenty for all, because without increased production first, how
ci& you have plenty for all. His vision of a new society was one in which property will be
common and will be worked for the common good of all. He believed in Ricardo's labour
theory of value i.e., it is labour which decides the value of a product, and that, therefore, it is
labour that creates wealth. He also recognised that in a capitalist system the worker does not
get the full value (worth) of his labour.
But to him everything seemed to be the fault of money. He did not understand the
mechanism whereby this unequal exchange came about. Also, he was unable to say hoy the
reconstruction of society was to be achieved. Would the means of production be simply
handed over to the whole people by those who owned them? Or would they have to be
fought for by the people? He was not clear. He tried to establish some co-operatives in
which he thought he could achieve a measure of change that would make society just, but
the co-operatives failed to change anything fundamental because they were built within the
framework of the existing society.
Lenin summed up Utopian Socialism very aptly in his 'Three Sources and Three
Components of Marxism', in which, he said:
It criticised capitalist society, it condemned and damned it, it dreamed of its
destruction, it had visions of a better order and endeavoured to convince the rich of the
immorality of oppression. But Utopian socialism could not indicate the real solution. It
could not explain the real nature of wage slavery under capitalism, it could not reveal
the laws of capitalist development, or show what social force is capable of becoming
the creator of a new society.

Check Your Progress 1

Answer briefly :
1 In what ways does a socialist society differ from a capitalist society?
...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
2 Who were the Utopian Socialists?

Kamesh Mechrocks
 ............................................................................................................................................. Marxist and Socialist Thought

3 Why were they known as Utopian Socialists?

................................................................................................................................................
4 At what period of time did their ideas emerge?
...............................................................................................................................................

...............................................................................................................................................
5 Write true or false as answer:
a) The Utopian Socialists were scientific in their outlook.
b) They were a product of undeveloped capitalism.
C) Robert Owen understood the causes of exploitation of the workers.
d) The Utopian Socialists were concerned about social justice.

12.5 MARXISM: ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ANALYSIS

Marxism refers to the ideas of scientific socialism which developed in the second half of the
nineteenth century in Europe. The person who did most to evolve, develop and give a
definite character to these ideas as a body of thought was Karl Marx. After him, the ideas of
scientific socialism are also known as Marxism. A life long friend and collaborator of Karl
Marx was Frederick Engels. In the most simple form, their ideas first took Europe by storm
in 1848, when the Communist Manifesto written by them was published. Thereafter, their
books came to be translated in many languages. Their ideas became the basis for the
struggle of the oppressed, whose interests and emancipation they stood for.
Marx and Engels did not conjure up their ideas out of the blue. They incorporated and
developed further, and also integrated in a new way, the teachings of the greatest
representatives of German philoscphy, English political economy and French Socialism.
Philosophically, Marxism meant a materialist out look on life and history, i.e. the way in
which people produce their requirements of life, and the way in which they organise their
labour to do it, determines the way they build their society and political structure, and
ultimately, also, the way they think. In short, they showed that it was being that determined
consciousness and not vice versa, because a material thing existed prior to, and
independently of what people thought about it. For example, tree existed, therefore people
saw it, recognised it and gave it a name. Had they not done so it would still have existed.
Applied to man's history, Marxism showed that what decided the particular stage of history,
was, the prevailing mode of production i.e., the forces of production and the relations of
production in a society.

i In other words, the material bases of life in a society -the economic system, how they
produced their means of living, and how they organised themselves to do it. Here you must
know that it was Marx who analysed and categorised the different social systems. He
I
showed that it was the material bases of life which determined the nature of society, and
i class struggle, resulting from these material bases, which caused change and development in
I
society.
I

The driving and underlying causes of historical development and change were not the
changing ideas of human beings, but class struggle. Class struggle, in turn, was the result of
the fact that some sections of people or classes were the privileged and ruling classes, and
1
L
others were unprivileged, oppressed and ruled classes. Their differing and conflicting
position in turn was based on their relationship to the sources of income-whether they
I
owned them and employed others to work on them, or whether they worked on them and
produced profit for others. Naturally, the interests of the two were opposed to each other and

Kamesh Mechrocks
Radical Trends, Nationalism irreconciliable. In short, Marxism showed that the prevailing economic system was the base
and Mahatma Gaodhi of society, which determined all its other aspects, and that class struggle was an integral part
of any such society where resources were privately owned by some, and, became a means to
live by the labour of others. Therefore, class struggle was inevitable in history as long as
private property existed i.e., it was an essential part of every stage of historical development
till the sociilist revolution, when the resources would be collectively owned. These ideas
constituted historical materialism.
Based on these ideas they showed how every society passed through the same stages of
development -primitive communism, slavery, feudalism, capitalism, socialism -and
how, though some features may be different in different countries, it was not possible to skip
any of these stages.
But Marx and Engels not only evolved an understanding of historical development, they
were also particular about analysing their own stage of history quite thoroughly. This is
because they not only wanted to understand the world, they also wanted to change it. In
order to change it, however, it was first essential to understand the workings of how things
actually were, as they existed. Their second major contribution was, therefore, a thorough
and scathing criticism of the capitalist society, particularly the manner in which it resulted in
the exploitation of the working class by the capitalist. We have already talked about how
this happens earlier in the lesson. It was Marx and Engels who had worked it out. In this
way they made an important contribution to economic theory also. They showed how under
capitalism a worker spends one part of the day covering the cost of maintaining himself and
his family (wages), while for the rest of the day he works without remuneration, because
now he is producing over and above what he would be paid for. It is through this, that he
creates surplus value, which is the source of profit for the capitalist and the means whereby
the worker is denied the ' h i t s of his labour. Thus capitalism is not just an economic system,
it is also a certain set of social relationships, i.e., a specific relationship between the
capitalist and the worker, which is against the interests of the worker, and which is socially
unjust. The worker is a necessary part of the system because without labour nothing can be
produced, and the worker cannot produce alone, so there is a certain social organisation of
labour. But this social organisation is dominated by capital or wealth which is owned by the
capitalist, and which the worker does not have.

Check Your Progress 2

1 Answer True (J ) or False (x ).
a) Marxism came before Utopian socialism.
b) Marxism meant an idea based approach to life and history.
c) Marxism meant a materialist outlook on life and history.
d) Class was not central to Marx's understanding of history.
e) Capitalism is merely an economic system.
2 How is capitalism just not an economic system?

12.5.1 Marxism :Political Theory

From this economic analysis of capitalism M a n and Engels evolved their political theory.
They pointed out that capitalism itself creates the conditions for the overthrow of the
capitalist society, i.e., in the womb of the old society are created the seeds of the new
society. Firstly, they showed that capitalism would inevitably be faced with periodic crises.
These crises come from its very nature. While capitalism produces more and more, the
people become more and more poor and are unable to purchase what is produced. This leads
to, what Marx'called the crises of over production and under consumption, and also, the
irre.conciliability of the interests of the capitalist and the worker. This is also the main
contradiction of capitalism. In order to obtain more profit, the capitalist pays as little as
possible to the workers, but in order to sell his products, the workers must have more and
more money to buy i.e., he must pay them more because they have no other source of
income. Obviously, he cannot do both at the same time. For a time capitalism can overcome

Kamesh Mechrocks
 I

Marxist and Socialist Thought

1. Karl Marx
these crises by searching for new markets i.e., colonies, or by waging wars for the redivision
of markets, or by taking over some welfare measures for the workers to appease them. But
this cannot go on endlessly, because the contradiction lies in the system itself. Therefore,
from the economic analysis of capitalism Marx and Engels drew the political conclusion that
the overthrow of capitalism is inevitable.
The class which, they said, will overthrow this system will be'the working class or
proletariat. They pointed out that as large factories are established, there also emerges in
them a working class i.e. a proletariat, which owns nothing except its ability to work and
earn. Therefore, this class has no stake in a system based on private property such as
capitalism. Therefore, in the fight against capitalism, it has "nothing to lose, except its
chains". Secondly, the proletariat is also the most exploited section of society under
capitalism. and for this reason the most interested in its overthrow. Thirdly, there was no
other long term choice for the proletariat except to fight the system which exploits him -
for how could a worker be independent and live a meaningful life, if, all that he does for
most of the day goes into enriching not himself but the capitalist? Therefore, the overthrow
of capitalism becomes a necessary task for the proletariat, and also a desirable one because
on it would depend his right to shorter hours of work, leisure, culture, equality between men
and women and access to good health and education.
Marx and Engels also pointed out that with the emancipation of the working class will come
the emancipation of all other sections of society, as it was the working class which formed
the bottom most layer of this society. Also, given its situation, the working class could be
the only uncompromising class in the struggle for the overthrow of capitalism. Thus, the
second major political conclusion which Marx and Engels arrived at from their economic
analysis of capitalism, was that. it is the working class which will lead the struggle,and be
Kamesh Mechrocks
the vanguard of the socialist revolution.
 Radical Trends, Nationalism Thus capitalism created the means of its own destruction.
and Mahatma Candhi In short, they said that before or without capitalism there cannot be socialism. Capitalism
,
with its big factories makes possible increased production, so that, there is enough to be
distributed to each according to his work. Capitalism with its factory system also creates the
working class which can overthrow it.

12.5.2 Marxism :Theory of Revolution -

Marx asked the question-will the capitalists voluntarily and of their own will give up their
profits? Individual capitalists may give up some part of their profits in charity. But nothing
more. He did not give this as his personal opinion. He pointed to the history of human
society through the ages -nothing had been gained by people except through fighting for
it, nothing had been given up by the privileged section of society, except when, confronted
with a fight. Therefore, the emancipation of working class can come only from the class
struggle of the working class, he said.
But what form will this snuggle take- can it be peaceful? To this Marx had this to say: the
entire armed forces and the state machinery are in the hands of the ruling class and they use
them precisely for protecting their dominance. There cannot be a peaceful transformation
from capitalism to socialism. The working class has to capture state power by revolution and
guarantee the building of a socialist state by creating a new state, which will be the
dictatorship of the proletariat.
But will the fight be only an economic fight between the working class and the capitalist?
No, according to Marx, it will not be only an economic fight, and though the working class
will be the motive social farce for revolution, other sections will also participate. Because of
the latter's social origins however, their role will only be secondary, and sometimes
vacillating. Marx pointed out that growth of capitalism leads to greater concentration of
wealth in fewer hands and increasing poverty of the majority of the people. The crises of
capitalism affected not only the working class, but also the middle class, especially the
lower middle class and the peasantry. Therefore, the fight against capitalism would be not
only by the working class, but also by sections of the middle class (intelligentsia) and the
middle class, who would adopt the political standpoint of the working class,,because,it was
politically and socially just, and also by agricultural labourers in the countryside who were
equally oppressed. But since the social origins of the middle class were rooted in private
property, they could never play an uncompromising role -they would always be
vacillating. A section of them would go with revolution, and a section with the bourgeoisie
or the capitalists. Hence, the primary role of the working class, which Marx emphasised.
Secondly, the fight would be fought in many spheres - it would be an economic fight,
because, capitalists owned all the resources, it would be a political fight, because the
political structure was dominated by the capitalists, social, because of social inequality, and
moral, because it was for a more human society.
The first attempt to capture state power was made by the working class in Paris in 1871.
You must have heard of the Paris Commune. Thousands of workers died to establish this
Paris Commune, but they did not destroy the old state machinery of the ruling class.
Therefore, the Paris Commune could not survive. It was crushed ruthlessly. This experience
showed in practice the truth of Marx's understanding that a dictatorship of the proletariat
was necessary for guaranteeing the socialist state until such time as the economic, social and
political bases of ruling class power were eliminated from society. It is important to
understand this -Marx was not advocating the physical elimination or killing of the ruling
class -he was only advocating that they no more be allowed to remain a ruling class. In
short he was advocating a classless society, based on complete equality -even economic
equality.
He also had something more to say about how the revolution was to be brought about. He
had said that the overthrow of capitalism was inevitable, given its own inherent
contradictions and the situation of the working class in it.
But he was not an astrologer. He was a social scientist. He was not making a prediction. He
was showing what were the possibilities for the future development of society, and the
general direction in which society was moving and how its consequences would eventually
lead to socialism. He did not give an exact time-table for future revolutions. He showed how
this would depend on class struggle -that is the struggle between the capitalists and the
Kamesh Mechrocks
wnrlr~rcand what wac the nlltrnmp n f thece ctn~ucrlecTn nrrler tn c ~ l r r e ~
the
d wnrkinu rlacc
 well organised. For this purpose he emphasised the need for political education within the Marxist and Socialist Thought
working class and the formation of working class party to lead the struggle of the working
class.
Marx not only contributed to theory, he formed the first International Working Men's
Association, based on proletarian internationalism. In other words, it recognised that the
! interests of the entire working class of the world were the same, and that, therefore. they
must fight in solidarity. The slogan of the International Working Men's Association,
therefore, was - 'Workers of the world unite!'
The first successf~lrevolution by the working class was in Russia in 1917. Not only did the
i working class in &sia abolish private property in industry in 'alliance with the peasantry, it
nationalised all land. It created a new state -the socialist state, based on the rule of the
working people. It established socialist democracy based on economic equality and social
tt justice. You will read about it in a separate lesson.

Check Your Progress 3

I 1 State whether the following statements are m e or false:
a) According to Marx it is being that determines consciousness.
b) Capitalist society is a just society.
C) The primary force for revolution is the working class.
4 Capitalism is characterised by a crisis of over production and under consumption.
e) The transformation from a capitalist to a socialist society can take place peacefully.
2 How did the capitalist get profit under capitalism, and how was the worker exploited?

3 What was the main contradiction of capitalism?

4 What were the political conclusions that Marx and Engels drew from their economic
analysis of capitalism?

................... ~~ . .~
~~ ~ ~

...............................................................................................................................................
5 ' Could the struggle against capitalism be a peaceful one?

12.6 LET CTS SUM UP

In this unit you saw :
how a socialist system stands for a complete social and economic equality.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Ular. it was the contradictions of an uniust capitalist system that led to the rise of socialist
~diclrlTrencb, NaHonnllsm that at first, due to lack of consciousness, the socialist thought argued that injustice within
dM.b.barG.adhl capitalism could be removed by a change of heart and morals.
that, however with the understanding of the inbuilt system of exploitation in capitalism,
the socialist thought increasingly created this inequality.
that a socialist society, by establishing the rule of the majority, i.e.. the proletariat, creates
conditions whereby a complete social and economic equality can be guaranteed.
that it was Karl Marx who concretely linked the inequitous structural and economic basis
of capitalism to a theory of social change. In doing this, he broke away from the idea
based social theory of utopian socialists etc., who were unable to link up, theoretically,
social change and removal of unjust structures. By doing this, he gave us a social theory
which linked economics, political and history.

12.7 KEY WORDS

Means of Production : Material elements in the system of production. ?he sources of

income such as land, factories, raw-materials, etc. from which wealth is derived.
Mode of Production : The way in which the necessities of life are produced in a society,
and the way in which the means whereby they are produced are owned, as well as the
relationships of different sections of society to it.
Revolution : A turning point in life leading to a new social order: A transition from one
socioeconomic system to another more progressive.
Socialist Revolution : The character of a revolution is determined by the social tasks that it
accomplishes and by the social forces that participate in it. The socialist revolution is a
qualitatively different type of revolution, because, it abolishes exploitation itself by
abolishing a private ownership of means of production and by establishing a classless
society, free of exploitation. All previous societies were exploitative societies because the
means of production were in private (few) hands.

12.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES

Check Your Progress 1

1 Seesection 13.2
See Section 13.3
2 See Sub-sections 13.4.1, 13.4.2, 13.4.3
3 See Section 13.4
4 See Section 13.4
5 a) False, see Section 13.4
b) True, see Section 13.4
c) False, see Sub-section 13.4.3
4 True, see Section 13.4
Check Your Progress 2
1 a) False
b) False
c) True
d) False
e) False
2 See Section 13.5

Check Your Progress 3

1 a) True, see Section 13.5
b) False
c) True, see Sub-Secs. 13.5.1 and 13.5.1
d) True, see Sub-Sec. 13.5.2
e) False, see Sub-sac. 13.5.2
2 See Sub-sec. 13.5.1
3 See Sub-sec. 13.5.1
4 See Sub-sec. 13.5.1
< Kamesh
< Mechrocks
Cnn C a a h - m - e 1% 9
 UNIT 13 THE FIRST WORLD WAR: CAUSES
AND CONSEQUENCES
Structure
13.0 Objectives
13.1 Introduction
13.2 Causes of The World War
13.2.1 The System of Secret Alliances
13.2.2 Militarism
13.2.3 Nationalism
13.2.4 Urge to Imperialism
13.2.5 Newspapers, Press and the Pub~cOpinion
13.2.6 The Immediate Cause
I
I
13.3 Consequences of the War
13.3.1 Loss of Human L~ves
13.3.2 Social and Economic Changes
13.3.3 Democratic Ideals
13.3.4 The Conference of Paris, 1919
13.3.5 The New Balance of Power
13.3.6 The New International Machinery
13.4 World War and India
13.5 Let Us Sum Up
13.6 Key Words
13.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

13.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit you would :
get acquainted with the first World War as a major event in history of the world,
have an idea about the main causes which led to the conflagration of 1914.
understand its consequences both in the countries involved as well as at the international
plane, and
see in specific terms what the war meant to India.

13.1 INTRODUCTION
The first world war, you should remember, was the outcome of a chain of events taking
place in Europe, as well as in other parts of the world during the last two or three decades of
the nineteenth century. You will find out in these pages that it was not merely a war but an
event which made a tremendous impact on the world scene. It dismantled quite a number of
the existing socio-economic and political structures. Our main objective here is to
farniliarise you both with the main causes of the war and its more important consequences.

13.2 CAUSES OF THE WORLD WAR

The causes of the first world war are so complex that any attempt to describe them
adequately would involve nothing less than the writing of the diplomatic history of Europe
since 1870. In fact we may have to go back to 1789 or even to the age of Louis XIV. The
causes of this war are to be sought in the conjunction of various forces and tendencies which
had been operating for a long time among the nations of Europe. However, let us look into
some of the important factors which led to the first world war.

13.2.1 The System of Secret Alliances

The most significant cause of the war was the system of secret alliances. This was, as a
matter of fact, the handiwork of Bismarck, who tried to build a network of such alliances
Kamesh Mechrocks
Radical Trends, Nationalism against germ any:^ enemies after the Franco-hssian War of 1870. This move slowly
and Mahatma Gandhi divided Europe into rival armed camps which confronted each other. The system of
alliances, as you can guess, helped on some occasions in preserving peace, in as much as the
members within one group often held their friends or allies in restraint from provoking war.
But it also made it inevitable that if a war did come, it would involve all the great powers of
Europe.
From 1871 to 1890 Bismarck was the arbiter of European politics. As the Chancellor of the
new German Empire he wanted peace and declared that Germany was a "satiated" country.
He knew that war, which had brought to Germany power and international prominence,
would, if risked again, bring her only destruction. Bismarck thus stood for the maintenance
of status quo and the preservation of the new Balance of Power which he had created by his
system of alliances. He knew that France was Germany's irreconcilable enemy, particularly
after the ignominy of 1870. So Bismarck's diplomatic skill and political insight were
employed in building up alliances for the protection of Germany. The enemy of Germany
was France, and Bismarck's achievement was the diplomatic isolation of the country. In
pursuit of this policy, Germany entered into an alliance with Aushia in 1879 with a
commitment of reciprocal protection in case Russia should attack either Power. Three years
later in 1882, Bismarck fomented the Franco-Italian rivalary over Tunis and persuaded Italy
to forget her hereditary enmity towards Austria. A secret Triple Alliance was forged in 1882
between Germany, Italy and Austria, explicitly defensive, in part against France, in part
against Russia.
France, rendered powerless since the Franco-Prussian War, looked upon this formidable
alliance with grave concern. So long as Bismarck was at the helm he maintained the system
of Balance of Power which he had completed by his Re-Insurance Treaty with Russia in
1887. The nightmare of isolation haunted France. But after Bismarck ceased to be German
Chancellor in 1890, his successors abandoned his skillful diplomacy. Some bitterness arose
between Russia and Germany at the Berlin Congress over the settlement of the Eastern
Question. France took advantage of this situation and proceeding cautiously, was successfuk
in forming an alliance with Russia in 1891. Thus was formed the Dual Alliance which ended
the period of isolation of France and served as a counterweight to the Triple Alliance. The
abandonment of Bismarckian diplomacy by Germany led to some rethinking in the British
diplomatic circles. The German Emperor did not believe that Germany was a "satiated
Power" and called for an ambitious policy of a World Empire. He also declared that the
future of Germany lay upon the sea. This change in German policy was alarming enough for
England and forced her to come out of the state of "splendid Isolation". It drew Britain
closer to the Dual Alliance. In 1904, she made an agreement of Entente Cordiale with
France resolving all mutual differences. This was followed by a similar agreement with
Russia in 1907. Thus France, Russia and England formed a separate political group called
Triple Entente. As the Triple Alliance confronted the Triple Entente, the condition of Europe
became one of "armed peace". The continental powers of Europe, though at peace with the
another, kept a jealous watch upon their neighbours and so atmosphere of fear and suspicion
prevailed in Europe.
There being apprehensions about the coming catastrophe, all the Powers busied themselves
with making feverish military preparations. This was the result of the split of Europe into
two rival camps.
This division of Europe into two rival armed camp has to be seen in the context of growth
and expansion of Imperialism when European countries, seized with lust for trade and
territories, were acquiring new colonies and contending against each other. Naturally to
make a mark in international politics by their material strength, it was necessary to build up
militarily and politically.

13.2.2 Militarism
Militarism was actually closely connected with the system of secret alliances and was the
second important cause of the war. This system of maintaining large armies actually began
with the French during the Revolution and was later continued under Nepoleon. It was
extended and efficiently developed by Bismarck during the unification of Germany. After
the Franco-Prussian war in 1870 the military and naval aqnaments of all the Great powers
tended to grow larger and larger. This armed race was quickened generally in the name of
self defence. It created fear and suspicion among the nations. If one of the countries raised
the strength of its army, built strategic railways, its fearful neighbours were i r ~ d i a t e l ~

Kamesh Mechrocks
 frightened into dblng likewise. So the mad race in armaments went on in a vicious circle, The First World War :
particularly after the Balkan wars of 1912-13. Anglo-German Naval rivalry was one of the Causes and Consequences
contributory cause& the war.
Militarism meant also the existence of a large body of military and naval personnel, who
were psychologically tuned to the "inevitability" of an early war. To these professionals war
held out the prospect of quick promotion and great distinction. It should not imply that they
urged war for selfish motives and personal advancement. Nevertheless, the opportunity to
put into practice the results of their preparation for war could not possibily have failed to
produce its psychological effect.

13.2.3 Nationalism
Another very important cause of the war was the wave of nationalism which swept all over
Europe. It was actually one of the heritages of the French revolution. The resounding .
triumph of natlonaiism in Italy and Germany invested it with new vigour and made it a
potent force in politics. The unifications of Italy and Germany were possible mainly because
Cavour and Bismarck were successful in arousing the spirit of nationalism. In the process it
inflamed the racial pride of the people, stimulated them to exalt their country above all
others, and made them arrogant in their attitude towards their neighbours. It was the
excessive fewour of nationalism that intensified the rivalries of states like Germany and
d them to engage on a spirited naval and military competition. It was
that led the European powers to squabble over their interests in Asia,
Africa akd the Balkans. It was the outraged nationalism of the French people that kept alive
their spirit of revenge for the loss of Alsace and Lorraine and made France the bitterest
enemy of Germany. From 1866 onwards relations between France and Germany remained
tense. Napoleon 111, had behind him an aggrieved national opinion which nursed bitter
jealousies against Prussia's strength. The delirium of nationalistic upsurge, manifested in the
outbreak of Franco-Prussian war in 1870, opened a new era of popular hysteria in
international relations. There was also a cry of Itali alrredenta (unredeemed Italy) which
was-the expression_of the national ambition of Italy to wrest from Austria the Italian-
speaking disttkt$@ste and the Tnntino which made Italy look to Germany for support.
There wen iL*alities along the western fringes of the tsarist Empire. Poles and
U k r a i n i a ~Lith
, s and Finns continued to exert a strong centrifugal pull on the Empire
after 1870. The t l
gpolicy towards these nationalities was of intense Russification'
especially under .; Alexander 111 between 188 1 and 1894. It had the effect of turning the
most extreme pa ' ' of these national groups towards the Russian Social Revolutionaries,

who soon established links all over the region. These local movements represented the spirit
of radical nationalism which was in ascendancy during this period.
Lastly, the unassuagcd national aspirations of the Balkan peoples made the Balkan Peninsula
a varitable tinder box which before long set all Europe ablaze. As a matter of fact the'
exhuberant spirit of nationalism was at the back of most of the occurences that gravitated
towards the war.

r
1 13.2.4 Urge -ism
Imperialism f
6 otUprpose refers to the purpose of Capitalistic Accumulation on a world
scale in the ear of hdanopoly Capitalism. It led to the increase in the production goods which
forced the countries to look for new markets and new sources of raw material. It resulted in
an increase in popuYtion, part of which was interested in emigrating to the still unoccupied
regions of the
The industrial revolution also resulted in the increase in surplus capital which sought
investment abroad, thus leading to economic exploitation and political competition. Due to
these developmem, the.Great Powers began to partition Africa among themselves, to secure
tenitory of exclusive spheres of influence in China, and to build railroads in Turkey and
elsewhere. This struggle for markets, raw materials and colonies became a great passion
during the I& 191k i?bdearly 20th centuries because Germany and Italy also entered the
race during thcia5t'two or three decades of the 19th century. By 1914, all the Great
EuroprMtt Powers had secured something or the other in Africa. In the matter of railway
constmtion, which was one of the most important forms of economic imperialism because
it involved political as well as economic interests, one finds the English building railways
from the Cape to Cairo, the Russians the Trans-Siberian railway, and the Germans the
Baghdad railway. The first one came into conflict with the German, French and Belgian
Kamesh Mechrocks
Radical Trends, Nationalism interests, the second was partly responsible for Russo-Japanese war and the third caused
and \Inhatma Gandhi endless friction between Germany and Triple Entente.
It was normally the economic interests compelled with political aims which made a country
imperialistic. There was no compulsion to acquire colonies unless some active and
influential group of political leaders wanted to push this policy. Britain did not embark upon
the acquisition of colonies during the 1860s or even during the 1870s and after, though the
economic urges of surplus population, exports and capital had been there for a long time.
Neither Italy nor Russia had a surplus of manufactures of capital to export, yet both joined in
the scramble. Germany, which was industrially much ahead of France, was slower in
embarking on colonialism largely because of Bismarck's anti-colonial policy-he wanted
Germany to be supreme in Europe only. It was actually a group of men, particularly
intellectuals, economists and patriotic publicists and politicians who largely encouraged the,
growth of imperialistic tendencies by their propaganda and policies.
Besides the direct political motives of imperialism, there was a medley of other
considerations, which, in varying proportions, acted as an incitement to the desire for
colonies. One was the activities of explorers and adventurers who were prompted by a
genuine interest in scientific discoveries or a flair for adventure or love for money, and
power. Christian missionaries played their part too in the spread of colonialism. The most
famous was David Livingstone who was sent to Africa by the London Missionary Society.
Almost all the European powers joined in this missionary activity all over Africa and Asia.
Other premier Christian Missionaries who opened up in large measure Africa were Charles
Gordon, Sir John Kirk and Lord Lugard.

13.2.5 Newspapers, Press and the Public Opinion

'
Another underlying cause of the Great War was the poisoning of public opinion by the
newspapers in almost all the European countries. The newspapers were often inclined to
inflame nationalistic feelings by distorting and misrepresenting the situation in foreign
countries. On several occasions when peaceful solution of the complex international
problems could be possible the jingoistic tone of the newspapers in the countries involved in
the conflict spoiled matters. The popular press went very far sometimes to produce results in
national and international politics. As early as 1870 the publishing of the Ems telegram by
Bismarck immediately inflamed and embittered the extreme nationalist opinion in Paris and
precipitated the Franco-Prussian War. This shows the incalculable harm the press could do
in creating tension in European politics.

13.2.6 The Immediate Cause

The Austrian Habsburg Empire had to reckon with the challenge of surging nationalism
since 1900. It was difficult to keep in check the multi-national Empire, especially when
political and military leadership in Vienna lay in the hands of people like Count Berchtold
and Conrad. They saw in Serbia another Piedmont or another Prussia and were reminded of
the ignominous defeats their country had suffered in 1859 & 1866 at the hands of Cavour
and Bismarck in the process of Italian and German unifications. By 1914, there had emerged
a comparable movement for national unification of all Slav people under the leadership of
Serbia. It was a small country of just five million people but had the energy and drive to
make itself the nucleus of a future Yugoslavia.
Serbia was not only the sorest thorn in Habsburg flesh, and an impediment to Pan-German
designs, she was also the spearhead of Entente influence in the Balkans. In fact, she could
serve as a useful wedge in the German-Austrian-Turkish combination. The crisis caused by
Sarajevo therefore, did not remain a quarrel between Austria and Serbia but took the form of
a trial of strength between the two grand alliances.
The incident which led to war was the murder of the heir to the Habsburg throne by a fanatic
whose connection with the Serbian government could not be established. The Arch duke
Franz Ferdinand and his wife, visited Bosnian, capital of Sarajevo on 28th June 1914 and
was murdered by the Austrian Sero, Gavrilo Princip. Vienna regarded the murder by Serbia
as a provocatign for war. Austria made demands which were bound to be rejected by
~erbia.So Vienna declared war on 28th July. The bonds of the alliance held firm, and the
two armed camps clashed at last. Sir Edward Grey, the ~ r i i i s hforeign secretary commented,
"the lamps are going out all over Europe, we shall not see them lit again in our lifetime."

Kamesh Mechrocks
Check Your Progress 1 The First World War :
! Read the following statements and mark right ( J ) or wrong ( x ). Causes and Consequences
i) In order to understand the causes of the world war, one would have to inevitably go
back to the history of Europe in the 19th century.
ii) The Dual Alliance was formed as a counter weight to the Tripple Alliance.
iii) The emergence of nationalism resulted in mutual suspicion and hostility among the
countries of Europe.
iv) The expansion of imperial urge in Europe provided the immediate cause of the war.
2 Name the countries involved in the tripple alliance. What was the purpose of the
alliance?

...............................................................................................................................................
3 What was the impact of militarism on European Countries?

13.3 CONSEQUENCES OF THE WAR

-

You will see that the war on 1914 was in many ways entirely novel in human history. There
had been wars in Europe before, involving many states. This one, however, was a general
conflict between highly organised states that had at their command all the resources of
modem technology and were well-equipped to find new methods of destruction and defence.
It was the first war to dislocate the entire international economy which had taken the whole
of the 19th century to grow and take that shape. It was fought with determination and
desperation by the belligerents because they believed that it was a war for survival and for
high ideals; it was fought on land, and above land, on sea and under the sea. New resources
of economic and even psychological warfare were tapped because it was a war of the
masses. It was a war between the peoples and not merely by armies and navies. It soon
reached a point where military or civilian leaders found it most difficult to keep under check
its future course of development. Obviously any such conflict was bound to have far
reaching consequences. We shall look at some of them here.

13.3.1 Loss of Human Lives

During the war considerable dest~ctionwas done in terms of men and material. Millions of
lives were lost. Russia was the heaviest loser with a toll of 2 million, Germany of nearly 2
million, France along with her colonies lost over one and a quarter million, Austria nearly
one and a quarter million and the BritishEmpire nearly 1 million. The U.S.A. lost around 1
lakh men. Some ten million men lost their lives and most of these were under forty years.
More than twice that number were injured and almost maimed forever. The French
calculations brought out that between 1914 and 1917 one Frenchman was killed every
minute. This was certaiply an unprecedented rate of casualties in any European warfare.
This massive loss of human life definitely affected the structure of population both in sex
and in age groups. The loss of life among women was much lower. Thus in Great Britain in
1911 there were 1067 females to every 1000 males, 1921 the ratio changed to 1093 to every
1000 males. This disequilibrium led to many social complexities and other related problems
in the society.

13.3.2 Social and Economic Changes

The war, in all the countries, had the effect of accelerating the emancipation of women
Kamesh Mechrocks
wherever the movement had started before 1914. Women over 30 were granted
Radical Trends, Nationalism parliamentary vote in Britain in 1918. It happened because the war required a national effort
and Mahatma Candhi
and in modem warfare civilian morale and industrial production had become as important as
fighting by the armed forces themselves. Women participated in all activities and worked on
factories, shops, offices and voluntary services, hospitals and schools. my ,worked hand in
hand with men and so won their claim of equality with them. It became easier now for them
to find work'in industry and business, as traditional impediments were removed. Even the
barriers of class and wealth were weakened to quite a great extent by the "fellowship of the
trenches". Social ethics changed quite significantly and the 'war profiteers' became a special
subject of scorn and hatred.
As compared to the previous European wars, the cost of war was certainly astronomical.
During the 20 years war with Napoleon, Great Britain's debt had increased eightfold, while
during four years between 1914 and 1918, it went up twelvefold. It was estimated that the
total loss inflicted on wamng nations was about 186 billion dollars. When this huge money
was siphoned off into destructive channels, human welfare, whether iq *@tip, health or

T
other facilities, inevitably suffered. The whole fabric of prewar civili
flow of world trade, was violently disrupted. This economic dislocation tually proved
be the most intractable result of the war. The war had undermined the foundations of
lotheto

Europe's industrial supremacy and after a gap of four years, when Europe began to lick its
wounds and resumed its trade, it found that it was lagging far behind other counties. The
U.S.A. made considerable progress in its exports, and in South America and India, new
home industries cave up and developed. Japan entered the textile trade d flooded the
?'
Chinese, Indian and Sobth American markets with its goods. The pattern of international
trade was completely changed. When the European leaders gave a call for restoration of
normalcy which meant going back to the world of 1913, they failed to realize that a modem
war is also a revolution and the world of 1913 was as much as part of history now as the
Habsburg and Romanoff Empires. It has been pointed out, that all the economic slogans of
the post-war years, strangely enough, began with the prefix re: reconstruction, recovery,
reparations, retrenchment, repayment of war debts, restoratiob~fthe gold standard etc.
In the post war period, the tiumphant nationalism in the Balkans proved violently intolerant
of any settlement falling short of a balanced national ecoNomy. Nations with infant
industries wanted to protect them and old industrial powers like Britain and others felt that it
was necessary to safeguard their shattered economies against the competition of new rivals.
France was helped to recover economically by the restoration of Alsace and Lorraine and by
the cession of Sear Coal mines for 15 years. But there were certain other economic problems
which could n o t k solved through mere reparations from Germany. Belgium, for example
had her vital railway system disjointed by the demolition of its 2400 miq of track, and only
80 locomotives remained in the country at the end of the war. Of her 5 1 keel mills, more
than half were destroyed and others seriously damaged. This was actually true of all other
countries. The initial stages of recovery were really a sad story because $ involved finding
work for the demobilized soldiers, homes for the people ,and reconverting of industry to
peacetime productions.

13.3.3 Democratic Ideals

Despite all its devastating consequences the war brought democratic ideals and institutions
to peoples who had not been acquainted with them before. The war had been declared 'to
make the world safe for democracy'. So obviously, the newly independent states were keen
to set up democratic institutions. In one country after another, new d e m e t i c constitutions
were adopted. Germany herself gave a lead by setting up a Weimar R+lic, one of the
most completely democratic paper constitutions ever written. It was modelled on the
American, French, British and Swiss democracies. But the bane of the new democracy was
that it was superimposed upon a social order that had changed surprisingly little. The only
common sentiment which bound the people was the universal national resentment against
their defeat and the terms of peace imposed on them by the Allies. The new regime could
not last long because it had no constructive ability to run its administration on democratic
lines.
Similarly in other European states the democratic institutions where ever set up, remained
fragile because pf their patch-work structure. For a short while after t h e ~ n dof the war
democracy came into vogue throughout Europe. The war provided im- to democratic
forces all over the world. It was soon discovered that western political inditutions of
parliamentary government were implanted in counties that had little or no experience in any
Kamesh Mechrocks
sort of self-government. Nationalistic passions that had been aroused to a fever pitch by the The First World War :
war were responsible for the experiments but the social and economic life was still much Causes and Consequences
less advanced than in the West and this proved to be the proverbial stumbling block. Even in
the colonial empires of European powers the urge for self-government and freedom got a
stimulus.

13.3.4 The Conference of Paris, 1919

The Conference of 1919 was a more representative body than the Congress of Vienna in
1815 had been. There were no crowned heads now and most of the countries were
represented by their Premiers and foreign ministers. The only exceptions were President
Woodrow Wilson and King Albert. In all, thirty two states were represented. The time,
place, composition, organization and procedure of the conference all had some impact upon
what it was able to achieve.
As far as time is concerned, it was held nine weeks after the signing of the armistice with
Germany and was mainly timed according to the internal political consfderation in the
U.S.A. and Great Britain. President Wilson decided to attend in person and so the
conference was delayed till he delivered his 'State of the Union' message to the Congress in
December. In Britain also Lloyd George wanted the elections before the conference, which
were held in mid December. At the height of victory slogans like 'Hang the Kaiser,' 'Make
Germany Pay' and 'Home fit for Heroes' were raised. The election results drastically
changed the composition of the House of commons because 'hard-faced men who looked as
if they had done well out of the war' entered the Parliament. The timing of the elections,
being what it was, this should have hardly been surprising.
The venue of the conference was also a well-planned decision. Initially Geneva was
suggested but President Wilson preferred Paris where American forces were stationed in
large numbers. It could also have been symbolic because the first German Empire had been
declared in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles in 1871. Besides, Premier George Clemenceau,
who was the senior most leader in the conference and was thus to preside over the
deliberations of the Conference remembered Sedan well when France had been defeated
after the Franco-Prussion war and the choice of Paris was to be an answer to that defeat.
The composition of the conference was even more important. It was represented not only by
'the Allies' but also by the 'Associated Powers'. Toward the end of the war many countries
entered war mainly to be a party to the final settlement. The three major omissions were: the ,

neutral powers; the Russians, who were still engaged in civil war and the war of
intervention; and the former enemies, Germany, Austria, Hungary, Bulgaria and Turkey.
The absence of these powers was significant in view of the developments in future. The
absence of Germany in particular gave peace in Europe in the form of Diktat, an imposed
arrangement for which the Germans felt no responsibility or respect. This was to prove as
one of the basic weaknesses in the settlement.
The conference of Paris was certainly the biggest peace conference ever held anywhere in
the world, despite its limitations. There were 32 official delegations which covered 314 of
the world's population. But, as the war itself was a war of great powers, here too, over-all
control was exercised by a council of ten. This body comprised 2 members each of the 'Big
Five' including U.S.A., Britain, France, Italy and Japan. Japan soon lost interest and stayed
away and by the close of April 1919, Italy also left. Ultimately the famous 'Big Three' ran
the entire show. These 'Big Three' as you must be aware, were represented by President
Wilson of USA, Premier Clemenceau of France and Prime Minister Lloyd George of
Britain. As pointed out earlier, the conference was finally a compromise between the two
conflicting personalities of Wilson and Clemenceau. Wilson was an idealist, committed to
\he principles of democracy and the covenant of the League of Nations. Clemenceau, on the
other hand, was an old-fashioned realist obsessed with hatred for Germany for whom French
security was a matter of'prime concern.
The conference, therefore, turned out to be a conflict between the impulses of idealism and
of realism. Besides this, we cannot ignore the conflicts of impulses which raged within the
hearts of all nations and of most statesmen. The conference was, like the minds of men in
1919, haunted by a tension between hopes and ideals on the one hand and vindictiveness and
vengeance on the other which were natural reactions of people who had undergone
oppression and whose latest experiences reflected hatred and fear. You can yourself imagine ,

why a conference with this background could not achieve any tangible results. It was harsh
Kamesh Mechrocks
where it could well be lenient and weak when it was better to be strong. In the words of
Radical Trends, Nationalism
and Mahatma Gandhi

2. Russian and German Soldiers as friends, 1917.

historian David Thomson "....the Paris Conference must stand in history as a conspicuous
failure; but it was an over-all failure of human intelligence and wisdom, and in part of a
failure of organisation and method. This was not due to either an excess of realism or a lack
of idealism, but rather to a misapplication of both."

13.3.5 The New Balance of Power

Asyou have read earlier, the Great War was not merely a war but a revolution in all walks
of life. L i e socio-economic and political dislocation of tremendous magnitude, there was
also a problem of temporary redistribution of the balance of power in the world. As a
consequence of this war, there was a military and political collapse of the old Russian,
Austro-Hungarian; German and Turkish empires. The pre-war German and Austrian
domiriance, for a time, came to an end. The supreme task before the peacemakers was to see
that Germany is kept in check and also, weakened militarily.
Another problem was to redraw the map of eastern and central Europe in the light of newly
emerging realities of national grouping, economic viability and military security.
To weaken Germany several measures were taken. German forces were asked to evacuate all
the occupied territories. Alsace and Lorraine were restored to France. Germany was not to
fortify the left bank of the Rhine. Her army was reduced to 100,000 men. She was prevented
from arms production. Similar stringent measures were taken on naval and colonial matters.
German navy was not to exceed six battleships of 10,000 tons, twelve destroyers and twelve
torpedo boats. No submarines were allowed. Germany had to give up all her rights over
colonies. German empire was distributed under the mandate to the allied powers on the basis
of the existing pattern of occupation. Later, the League of Nations was assigned the task of
monitoring the administration of these mandated territories.
The second important problem, as you were told earlier, was the reshaping of Eastern
Europe. The 'Eastern Question' had been an intractable issue before the Western European
Kamesh Mechrocks
powers for a long time and the Great war further aggravated it. The old Austrian empire was The First World War :
forced to cede most of its territories to Italy and other newly emerging nations in Eastern Causes and Consequences
Europe. Hungary, the other half of the Habsburg Empire,.received even harsher treatment.
Serbia was the chief beneficiary which was transformed into the new southern slav kingdom
of Yugoslavia.
Turkey itself went through an internal political upheaval as a consequence of defeats in the
war. Mustapha Kemal led a nationalist upsurge against the treaty of Serves, which was held
between Turkey and the allied powers. Due to this pressure, a new treaty of Lausanne was
signed in 1923. Kemal gave up all claims over the Arab majority areas and renounced the
Islamic basis of the Turkish State. A new Turkish Republic was established under Mustapha
Kemal's presidentship.
This resettlement of Eastern Europe, you can imagine, created nearly as many problems as it
solved. It created a number of middle sized powers such as Poland, Rumania and
Yugoslavia. It led to the growth of Arab nationalism and Zionist hopes of a Jewish national
home in Palestine, which created complications which still creates international tension. The
settIement also introduced a new problem of minority rights and its preservation.
The whole settlement of Eastern Europe was actually made in the light of fear of the spread
of Bolshevism into Europe. In the words of Historian David Thomson:

There was a strong inclination to make the eastern states, from Finland down to Poland
and Rumania, as large and strong as possible in order to serve as a cordon sanitaire, a
quarantine zone to keep back the tide of communism.

13.3.6 The New International Machinery

The League of Nations was a world organisation contrived to replace the old system of
'power politjcs.' It was a machinery for the peaceful settlement of disputes and arbitration
which replaced the old methods of secret diplomacy and separate alliances and quest for a
balance of power. You are aware of the peculiarities of the international situation in Europe
in 1914. It has been described as 'international anarchy' but it was actually semi-anarchy
where the colonial and dynastic and national disputes threw the whole of Europe into
terrifying ordeal of war.
The scheme of the League of Nations was sponsored with great fervour by President Wilson.
This was eventually modified to conform with British and French proposals. The league, in
one way, was an elaborate revival of the idea of a Concert of Europe into an international
concert. In another light it was something new and different as here each p~rticipantswore
to settle any mutual dispute through peaceful means and to share the responsibility in the
event of aggression.
The league was not at all a government but was a sort of facility to be used by all
governments to maintain peace. We find that it was a very well meaning and sensible body
but could be successful only it certain assumptions about the post war world proved correct
The major assumption was that all governments would want peace, a reasonable one due to
the revulsion against slaughter and destruction. This assumption sounded morereasonable
because, as you have seen in the earlier pages, there was growth of democratic states which
were supposed to be more peace loving than the earlier autocracies and dynastic empires.
However, as pointed out earlier these democratic constitutions proved fragile and interest in
pursuing democrative ideals was short-lived. The hope that contented nationalism would
move towards pacification also soon dispelled. So in view of these believed assumptions, the
League of Nations could not acquire the vitality and vigour of action which it required.
The failure of USA to become a member of'the League and exclusion of Germany and
Russia made it a mere buttress of the settlement. Japan was also lukewarm in its response.
Only the British Commonwealth, France and Italy were its members. Italy soon defied it
through its aggressive policy under the Fascist leader Mussolini.
The League failed in its supreme task of preserving peace. However, it did succeed in
solving some minor disputes. Wherever the states sincerely submitted disputes to the
procedure of conciliation, it worked well. It successfully settled the dispute b e t ~ a ~
Sweden
n
and Finland over the Aaland Islands. On three occasions the league successfully intervened
in the disturbed Balkan area. The league also settled the Iraq and Turkey border issue. As
pointed out earlier, the League did not have an effective machinery to enforce its decisions
and so failed to maintain peace where the Big Powers were involved.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Radical Trends, Nationalism Two important subordinate bodies of the league were the International Court of Justice and
and Mahatma Gandhi - the International Labour Organisation (ILO). The former was supposed to deal with disputes
between the states and the latter with labour problems. Both these bodies form an important
part of the structure of the United Nations today.

13.4 WORLD WAR AND INDIA

Although not a direct participant, India could not, however, escape the effect of the war. The
world war affected the Indian society and economy very profoundly. But it is important to
note that the war had a different impact on different section of the populatior~.Among the
poorer class of Indians it meant increased misery and impoverishment. It also brought heavy
taxation on the people. War demands created a scarcity of agricultural products as well as
other daily necessities of life. As a result there was a phenomerlal increase in their prices.
Driven to desperation the people became ready to join any movement against the
government. Consequently the war years also became years of intense nationalist political
agitation. Soon India was to witness a massive mass movement, called the Non-Cooperation
Movement, led by Gandhi, about which you will learn in a subsequent unit.
On the other hand the war bzought fortunes for the industrialists. It created an economic
crisis in Britain and for the war demand they had to depend on Indian industries. Jute
industry, for example, flourished in this period. In this way the war promoted the industrial
advance of India. The Indian industrialist took the maximum advantage of the opportunities
offered. They made fortunes and wanted to preserve it, even after the war came to an end.
For this reason they were prepared to organise themselves and support the organised
nationalist movement.
Thus, the war helped in bringing about a wave of nationalism among various section of the
population, although through different processes. India's independent economic advance
also began to take shape, which was to grow in years. Subsequent units will explain these
~henomenain greater details.

Check Your Progress 2

1 Write a note on the social and economic changes brought about by the world war in
various countries.

...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................
2 Name the two subordinate bodies of the League of Nations. What were their functions?
...............................................................................................................................................

3 Which of the following statements are right ( J ) or wrong (x )?

i) Unlike most previous wak, the first world war was fought not only between the
armies but also between the people.
ii) The loss of human lives during the war affected the structure of European
population both in sex and age groups.
iii) The world war hampered the spread of democratic ideals and institutions.
iv) The war affected all the sections of the Indian population in the same way.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 The First World War :

1
13.5 LET US SUM UP Causes and consequences

Our aim here was to put forward before you the main causes and consequences of the First
World War. You must have noticed that the only common and agreed objective of the Allies

i
in 1914 was to crush Germany and diminish its hegemony in Europe. They did not go to war
to bring about communist revolution in Russia, to destroy old Empires, to establish new
Arab Kingdoms or even to begin a new experiment of a League of Nations. The richest
fruits were harvested by the semi-belligerents or non-belligerents. U.S.A. became a great
economic power, Japan gained economic and naval strength in the Pacific, and India made
great progress towards self-government. The victorious Allies, inspite of achieving certain
particular aims, bequeathed to the world a most burdensome legacy of devastation, debt,
poverty, refugees, minority problems and inter-allied frictions.

13.6 KEY WORDS

Allies: A group of counties or political parties who are formally united and working
together because they have similar aim.
Militarism: A policy of maintaining a strong military base.
Premier: President or Prime Minister who is the head of the government of his or her
I
country.
Splendid Isolation: A term used with reference to the British policy of non-intervention in
I Europe conflicts during the late 19th century.
I Status Quo: The situation that exists at a particular time without any change being made to it.
Eastern Question: A tern related to the problem in the middle-east, like the problem of
declining Turkish Empire, the struggle of European Nationalists for freedom in the Turkish
Empire and the conflicting interests of European powers in Turkey.

13.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES

Check Your Progress 1

1 ( i ) ~( i i ) ~( i i i ) ~(iv) x
2 Read Sub-sec. 13.2.1
3 Read Sub-sec. 13.2.2

Check Your Progress 2

1 See Sub-sec. 13.3.2
2 See Sub-sec. 13.3.6
3 ( i ) ~( i i ) ~(iii) x . (iv) x

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 14 THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION:
CAUSES, COURSE, AND
SIGNIFICANCE

I Structure
14.0 Objectives
14.1 Introduction
14.2 Why you should study it
14.3 Causes of the Russian Revolution
14.3.1 The Agrarian Situation and the Peasantry
14.3.2 Workers, Industrialisation and Revolution
14.3.3 Tbe Nationalities Question
14.3.4 Political Groups: Leadership
14.4 Stages of Revolution
14.5 Nature and Significance of the Revolution
14.5.1 Economic Aspects
14.5.2 Social Aspects
14.5.3 Political Aspects
14.5.4 International Aspects
14.6 Impact on the National Liberation Movement in India
14.7 Let Us Sum Up
14.8 Keywords
14.9 Answer to Check Your Progress Exerciges

14.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you will be able to:
asses the importance of the Russian Revolution as a world event,
explain the causes of the Russian Revolution,
narrate the course of events during the revolution,
establish its linkage with the Indian Liberation Struggle, and
understand what a socialist society means in social, economic and political terms.

14.1 INTRODUCTION
The Russian Revolution was made in October 1917. It is also known as the Bolshevik
Revolution. It was a proletarian-socialistrevolution, inspired by the ideals of communism.
In Unit-12 you have learnt what socialism is, and how a socialist society is more advanced
and more just, and more egalitarian than a capitalist society. The Russian Revolution aimed
at the creation of such a society in Russia. Leadership to this revolution was provided by the
Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, particularly the Bolsheviks. The RSDLP
represented the working class which was the leading force of the revolution. The peasantry
also played a significant role. In fact, the Russian Revolution was brought about by the
working people of Russia, because they were the most oppressed and therefore most
interested in a total transformation of the social and political system which exploited them.

14.2 WHY YOU SHOULD STUDY IT

But why are you being taught about it in a course which is essentially a Modem Indian
History Course ? You may have wondered.
It is important that you know that all events, however earthshaking, take place in a historical
context and in tum form a part of the historical context for later advances of mankind. The
birth of socialist ideas, particularly Marxism, transformed man's understanding of reality-
of social and political structures and of the history of mankind itself. The Russian
Revolution showed in concrete practice the possibilities of destroying exploitative societies,
and creating new, free and just societies. In doing so it had a tremendous impact on all
Kamesh Mechrocks
Radical Trends, Nationalism
and Mahatma Gandhi

3. "They attempted to check the revolution". A cartoon by V. Devi.

movements of emancipation, hereafter, including the struggles for independence from

foreign rule and imperialism. It also provided inspiration to the national liberation
movement in India, particularly to the revolutionary struggles of the working people.
Therefore, you must study the Russian Revolution.

14.3 CAUSES O F THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION -

By 1917 the working people of Russia were no longer prepared to tolerate their
dehumanised situation. They were also by then politically organised, and therefore able to
overthrow the old social and political order. But why only then ?
In the decades preceding 1917, Russian society was undergoing great changes that resulted
in a crisis for the old order. The new social and economic forces created by these changes
had different interests and aspirations. Therefore, by 1917 there emerged an intense
contradiction and polarisation between the old and the new in Russia. The Russian
revolutionary movement represented the democratic aspirations of these new forces. The
Russian state on the other hand represented the interests of the old ruling classes. In Russia
right up to 1917 there.existed an autocratic form of government. There were no
representative institutions. No right to form political organisations. There was strict
censorship and arbitrary arrests. There was no religious toleration, and there was oppression
of all nationalists other than Russian. The Russian Empire was a multi-national Empire ' .
which used its strength against all democratic movements in Europe. It was known as the
Kamesh Mechrocks
'Policeman' of Europe.
 The Russian autocracy remained strong on the support of the landed aristocracy and the The Russian Revolution:
bourgeoisie. In turn this autocracy guaranteed to these classes their privileged position in Causes, Cour :e and
Sign'Acance
Russian society. There was thus, by 1917, not only a conflict between the old social forces
and the new, but also between these new social forces and the Russian state. The
Russian revolutionary movement therefore sought to over throw the Russian
autocracy.
I

4. "Take your Crown Along." A Cartoon by D. Moor, February 1917.

14.3.1 The Agrarian Situation and the Peasantry

In spite of being emancipated from serfdom the Russian peasantry continued to be the most
oppressed section of Russian society. The dominance of the landed aristocracy remained.
Although the peasantry had become free, the peasants had to pay for their freedom and they
had to pay so heavily that they remained continually in debt and forced to work for the
landed aristocracy very cheaply. The peasantry was also very heavily burdened by taxes to
the state. This resulted in the growth of great discontentment within the peasantry, and the
early years of the twentieth century saw a tremendous increase in the militancy and
number of peasant uprisings. Agriculture continued to remain backward as the peasant had
nothing to invest in the betterment of his land. The landed aristocracy had no incentive to
introduce new technology because they had ready labour in the poor peasantry.
Since agriculture formed a major sector of the Russian economy and the peasantry
constituted the majority of its population, the agrarian and peasant problem became
an important factor for revolution in Russia. The peasantry also, therefore, formed an
important component of the revolutionary movement.

14.3.2 Workers, Industrialisation and Revolution

I Kamesh Mechrocks
The nature of industrialisation in Russia led to the growth of a working class movement
Radical Trends, Nationalism which was much more mditant and political than in other countries. At the early stage of
and Mahatma Gandhi industrialisation itself there were large enterprises with a big concentration of workers. This
gave scope for common grievances among a large number of workers, and therefore also for
a common struggle. Moreover, the state played an important role in the industrialisation
process, with the result that the Russian bourgeoisie was not as strong and developed as
in other countries of Western Europe where bourgeoisie played an important role in the
industrialisation process. The Russian bourgeoisie, therefore, had strong links with the
Autocracy. The Russian working class movement was in turn both against the Autocracy
and the Russian bourgeoisie i.e. the capitalists.

14.3.3 The Nationalities Question

The Russian Empire was a multinational Empire. The ruling dynasty had emerged around
the Russian part of the Empire. It followed a policy of 'Russification' i.e. the suppression of
the languages and literatures and culture of the other nationalities. Those areas were
exploited economically also.
The relationship was inhct almost colonial in nature, with these areas being used simply
as sources of raw material for development of industries in Russia proper. These
nationalities such as the Caucasions, the Kazaakhs, the Krghiz, the Polish etc. were
extremely discontented arid played an important role in the revolutionary movement for the
overthrow of the existing social and political system.

14.3.4 Political Groups: Leadership

But no revolutionary movement can be successful unless it is guided by a correct
understanding of the existing situation, a correct programme, and something to offer tarhe
people. In the Russian revolution also many political groups were active. They played a
significant role in raising the consciousness of the people-particularly of the workers
and peasants-through political education, political propaganda and agitation. They
also formed organisations of workers and peasants to give a cohesiveness and direction to
the revolutionary movement. The important political tendencies were that of the Populists
(in the late nineteenth century) and the Socialist Revolutionaries, the Liberals and the Social
Democrats (Marxists), particularly the Bolsheviks. In the decade preceding the revolution
Lenin was the most important leader of the Bolshevik Party, and of the Russian Revolution.
Other important leaders were Trotsky, Bukharin and Stalin.

14.4 STAGES OF REVOLUTION

The Russian revolutionary movement emerged in the 19th century. At first it consisted of
only the members of the middle class intelligentsia. As the workers and peasants became
increasingly discontented and also aware of their oppressed situation, they also began to
struggle against the Russian Autocracy. By the early 20th Century the Russian revolutionary
movement was a mass based movement in which the workers and peasants played the most
crucial and decisive role.

Kamesh Mechrocks
5. 1905 Revolution. painting by V. Makovsky. January 1905.
 The first major assaulf on the Russian Autocracy took place in 1905. It is known as the 1905 The Russian Revolution':
Revolution and also a "dress rehearsal" for the 1917 Revolution. The workers and peasants Causes, Course and
Significance
began to demand a "democratic republic". For the first time there was a mass general strike.
Sections of army also revolted. The first Soviet came into being during the 1905 revolution.
It was a revolutionary organisation of the working people. This revolution did not succeed in
over throwing the Autocracy, but the experience gained by the workers and peasants during
this revolution was extremely valuable for them.
t The years after this revolution till 191 1 were years of great repression when many
I
revolutionaries were arrested and workers' organisations destroyed.
The World War-I which had a considerably adverse effect on the Russian economy and the
lives of the Russian people also led to a greater politicisation.of the people as well as the
alignment of the political forces opposed to the Autocracy.

1
6. Freedom! Equality! Fraternity!-A post card Feb. 1917.

7. Fighting by a Police Station. Feb. 1917. Drawing by N. Samokish.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Radical Trends, htionalism In this political atmosphere the February Revolution was sparked off by a shortage of bread
and Mahatma Gandhi in Petrograd. After a few days came the demand; 'Down with the Autocracy'. There were
red flags all over the city. Soon it spread to other cities and also to the countryside. Finally,
even the army came out on theside of the revolhtion. The Autocracy had no one on its side.
The February Revolution resulted in the overthrow of the Autocracy and the formation of a
Provisional Government. The workers and peasants played the major role in this revolution
also and the bourgeoisie also supported it. It was a bourgeois-democratic revolution. The
Provisional Government which was now formed was dominated by the bourgeoisie and
landed aristocracy and represented their interests.

This Provisional Government, therefore did not bring aqy change in the policies of the
Autocracy. But it was forced to grant political freedom, because the February Revolution
had also resulted i n the formation of the Soviet of Workers Peasants, and Soldiers
Deputies as in 1905. This represented the interests of the working people of Russia. So
from the beginning there was a conflict between the two, which lasted upto October 1917
revolution when the Provisional Government was overthrown.

U. Caricature ridiculing the Provisional Govt's approach to land issue. Reads: Landowner : "why are you
standing on one leg? Peasant:" There's nowhere to put the other, it's y w r lordship's land. 1 may be sued.

Thus it was in the period between February 1917 and October 1917 that conditions were
prepared for the proletarian-socialist revolution. The workers. peasants and wlditrs became
conscious of their own solidarity and common interests. and also of their opposition to the
Provisional Government. which now stood exposed before them as an agent of the ruling
classes. At thls stage many of the revolutionary groups also wavered-for example. the
Social Revolutionaries and the Menscheviks. They represented the interestsod~hepeople.
but they did not realise that the people were far ahead of them. They did not
was ripe for the socialist revolution i.e. the second stage of the revolution.
that the bourgeoisie was already agalnst a further advance of the revolution.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Only the Bolsheviks realised all this. They were the only political group to give voice to the The Russian Revolution:
Causes, C o u w and
aspirations of the people and to put forward the demand of the time. They demanded an Significance
immediate end to war, without any indemnities and annexations; land for peasants; workers'
control over industries the right of nations to self-determinations; and above all, bread.
'Peace! Land! Bread! Democracy!' became the current and widespread slogans. Thus the
Bolsheviks were able to provide leadership to the people, to gain a majority in all the mass
organisations of the people, to have the workers, peasants and soldiers on their side. The
October 1917 revolution was successful, because it had a popular base.

9. Workers and Soldiers joining hands. July 1917.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Radical Trends, Natioea:ism Check Your Progress 1
and Mahatma Gandhi 1 Why should you study the Russian Revolution ?
...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................
When were the conditions prepared for the socialist revolution in Russia ?
...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................

3 Which sections provided the leadership to the Russian Revolution ?

................................................................................................................................................I
I

4 Fill in the blanks:

a) The Russian king was known as.............
1

b) The form of political structure in Russia Gas........

I
I

C) .........constituted the majority of the oppressed population. !

d) Important.politi~algroups in Russia were...... .
I

e) The Autocracy was overthrown in .........

f) The Autocracy was replaced by ...........
g) It represented the interests of ............
h) The revolutionary organisation of the working people was known as .................
5 Read the following statements and mark right ( J ) or wrong (x )
i) The working people of Russia lived comfortable lives before the reiolution.
ii) Pre-revolutionary Russian society was an unjust and unequal society.
iii) The Working qlass movement in Russia was more militant and revolutionary than
in other countries of Europe.
iv) The Bolsheviks demanded a continuation of the World War. I

I
14.5 NATURE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF RUSSIAN
REVOLUTION
I
The October Revolutih destroyed the bases of capitalism and laid the foundation for
socialism in Russia. ~qt'whatdoes all this mean in terms of policies ?

14.5.1 Economic Aspects

In the economic sphere the Russian Revolution meant the end of private property, and the
change to ownership of all property by the state. But you must understand that this did
not mean that people's personal belongings were taken away from them. By abolition of
private property was meant that all means of production i.e. sources of profit-income
making were convertad into state property. These included factories, land, banks etc. No
body could now own them privately to exploit the labour of others to make profit.
The Revolution also established workers' control over industries. This.meant that they
could keep a check on the vroduction process through their representatives, and also ensure
Kamesh Mechrocks
 the rights of workers in their factory. This measure was based on the understanding that The Russian Revolution:
those who produce must have some role in decision making through their Causes, Course and
Significance
representatives-right up to the central level.
Thus, an important measure linked to workers' control was the introduction of
centralised economy, keeping in mind the needs of the whole country, particularly the
I
1 working people.
1
Through a centralised economy they sought to guarantee a much faster pace of economic
development and the fruits of that development to the vast majority of the people. Through it
they sought to prevent an anarchy in production, and also avoid wastage. The First Five
Year Plan, however, was introduced only later, in 1928. In fact, planning was an important
,
contribution the Russian revolution made to the world.
In India also, a similar model was adopted for planned economic development.
In agriculture, land was nationalised. This means that land was owned by the state and
given over to the peasant for hereditary use. But he could not sell it or mortgage-it, or use it
to exploit the labour of otliers to earn profit for himself. Through the land Decree of
November, 1917 landlordism was abolished and land was handed over to the peasantry.
Collective production and a further advance in socia: relations within agriculture was made
in 1928 with the collectivisation of agriculture.

14.5.2 Social Aspects

By destroying private property in the means of production the Revolution.also destroyed
I

l
the roots of social inequality. It laid the foundations for a classless society. Also, each
I
one was paid "according to his work". The gap between the salary of a worker and manager
was not much, or between a worker and artist or teacher. As you know in a capitalist society
there is a world of difference in the standard of living of the workers and directors of the
same enterprise, or workers and doctors, teachers, engineers etc.
The Soviet State also guaranteed certain social benefits to all citizens, such as free
I medical care, free and equal education for all, an unemployment allowance, equal access to
culture and cultural advancement. These were infact rights of the people, guaranteed by
the constitution.
Not all of this was immediately available to the Soviet people, as productibn and
infrastructure for these provisions were being simultaneously created. But it is important that
the state took responsibility for the individual's good life, provided he worked according to
his ability.

Kamesh Mechrocks
11. Equality to Women, postcard by L. Petukhoi, 1917
Radical Trcnds, N a t l d i s m Equality for women was not only guaranteed by the constitution but material basis for
and Mnhatnta Gandhi this equality were created in order to implement it. There was provision for six months
-. maternity leave, creches at places of work, public canteens at places of work where food was
cheap and subsidised etc. All this was aimed at making possible fullest participation by
women in public life. All this had a great impact on capitalist societies. To meet the
challenge of the socialist society, they were also forced to grant certain welfare measure. In
fact the concept of a welfare state in the west was a direct response to the Russian
Revolution and the benefits that it granted to its people. Otherwise, the working people of
the west would have immediately recognised the superiority of a socialist society.

'
12. "Literacy Paves the way to Communism"- a Poster.

Kamesh Mechrocks
13. " K n n w l d o ~will h r r a k Inn t h rhainr
~ nf rlrvrrv"- a n-car
The separation of religion from politics and state was another important measure of the . The Russian Revolution:
Causes, Course and
revolution. Religion was to be a purely private affair. No religions education was to be given Significance
in schools, no public utility to be made of religion. When you take note of all that has
happened in the name of. religions in our country, you will recognise the significance of this
measure. Religion itself was not abolished, religious people were not persecuted, as is
generally believed.

14.5.3 Political Aspects

Politically, the Russian Revolution resulted in the creation of a state of the working
people embodied in the concept of 'dictatorship of the proletariat'. It was recognised
that the enemies of the revolution could still sabotage the interests of the people. The
Russian Revolution was infact immediately followed by the intervention of ten other
countries on the side of the Russian landed aristocracy and the bourgeoisie against the
Revolution and the working people of Russia. Therefore, it was necessary, for sometime, to
have a political system dominated by the working class.
But this state was much more democratic than the states of the bourgeois countries
because it ensured the rule of the majority of the people (majority in any society consist
of the working people) over a minority which held privileges in the pre-revolutionary
Russia. Moreover this was seen as a temporary phase, to be done away with, once the
political power ofi the ruling classes was totally destroyed and they were rendered incapable
of sabotaging the Revolution. Thus bourgeois democracy was this to be transformed into
socialist democracy.
The freedom enjoyed by a Soviet citizen was not only political freedom, but also freedom
from hunger. Not only legal and social equality, but also economic equality. Thus the realm
of freedom was enlarged in the new order created by the Russian Revolution.

145.4 International Aspects

In International relations also the Russian Revolution represented an important landmark.
First of all the Bolsheviks abolished all the old secret treaties entered into by the
Autocracy and the Provisional Government. It was felt that people have a right to know
what their governments are doing, and that the people of any country should have the right
to influence the foreign policy of their country through debate and intervention. Secondly,
the ~olsheviks,through a decree made the otfer of immediate peace without annexations
and indemnitiq. They were the only political group in the world to put into practice such a
declaration. They also withdrew their claims over many of the areas in the Near East
and the Far East that the previous Russian government had been fighting over.
They declared themselves against Imperialism and lent support to all national liberation
struggles against foreign domination. In the areas that had constituted the Tsarist Empire,
the Bolsheviks recognised the rights of all nationalities to self-determination including
the right of succession. In the areas where the landed aristocracy and the bourgeoisie wanted
to separate, but the workers and peasants wanted to be a part of Soviet Russia, the
Bolsheviks recognised the will of the masses and fought with them to consolidate the
October Revolution. The workers and peasants of most nationalities were with the
Bolsheviks because they knew that the defeat of Bolsheviks would mean the return of
landlordism and capitalist exploitation.

14.6 IMPACT ON THE NATIONAL LIBERATION

MOVEMENT IN INDIA
The Indian National Movement arose as a result of the social conditions created by British
Imperialism, its system of exploitation, and the social and economic forces generated by this
system of exploitation. But it was also influenced by the significant world currents of that
time, of which the most important were the forces of socialism, represented by the Russian
Revolution.
The 1905 revolution was a great inspiration for the Indian leaders. The agitation against the
Partition of BengaI, reflected in the Swadeshi Movement, belongs to the period immediately
Kamesh Mechrocks
afterward. 'Fhe first political strike by the working class took place in 1912 in Bombay to
Radical Trends, Nationalism The impact of the October Revolution on the Indian National Movement was also not direct,
and Mahatma G d h i
but after the success of the Russian Revolution it began to be increasingly realised by the
Indian leaders that nothing could be gained either by constitutional method or through the
politics of the bomb. What was most necessary and decisive was the intervention of the
masses in political struggle. The 1920's thus saw the formation of Workers' and Peasants'
Parties, the All India Trade Union Congress, and increasing workers and peasants struggles.
The Non-Co-operation Movement was a direct result of this understanding and oganisation.
The Russian Revolution also led to the propagation and spread of socialist ideas in India.
The first Indian Communists were, infact, trained in Soviet Russia. In India too, many
congressmen under the influence of Marxism and as a result of the participation in people's
struggles broke away from the Congress and laid the foundations of the Communist
Movement in India. Two major figures were A.K.Gopalan and E.M.S. Namboodiripad. The
growth of the Communist Movement lent an altogether new dimension to the Indian
National Movement. Class struggle i.e. workers struggle against the Indian capitalist class
hence forth became an inherent part of the Indian struggle for freedom.
As a result of the growth of the left, the national movement as a whole was also radicalised.
Within the Indian National Congress itself there emerged a Congress Socialist group.
Jawaharlal Nehru particularly was deeply influenced by Soviet Russia, particularly by its
anti-imperialist thrust. 'Socialism' became a pervasive term in the political vocabulary of the
Indian leaders during this time. The 30's saw the Indian National Movement reach a level
where bourgeois hegemony of the national movement was seriously challenged by the left.
.
Left oriented students and writers organisations were also formed.
The Indian National Movement became a part of the world wide struggle against
Imperialism led by the Soviet Union, and it began also to be recognised as such by Indian
leaders. Without the success of the Russian Revolution which weakzrled Imperialism at the
world level, the Indian people' fight against British Imperialism would have been much
more difficult. It is not a coincidence that it was with the defeat of Fascism and the capitalist
crisis after World War I1 that a process of decolonisation was precipitated.
Indian Independence, alang with the Chinese Revolutlon and the formation of the peoples'
democracies in Europe, was won in the context of an uncompromising fight by the Soviet
Union against Imperialism.
In India the R.I.N. Mutiny, the Tebhaga and the Telengana Movements (1946-48) about
which you will study later played a major role in the history of political independence by
India. These were led by the Indian Communists, who saw themselves as part of the world
communist movement led by the Communist International. The Indian Communist Party
outlined its strategy and tactics on the basis of an analysis of the Indian situation and the
correlation of class forces in India, but in this it was guided by the experience of the
successful revolutionary movement against the Russian Autocracy. Russia having been an
economically backward country, just as India is, the experience of the Russian Revolution
was particularly relevant to India. It is from the Russian experience, and its applicability to
the specific Indian conditions, that the Indian Communist Party saw the Indian peoples
struggle as a struggle of a two-stage revolution.
The British, on their part, saw in every struggle of the masses in India a "Bolshevik
conspiracy" and the work of communists. Within a few months of the Russian Revolution
they were forced to issue a declaration known as the Montagu Declaration, in which they
promised the gradual development of institutions of self-government. They were totally
unnerved by the response that the Bolshevik Decree on Peace evoked among the nations
struggling for independence.
In 1921 when Kisan Sabhas were established all over U.P., the Times Correspondent
reported that 'Kisan Soviet' have been established in India. Most of the time the
Communists were forced to work underground and were subjected to extreme repression.
The Meerut Conspirary cqse trial was one example. Through this they sought to do away
with what they called the 'Bolshevik menace',. Thus, the positive and electrifying effect of
the Russian Revolution in India, as well as the radicalisation of the Indian National
Movement which followed, was acconipanied by an impact also on the British policy in
India. The British became increasingly repressive toward any nationalist upsurge. At the
same time they sought to win over the reactionary sections of the Indian society to their side.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Findine themselves inadeauate to deal with the 'Bolshevik Menace' on their own. they tried
They tried to present the Indian Communists as 'anti-national' in order to render them The Russian Revolution:
Causes, Course and
im lated from the main stream of the nationalist struggle. The Russian Revolution had Significance
contributed to the growth of a strong anti-imperialist perspective, and during the freedom
movement the Indian nationalist leadership was very clearly and definitely on the side of the
democratic struggles of the world. Most important of all. the success of the Russian
Revolution and tlie achievements of the soviet people, brought forth new questions in many
developing countries-including India--questions such as what kind of development?
development for whom ?
It projected in concrete reality the idea that any development must have as its criteria the
well being and interests of the vast majority of people. It must answer in some form the
aspirations of the people . By building a qualitatively-different society - it brought to the
forefront the necessity of revolution and socialism as an answer to the problems of
development and social justice.
Check Your Progress 2
1 What were the economic changes introduced by the revolutionary regime ?

...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................
2 What were'the social benefits granted to all citizens of the Soviet Union ?

...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................
3 Mention two aspects of theBolsheviks' international policy ?

...............................................................................................................................................
4 Why is the experience of the Russian Revolution so important for India ?

14.7 LET US SUM UP

The event of 1917 are important for a variety of reasons. Firstly, they represented a
revolutionary transformation in the political, social and economic structure of Russia.
Secondly, they set in motion the forces which worked for the creation of a just and equal
society. The post-revolutionary Russian society was based on the principle of equal .
opportunities to everybody for his self development. Thirdly, the Russian Revolution
inspired all over the world, the struggles of the subject peoples and nations for liberation and
Kamesh Mechrocks
a better order. The Indian liberation struggle in articular gathered momentum and a certain
Radical Trends, Nationalism direction from the Russian Revolution. And lastly, the Russians experience gave to the
and Mahatma Candhi
world a new model for social emancipation, economic development and political
transformation.

14. Lenin

14.8 KEY WORDS

Autocracy: Absolute monarchy. A rule in which all political powers are concentrated in the
hands of the king.
Bolsheviks: When the Russian Social-Democratic Party split into two groups in 1903, the
group that constituted the majority in the Central Committee were known as Bolsheviks. In
Russian, the word Bolshevik means majority. It was the Bolsheviks who were the most
significant leaders of the Revolution. They consolidated the Revolution. After them the
Russian Revolution is also known as Bolshevik revolution.
Nationality: Belonging to a nation i.e. having a common territory, language, culture.
Planning: Making an outline of how to run an economy for a with certain priorities, goals,
and time period in mind.
Right of nations to self-determination: The right of any nation to be independent and to
decide its own political future.
Tsar: The Russian King
Workers' Control: Workers decisive role in the production process and protection of their
Kamesh Mechrocks
n o h t c t h m i i o h thpir r p n r p c p n t a t i v ~ c
 The Russian Revolution:
14.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS Causes, Course and
Significance
EXERCISE

Check Your Progress 1

1 See Section 14.2
2 Read Section 14.3
3 See Sub-sec. 14.3.4
) 4 (a) Tsar (b) Autocratic (c) Peasantry (d) Pqpulist, socialist revolutionary and social
democrat (e) 1917 (f) Provisional government (g) the bourgeoisie and landed aristocracy

i
b
(h) Soviet
5 (i) x ( i i ) ~( i i i ) ~(iv) x .

Check Your Progress 2

1 See Sub-sec. 14.5.1
2 See Sub-sec. 14.5.2
3 See Sub-sec. 14.5.4
4 See Section 14.6

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 15 REVOLUTIONARY TRENDS,
GHADAR PARTY AND HOME
RULE LEAGUE

Structure
15.0 Objectives '

/
I
15.1 Introduction
15.2 Revolutionary Trends
15.2.1 Factors Leading to Revolutionary Trends
15.2.2 Early Activities
15.2.3 Decline of the Revolutionary Trend
15.3 The Ghadar Movement
15.3.1 Background of the Movement
15.3.2 Early Activities
15.3.3 Towards Organisation
15.3.4 Strategy and Action
15.4 Ghadar Movement : The Main Events
15.4.1 The Movement in the Last Phase
15.4.2 The Repression
15.4.3 Failure and Achievements
15.5 Home Rule Leagues
15.5.1 Events Leading to the Formation of Leagues
15.5.2 Two Leagues
15.5.3 Tilak's Home Rule League
15.5.4 Annie Besant's Home Rule League
15.5.5 Change in British Attitude
15.5.6 Decline of the Home Rule Leagues
1'5.6 Let Us Sum Up
15.7 Key Words
15.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
i

) 15.0 OBJECTIVES

I In the early years of the twentieth century a new dimension was added to the Indian National
Movement. This was the emergence of revolutionary terrorism as a political weapon. After
reading this Unit you will be able to:
identify the factors that contributed to the emergenceqofrevolutionary terrorism,
1 know about the early activities of revolutionaries and the causes of their decline.
understand what was the strategy of the Ghadar Movement and its details,
discuss the achievements of the Ghadar Movement, and
know about the Home Rule Leagues and their contribution in the National Movement.

15.1 INTRODUCTION
The first major attempt at a country-wide mass movement-the Swadeshi Movement-all
but died out by 1907; the next major effort came after the First World War. In the
intervening years, the national movement was to witness three different experiments in
political action, all of which contributed in their own way to the furthering and deepening of
national consciousness. The first experiment, that of revolutionary terrorism, synchronised
with the end of the mass phase of the Swadeshi movement, the other two, the Ghadar and
Home Rule Movements spanned the years of the First World War.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Radical Trends, Nationalism
andMahatma Candhl 15.3 REVOLUTIONARY TRENDS
Revolutionary terrorism was the form of political action adopted by a generation of highly-
motivated nationalist youth whose creative energies failed to find adequate room for
expression within the existing political trends.

15.2.1 Factors Leading to Revolutionary Trends

The Extremists' critique of Moderate politics had convinced them of the futility of trying to
convert the British rulers by petitioning and reasonable argument. They had participated
actively in the Swadeshi movement in the hope and belief that Extremist methods of
agitation such as boycott, passive resistance, etc., would take the national movement out of
its elitist groove. They expected that this movement would bring the British Government to
its knees. As you have already studied in Unit-l 1, the Swadeshi movement was only
partially successful in mobilising vast sections of the masses. It also could not secure the
reversal of the partition of Bengal. This failure was however, almost inevitable. Firstly
because it was the first major attempt at m$ss mobilisation. And secondly its methods were
new and unfamiliar both to those who advocated them and to those who hesitated to adopt
them. It led to a growing sense of impatience and frustration among the youth who began to
feel that perhaps something even more dramatic was needed to arouse the people.
The inability of the Extremist leadership to either adequately analyse the weaknesses of the
movement or to suggest new ways out of the impasse further strengthened this trend. Some
sections of the leadership, such as Aurobindo Ghosh, in fact supported the new trend. Those
who did not quite agree, preferred to remain silent rather than come out in open criticism,
perhaps out of a feeling that this would be playing into Government hands.
Another factor that helped the growth of the trend of revolutionary terrorism was the brutal
repression of the Swadeshi movement by the Government. For example the police made the
unprovoked assault on the peaceful crowd at the Barisal Political Conference on 27tH April,
1906 which had led the nationalist paper Jugantar to give the call: "Force must be stopped
by force". The Government's ability to repress was considerably enhanced by the split that
took place in the Indian National Congress at Surat in 1907 between the Moderates and the
Extremists, since it removed or at least reduced the danger of alienating the Moderates in the
event of repression of the Extremists. Luring the Moderates with promises of constitutional
reform, the government proceeded to launch an all-out attack on the Extremists; Tilak was
sentenced to six years of exile in Burma, Aurobindo Ghosh was arrested in a revolutionary
conspiracy case. During this period a whole generation of nationalist youth especially in
Bengal, were:
angered by repression
convinced of the futility of the moderate path and
impatient with the inability of the extremists to either extract immediate concessions from
the government or to achieve a full scale mobilisation of themasses.
This young generation turned to the path of individual heroic action or revolutionary
terrorism, a path that had h e n taken before them by the Irish nationalists and the Russian
Nihilists. Though believing in the necessity, in the long-run, of an armed mass revolt by the
people in order to overthrow imperialism, the daunting nature of this task as well as of
attempts to subvert the loyalty of the army left them with only one choice for immediate
action: assassination of individual British officials, especially the unpopular ones. This was
done:
in order to smke terror among officialdom;
remove the fear and inertia of the people; and
arouse their nationalist consciousness.

15.2.2 Early Activities .

Though the trend of revolutionary terrorism acquired a real force only around 1907-8, there
had been earlier examples as'well:
As early as 1897 the Chapekar brothers of Poona-Damodar and Balkrishna-had
assassinated two British officers.
In Maharashtra again, by 1904, V.D. Savarkar and his brother Ganesh had organised the
Mitramela and the Abhinav Bharat as secret societies.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 After 1905, many newspapers and individuals started advocating this form of political Revolutionary Trends, ,
action. In 1907, there was an attempt, though unsuccessful, on the life of the Lieutenant- Ghadar Party and
Home Rule League
Governor of Bengal.
The real launching of the new.trend is, however, identified with the throwing of a bomb in
April 1908, by Khudiram Bose and Prafulla Chaki on a carriage in which they believed
Kingsford, the unpopular district judge of Muzaffarpur, to be travelliqg. But unfortunately,
the carriage was carrying two British ladies who were thus inadvertently killed. Prafulla
Chaki shot himself dead'rather than be arrested, but Khudiram Bose was arrested and later
hanged. The government also used the opportunity to involve Aurobindo Ghosh his brother
Barin, and many others in a conspiracy case in which Aurobindo himself was acquitted but
his brother and many others were sentenced to deportation and harsh prison terms.

15. Prafulla Chaki

F h a t i o n of Secret Societies and Revolutionary Activities: The repression by the British

triggered off the formation of secret societies and a spate of assassinations and what were
termed as 'swadeshi' dacoities to raise funds for buying anns, etc. In Bengal, which became
the main centre of revolutionaries, the organisation of revolutionary activities was
spearheaded by the Anushilan and Jugantar societies. In Maharashtra, Poona, Nasik and
Bombay became centres of revolutionary activity. In Madras, Vanchi Aiyar of the Bharata
Matha Association assassinated an official who was responsible for firing on a crowd that
was protesting the arrest of the Extremist leader Chidambaram Pillai. In London, Madan Lal
Dhingra killed Curzon Wylie, an Indian Office official and Rashbehari Bose organised a
daring attempt on the life of the Viceroy, Lord Hardinge, as he entered Delhi on 23rd
December, 1912. Other revolutionaries, such as Shyamji Krishna Varma, Lala Har Dayal,
V.D. Savarkar, Ajit Singh and Madame Cama established centres'in Europe from which
they could continue to spread the revolutionary message and render assistance to comrades
at home. In all, it was estimated that 186 revolutionaries were either killed or convicted in
the years 1908-1918.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Radical Trends, Nationalism
and Mahatma Caadhi

16. Khudiram Bose.

~.
15.2.3 Decline of the Revolutionary Trend
Stem repression facilitated by a series of draconian laws and the lack of a popular responsc
led to the gradual decline of this wave of revolutionary terrorism. Individual heroic action
undoubtedly earned the revblutionaries a great deal of popular adulation and sympathy, and
many of them such as Khudirarn Bose and Prafulla Chaki became folk heroes. By its very
nature, however, this form +f political action could only be emulated by a few individuals,
and not by the mass of people, who still awaited a movement that could accommodate their
weaknesses and make effective use of their strengths.

Check Your Progress 1

1 Give two important causes for the growth of the trend of revolutionary terrorism.

...............................................................................................................................................
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2 Write three main actions undertaken by the revolutionary terrorists.
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...............................................................................................................................................
3 In which regions were the revolutionaries most active?
...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Revolutionary Trends,
15.3 THE GHADAR MOVEMENT Ghadar Party and
Home Rule League

The First World War broke out in 1914 and to many Indian nationalists, it appeared that
once-in-a-lifetime opportunity had arrived to take advantage of Britain's difficulty. Being
embroiled in the War, it was felt, Britain would not be in a position to effectively answer a
nationalist challenge. The challenge was thrown by two very different groups of nationalists,
the Ghadar revolutionaries based in North America, and the Home Rule Leagues of Tilak
and Annie Besant in India. We shall first discuss the Ghadar Movement.
L
15.3.1 Background of the Movement
The Ghadar revolutionaries were recruited largely from the ranks of Punjabi immigrants
who had settled on the West Coast of North America at least since 1904. They were mostly
debt-ridden and land-hungry peasants from the crowded areas of Punjab, especially
Jullundur and Hoshiarpur, many of whom had served in the British Indian Army and had
thus acquired the confidence and the means necessary for emigration. The hostile attitude of
the local population including of the white labour unions, the increasingly restrictive
immigration laws, helped by the active complicity of the Secretary of State for India-all
pushed the Indian community to the realisation that they must organise themselves if they
were to resist the blatant racial discrimination being imposed on them. For example, Tarak
Nath Das, a? Indian student who was one of the first leaders of the Indian community in
North America and responsible for starting a paper called Free Hindustan understood very
well that while the British government encouraged Indian labourers to go to work to Fiji
where they were needed by British planters it discouraged their emigration to North America
for they feared that they might get infected by the current ideas of liberty.

15.3.2 Early Activities

The first stirrings of political activity among Indian immigrants became evident as early as
1907 when a Circular-e-Azad (Circular of liberty) was brought out by Ramnath Puri, a
political exile, in which he pledged support to the Swadeshi movement. Tarak Nath Das
started the Free Hindustan and G.D. Kumar brought out a Gurrnukhi paper Swadesh Sevak
advocating social reform and asking Indian troops to rise in revolt. By 1910, Das and Kumar
had set up the United India House in Seattle in the USA and began lecturing every week to a
group of Indian labourers. They also developed close links with the Khalsa Diwan Society

I
which resulted in 1913 in a decision to send a deputation to meet the Colonial Secretary in
London and the Viceroy and other officials in India. They failed to meet the Colonial
Secretary, despite a wait of a month, but succeeded in securing an audience with the Viceroy
and the Lieutenant Governor of Punjab. Their visit to Punjab became the occasion for a
series of public meetings in different Punjab towns and enthusiastic support from the people
and the press.

I
I
Meanwhile, in early 1913, Bhagwan Singh. a Sikh priest who had worked in Hong Kong
and the Malay states, visited Vancouver in Canada and openly preached the violent
1
overthrow of British rule. Such was the effect of his exhortations that he was externed from

C Canada after three months, but his ideas had fired the imagination of his audiences.

15.3.3 Towards Organisation

Disappointed with the lack of response from the Indian and British governments, convinced
that their inferior status in foreign lands was a consequence of their being citizens of an
enslaved country, and aroused to nationalist consciousness and a feeling of solidarity by the
consistent political agitation, the Indian community in North America felt the acute need for
a central organisation and a leader. The leader they found was Lala Har Dayal, a political
exile from India, who had come to the U.S. in 1911 and had been lecturing at Stanford
University as well as to the various American groups of intellectuals, radicals and workers
on the anarchist and syndicalist movements but had not shown much interest in the affairs of
Indian immigrants. His attitude changed with the news of the bomb attack on the Viceroy in
Delhi in December 1912 which convinced him that the revolutionary spirit was still alive.
He assumed leadership of the immigrant Indian community and, in May 1913, the need for a
central organisation was met with the setting up of the Hindi Association in Portland, which
later changed its name to Hindustan Ghadar Party. Baba Sohan Singh Bhakna was elected
the President, Lala Har Dayal the General Secretary and Pandit Kanshi Ram Maroli the
Treasurer at the first meeting of the Association which was also attended by others including
Kamesh Mechrocks
Radical Trends, Nationalism
and Mahatma Candhi

17. Lala Hardyal

Bhai Parmanand and Harnam Singh 'Tundilat'. A sum of $10,000 was collected on the spot
and decisions were taken to set up a headquarter by the name of Yugantar Ashram in Sm
Francisco and start a weekly paper, the Ghadar, for free circulation.

15.3.4 Strategy and Action

The plans of political action outlined by Lala Har Dayal and accepted by the Hindi
Association were based on the understanding that British rule could only be overthru.m by
armed revolt and that for this to happen it was necessary that Indian immigrants go to India
in large numbers and carry this message to the masses and the soldiers of the Indian army.
He also believed that the freedom available in America should be used to fight the British
and not the Americans, for in any case Indians would never be accepted as equals abroad till
they were free in their own land. Basing themselves on this understanding, the militant
nationalists launched a vigorous propaganda campaign, touring factories and farms where
Indian immigrants worked.

Launching of Paper and its Impact

The paper Ghadar was launched on the first of November, 1913; the first issue was in Urdu
followed a month later by the Gurmukhi version.
The format of the Ghadar paper was designed to convey the message of nationalism in
simple and bold terms. Its v e j name meant revolt, thereby leaving no doubts about its
intentions. On its masthead was inscribed the caption : Angezi Raj Ka Dushman or 'An
Enemy of British Rule'. Besides, the front page of each issue carried the 'Angrezi Raj Ka
Kacha Chittha' or 'An Expose of British Rule', which consisted of 14 points enumerating
the negative effects of British rule. This Chittba was in effect a summary of the entire
nationalist critique of British rule on the issues of drain of wealth, high land revenue, low
per capita income, recurrence of famines which killed millions of Indians, high expenditure
on Army and low expenditure on health, the policy of divide and rule by pitting Hindus and
Muslims against each other. The last two points of the Chittha also pointed to the way out
Kamesh Mechrocks
 by highlighting the small number of Englishmen present in India as compared to the crores Revolutionary Trends,
of Indians and by suggesting that the time had come for another revolt since already fifty-six Chadar Party and
Home Rule League
years had lapsed since the last one in 1857.

18. Chadar Newspaper

p e Ghadar was, of course, circulated widely among Indian immigrants in North America,
but it soon reached immigrants in the Philippines, Hong Kong, China, Malay states,
Singapore, Trinidad and the Honduras as well as Indian regiments stationed in many of these
centres. It was sent to India as well. The response it generated among immigrant
communities was tremendous, groups were formed to read it and discuss the issues it raised
and contributions poured in. The most popular proved to be the poems that were published
in the paper, which were soon put together in the form of a collection called Ghadar Ki
Goonj, and were recited and sung at gatherings of Indians. The poems were marked by a
revolutionary spirit and a strongly secular tone, as the following lines show:
No Pundits 9r Mullahs do we need
No Prayers or litanies we need recite
These will only scuttle our boat
Draw the Sword ; 'it is time to fight'.
I The Ghadar also exhorted the Punjabi to atone for his pro-British role in the Revolt of 1857
by playing a leading part in throwing off the British yoke and it changed his self-image from
that of-aloyal soldier, an image that had been assiduously cultivated by the British, to that of
b a rebel whose only aim was freedom. The message of Ghadar went home so rapidly that ,
Har Dayal himself was surprised at the intensity of the response and the impatience of those
who had been aroused into action.

Check Your Progress 2

1 Give the causes of the rise of Ghadar Movement.

2 What were the aims of Ghadar Party?

...............................................................................................................................................

Kamesh Mechrocks
3 Give names of four important leaders of Ghadar Movement.
...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................
4 What was the meAagi: spread by the Ghadar Paper?
................................... ............................................................................................................
'

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15.4 GHADAR MOVEMENT: THE MAIN EVENTS

The subsequent course of the Ghadar Movement was, however, determined by three major
events in 1914:.the arrest, jumping of bail and flight to Switzerland of Lala Har Dayal, the
fateful voyage of the ship Komagata Maru, and the beginning of the First World War.
i) In March, 1914 Har Dayal was arrested. The most likely reason was the pressure exerted
by the British government who for obvious reasons would like to see him removed from the
leadership of the Ghadar Movement, but the stated reason was his anarchist activities. He
was released on bail and it was decided that he jump bail and go the Switzerland.
ii) Meanwhile, in an attempt to defy Canadian immigration laws which forbade entry to all
except those who made a "direct passage in their own ship," Gurdit Singh, an Indian
contractor living in Singapore chartered a ship, the Kornagata Maru, and, with 376 Indian
passengers originating from various places in East and South East Asia, set sail for
Vancouver. On the way, Ghadar party mobilisers visited the ship, gave lectures and
distributed literature. Receiving prior intimation of the intended immigration, the Press in
Vancouver warned of the 'Mounting Oriental Invasion' and the Canadian government
prepared to meet the challenge by tightening its laws.

Kamesh Mechrocks
a. Komagata Maru 18
On arrival, the ship was not allowed into the port and was cordoned off by the police. Revolutionary Trends,
Ghadar Party and
Despite the strenuous efforts of the "Shore Committee" in Vancouver led by Husain Rahim. Home Rule League
Sohan Lal Pathak and Balwant Singh and a powerful campaign in the USA led by
Barkatullah, Bhagwan Singh, Ram Chandra and Sohan Singh Bhakna. the Komagata Maru
was forced out of Canadian waters. Before i t reached Japan, the First World War broke out
and the British government ordered that no passenger was to be allowed to leave the ship till
it reached Calcutta.
Its return journey triggered off a wave of resentment at every port of call among the
communities of immigrant Indians and heightened anti-British feelings. When the ship
reached Budge Budge near Calcutta, the hostile attitude of the police led to a clash which
resulted in the death of 18 passengers. 202 were arrested and the rest succeeded in running
away.
iii) The third and most important event that brought about a dramatic change in the situatian
was the outbreak of the First World War. This was the opportunity that the Ghadarites had
been waiting for to seize and to make the best of Britain's difficulty. It came earlier than
they had expected, and their preparations were still in a rudimentary stage. Nevertheless, a
special meeting of the leading workers of the party met and decided that the time had come
for action and that their biggest weakness, lack of arms, could be made good by persuading
the Indian soldiers to revolt. The Ghadar party accordingly issued its Ailan-e-Jung or
'Proclamation of War', which was circulated among Indians living abroad. Ghadar activists
also embarked on tours exhorting people to return to India and organise a revolt. The
response was tremendous, with large numbers offering themselves and their entire
belongings to the cause of the nation. Encouraged by this the Ghadar party began the exodus
to India, and batches of revolutionaries began to arrive in India by different routes in the
latter half of 1914.

15.4.1 The Movement in the Last Phase

The Government of India was lying in wait, armed with the new Ingress into India
Ordinance. Returning immigrants were carefully scrutinised, and of an estimated 8,000 who
returned, 5,000 who were considered 'safe' were allowed to go unhindered. Of the
remaining, some were interned in their villages, others detained. Nevertheless, many hard-
core activists succeeded in reaching Punjab.
Kartar Singh Sarabha, the young and brilliant Indian student who had joined the Ghadar
Movement in the USA and played a prominent role in the production of the Ghadar paper,
had been among the first to reach Punjab safsly and he set about the task of organising and
contacting the returning emigrants, holding meetings and formulating a plan of action.
Ghadar activists toured the villages, cyclostyled and distributed party publications,
addressed gatherings at melas and made every effort to persuade the people to rise in revolt.
But the Punjab in 1914 was very different from what they had expected, and the people were
in no mood to embark upon the romantic Ghadar adventure. They had also to contend with
the active hostility of loyalist elements such as the Chief Khalsa Diwan who declared them
to be apostates or fallen Sikhs and criminals and cooperated fully in the governments efforts
to crush them.
Disappointed with the popular response, the Ghadar revolutionaries next attempted to spread
their message among the soldiers and engineer a mutiny. Attempts at revolt in November
1914 failed for lack of proper organisation and centralised leadership. Another, more
organised, attempt was made in February 1915 after Rash Behari Bose had been contacted
and entrusted the task of leadership and organisation, but this too proved abortive as the
government succeeded in penetrating the organisation and taking pre-emptive measures.
Bose managed to escape, but most of the other leaders were arrested and the Ghadar
movement effectively crushed.

15.4.2 The Repression

The repression that followed was the heaviest possible: 42 were sentenced to death and 200
to long prison terms. As a consequence, an entire generation of the nationalist leadership of
Punjab was politically beheaded. Efforts by Indian revolutionaries in Berlin to use German
help and organise mutinies among Indian troops stationed abroad and by Raja Mahendra
Pratap and Barkatullah to enlist the aid of the Amir of Afghanistan proved equally abortive.
Violent rebellion to overthrow British rule was not fated to have much success.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Radical Trendg Nationalism 15.4.3 Failure and Achievements
and Mahatma Candhi
Should, we, therefore, term the Ghadar movement a failure? Can we say that because they
did not succeed in their immediate stated objective of organising an armed revolt and
driving the British out, their efforts were in vain? By that token, all the major national
struggles of 1920-22, 1930-34 or 1942, would have to be termed as failures, since none.of
them succeeded in immediately winning independence. But if the yardstick of success is
whether there was a furthering of nationalist feeling, creation of traditions of resistance,
emergence and trial of new methods of struggle, the spread of forward-looking ideologies of
secularism, democracy and egalitarianism, then the Ghadar movement occupies a very
important place in India's struggle for freedom.
Achievements: The Ghadarites succeeded in popularising nationalist ideology+specially
the critique of colonialism and the understanding that Indian poverty and backwardness was
a consequence of British rule-among vast masses of Indians in India and abroad. They
created a cadre of highly motivated nationalists-and though many of these were lost
through repression, some permanently and others for number of years-who continued to
play an important role in building up the national and later the left and peasant movements
in Punjab and other parts of India for many decades to follow.
Ghadar ideology was also strongly egalitarian and democratic in content. Their aim was to
set up an independent republic in India. Har Dayal, deeply influenced as he was by the
anarchist and syndicalist movements, also imparted to the movement an egalitarian outlook.
His constant references to the Irish, Mexican, and Russian revolutionaries also helped in
saving the movement from a chauvinist nationalism and in giving it an inter-nationalist
character.
But perhaps the most important achievement of the Ghadarites was that despite the fact that
the vast majority of their followers were recruited from amongst Punjabi Sikh immigrants,
they never betrayed any communal tendencies and were, on the contrary, strongly secular in
their outlook. Concein with religion was seen as petty and narrow-minded, and unworthy of
revolutionaries.
They freely accepted non-Sikhs and non-Punjabis as leaders: Har Dayal was a Hindu,
Barkatullah a Muslim, Rash Behari Bose a Hindu and Bengali. They revered leaders from
all over India-Tilak, Savarkar, Khudi Ram Bose and Aurobindo Ghosh were their heroes.
They also understood that the ideology of the Sikhs being a 'martial race' was a creation of
the colonial rulers and was meant to preserve them as loyal soldiers and they tried their best
to counter it. They popularised the nationalist salute Bande Mantaram as the rallying cry of
the movement and not any religious greeting such as Sat Sri Akal. In the words of Sohan
Singh Bhakna, the Ghadari Baba who later became a major nationalist and left leader, "we
were not Sikhs or Punjabis, our religion was patriotism".
. Weaknesses: The Ghadar movement inevitably had its share of weaknesses as well, the
chief of which was its over-estimation of the level of readiness of the movement. One might
say that they sounded the bugles of war without stopping to examine the state of their own
army. The response that they evoked in the immigrant lndian community, whose nationalist
consciousness was aroused by daily experiences of racial insult, alienation produced by
living in unfamiliar surroundings, and whose small numbers made the task of its
organisation relatively easier, misled them into thinking that the vast mass of Indians in
India were also in a similar state of readiness. They also underestimated the might of the
British rulers, the strength of the ideological foundations of their rule, and thought that all
that the people of India needed was a call to revolt. The cost that had to be paid for this
crucial weakness not only by the Ghadar movement but by the entire national movement
was heavy indeed, for it is not unlikely that if the major part of the Ghadar leadership had
not been removed from the scene, the political complexion of the national movement,
certainly in Punjab, would have been very different indeed as the Ghadarites with their
co&itted nationalist and secular ideology would inevitably have played a critical role in
checking the communal tendencies that were to raise their head in later years.

Check-YourProgress 3
1 Mention the three important events of 1914 which influenced the Ghadar Movement.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 ........................................................................................................................................... Radical Trends, Nationalism
.............................................................................................................................................. and Mahatma Gandhi

...............................................................................................................................................
What action was planned by Ghadar leaders in India?
...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................

I 3
...............................................................................................................................................
What was the main achievement of the Ghadar movement?

.............................................................................................................................................
4 What were the main weaknesses of the Ghadar movement?

15.5 HOME RULE LEAGUES

There was another, less dramatic but more effective, response to the situation arising out of
the First World War-the Home Rule Leagues of Lokmanya Tilak and Annie Besant.

15.5.1 Events leading to the Formation of Leagues

When Tilak returned to India after serving a long sentence of six years in Mandalay in
Burma, he initially concentrated all attention on securing the readmission of himself and
I
other Extremists into the Indian National Congress from which they had been thrown out in
1907 at Surat. Even in 1907, he had been far from happy with the split, and now he was
convinced even more that unity was necessary. Besides, the sanction of the Congress was
1 seen lo be desirable for any political activity as the Congress had come to symbolise the
national movement in the minds of the people. Further, disunity had only helped the British
who had removed the Extremists through repression, and then ignored the Moderates by
granting reforms that fell far short of their expectations. The complete lack of political
activity since 1908 was also making the Moderates unhappy and many of them were now
more favourably disposed towards the question of the return of the Extremists to the fold.
The Moderate leaders were also under considerable pressure from Mrs Annie Besant, who
wanted to build up a movement in India on the lines of the Irish Home Rule League, and
was urging them to accept the Extremists back into the Congress. Annie Besant, aged 66 in
1914, had come to India from England in 1893 to work for the Theosophical Society, and
had earlier been an exponent of Free Thought, Radicalism and Fabianism. She had set up her
headquarters at Adyar near Madras, and developed a large network of followers of the
Theosophical Society from among those educated Indians whose communities had
experienced no cultural revival of theirown. With this as a base, she now wanted to start a
political movement on agitational lines.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 15.5.2 Two Leagues
The Extremists failed to be allowed re-entry into the Congress at its session in December
1914, but consistent efforts throughout 1915, including the campaigns launched separately
by Annie Besant and Tilak through newspapers and local associations, secured them their
re-entry in December 1915. The opposition to the Extremists was also considerably whittled
down by the death of Pherozeshah Mehta who had been the most recalcitrant in his
opposition. The Congress, still dominated as it was by the Moderates, however, failed to
keep its promise of reviving local level Congress Committees and beginning a programme
.of educative propaganda by September 1916. Therefore, Annie Besant and Tilak launched
their own organisations, the Home Rule Leagues, in 1916. The two Leagues demarcated
their areas of operation: Tilak's League was to work in Maharashtra, Karnataka Central
Provinces and Berar and Annie Besant's in the rest of India.

19. Tilak

15.5.3 Tilak's Home Rule League

Tilak's Home Rule League, launched at the Bombay provincial Conference held at Belgaum
in April 1916, was organised into 6 branches, one each in Central Maharashtra, Bombay
city, Karnataka and Central Provinces, and two in Ferar. It published 6 pamphlets in Marathi
and 2 in English, of which 47,000 copies were sold. Pamphlets were also brought out in
Kannada and Gujarati. Apart from these, the most c.ucia1 role was played by Tilak's tours of
Maharashtra during the course of which he lectured on and explained the demand for Home
Rule. "India was like a son who had grown up and attained maturity", he said. "It was right
now that the trustee or the father should give him what was his due". His speeches during
this period also show no trace of a religious appeal and he categorically stated :
"Alienness is not connected with religion, trade or profession; it is a question of
interests. He who does what is beneficial to the people of this country, be he a
Muhammedan or an Englishman, is not alien."
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nor did his ideas reflect any narrow regional linguistic chauvinism or caste bias. He wanted Revolutionary Trends,
Ghadar Party and
all the regional languages and cultures to develop, and argued for education to be imparted Home Rule League
in the vernaculars. He frontally opposed untouchability, declaring: "If a god were to tolerate
untouchability, I would not recognise him as God at all". He also urged Brahmins to be
tolerant of the non-Brahmin demands and not oppose them, and simultaneously urged non-
Brahmin not to see their problems of lack of jobs, etc., in terms of Brahmin vs. non-
Brahmin, but to understand that it was the greater spread of education among Brahmins that
gave them greater access to jobs.
As soon the Tilak's movement began to gain ground, the government decided to strike a
blow by demanding that he furnish securities of Rs. 60,000 and threatening to bind him for
good behaviour for a period of one year. Tilak lost the case in the lower court but the High
Court exonerated him in November 19 16. The government's attempt to silence him and its
subsequent failure gave a big fillip to the movement, and Tilak pushed home the advantage
by declaring that Home Rule now had legal sanction. By April 19 17. Tilak's league had
enlisted 14,000 members.

20. Indian Home Rule League Deputation

15.5.4 Annie Besant's Home Rule League

Meanwhile, Annie Besant's League had also been very active. Even before the League was
formally inaugurated in September, 1916 the Propaganda Fund has sold 300.000 copies of
26 English pamphlets discussing mainly the system of government existing in India and the
reasons for the demand for self-government. More pamphlets in Indian languages were
brought out and local branches organised lectures and discussions and set up libraries. The
headquarters at Adyar, run by Annie Besant and her lieutenants Arundale, C.P. Ramaswamy
Aiyar, and B.P. Wadia also brought out the papers New India and Commonwea!. and
Arundale's column on 'Home Rule' in New India acted as the vehicle for spreading news
and giving instructions. Besides the existing Theosophical Society members, many new
members including Jawaharlal Nehru in Allahabad, and B. Chakravarti and J. Banerjee in
Calcutta joined the League.
The Home Rule Leagues also succeeded in enlisting the support of many Moderate
Congressmen who were unhappy with the lack of activity by the Congress. Members of
Gokhale's Servants of India Society toured and lectured and brought out pamphlets
supporting the demand for Home Rule; in U.P., Moderate Congressmen joined the Home
Kamesh Mechrocks
Rule Leaguers in touring the mofussil towns and villages. Nor was there anything very
-
surprising about this since the Home Rule Leagues were only implementing in a vigorous
fashion the programme of the Moderates.
The annual session of the Congress in December 1916 at Lucknow also provided the Home
Rule Leaguers with an opportunity of demonstrating their strength and they turned up at this
Congress in large numbers. Tilak and Annie Besant also played a leading role in bringing
about the famous Congress League Pact which was singed at this session. Tilak answered
criticism that the Hindus had been too generous to the Muslims by saying:
I am sure I represent the sense of the community all over India when I say that we
would not care if the rights of self-government are granted to the Mohammedan
community only ....I would not care if these rights are granted to any section of the
Indian community.
"When you have to fight against a third party, it is a very important thing that we stand on
this platform united, united in race, united in religion and united as regards all shades of
different political opinion". And though undoubtedly the provision for separate electorates
for Muslims which was accepted in the Congress League Pact was a very controversial one
it could not be faulted on grounds of lack of generosity of the majority.
The Home Rule Leagues held a joint meeting at the end of the session attended by more than
1.000 delegates and addressed by Besant and Tilak, and on their return jo~irneysboth the
leaders toured extensively through parts of North, Central and Eastern India.
The government's decision to again try repression acted as a further spur to the movement.
In June 1917, Besant, B.P. Wadia and h i n d a l e were placed under arrest. Immediately,
many who had earlier kept their distance now voiced their protest and joined the movement.
Jinnah, Surendamath Banerjee and Madan Mohan Malaviya were among the most famous of
these. Tilak advocated passive resistance to the AICC meeting in July 1917, and Gandhi's
suggestion of collecting the signatures of one thousand men willing to defy the internment
orders and march to Besant's place of detention was implemented. Village tours and
meetings were intensified and the movement displayed a new resolve.

15.5.5 Change in British Attitude

Faced with this growing agitation, the government in Britain decided to adopt a soft line.
The signal for the change af policy was the declaration of Montagu, the Secretary of State
for India, in the British House of Commons which stated: "the policy of His Majesty's
government....is that of increasing association of Indians in every branch of the
administration and the gradual development of self-governing institutions with a view to the
progressive realisation of responsible government in India as an integral part of the British
Empire". This statement was a distinct advance on the position taken in 1909 when Morley
while introducing the Reforms had categorically stated that they were not intended to lead to
self-government. After Montagu's declaration, the demand for self-government or Home
Rule could no longer be treated as seditious, and this was an important achievement. This
did not, however, mean that Britain was about to grant self-government to India. Any doubts
on this score were dispelled by the accompanying part of the statement which made it clear
that the nature and timing of the reforms would be decided by the government alone. This
gave enough room for continual postponement of transfer of any real power to Indians.
The immediate gain of the new policy was that Annie Besant was released in September
1917. She was, at Tilak's instance, elected President of the annual session of the Congress in
December 1917. Her popularity at this time was at its height, and the movement appeared
poised for greater advances.

15.5.6 Decline of the Home Rule Leagues

During 1918, however, the Home Rule agitation gradually fizzled out. Among the factors
responsible for this was the withdrawal of support by the Moderates who had again been
won over to the hope for reforms and womed by the increasing talk of civil disobedience
among the Home Rule rank and file. The publication of the Reforms Scheme in July I918
furthei divided the nationalists: while some wanted to reject them, others wanted to give
them a trial. Annie Besant herself demonstrated considerable inconsistency in her stand both
on the question of the reforms and on the issue of passive resistance. Tilak was on the
whole more consistent in his approach that the reforms were unworthy of Britain to offer
Kamesh Mechrocks
and India to accept, but given Besant's continuous vacillation, there was little he could do on
 his own. His decision to go to England at the end of 1918 to pursue a libel case he had filed Revolutionary Trends,
Ghadar Party and
against Valentine Chirol, the author of Indian Unrest, physically removed him from the Home Rule League
scene for many critical months. The movement was essentially rendered leaderless.
The tremendous achievement of the Home Rule movement was in creating a politically
aware and committed band of nationalist workers who were to play the leading role in the
coming mass struggles. The contacts they had established in towns and villages during the
course of the agitation were also to prove invaluable in the coming years. The ground was
, also created by the wide popularisation of the idea of Home Rule and the arousal of national
I feeling.
I
True, the leaders of the Home Rule Movement were themselves unable to show the way
forward and translate this consciousness into a mass struggle. But they prepared the ground
for the next stage-a stage that was to be shaped and given a unique character by the
personality of Mahatma Gandhi.

Check Your Progress 4

1 Why did Tilak and Annie Besant strive to gain re-entry for the extremists into the
Indian Na'tional Congress?

...............................................................................................................................................
2 Discuss the objectives of the two Home Rule Leagues.
...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................

3 What was the political impact of the leagues?

15.6 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit we have seen how revolutionary trends emerged within the National Movement.
The Amushilan and Jugantar societies were important trends in the revolutionary movement.
The Revolutionary activities were not confined to any one region of the country and at times
they even crossed the boundaries of India. The Ghadar Partyis the best example of this. The
! Government suppressed these movements with an iron hand. And yet these movements were
successful in generating and adding to the anti-British consciousness. However, their major
weakness was their isolation from the masses in general.
The Home Rule Leagues further took the message of self rule to the masses. In fact they had
provided the background to a political atmosphere wherein Gandhi moved in with his new
doctrine of non-violence and Satyagrah.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Radical Trends, Nationalism
and Mahatma Gandhi
16.8 KEY WORDS
Arbitration Award : Terms and Conditions on which a body mediating in industrial dispute
makes a settlement possible.
Disenfranchisement :Deprivation of voting rights.
Ideology : A system of ideas organised around a principle e.g. Gandhian ideology conferred
around the principle of Ahimsa.
Indentured :Bonded.
Passive Resistance : Opposition without physically hurting the opponent.
Trustees for the workers : Gandhi advocated that capitalist and the labour could live in
harmony and that the capitalist should make an attempt to be the guardian of workers'
interests.

-
-

16.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES

Check Your Progress 1

I See Sub-sec. 16.2.1
2 i) x ii) J iii) x iv) x

Check Your Progress 2

1 i) X ii)Viii) X iv) X
2 See Sub-sec. 16.2.3

Check Your Progress 3

1 See Sub-sec. 16.4.1
2 See Sub-sec. 16.4.3
3 i) x ii) J iii) J iv) x

Check Your Progress 4

' I See Sub-sec. 16.5.4
2 See Sub-sec. 16.5.2
3 See Sub-stc. 16.5.2

Check Your Progress 5

1 See Sub-sec. 16.6.1
2 See Sub-sec. 16.6.4

Kamesh Mechrocks
-
-

UNIT 16 MAHATMA GANDHI'S

EMERGENCE IN INDIAN POLITICS
AND HIS IDEOLOGY

Structure
16.0 Objectives
16.1 Introduction
16.2 Gandhi's Struggle in South Africa
16.2.1 Condition of Ind~ans
16.2.2 Campaign - 1
16.2.3 Campaign - 2
16.3 Gandhi's arrival in India
16.4 Entry into Indian Politics
16.4.1 Champaran
16.4.2 Kheda
16.4.3 Ahmedabad
16.5 The Rowlatt Satyagrah
16.5.1 Rowlatt Act
16.5.2 Movement
16.5.3 Importance
16.6 The Gandhian Ideology
16.6.1 Satyagraha
16.6.2 Non-Violence
16.6.3 Religion
16.6.4 Hind Swaraj
16.6.5 Swadeshi
16.7 Let Us Sum Up
16.8 Key Words
16.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

16.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you shall be able to:
learn about the problems faced by immigrant Indians in South Africa,
know about the efforts made by Mahatma Gandhi in South Africa to improve the
condition of Indians residing there,
understand the peasants movement in Champaran and Kheda and the work of Gandhi
amongst the peasants,
know the role of Gandhi in the Ahmedabad Workers strike and Rowlatt Satyagrah, and
understand and explain the ideology of Mahatma Gandhi.

16.1 INTRODUCTION
Mahatma Gandhi played a key role in transforming the content, ideology and range of
Indian politics during the National Movement. With his entry into politics there opened a
new phase of struggle. With the shift to mass mobilisation he remained the dominant
personality during the National Movement and played a crucial role in directing the struggle
against British Imperialism. This Unit takes into account his struggle in South Africa and
political activities in India till 1920. This is a period which could be described as the
formative stage of Gandhi-a stage in which he tried to understand Indian economic, social
and political reality. It was during this period that he applied new forms of struggle. We also
discuss in this Unit his ideology and how he applied that in political actions.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Radical Trends, Nationalism _/"

and Mahatma Gandhi 16.2 GANDHI'S STRUGGLE IN SOUTH AFRICA

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi who came to be popularly known as the Mahatma, was
born in a well to do Hindu traditional family of Porbandar in Kathiawar Gujarat on October
2, 1869. Gandhi went to England for his studies in 1881, offered the London Matriculation,
and qualified for the Bar. This young barrister returned to India in 1891 and began practising
in the Bombay High Court. Not being a success as a lawyer, he shifted to Rajkot where
petition-writing brought him a monthly income of about Rs. 300. In 1893, Gandhi sailed to
Durban in connection wirh a legal case of Dada Abdulla and Co., an Indian firm, doing trade
in Sourh Africa. Gandhi had contracted to work there for a year only but he stayed there
upto 1914 with two breaks in between. During his stay in South Africa Gandhi fought
against racial discrimination which denied to the Indian community human rights necessary
for leading a civilized life.

16.2.1 Condition of Indians

About 2 laks Indians lived in South Africa at a time when Gandhi had to fight for their
cause. Most of the Indian Population there comprised indentured, freed labourers, and a few
merchants with their clerks and assistants. The indentured labourers were treated as
semi-slaves by the white planters. The rest suffered from various racial disabilities with
regard to rights of citizenship, trade, and ownership of property.
They were also subjected to all kinds of indignities in their daily life:
Every Indian, without any distinction, was contemptuously a 'coolie' which meant a
labourer.
The Indians were not allowed to walk on footpaths or to be out at night without a permit.
They were prohibited to travel in first and second class railway compartments, and were
forced at times to travel on the footboard of trains.
They were not permitted to enter hotels exclusively reserved for Europeans.
In Transvaal, Indians were asked to do trade or reside in specific areas which had highly
unhygienic surroundings and had no proper arrangements for light, water supply and
drainage.
Moreover, the ex-indentured labourers had to pay f 3 as poll tax.

16.2.2 Campaign 1 -
Gandhi himself experienced this racial discrimination immediately after reaching South
Africa. In the court at Durban, Gandhi was ordered by the European magistrate to remove
his turban. But Gandhi refused to do so and left the room in protest. While going to Pretoria,
Gandhi was not allowed to travel first class and was asked to shift to Van compartment.
When Gandhi refused to move away, he was forcibly thrown out. Eventually it was a
proposed bill of the Natal Government to disfranchise Indians, which compelled Gandhi to
launch his struggle in South Africa.
In a farewell party being given in his honour, Gandhi read a news item that the Natal
legislature was going to pass the above bill. This infuriated Gandhi and he declared: 'this is
the first nail into our coffin'. When Indian merchants asked Gandhi to help them fight this
bill, he decided to postpone his return to India. The farewell party was converted into a
committee to plan agitation against the bill.
In order to lend strength to his struggle, Gandhi's first endeavour was to infuse a strong
sense of solidarity into the heterogenous element composing the Indian community of Natal.
He formed an association in 1893 and named it 'Indian Natal Organisation'. At the same
time, Gandhi's effort was to give wide publicity to Indian cause with a view to securing
support from the people and governments in India and England. In India, the Indian National
Congress passed a resolution against the disfranchising bill. In England too, a section of the
press and some publicmen supported the Indian cause in South Africa.
About 400 Indians living in Natal submitted a petition against the bill. However the Natal
legislature passed the bill and the Governor gave his assent to i!. Gandhi sent a long petition
signed by 10,000 Indians to the Colonial Secretary in England with the appeal that the
'
Queen should not approve the bill. In view of strong opposition the Colonial office in
London vetoed the bill on the ground that it discriminated against the inhabitants of another
part of the British Empire. But this did not dishearten the Europeans of Natal. They obtained
their object by passing the bill in an amended form. According to the new bill : 'No native of
Kamesh Mechrocks
countries (not of European origin) which had not hitherto possessed elective institutions Mahatma Gandhi :
founded on parliamentary franchise were to be placed on voters' list unless they obtained Emergence in Indian
Politics and his Ideology
exception from Governor-General. The amended bill was finally approved.
Gandhi continued his struggle against the racial discrimination by writing and producing
articles and pamphlets in order to mobilise public support. This enraged many Europeans in
South Africa.,In 1896 when Gandhi returned to Natal with his family, a mob of 4000
Europeans assembled at the port to oppose him. Later on, some Europeans attacked him.
Fortunately he was saved by the wife of a senior police official. This, however, did not deter
Gandhi from carrying on his campaign. In his next visit to India, he attended the Congress
session at Calcutta and succeeded in piloting a resolution on the condition of Indians in
South Africa. In 1902 he again returned to South Africa and now stayed there continuously
for 12 years fighting against racial discrimination. A weekly Indian Opinion was started in
1903 which became a mouth-piece of Gandhi's struggle. In 1904, Gandhi, with a selected
band of his associates, shifted to a place near Durban called Phoenix. Here they lived with
utmost simplicity and led community life. The importance of Phoenix was that later all its
inhabitants became the main participants in Gandhi's Satyagraha.
Gandhi had once told the British High Commissioner in South Africa: 'What we (Indians)
want is not political power; but we do wish to live side by side with other British subjects in
peace and amkty, and with dignity and self respect'. The Transivaal government, however,
came out with a bill in 1906 to further humiliate the Indians. According to this legislation
every Indian - man, woman or child above eight-was required to register and to give finger
and thumb impressions on the registration form. Whoever failed to register before a certain
date would be guilty of an offence for which he could be punished or deported.

At any time, an Indian could be asked to produce his registration certificate, and police
officers were permitted to enter into an Indian's house to check his papers.

21. Gandhi as a Satyagrahi in South Africa.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Radical Trends, Nationalism To raise a voice against this bill Gandhi organised a meeting at the Empire Theatre in
and Mahatma Gandhi Johannesburg. The passions of the people were greatly aroused and they were determined to
fight to the last to keep their honour and dignity. Gandhi said:
There is only one course open to those like me to die but not to submit to the law. It is
unlikely, but even if everyone flinched, leaving me alone to face the music, I am
confident that I would not violate the pledge.
Finally, all the participants of the meeting took an oath with God as witness not to submit to
this bill if it became law.
Despite vehement opposition by the Indians, the Transvaal legislature passed the Asiatic
Registration Bill. Gandhi led a delegation to England with a view to appealing to the British
government to veto the bill; but the effort failed and it was announced that the new law
would take effect from July 1, 1907. Gandhi evolved a new technique known as Satyagraha
(Truth force or insistence on Truth) to launch a struggle against the Act. An organisation
called Passive Resistance Association was formed which asked the Indian people to
boycott the permit,offices. Despite all efforts of the Transvall government to exhort Indians
to get themselves registered, only 519 had taken registration forms by November 30, 1907.
Gandhi was sentenced to an imprisonment of two months for violating the registration law.

Gandhi agreed to meet General Smuts when a meeting was arranged by his friend Albert
Cartright. At the meeting, General Smuts, Secretary for Colonies, assured Gandhi that the
registration law would be repealed if Indians registered voluntarily. Gandhi accepted the
proposal and convened a meeting of Indians to discuss this informal agreement. Gandhi was
criticised by many Indians for accepting this agreement, for they did not expect any justice
from General Smuts. Several Indians even accused Gandhi of accepting a monetary gain
from General Smuts. The next day, when Gandhi was going to registration office for
voluntary registration, a Pathan attacked him for his alleged betrayal.

Smuts backed out from his words as he did not repeal the Asiatic registration law. The .
government declined to return the Indian's original applications for voluntary registration.
Gandhi restarted his Satyagraha movement. He declared that Indians would bum their
registration certificates and 'humbly take the consequences'. A large number of Indians
consigned their registration certificates to flames. In the meantime Transvaal government
enacted the Immigration law which aimed at excluding new immigrants from India. Gandhi
announced that Satyagaaha movement would also be directed against this law.
A number of prominent Indians living in Natal took part in Gandhi's Satyagraha movement
and they were arrested. This time many of the Satyagrahis in the jail were forced to undergo
hard labour. Gandhi was also treated badly in the Transvaal prison. But the oppressive
policy of the Transvaal state failed to weaken Gandhi's resolve and his movement. -.

Kamesh Mechrocks
22. Indians protesting in South Africa.
 A small band of Satyagrahis continued to court imprisonment. Their families were given Mahatma Gandhi :
financial support by the Satyagraha association which was funded by the Indian National Emergence in Indian
Politics and his Ideology
Congress, and many rich people in India like Ratan Tam, Nizam of Hyderabad, etc. Later
on, the satyagrahis shifted to a place named as 'Tolstoy Farm'. Here people led a simple
community life and were trained to cultivate all those things which were essential for a true
satyagrahi.
i

Check Your Progress 1

1 Write in about ten lines the problems faced by Indians in South Africa.

2 Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark J or x .

i) Gandhi did not personally experience racial discrimination in South Africa.
ii) The Indian Natal Organisation was formed to bring about a sense of solidarity
among the Indians.
iii) About 4,000 Europeans supported Gandhi in Natal.
iv) Asiatic Registration Bill was introduced at.the instance of Gandhi.'

16.2.3 Campaign - 2
In 1913 another bombshell fell on the Indians when a Supreme Court judgement invalidated
at a stroke all marriages which had not been performed according to Christian rites and
registered by the Registrar of Maniages. In other words, all Hindu, Muslim and Parsi
marriages became illegal and their children illegitimate. Gandhi made a strong
representation against these implications of the judgement and asked for amendment of the
law. Gandhi's strong and persistent protest in this case did not yield any immediate positive
result. He intensified his struggle and Indian women whose honour was at stake, actively
participated in the programme of action devised by Gandhi. On November 6, 1913, Gandhi
began a march across Transvaal border with a big contingent of Satyagrahis numbering 2037
men, 127 women and 57 children. This resulted in Gandhi's arrest. Despite the oppressive
policy of the South African government, the Indians' struggle did not lacken. In India Gopal
Krishna Gokhale toured throughout India to mobilise support for Gandhi's movement. Lord
Harding, the Viceroy of India, demanded an impartial enquiry into the charges of atrocities
levelled against the South African government. For this sympathetic attitude, Lord Harding
was criticised in London and Pretoria.
I Finally Sumts offered to make some compromise. Negotiations began and a package deal
I

I
was signed which resolved the major problems of the Indians for which the Satyagraha was
I launched. The poll tax of £ 3 on freed labourers was abolished, marriages performed
according to the Indian rites were declared legal, and domicile certificate bearing the .
holder's thumb imprint was now required only to enter the Union of South Africa. In this
way the Satyagraha struggle which continued for about eight years was finally called off.
Gandhi was a 'lover of the British Empire' and had a deep sense of faith in 'British love of
Justice and fair play' till 1906. Gandhi had helped the British government in Boar war
(1899) by organising an Indian Ambulance Corps. But soon Gandhi's disenchantment with
the ~ h t i s hbegan. He found that the British aual'ence was growing deaf to his pleas. For him
Satyagraha became the last alternative to redress the grievances of his compatriots. But this
did not mean a total end of his ioyalty to the Empire; his notion of loyalty was based on the
I
Kamesh Mechrocks
hope that one day Britain might enact the principles which she subscribed to in theory.
 Radical Trends, N a t i w n l h The struggle in South Africa deeply influenced the life of Gandhi and our national
I and Mahatma Gandhi movement in many ways. The technique of non-violent Satyagraha (an important aspect of
Gandhian thought which we will discuss below) became later on the main weapon with
which Gandhi and the Congress carried on the struggle against the British rule. J.M. Brown
(in Gandhi Rise to Power, Indian Politics, 1915-22, Cambridge, 1972), believes that the
Satyagraha was merely a clever strategy designed by Gandhi in South ~ f ; i c a But
. an
overview of Gandhi's struggle in South Africa shows that Gandhi had developed an abiding
faith in this method, which was not applied merely as a convenient tool in the given
situation. Another important result of Gandhi's experiences in South Africa was the
realisation on his part of the necessity and possibility of Hindu-Muslim unity. Later on it
became his deep conviction that the Hindu-Muslim unity was indispensable for launching a
powerful struggle against the British rule. Above all, the struggle in Soutli Africa created a
new image of Gandhi that he was the leader of Indian people and not of any region or
religious community. This worked as a decisive factor in Gandhi's e n b into Indian politics.

23. Gandhi in South Africa.

Check Your Progress 2

1 Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark J or x .
i) The 1913 Supreme Court Judgement legalised marriages.
ii) Gopal Krishan Gokhale mobilised support in India for Gandhi's Movement in
South Africa.
iii) Gandhi had no faith in British Justice.
iv) Gandhi offered no Satyagraha in South Africa.
2 How did the struggle Zn South Africa influence our National Movement? Answer in
about five lines.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 ............................................................................................................................................... Mahatma Gandhi :
Emergence in Indian
............................................................................................................................................... Politics and his Ideology

16.3 GANDHI'S ARRIVAL IN INDIA

Before returning to India Gandhi went to England. In the meantime, the First World War
broke out. In this situation Gandhi considered it his duty to help the British government. He
decided to organise an Ambulance Corps of the Indians. However, after some time due to
differences with the British officials, Gandhi dissociated himself from it. He received a
Kaiser-i-Hind Gold Medal in the New Year Honours list of 1915.
Gandhi reached India on January 9, 1915 and was given a warm welcome for his partial
victory in South Africa. In India, the moderate leader Gokhale was his political Guru. He
wanted Gandhi to join the Servants of India Society. But Gandhi could not become its
member because some members of the society strongly opposed his entry. Gokhale had
extracted a promise from Gandhi that he would not express any opinion or political matters
for a year. Keeping his vow, Gandhi spend 1915, and most of 19 16 touring India and
visiting places as far as Sindh and Rangoon, Banaras and Madras. He also visited
Rabindranath Tagores' Shantiniketan and the kumbh fair at Hardwar. All this helped
Gandhi in the better understanding of his countrymen and the conditions in India. In 1915
Gandhi had set up an Ashram at Ahmedabad on the bank of the Sabarmati. Here Gandhi
lived with his close associates who were being trained in the rigorous of moral and
emotional life essential for a satyagrahi. .
At this time Gandhi took very little interest in political matters, and mostly at meetings he
spoke on his experiences in South Africa and the ideas he had formulated there. When
Annie Besant approached Gandhi to join her in founding a Home Rule League he refused on
the ground that he did not wish to embarrass the British government during the war. In 1915,
he attended the Congress session, but avoided speaking on important issues like self
government. Gandhi welcomed the unity move of bringing back Tilak and others who were
earlier excluded from the Congress. But at the same time Gandhi made it clear that he did
not belong to any group. He attended the reunited session of the Congress but refused to
speak on issues which would have meant aligning himself with a particular group. He spoke
strongly on the indentured labourers recruitment and a resolution was passed for the
abolition of this practice.

16.4 ENTRY INTO INDIAN POLITICS

Gandhi's entry into Indian politics occurred in the 19 17-1918 period when he became
involved in three local issues concerning with Champaran indigo farmers, the Ahmedabad
textile workers and the Kheda peasants. In these disputes Gandhi deployed his technique of
Satyagraha and his victories in all these cases ultimately paved the way for his emergence as ,
an all India leader.

16.4.1 Champaran
Champaran in the Tirhut division of North Bihar had been seething with agrarian discontent
for some time. European'planters had established indigo farms and factories in Champaran
at the beginning of the 19th century. By 1916-17, a large part of Champaran was held by
three proprietors, the Bettiah, Ram Nagar and Madhuban estates. Bettiah was the largest
estate consisting of over one and half thousand villages. Most of these villages were not
managed by landlords but were leased to thikadars or temporary tenure holders, of whom
the most influential group were European indigo planters. The basic issue of the trouble was
the system of indirect cultivation whereby peasants leased land from planters, binding
themselves to grow indigo each year on specified land in return for an advance at the
beginning of the cultivation season.
Indigo was cultivated under the system called Tinkathia by which a tenaflt had to cultivate
indigo at three-twentieths of his holdings, which generally constituted the best portion of the
14.d ~ l t h ~ , , ~ h ~ 1 ; " h t mnA;f;r9t;nna Kamesh Mechrocks
..,nm - - A n in T;..b,.~h:~ orr-tnm ianQ :t A;A t-..
 .
.
Radical Trends, Nationalism
and Mahatma Gandhl

24. Jawahar Lal Nehru's views on Gandhi

bring any material change in the degrading conditions of the tenants. Planters always forced
them to sell their crop for a fixed and usually uneconomic price. At this time the demand of
Indian indigo in the world market was declining due to the increasing production of
synthetic indigo in Germany. Most planters at Champaran realised that indigo cultivation
was no longer a paying proposition. The planters tried to save their own position by f ~ c i n g
the tenants to bear the burden of their losses. They offered to release the tenants from
growing indigo (which was a basic condition in their agreement with planters) if the latter
paid compensation or damages. Apart from this, the planters heavily inflated the rents and
imposed many illegal levies on the tenants.
Gandhi took no interest in the case.of indigo cultivators of Champaran when this question
was discussed at the Lucknow session of the Congress in 1916 on the ground that he knew
nothing about the matter. But Raj Kumar Shukul a peasant from Champaran, after strenous
efforts prevailed upon Gandhi to visit Champaran. Gandhi arrived in Bihar and started
making investigations in person. When he reached Motihari, the headquarters of the district
of Champaran, he was served with an order to quit Champaran as he was regarded a danger
to the publicpace. Gandhi decided to disobey the order 'out of a sense of public
responsibility.' He was immediately arrested and tried in the district court. But the Bihar
government ordered the Cammissioner and District Magistrate to abandon proceedings and
grant to Gandhi the facilities for investigation..Gandhi was warned not to stir up trouble, but
he was free to continue his investigations into the cultivators grievances.
The Government appointed Champaran Agrarian Committee with Gandhi as one of its
members. The committee unanimously recommended the abolition of Tinkathia system and
many illegal exactions under which the tenants groaned. The enchanced rents were reduced,
and as for the illegal recoveries, the committee recommended 25% refund. The major
Kamesh Mechrocks
recommendations of the Committee were included in the Champaran Agrarian Act of 1917.
In this agitation, the chief supporters of Gandhi came from the educated middle class. For Mahatma Gandhi :
instance, Rajendra Prasad, Gorakh Prasad, Kirpalani and some other educated persons from Emergence in Indian
Politics and his Ideology
the cities worked as his close associates. Local Mahajans traders and village Mukhtars
(at~orneys)also helped him. But it was the peasantry which gave him the real massive
support. and hi approached them in a most simple and unassuming manner. In the
countryside, he often walked on foot or travelled in a bullock cart. He came where ordinary
people lived and talked about t h e ~ fight
r in the language they understood.

16.4.2 Kheda
Gandhi's second intervention was for the peasants of Kheda in Gujarat where his method of
Satyagraha came under a severe test. 6 o s t of Kheda was a fertile tract and the crop of food
grains, tobacco and cotton produced here had a convenient and sizeable market in
Ahmedabad. There were many r ~ c hpeasant proprietors called Patidars or from the Kunbi
caste. Besides, a large number of small peasants and landless labourers also lived in this
region.
In 1917 excessive rain considerably damaged the Kharif crop in Kheda. This coincided with
an increase in the price of kerosine, iron, cloth and salt because of which the cost of living
for the peasantry went up. In view of the poor harvest, the peasants demanded the remission
of land revenue. The 'revenue code' provided for a total remission if the crops were less
than twenty five per cent of the normal production. Two Bombay barristers, V.J. Pate1 and
G.K. Parakh made the enquiries and reached the conclusion that a major portion of the crop
was damaged. But the government did not agree with their findings. After enquiry into the
state of the crop in Kheda the Collector decided that there was no justification for the
remission of land revenue. The official contention was that the agitation was not a
spontaneous expression of the peasant discontent but was started by 'outsiders' or members
of the Home Rule League and Gujarat Sabha of which Gandhi was the president at that time.
The truth was that initiative for the agitation against payment of revenue came neither from
Gandhi nor from the other Ahmedabad politicians; it was raised by local village leaders like
Mohanlal Pandya of Kapadvanj taluka in Kheda.
Gandhi maintained that the officials had over-valued the crops and the cultivators were
entitled to a suspension of revenue as a legal right and not as a concession by grace. After a
lot of hesitation he decided to launch a Satyagraha movement on 22 March 1918. He
inaugurated the Satyagraha at a meeting in Nadiad, and urged the peasants not to pay their
land revenue. He toured villages and gave moral support to the peasants in refusing to pay
revenue, and to expel their fear of the government authority.
Gandhi was also assisted in this struggle by Indulal Yajnik. Vallabhbhai Pate1 and Anasuya
Sarabhai. The Satyagraha reached at its peak by 21 April when 2,337 peasants pledged not
to pay revenue. Most of the Patidars took part in this Satyagraha. Some poorer peasants were
coerced by the government into paying the revenue. Moreover, a good Rabi crop had
weakened the case for remission. Gandhi began to realise that peasantry was on the verge of
exhaustion. He decided to call off the agitation when the government issued instructions that
land revenue should be recovered from only those who had the capacity to pay and no
pressure should be exerted on the genuinely poor peasants. This agitation did not have a
uniform effect on the area. Only 70 villages out of 559 in Kheda were actually involved in it
and it was called off after a token concession. But this agitation certainly helped Gandhi in
broadening his social base in the rural Gujarat.

16.4.3 Ahmedabad
Gandhi organised the third campaign in Ahmedabad where he intervened in a dispute
between the mill owners and workers. Ahmedabad was becoming the leading industrial During
town in Gujarat. But the millowners often faced scaicity of labour and they had to pay high 1917-18
wages to attract enough millhands. In 1917 plague outbreak made labour shortage more there were
acute because it drove many workers away from Ahmedabad to the countryside. To dissuadc 22,996
the workers from leaving the town, the millowners decided to pay 'Plague Bonus' which
was sometimes as high as 75% of the normal wages of the workers. After the epidemic was
Plague
over, the millowners decided to discontinue the Plague Bonus. But the workers opposed the deaths in
employers move and argued that it was helping them to offset the war time rise in the cost o Ahmedabad
living. The millowners were prepared to give 20% increase but the workers were demandinl
a 50% raise in the wages in view of the price hike.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Radical Trends, Nationalism Gandhi was kept informed about the working conditions in Ahmedabad mills by one of the
and Mahatma Gandhi
secretaries of the Gujarat Sabha. Gandhi knew Ambalal Sarabhai, a millowner, as the latter
had financially helped Gandhi's Ashram. Moreover, Ambalal's sister.Anasuya Sarabhai had
reverence for Gandhi. Gandhi discussed the workers problems with Ambalal Sarabhai and
decided to inteivene in the dispute. Both workers and millowners agreed to refer the issue to
a board of arbitration consisting of three representatives of the employers and three of the
workers with the British Collector as Chairman. Gandhi was included in the board as
representing the workers. But, suddenly the millowners decided to withdraw from the board
on the ground that Gandhi had no real authority or mandate from the workers, and that there
was no guarantee that workers would accept the arbitration award. They declared the
lockout of the Mills from 22 February 1918.
In such a situation, Gandhi decided to study the whole situation in detail. He went through a
mass of data concerning the financial state of the mills and compared their wage rates with
those of Bombay-Finally he came to the conclusion that the workers should demand 35%
'instead of 50% increase in their wages. Gandhi began the Satyagraha movement against the
millowners. The workers were asked to take a pledge stating that they would not resume
work without 35% increase and that they would remain law abiding during the lockout.
Gandhi, assisted by Anasuya Sarabhai organised daily mass meetings of workers, in which
he delivered lectures and issued a series of leaflets on the situation.
The millowners ended the lockout on 12 March and announced that they w ~ u l dtake back
the workers who were willing to accept 2 0 8 increase. On the other hand, Gandhi announced
on 15 March that he would undertake a fast until a settlement was reached. Gandhi's object
was to rally h e workers who were thinking of joining the mills despite the~rpledge. The fast
created tremendous excitement in Ahmedabad and the millowners were compelled to
negotiate. A settlement was reached on 18 March. According to this agreement, the workers
on their first day would receive 35% raise, in keeping with their pledge. On the second day,
they would get 20% increase, offered by the millowners. From the third day until the date of
an award by an arbitrator, they would split the difference and receive 27 ' 1 2 % increase.
Finally the arbitrator's award went in favour of the'workers and 35% raise was given to
them.

Check Your Progress 3

1 Discuss in about ten lines (iandhi's attitude towards the Peasants' Movement in
Champaran.

Discuss in about five lines the problems faced by workers in Ahmedabad.

3 Which of the following statements are right ( J ) or wrong (x) .

i) Gandhi joined the Home Rule League.
ii) Gandhi did not take sides with any group in the Congress.
iii) Rajkumar Shukul brought Gandhi to Champaran.
iv) The peasants of Kheda had no grievances against the Government.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 7

Mahatma Gandhi :
16.5 THE ROWLATT SATYAGRAHA Emergence in Indian
Politics and his Ideology
1

During the years 1917 and 1918 Gandhi took little interest in all lndia issues. He protested
against internment of Annie Besant, and also demanded the release of Ali brothers
(Mahomed Ali and Shaukat Ali) who were actively associated with the Khilafat issue.
~ n l i k kother political leaders of the time, he did not take active interest in the Reform
proposals. But it was the British decision to pass 'Rowlatt Act' which forced him to plunge
nto national politics in a forceful manner.

16.5.1 Rowlatt Act

In 1917 the Government of lndia had appointed a committee under the chairmanship of
Justice Sydney Rowlatt to investigate " revolutionary crime" in the country and to
recommend legislation for its suppression. After a review of the situation, the Rowlatt
committee proposed a series of change in the machinery of law to enable the 3ritish
government to deal effectively with the revolutionary activities. In the light of these
recommendations the Government of lndia drafted two bills and presented them to the
Imperial Legislative Council on 6 February 1919. The government maintained that the bills
were 'temporary measures' which aimed at preventing 'seditious crimes'.
The new bills attempted to make war-time restrictions permanent. They provided trial of
offences by a special court consisting of three high court judges. There was no provision of
appeal against the decision of this court which could meet in camera and take into
consideration evidence not admissible under the Indian Evidence Act. The bill also proposed
to give authority to the government to search a place and arrest a person without a
warrant. Detention without a trial for maximum period of two years was also provided
in the bills. The bills were regarded by nationalist leaders as an effort to conciliate a section
of official and non-official white opinion which had resented Montagu's Reform proposals.

16.5.2 Movement
There was widespread condemnation of the bills in the whole country. Gandhi also launched
his campaign against the bills. He said that the proposed powers were out of all proportion to
the danger, particularly when the Viceroy possessed emergency powers of legislation by
ordinance. He also stated that they were instruments of distrust and repression,'nullifying the
proposed reforms. Moreover, he opposed not just the content of the bills, but also the
manner in which they were foisted in the country without regard to public opinion. He
formed a Satyagraha Sabha on 24th February 1919 in Bombay to protest against the Rowlatt
Bills. Its members signed a pledge proclaim~ngtheir determination "to refuse civilly to obey
these laws (i.e., the Rowlatt Bills) and such other laws as a committee hitherto appointed
may think fit and we (members) further affirm that in this struggle we will faithfully follow
truth and refrain from violence to life, person or property." While launching the Satyagraha
agitation against the Rowlatt bills Gandhi said: "It is my f i h belief that we shall obtain
salvation only through suffering and not by reforms dropping on us from the English -they
use brute force, we soul force."
Despite strong opposition in the whole country the government remained firm. The Council
passed one of the bills, though all the non-official members voted against it. The Viceroy
gave assent to the bill on March 2 1, 1919. A group of liberals like Sir D.E. Wacha,
Surendranath Banerjee, T.B. Sapru and Srinivas Sastri opposed Gandhi's move of starting
Satyagraha. Their reason for opposing the Satyagraha was that it would hamper the
Reforms. Some of them also felt that the ordinary citizen would find it difficult to civilly
disobey the Act. Annie Besant also condemned the Satyagraha on the grounds that there was
'
nothing in the Act to resist civilly, and that to break laws at the dictate of others was
exceedingly dangerous. But the younger and radical elements of Annie Besant's Home Rule
League supported Gandhi: They formed the main cadre of Satyagraha movement in different
parts of the country. In organising this Satyagraha, Gandhi was also asaisted by certain Pan-
Islamic Leaders, particularly Abdul Bari of Firangi Mah.11 Ulema group at Lucknow, and
some radical members of the Muslim League. M.A. Jinnzh also oppsed the Rowlatt Bill
vehemently and warned the Government of the dangerous consequences if the government
persisted in clamping on the people of India the "lawless law".
Gandhi inaugurated his Satyagraha by calling upon the countrymen to observe a day of
'hartal' when business should be suspended and people should fast and pray as a protest
against the Rowlatt Act. The date for the 'hartzl' was fixed for 30th March but it was

Kamesh Mechrocks
Radical Trends, Nationalism
and Mahatma Gandhi

25. News paper report on Rowlatt Act.

changed to April 6th. The success of hartal varied considerably between regions and
between towns and the countryside. In Delhi a hartal was observed on 30th March and ten
people were killed in police firing. Almost in all major towns of the country, the hartal was
observed on the 6th April and the people responded enthusiastically. Gandhi described the
hartaI a 'magnificent success. Gandhi intensified the agitation on 7th April by advising the
satyagrahis to disobey the laws dealing with prohibited literature and the registration of
newspapers. These particular laws were selected because disobedience was possible for an
individual without leading to violence. Four books including Hind Swaraj of Gandhi,
which were prohibited by Bombay Government in 1910 were chosen for sale as an action of
defiance against the government.
Gandhi left Bombay on the 8th to promote the Satyagraha agitation in Delhi and Punjab.
But, as his entry in Punjab was considered dangerous by the government, so Gandhi was
removed from the train in which he was travelling at Palwal near Delhi and was taken back
to Bombay. The news of Gandhi's arrest precipitated the crisis. The situation became tense
in Bombay and violence broke out in Ahmedabad and Virangam. In Ahmedabad the
government enforced martial law.
The Punjab region as a whole and Amritsar, in particular, witnessed the worst scenes of
violence. In Amritsar, the news of Gandhi's arrest coincided with the arrest of two local
leaders Dr. Kitchlew and Dr. Satyapal on loth April. This led to mob violence and
government buildings were set on fire, five Englishmen were murdered, and a woman ,

assaulted. The civil authority lost its control of the city. On 13th April, General Dyer
ordered his troops to fire on a peaceful unarmed crowd assembled at Jallianwala Bagh. Most
of the people were not aware of the ban on meetings, and they were shot without the
slightest warning by General Dyer who later on said that it was no longer a question of .
merely dispersing the crowd, but one of 'producing a moral effect.' According to official
figures. 379 persons were killed but the unofficial accounts gave much higher figures,

Kamesh Mechrocks
almost three times of the official figures. The martial law was immediately enforced in Mahatma Gandhi :
Punjab also on the 13 April (night). Emergence in Indian
Politics and his Ideology

Kamesh Mechrocks
26. Pictures showing bullet marks on the walls in Jallianwalla Bagh.
Radical Trends, Nationalism 16.5.3 Importance
and Mahatma Gandhi
The whole agitation against the Rowlatt Act shows that it was not properly organised. The
Satyagraha Sabha concentrated mainly on publishing propaganda literature and collecting
signatures on the Satyagraha pledge. The Congress as an organisation was hardly in the . '
picture at all. In most of the areas people participated because of their own social and
economic grievances against the British rule.
a
Gandhi's Rowlatt Act Satyagraha provided rallying point to the people belonging to
different sections and communities. This aspect of the movement is quite evident from the
massive participation of the people in Punjab, which Gandhi had not even visited before the
movement. Broadly speaking, the movement was intense in cities than in rural areas.
On 18th April Gandhi decided to call off the Satyagraha because of the widespread violence
particularly in his home state in Ahmedabad city. He confessed publically that he committed
a 'Himalyan blunder' by offering civil dissobedience to people who were insufficiently
prepared for the discipline of Satyagraha. The most significant result of this agitation was
the emergence of Gandhi as an all India leader. His position became almost supreme in
the Indian national movement and he began to exercise decisive influence on the
deliberation of the Congress. At Amritsar session of the Congress in 1919, Gandhi proposed
that the Indians should cooperate in the working of Reforms despite some inadequacies. But
in September 1920 Gandhi reversed his policy of cooperation and decided to launch the
Non-Cooperation Movamznt.

27. Amritsar Congress

Check Your Progress 4

1 Discuss in about five lines the provisions of Rowlatt Act.

..............................................................................................................................................
2 Discuss in about ten lines the response of Indians to Rowlatt Act.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 ............................................................................................................................................... Mahatma Gandhi :
Emergence in Indian'
............................................................................................................................................... Politics and his Id,~logy

...............................................................................................................................................
. .

3 Write five lines on Jallianwala Bagh incident.

16.6 THE GANDHIAN IDEOLOGY

In this part we will study the main aspects of Gandhian ideology. Before we discuss
Gandhi's ideology it is necessary to mention that there were a number of influences which
worked on Gandhi and helped nim in evolving his philosophy. His autobiography makes it
clear that the outlook of his parents and the socio-religious millieu of his native place left a
profound influence on him. In particular, the values of Vaishnavisrn and the tradition of
Jainisrn shaped his early thoughts. Moreover, some Hindu texts like the Bhagavata Gita
also influenced him. The Gospals (especially the Sermon on the Mount) and the writings of
Tolstoy, Thoreau and Rushkin also greatly influenced his thinking. Gandhi was.primarily a
man of action and his own experiences in life helped him more than his readings in evolving
and shapir~ghis ideology.

16.6.1 Satyagraha
The chief aspect of Gandhi's ideology was Satyagraha i.e. 'true force'. As mentioned
earlier, it was evolved by Gandhi in South Africa but after it had been fully developed it
became a dominant element in India's struggle for freedom from 1919 onwards. For Gandhi,
the Satyagraha was to be used so that by self suffering and not by violence the enemy could
be converted to one's own view. P. Sitaramayya aptly explains Satyagraha as follows:
It involves self-chosen suffering and humiliation for the resisters. If it is effective, it is
so by working on the conscience of those against whom it is being used, sapping their
confidence in the exclusive rightness of their cause making their physical strength
important. and weakening their resolution by insinuating a sense of guilt for the
suffering they have part in causing.
Gandhi made a distinction between the Satyagraha and passive resistance, when he wrote:
The latter (passive resistance) has been conceived as a weapon of the weak and does
not exclude the use of physical force or violence for the purpose of gaining one's end;
whereas the former (Satyagraha) has been conceived as a weapon of the strongest, and
excludes the use of violence in any shape.
In fact, for Gandhi, Satyagraha was not merely a political tactic but part of a total
philosophy of life and ideology of action. Gandhi believed that the search for truth was the
goal of human life. Since no one could know the ultimate Truth one should never attack
another's integrity or prevent another's search for truth. . .

Kamesh Mechrocks
Radical Trends. Nationalism 16.6.2 Non-Violence
and Mahatma Gandhi
Non-Violence formed the basis of Satyagraha. Gandhi wrote:
When a person claims to be non-violent, he is expected not to be angry with one who
has injured him. He will not wish him harm; he will wish him well; he will not swear
at him; he will not caplsehim any physical hurt. He will put up with all the injury to
whicl .e is s~.bjectedby the wrong doer. Thus non-violence is complete innocence.
Complete Non-Violence is complete absence of ill will against all that lives.
Gandhi emphasised that non-violent Satyagraha could be practised by common people for
achieving political,ends. But some time Gandhi took a position which fell short of complete
non-violence. His repeated insistence that even violence v as preferable to a cowardly
surrender to injustice sometimes created a deliate problem of interpietation.
In 1918 Gandhi campaigned for military recruitment in the hope of winning concessions
from the British government after the war which can not be easily recruited with the doctrine
of non-violence.
In practice, Satyagraha could assume various forms-fasting, non-violent picketing,
different types of non-cooperation and ultimately in politics, civil disobedience in willing
anticipation of the legal penalty. Gandhi firmly believed that all these forms of Satyagraha
were pure means to achieve pure ends. Gandhi's critics sometime take the view that through
the technique of Satyagraha, Gandhi succeeded in controlling the mass movements from
above. The dominant section in the peasantryand the business groups also found the
Gandhian non-violent model convenient because they feared to lose if political struggle
turned into uninhibited and violent social revolution. On the whole, the use of Satyagraha by
Gandhi and the Congress in national movement brought different sections and classes of
society together against the British rule.

16.6.3 Religion
Another important aspect of Gandhi's ideology was his attitude towards religion. Religion
for Gandhi was not a doctrinal formulation of any religious system but a basic truth
underlying all formal religions. Gandhi described religion as the struggle for Truth. His
conviction was that religion could not be relegated to the realm of private opinion but must
influence and permeate all activities of men. He was convinced that religion provided the
fundamental basis for political action in India. This makes easy for us to explain that Gandhi
took the Khilafat issue of the Muslims with a view to bringing them in the movement
against the British government. Gandhi also used the religious idiom through concepts like
'Ram Raj' to mobilise people in the national movement. However, it cannot be denied that
this use of religious idiom prevented Gandhi and the national movement under his
leadership from giving effective challenge to a major category of division among the Indian
people which can cause a fissure in our national unity in periods of crisis and strain, and
tended to push into the background their internal differences and conflicts.

16.6.4 Hind Swaraj

The other important feature of Gandhian thought was the body of ideas which he illustrated
in his book 'Hind Swaraj' (1909). In this work, Gandhi pointed out that the real enemy was
not the British political domination but the modem western civilization which was luring
India into its stranglehold. He believed that the Indians educated in western style,
particularly lawyers, doctors, teachers and industrialists, were undermining Indian's ancient
heritage by insidiously spreading modem ways. He critised railways as they had spread
plague and produced famines by encouragihg the export of food grains. Here he saw Swaraj
or self rule as a state of life which could only exist where Indians followed their traditional
civilization uncorrupted by modem civilization. Gandhi wrote:

Indian's salvation consists in unlearning what she has leamt during the past 50 years
or so. The Railways, telegraphs, hospitals, lawyers, doctors and such like have to go
and the so-called upper classes have to leam to live consciously and religiously and
deliberately the simple life of peasant.
These ideas certainly look utopian and obscurantist in the context of the early twentieth
century. But it seems that his ideas reflected adverse effects of 'modemisation' under the
Kamesh Mechrocks
colonial rule on the artisans and poor peasantry in the countryside.
Later on, Gandhi tried to give concrete shape to his social and economic ideas by taking up . Mahatma Gandhi :
the programme of Khadi, village reconstruction and Harijan welfare (which included the Emergence in Indian
Politics and his Ideology
removal of untouchability). It is true that these efforts of Gandhi could not completely solve
the problem of the rural people, but it cannot be denied that this programme of Gandhi
succeeded in improving their conditions to a certain extent and making the whole country
conscious of the new need for its social and economic reconstruction.

16.6.5 Swadeshi
Gandhi advocated swadqshi which meant the use of things belonging to one's own country,
particularly stressing the replacement of foreign machine made goods with Indian hand
made cloth. This was his solution to the poverty of peasants who could spin at home to
supplement their income and his cure for the drain of money to Engiand in payment for
imported cloth. It is interesting to find that despite his pronounced opposition to the
influences of Western Industrial civilization Gandhi did not take a hostile view towards
emerging modern industries in India. As noticed earlier, Gandhi had close relations with
industrialists like Ambalal Sarabhai. Another noted industrialist G.D. Birh was his close
associate after 1922. Gandhi believed in the interdependence of capital and labour and
advocated the concept of capitalists being 'trustees' for the workers. In fact, Gandhi never
encouraged politicization of the workers on class lines and openly abhorred militant
economic struggles. As a matter of fact, all the major elements of Gandhi's ideology are
based on a distrust of conflict in the notion of class interests. Gandhi always emphasised the
broad unity that can and must be achieved on the basis of a larger objective among people
6
divided on account of class or any other category.

Check Your Progress 5

1 What do you understand by the concept of Satyagraha as propagated by Gandhi?
Answer in about ten lines.

...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................................
2 Discuss in about five lines the message which Gandhi conveyed through his book Hind
Swaraj.
...............................................................................................................................................

16.7 LET US SUM UF

We have seen in this unit how Gandhi launched a struggle against the racist regime ic South
Africa. With his entry into Indian politics, there started a new era of mass mobilisation. It
was by taking up regional issues that he emerged as a national leader. It is necessary to
mention that there have always been strong differences of opinion on the relevance of
Gandhi's ideology. But the fact remains that his ideas deeply influenced the course of our
struggle against the British rule and determined its major thrust and direction.
Kamesh Mechrocks
R a d i d Trends, Natlonalhm
and 9Jmtma CPDdhl 15.7 KEY WORDS
Anarchist Movement: A movement with emphasis on individual violence with the aim of
removing a political authority. It does not believe in organised politics.
Chauvinist Nationalism: A fierce belief which considers one's own nation above all &her
nations and international movements.
Fabianism: An understanding according to which that socialism can be brought in only by
peaceful means.
Nationalist Critique: The critical analysis of a given situation from the point of view which
has only the interest of nation in mind.

15.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1 See Sub-sec. 15.2.1
2 See Sub-sec. 15.2.2
3 See Sub-sec. 15.2.2
Check Your Progress 2
1 See Sub-sec. 15.3.1
2 See Sub-sec. 15.3.4
3 See Sub-sec. 15.3.3
4 See Sub-sec. 15.3.4

Check Your Progress 3

1 See Section 15.4
2 See Sub-sec. 15.4.1
3 See Sub-sec. 15.4.3
4 See Sub-sec. 15.4.3

Check Your Progress 4

1 See Sub-sec. 15.5.1
2 See Sub-secs. 15.5.3 and 15.5.4
3 See Sub-secs. 15.5.5 and 15.5.6

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Mahatma Gandhi .
SOME USEFUL BOOKS Emergence in Indian
Politics and his Ideology
Brown, Judith : Gandhi's Rise to Power, Cambridge, 1972.
Bums, M.L. : What is Marxism?
Gandhi, M.K. :An Autobiography, The Story of My Experiments with Truth, Ahmedabad,
1927.
' Hill, Chrktophar : Lenin and the Russian Revolution.
Kumar, R. : Essays on Gandhian Politics, Oxford, 197 1.
Marx, K. and F. Engels : The Communist Manifesto.
Nanda, B.R. : Mahatma Gandhi, A Biography , Delhi, 1958.
Sarkar, Sumit :Modern India.
Sweezy and P. Baran :Introduction to Socialism.
Thompson, David :History of Europe Since Napoleon.
Official Publicatiorr : History of the USSR, Progress Publishers, Moscow.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 17 CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS:
1892-1920

Structure
17.0 Objectives
17.1 Introduction
17.2 Background
17.3 The Indian Councils Act. 1892
17.3.1 Need for Constitutional Changes
17.3.2 Main Provisions of the Act
17.4, Morley-Minto Reforms
17.4.1 Need for Constitutional Changes
17.4.2 Changes in the Composition of Legislative Bodies
17.4.3 Changes in l5inqtions
17.5 ~ontagu-ChelmsfbrdReforms
17.5.1 Circumstances Leading to Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms
17.5.2 Changes in the Central Government
17.5.3 Changes in the Provincial Government
17.5.4 Observations on the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms
17.6 Let Us Sum Up
17.7 Key Words
1.7.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

17.0 OBJECTIVES
The purpose of this unit is to introduce you to the main stages in the evolution of
legislative bodies in India between 1892 and 1919. After studying this unit you should be
able to:
trace the growth in size and functions of legislative bodies during this period,
learn about the factors which prompted the British to introduce these changes, and
appreciate the relationship between the struggle for freedom and growth of these bodies.

17.1 INTRODUCTION
The British introduced certain constitutional reforms. This Unit discusses the factors which
led to the passing of the Indian Councils Act of 1892. The main provisions of the act as -
well as its achievements and limitations have been dealt with. It further refers to the
background of the Morley-Minto (1909) and Montagu-Chelmsford (1919) Reforms and
also discusses the changes these reforms introduced in the various organs of the
Government. Finally the weaknesses and achievements of the reforms have been pointed
out to enable you to arrive at an objective analysis.

17.2 BACKGROUND
Under the Charter Act of 1833 a fourth member, known as the Law Me$ber, was added to
the Executive Council of the Governor-General. He was entitled to sit and vote in the
Council of the Governor-General only when it met for legislative purposes. Thus for the
first time a separation was introduced between the Executive and legislative functions of
the Central Government. not her change introduced by this Act was that the Presidency
Governments were deprived of their independent legislative power.
Twenty years later, in 1853, another Charter Act was passed under which the Law Member
Kamesh Mechrocks
was given full rank as a Member of the Council of the Governor-General. At the same
Nationalism: The Inter War time, the distinction between the Council of the Governor-General as an Executive and as a
Years-I
Legislative body became more marked because the size of this Council for legislative
purposes was increased by including six 'Additional Members'. They were all salaried
officials, fpur represented the three Presidencies and the Government of the North-Westem
province (roughly Western half of present day U.P.) and two were judges. The Act styled
such members as Legislative Councillors. The proposal to add non-official members, either
European or Indian, was not accepted.
The Legislative Council had, in 1854, laid down an elaborate procedure for the transaction
- of business. In addition to making laws, it became a body for inquiring into various
grievances. Moreover, the provincial governments resented the centralisation of the law
making process. The Revolt of 1857, however, provided an urgent reason for British
Government's desire to make further changes in the set-up. It was felt that a major cause of
the revolt was lack of contact and understanding between Indians and the authorities. An
Act known as the Indian Councils Act was passed in 1861 which reflected this thinking.
For purposes of legislation, the Governor-General's Council was reinforced by Additional
members, not less than six and not more than twelve in number to be nominated by the
Governor-General and holding office for two years. An important innovation was
introduced by providing that, of these Additional Members, not less than one half were to
be non-officials, i.e. persons not in the Civil or military service of the Crown. Under this
provision three Indians were usually nominated. Further, the functions of the Council for
Legislative purposes were confined strictly to legislation. The Act also restored to the
Governments of Bombay and Madras the power of legislation and provided for the
establishment of Legislative Councils in other provinces. Such Councils were established
in Bengal in 1862, Punjab in 1886 and the North Western Province in 1887.
For the first twenty years the power to nominate the non-official members was used as a
means of distributing official patronage. Only Princes, their divans or big landholders were
nominated and amongst these too, only those who had helped the British during the Revolt
of 1857-58: Still the decision to nominate non-officials was significant. It amounted to a
tacit recognition that Indian opinion was worth listening to, that theBritish officials were
not the best interpreters of the wishes of Indians and that not even an authoritarian colonial
government could work in &mplete seclusion.

17.3 THE INDIAN COUNCILS ACT, 1892

Now we will discuss the reasons which prompted the British to pass the Indian Councils
Act of 1892, the chief characteristics of the Act, its shortcomings and achievements would
also be analysed.

17.3.1 Need forcConstitutional Changes

From the point of view of the Govt. the Act of 1861 worked satisfactorily. B U ~the period
- which followed saw a remarkable growth of national consciousness ifl India. A feeling
rapidly developed that the people inhabiting the country had common interests, aspirations
and destiny. You have studied the factors leading to the rise and growth of this feeling in
Block I Unit 3. You also know ;hat in its very first session the Congress passed a resolution
demanding expansion of,Central and provincial Legislative Councils by addition of elected
members and enlargement of their functions. These demands were reiterated in subsequent
years.
Lord Dufferin was the Governor-General when the Indian National Congress was founded.
During his tenure the Government of India vigorously pursued with the Govt. at London
the question of enlarging the size and functions of the Central and provincial Legislative
Councils. The question naturally arises: why should an autocratic or a despotic government
think in terms of adding more Indians to the Legislative Councils, and also of enlarging
their functions? The question becomes all the more important in view of the fact that there
was no pressure from the masses and there was no revolutionary movement aiming at the
overthrow of the RAj. Moreover, the Government apparently viewed the demands of
educated Indians with suspicion and denied that they in any way represented the people of
India.
As you have learnt in Block 11, Unit 8, though the Government of India had initially
Kamesh Mechrocks
recoenised the Indian Ndrional Coneress. it soon withdrew its Datronaee. The Government
 Constitutional Reforms!
had perhaps realised that the growth of nationalism was in~micalto the interests of British 1892-1920
rule. Basically the demand of these nationalist leaders was that India should be ruled in the
interest of Indian people. On the other hand, the primary objective of the Government of
lndia was to safeguard and further British imperial interests. In this situation, the British
needed to enlarge the basis for their support in India and they could do this by satisfying
the aspirations of those Indians who were ready to confine their demands within a narrow
constitutions1 framework. By introducing changes in the constitutional structure
dissatisfaction of educated Indians could be obviated without adversely affecting
Government's all-embracing autocracy. It was with this objective that a new Indian
Councils Act was passed in 1892.

17.3.2 Main Provisions of the Act

The Indian Councils Act of 1892 was an amending Act. Consequently the basic
constitutional provisions remained the same as under the Act of 1861. MainIy two types of
changes were introduced:
i ) Changes in the composition of legislative bodies
ii) Enlargement of functions
The number of Additional Members of the Central Executive CounciI was increased to not
less than ten nor more than sixteen of whom, as under the Act of 1861, not less than half
were to be non-officials. There was some hope that elections might be intfoduced. But
ultimately the Governor-General was empowered to invite different bodies in India to
elect, select or delegate their representatives and to make regulations for their nomination.
Under the Regulations finally adopted, the Central Legislative Council was to consist of
nine ex-officio members (the Governor-General, six members of the Executive Council,
the Commander-in-Chief and the head of the province ie which the Council met, i.e.
Lieutenant Governor of Bengal or Punjab),,six official Additional Members and ten non-
official members of the Legislative Councils of Bengal, Bombay, Madras and the North-
We9tel n Frovince.
1

When Legislative Councils were created in Punjab and B u m a one member each was
returned from there also. One member was appointed an the recommendation of the
Calcutta Chamber of Commerce. In practice these bodies elected their representatives and
forwarded the names. These names were always accepted by the Government. Thus the
members were in fact elected representatives though this elective principle was introduced
w~thgreat caution. The idea behind adopting this procedure was to underline that the
members occupied seats on the Legislative Council not as representatives of specific
bodies but as nominees of the Governor-General. The rest were nominated non-official
members. The official members together with the ex-officio members constituted an
official majority.
Similar changes were introduced in the composition of provincial Legislative Councils. In
all the provinces official majority was maintained.
So far as the functions were concerned, besides discussing legislative proposals, the
members were allowed to discuss the annual Financial Statement presented by the Govt.
However, the Financial Statement was presented as an unalterable document. Members
could only present their.observations which could have influence on the budget in
subseqi~entyears, not on the budget of the year under consideration. In the case of
provinces the discussion was limited to those branches of revenue and expenditure which
were under the control of Provincial Governments. The members were also allowed to put
questions on internal matters. Supplementary questions wTre not allowed. In spite of this
limitation it was a significant innovation because even in the British House of Commons
till that time Question Hour had not fully evolved.

This Act was criticised at the 1892 and 1893 sessions of the Indian National Congress
mainly because principle of direct-election had not been introduced. But the regulations
proved liberal enough to enable many of the nationalist leaders like Gopal Krishna
Gokhale, Lalmohan Ghosh, * . C . Banerji, Surendranath Banerjee a~tdPherozesi~ah
Mehta to enter the legislations. The non-official members gave a good account of
themselves in respect of their dd3ating skills and their ability as legislators and took
advantage of each opportunity to put forward the Indian point of view. On the whole it
Kamesh Mechrocks
seems that the provisions of the Act satisfied the aspirations of the nationalist leaders
Nationalism: The Inter War
because between 1894 & 1900 the general for Council reform were not very prominent in
Years-I
the agenda of the Congress Sessions. However the effect was short-lived because the same
years saw the first stirrings of Extremism and by 1904 the Congress as a whole was again
demanding a further big dose of legislative reform.

Check Your Progress

1 Which of the following statements are Correct ( \I ) or Wrong (x).
i) The Government introduced constitutional 'reforms' because it wanted to give
training to Indians in the art of administration.
ii) The government wanted to strengthen its position by enlarging the basis of social
support amongst Indians.
iii) The non-official seats were filled in by direct e l e c h s .

2 Discuss the background against which the Indian Councils Act of 1892 was passed.
Write in about five lines.

3 What were the main provisions of the Act of 1892? Write in about 100 words.

17.4 MORLEY-MINT0 REFORMS

The promulgation of the Morley-Minto Reform of 1909 is to be seen in the background of
a phase of turmoil and militant activities that followed the Indian Council Act of 1892.

17.4.1 Need for Constitutional Changes

Outside the Congress the one and a half decade following 1892 saw growing impatience
with the goal and methods of the Congress itself. During 1885-1906 the number of students
passing the matriculation in India increased from 1286 to 821 1. Though by today's
standards the number appears ridiculously small, this amounted to an almost sevenfold
increase in terms of numbers. The number of newspapers and journals published and their
total circulation also shows a similar trend. This does indicate that the number of those
Indians who were likely to be conscious of their rights as citizens and of the duties of a
government, and also of those who had begun to understand the disadvantages of being
under alien rule increased substantially. These years also saw the beginning of what has
been described as 'extremist' and revolutionary streams of the Indian National Movement
to which, among other things, Curzon's policies substantially contributed.
Lord Curzon, the Governor-General from 1898-1905, exuded the confidence which had
resulted from Britain's strong international position. His policy of centralisation, his
Kamesh Mechrocks
unconcealed contempt for the aspirations of educated Indians and the Indian National
 Constitutional Reforms:
Congress and, above all, this move relating to the Partition of Bengal, brought resentment of
1892-1920
the people to the surface. Ever since the partition plan was announced in December 1903,
the people of Bengal had started expressing their dissatisfaction in clear and unmistakable
terms. Various alternative plans were also suggested, still the partition plan was carried out.
This unpopular decision became a symbol of the total disregard of the wishes of the
governed on the part of the rulers. The Congress leaders began to think in terms of
reconsidering the ultimate goal of their organization and, more part~cularly,the method of
putting pressure on the British. Embittered opposition to British rule generated by the
partition move found expression in demonstrations in Calcutta and other places and slogans
of Swadeshi, boycott and national education were raised.
Some of the Moderate leaders, especially in Bengal, came out openly in support of the
boycott and Swadeshi programme of the Extremists. But they soon retreated and returned
to the method of appeals and petitions. They wanted the government to make some liberal
gesture. In his presidential address at the Congress session held at Benaras in 1905
G.K. Gokhale said: 'The goal of the Congress is that India should be governed in the
interests of the Indians themselves'. Among the immediate demands he emphasised reform
of Legislative Councils and appointment of at least three Indians to the Secretary of State's
Council. The Moderate leaders became more hopeful- when at the end of 1905 the Liberals
came to power in Britian and John Morley, a man known for his ~ i b e r a views,
l became the
Secretary of State for India. A little earlier a conservative, Lord Minto had succeeded
Curzon as Governor-General. The names of Morley and Minto becamc associated with the
changes introduced under the.Indian Councils Act of 1909 which, together with some other
changes, became known as Morley-Minto Reforms:
Morley and Minto were very different in their backgrounds, reputations and practical
experiences. But as regards the policy in India they had similar views. Both recognised
that the partition of Bengal was a grave blunder and had hardened anti-government feeling
in the country. They also showed the fear that this feeling was extending to the Muslims.
These feelings were openly expressed in official as well as unofficial correspondence. For
example, in a public despatch the Government of India wrote:
"We seem to be gradually losing our hold on the English speaking classes and there
are indications that the thinly veiled animosity felt by a considerable section of these
classes is filtering down to a lower stratum of the populations, who do not
understand the causes at work, but who do see that the English official no longer
holds the commanding position that he did. A new departure is badly needed."
The 'new departure' they thought of was the introduction of changes in the composition
and functions of the legislative bodies. This way they could rally the Moderates to the
Empire because this was one of the primary demands they had been making. The British
rulers however, were aware that the basic demand of Moderates t k ndia should be ruled
\
for the benefit of Indians could not be accommodated within an imperia 'st framework. To
work for awakening national conciousnqs and at the same time profess loyal acceptance
of British rule was in the ultimate terms impossible. Therefore, in addition to making an
attempt to win over this,section of the people, the British raised other pillars of support for
their regime in India. Soon after his arrival, Lord Minto had written: 'I have been thinking
a good deal lately of possible counterpoise to Congress aims'. First the officials thought of
establishing a separate Council of 'notables' which could consist of rulers of Indian States,
Zamindars, etc. who were loyal to the British. But later they decided to give representation
to the landholders on the Imperial Legislative Council itself.
In the meanwhile, as you shall see in Unit 22, a deputation of some Muslim leaders met
the Viceroy at Simla in October 1906. They demanded that the position accorded to the
Muslims in any kind of representation should be commensurate with the numerical
strength and political importance of their community. The British saw in these demands a
promising alternative. They could create a counterpoise to the increasing demands of the
Congress leaders by patronising this section of Muslims. As we shall see, Muslims got
weightage as well as separate electorates. The nationalist leaders argued that this
deputation had been stage-managed by the British. w oh am mad Ali described it as 'a
command performance'. Admirers of the Muslim League have denounced this charge and
have argued that the followers of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan had been demanding nomination
of Muslims to represent Muslim interests ever since the 1880s and that when the-prospect
of introduction of elections emerged, a demand for more seats and separate electorates was
directed by the logic of events. It cannot, however, be denied that the British encouraged
communal separatism as a means of continuing their rule. This is the reason why, with a
Kamesh Mechrocks
comparatively weak organization and through the method of prayer and petition which
Nationalism: The Inter War Congress had been pursuing for more than two decades, the League achieved notable
Years4
success within a short time after its foundj-ition.
The first suggestion for introducing constitutional changes was made in the summer of
1906 and the Indian Council act was passed in May 1909 after long and painstaking
deliberations.
Along side this policy of conciliation reflected in the move for legislative reforms, the
Government adopted a policy of outright repression for those who continued to oppose and
condemn the Government. During 1907-08 the Prevention of Seditious Meetings Act
banning meetings in specific areas. The Newspapers (Incitement and Offences) Act
enabling seizure of presses and The Indian Criminal Law Amendment Act imposing a ban
on the samitis in Bengal were passed.
One important demand of Indian'leaders was fulfilled even before the Act was passed and
without introducing any statutory dhange. This was the appointment of two Indians to the
Council of the Secretary of state for Indian and of the Governor-General and Provincial
Governors. This step was taken not with the aim of increasing administrative efficiency but
with the express purpose of creating a stake for qualified Indians in the then existing
structure. Under this provision comparatively unimportant portfolios like those of law or
education were given to Indians. Yet the step was important because it amounted to an
implicit acceptance of two facts: first, that Indians were fit to be appointed to the highest
position, second, that hdians were better interpreters of the wishes of their countrymen
than British officiaks.
Like the earlier lndian Council Act of 1892, the Act of 1909 was also an amending Act.
Like its predecessor, it also introduced changes in the size and functions of the Councils of
the Governor-General and Governors for the purpose of making Laws and Regulations.
\

17.4.2 Chahges in the Composition of Legislative Bodies

This Act increased the strength of the Central as well as Provincial Councils. The number
of additional members in the Central Council was increased to sixty while the number of
additional members in Provincial Councils was to be between thirty and fifty. This number
does not include the exbofficio members. The additional members were to be of two
kinds-official and nod-official. At the Centre, the official members (including ex-oficio
members) were to be in a mafority. In the provincial legislatures non-official majorities
were conceded. This was done because of the understanding that the non-official members
would represent such diverse interests and clqsses that it would be difficult for them to take
a joint stand. Moreover, if the eventuality of their passing an undesirable bill did come UR,
these bills could conveniently be vetoed.
In the Central or Imperial Legislative Council there were 37 official (9 ex-officio + 28
additional official members) and 32 non-official members. The Act of 1909 became,a
landmark because of the manner in which non-official seats were distributed and filled. Of
these 32 non-official seats 5 were filled by nomination by the Government. The remaining
27 seats were distributed as follows:
1 By non-official menibers of the Provincial Legislative Councils 13
2 By laridholders of six provinces 6
3 By Muslims of five provinces 5
4 Alternately by Muslim landholders of U.P. or of Bengal 1
5 Chambers of Commerce of Calcutta and Bombay 2
Similar provisions were made for forming Provincial LegisIative Councils with variations
depending on their peculiar conditions. The Muslims and landholders were given
weightage not with reference to any advantages verified by actual practice but in
anticipation of them.
These seats were to be filled in by elections. For thirteen 'open seats' doubly indimt
system of elections was introduced. The tax-paying citizens in a town or village elected
representatives for municipal committees or local boards and they, in turn, elected
representatives for provincial Legislative Councils. These non-official members of the
Provincial Councils, in their turn, elected representatives to the Supreme Legislative
Council. Thus some 200 non-official members of Provincial Legislative Councils fiIled
Kamesh Mechrocks
13 unreserved seats. This size was ludicrously small and criticized even in the
Montagu-Chehsford Report. The representatives of landholders and Muslim were elected
directly even to the Central legislature. This made the discrimination between Muslims and
non-Muslims seem all the more invidious and unjust. While Muslim landlords, rich traders,
graduates and professional men got a right to vote directly for election to the Provincial and
even Central Legislatures, non-Muslims, howsoever rich or qualified, had no such right
unless they were members of municipal committees or district boards. This distinction hurt.
Further, Muslims were to be elected by separate electorates, that is to say, the electorates
consisting of Muslims only. Separate registers were prepared containing the names of
Muslim voters only. Muslims were also given weightage i.e. more seats were given to
them than the number warranted by their proportion in the local population. They were
also given the right to compete on equal terms with the other communities in the general
electorates. In the elections for the Central Legislative Council held in 1909 Muslims aerc
able to win four seats which were open to others too and so had in all 11 out of 30 non-
official seats (two seats assigned to Chambers of Commerce which were filled by non-
Indians have been excluded here). It should, however, be noted that though both officials
and Muslim leaders always talked in terms of entire Muslim community, in practise, only
some specific e!ite groups like landlords, government servants etc. were preferred.
The aim of the Government in giving preferential treatment to the Muslims was not to
correct imbalances in Indian society but to bind some Muslim leaders to the Government
with 'silken chains of gratitude'.
However, the election regulations proved liberal enough to enable prominent political
leaders of this period, who believed in the method of constitutional agitation, to enter the
legislative bodies. The members of the Central Legislative Council included: Nawab
Saiyid Muhammad Bahadur, Srinivasa Shastri, G.K. Gokhale, D.E. Wacha,
Bhupendranath Basu, ~urendranathBanerjee, Madan Mohan Malaviya, Tej Bahadur
Sapru, Mahomed Ali Jinnah, Raja of Mahmudabad and Mazharul Haque.

17.4.3 Changes in Functions

The Act did not make any alteration in the legislative powers of these Councils. It simply
extended their functions. The members of the Legislative Councils were given the right to
move resolutions ommatters of general public interest subject to certain limitations. These
resolutions were to be in the form of recommendations to the Government which the latter
might or might not adopt. Elaborate rules were laid down for discussing the $inancial
Statement presented in the house by the Finance member. Opportunity for discussing the
statement and moving resolutions was given before the budget in its final form was
presented. The right to ask questions was extended by giving the member, who asked the
original question, a right to put supplementary questions also.
From the above discussion it is clear that the Government had two aims in introducing the
so-called Constitutional Reforms:
i) to strengthen the Raj by rallying the moderates to the empire
ii) to encourage divisions amongst politically active Hindus and Muslims or in other
words, it was designed as a milestone in the 'divide and rule' strategy.
It soon became obvious that the Government of 1ndia was not able to achieve either of these
objectives. Initially the Moderate leaders were satisfied and set themselves to work
enthusiastically. Earlier they had captured the Congress at Surat in 1907; yet the fact
remains that within the Congress their role became steadily less important. The proceedings
of the Congress became dreary. After the pact between the Moderates and the Extremists in
1916, the Moderates steadily moved to the fringes of the freedom struggle and ceased to
play a central role.
The Government also did not succeed in keeping the politically active ~ i n d u and
s ~uslims
apart although on this there are differences of opinion among historians. The immediate
results of the introduction of the principle of weightage and separate electorates for the
Muslims belied the expectations of the Government. In a body where different groups had
been meticulously assorted with the declared purpose of acting as counterweights to each
other, it was natural that some members would support the Government. But what stands out
in the legislative behaviour of the members is that there was hardly any issue on which they
took the stand in line with the aims of the framers of the Act. They tended to vote together,
especially on issues on which a national debate had been going on for sometime. This
Kamesh Mechrocks
N a t b d h ~ I h c l n pWar
r happened in the cases of issues like fiscal autonomy for India, state control of railways.
Years-I
abolition of cotton excise duties, abolition of emigration under indenture and demand for
moe,expenditure oneducation. In fact debates on these issues brought up the identity of
interests of the subject people &s-a-vis a foreign Government. It is true that the Government
could turn down these proposals because it had an official majority at the centre and even in
the provinces it could count on the support of some nominated non-official members. Yet the
debates in the legislature served an important purpose. In the debates on bills and
resolutions, members produced logically incontrovertible arguments which often placed the
official-members in an embarrassing situatipn. The arguments reverberated in the press
throughout the length and breadth of the country. The debates thus helped in eroding the
moral foundations ofthe Raj.
In the long run. however, the introduction of weightage and separate electorates for
Muslims proved to be the master stroke of imperialist strategy. Once religion was inserqed
as a political factor, pursuance of interests along religious lines became the accepted norm
necessitating appeal to religious sentiments to get seats and to retain them.

Check Your Progress 2

1 What were the two aims of the Government in introducing the so-called Constitutional
Reforms of 1909?

Discuss the circumstances leading to the Morley-Minto 'Reforms'? Write in about five
lines.

.
3 What were the main features of the Morley-Minto 'Reform<'? Write in about ten lines.
......................................................................................................................................

17.5 MONTAGU-CHELMSFORDREFORMS
By 1916 all parties in India as well as Britain began to think that some changes in the
structure of government were necessary. The-aspirations of the Indians had also increased
during this period. As a response to the political pressure in India during the war years
and to buy support of Indians the Montagu-Chelmsford scheme was introduced by the
Kamesh Mechrocks
Britiih.
I -
17.5.1 Circumstances Leading to Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms
i
i Morley and Minto could hardly have imagined that the scheme of constitutional 'Reforms'
which they had evolved after three and a half years of painstaking consultations at different
levels v~ouldcease to satisfy barely seven years later. By 1916 all parties in India as well as
Britsii. began to think that some changes in the structure of the Government of India were
necessary. This was largely the result of the conditions produced by the outbreak of the
World War in August, 1914. The war did not pose any immediate threat to India. But being
part of the British Empire, India became automatically involved. Thereafter, India made
ungrudging contribution to the war effort and supplied manpower, money and material.
Because of the help given on a crucial occasion, expectations of Indians increased. It was
,lot that they wanted reward for having served the rulers. Actually fighting shoulder to
shoulder with European soldiers had given new self-confidence to the Indians. They wanted
a recognition of their ability to rule themselves. This aspiration was reinforced by the ideas
generated during the war. The American President, Woodrow Wilson had said that the war
was being fought to make the world safe for democracy. A hope emerged that this would at
least mean that India would be put on the road to self-government.
In this background of raised expectations, many schemes of constitutional changes were
suggested. Indians themselves put forward a number of schemes. The most significant one,
however, was the scheme that was worked out and adopted at Lucknow. To understand its
significance it is necessary to go back a little. As already said, after the Morley-Minto
Reforms, Muslims did not become supporters of the Government. In fact the gulf between
.the Muslims and the government become steadily wider. Many factors were responsible
for this. In December, 1911 Partition of Bengal was revoked. This stepalienated the
Muslim political elite. In 1912 Lord Harding's government rejected the proposal relating
to the establishment of the University of Aligarh. In 1913 there were riots in Kanpur when
a platform adjoining a mosque was demolished. Outside India Britain had refused to help
Turkey in Italian and Balkan Wars (191 1-13). Gradually, under the dynamic and liberal
leadership of men like Muhammadil Ali, Shaukat Ali, Hasrat Mohani and Fazlul Haq the
Muslim League accepted the goal of self-government for India suited to its conditions. The
Muslims could not remain uninfluenced by the aspirations generated by the World War.
The Muslim League decided to enter into negotiations with the Congress to formulate a
scheme for the future Government of India. Around the same time Mrs. Annie Besant, who
till then had confined heractivities only to religious matters, started a Home Rule League.
Tilak had been released from Jail in 1914. He started another Home Rule League at Pune.
These Leagues worked with great enthusiasm and carried on intense propaganda in favour
of Home Rule or self-government for India after the War by means of discussion groups,
lecture tours and mass sale of pamphlets. Activities of the League caused great concern in
official circles. It is interesting to note that in the telegram in which Governor-General
Chelmsford asked the Secretary of State to make a general statement of policy, he made a
reference to the Home Rule agitation as also to the possible impact on India of the
overthrow of Tsarist autocracy in Russia. In the meanwhile, at Lucknow, the Moderates
and the Extremists, as also the Home Rulers and the Muslim League, came together and
unanimously adopted the agreement known as the Lucknow Pact (Dec. 1916). They also
jointly prepared a scheme of constitutional reforms. Amongst the British, an influential
group which called itself the 'Round Table' discussed the question of structure for the
Govt. of India. Its members (Lionel Curtis, Williams Duke and others) felt that any
extension of elected majorities without giving some kind of executive responsibility would
only create permanent opposition in the Legislative bodies. Therefore, they came forward
with the idea of introducing dyarchy in the provinces. The term 'dyarchy' is Greek and its
dictionary meaning is a form of government in which two persons, states or bodies are
jointly vested with supreme power.
In this background when the Government of India was asked to make a contribution of one
million pounds to the war fund, it was felt that some steps would have to be taken to
assuage public opinion. The, Government desperately needed additional revenues for its
own use. Ultimately it was allowed to impose tariff duty on imports. A 7'1, per cent
imports duty was imposed on cotton while the excise duty was retained at 3'1, per cent.
The chief consideration bei~indthis d-~:y was purely financial. Btit it zlso provided some
protection to Indian cotton industry and thus met, to some extent, this long standing
demand of Indian leaders. It was decided that the British Government should also make a
statement about its eventual goal in India. Piece-meal and supposedly evolutionary
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: The Inter War schemes, it was felt, wodld no longer be acceptable to Indians. Only by seizing the initiative
Years-I
could the British control the situation.
The devolution of increased political power and responsibility on the Indians was simply a
response to political pressure in India. It was a device to buy support of Indians. ,
It was in these~circumstancesthat on 20 August 1917 Lord Montagu, the Secretary of State
for India, made the following statement in the British Parliament:
The policy of His Majesty's Government ... is that of increasing association of
Indians in every branch of administration, and the gradual development of
self-governing institutions, with a view to the progressive realization of responsible
government in India as'an integral part of the British Empire.
In this declaration it was also made clear that progress in the realisation of this goal was to
be made by successive stages and substantial steps in this direction were to be undertaken
immediately. The time and manner of each advance was to be decided by the British
Parliament. The action of Parliament in such matters would be determined in the light of
the performance of Indians. Montagu decided to visit India himself and prepare a scheme
of constitutional changes.
In November 1917, Lord Montagu visited India and conferred with Lord Chelmsford, the
Viceroy, the officials of the central and provincial governments and Indian leaders. On the
basis of these deliberations the Report on Indian Constitutional Reforms, which came to be
known as Montagu-Chelmsford Report or simply as Montford Report was published in July
1918. The Declaration of August 1917 had on the whole been welcomed in India. But the
scheme put forward in this Report fell far short of the expectations of Indian leaders except
some Moderate leaders. Annie Besant denounced its provision relating to gradual transfer
of power as 'unworthy to be offered by England or to be accepted by India.'
In August 1918 a special session of the Congress was called at Bombay to consider this
report. In this session a resolution was passed by the Congress condemning the scheme as
'inadequate, unsatisfactory and disappointing.'
The Moderate leaders, on the other hand, were convinced that the proposals marked a
substantial advance upon the then existing conditions and that there should be sincere
appreciation of the good faith shown therein. Montagu who had been looking around for
support during the time noted in his diary: 'A new organisation of Indians to be created,
assisted in every possible way by the Government, for propaganda on behalf of our
proposals, and to send a delegation to England to assist us'. The Moderates abstained from
attending the Congress session at Bombay and in November 1918, they assembled in a
separate All India Conference in the same city. In his presidential address Surendranath
Banerjee defined his party as 'the friends of reform and the enemies of revolution'. In May
1919 Banerjee led a deputation of the moderates to England in order to give evidence
before the Joint Parliamentary Committee. It was on the basis of the Montford Report that
the Government of India Bill was drafted and introduced in the British Parliament. It
became an Act in December 1919. The Preamble of this Act was based on August 191j
Declaration.

17.5.2 Changes in the Central Government

The chief executive authority remained vested in the Governor-General who remained
responsible to the British Parliament through the Secretary of State and not to the 1ndik
Legislature. The constitution of Governor-General's executive Council was slightly
modified while substantial changes were made in the composition of the Indian
Legislature. But it was made clear that the aim was not to increase its powers but merely to
make it more representative and increase opportunities of influencing the Government.
To implement the policy of increasing association of Indians in every branch of
administration, it was provided that, of the six members of the Executive Council of the
Governor-General, three would be Indians. It should however be noted that these members
were given portfolios of lesser significance like Law, Education, Labour, Health or
Industry. They were accountable to the Governor-General and through him to the Secretary
of State and not to the Legislature.
The Act provided for a bi-camera1 legislature at the centre. The qvo Houses were the
Kamesh Mechrocks
Council of State and the Legislative Assembly. The Council of State was to consist of 60
 Constitutional Reforms:
members of whom at least 33 were elected members. Not more than 20 nominated members 1892-1920
could be officials. The Legislative Assembly was to consist of 145 members of whom 104
were to be elected members. Of these 52 were to be returned by general constituencies, 30
b y Muslims, 2 by Sikhs, 7 by landholders, 9 by Europeans and 4 by the Indian Commercial
Community. The communal electorates were extended to include the Sikhs also. It should be
noted that these seats were distributed amongst the Provinces not on the basis of their
population but their so-called importance. The life of the Assembly was to be three years.
But it could be extended by the Governor-General.
The powers and functions of this legislature continued more.or less as before. The only
significant change was that it became necessary to obtain the previous sanction of the
Governor-General before introducing any bill relating to matters enumerated in the
provincial list. The power of the Governor-General was extended. In addition to the power
to veto any bill, the Governor-General was given the power of certification also, i.e. he
could secure the enactment of a bill whose passage in the form considered to be necessary
was refused by the legislature. He could do so by certifying that the bill was essential for
the safety, tranquility or interests of British India or any part thereof. The scope of
interrogative functions was enlarged by extending the right to put supplementary questions
to all the members.
Under the Montford scheme partial responsible government was introduced in the
provinces. Because of this, demarcation between the spheres of Central and Provincial
g o v e k e n t s became necessary. Hence two lists were drawn up. This division was created
on the principle that matters concerning the whole of India or more than one province
should be placed in the Central list while those concerning the provinces should be placed
in the provincial list. The central subjects included 'foreign and political relations, the
public debt, tariff and customs, patents, currency, communications etc. The subjects in the
provincial list were local self-government, health, sanitation, education, public works.
agriculture, forests, law and order, etc. The residual powers were vested in the Govemor-
General in Council.
It was felt that even partial transfer of power to Indians could be meaningful only if the
provinces were not dependent on the Indian government for the means of provincial
development. Hence the Act provided for complete separation of the sources of revenue
between the central and provincial governments.

17.5.3 Changes in the provincial Government

Under the Government of India Act of 1919 responsibility for certain functions of the
Government in the provinces was transferred while control over others was reserved in
British hands. Under this division the subjects were divided into two halves called
'Reserved' and 'Transferred'. Accordingly the provincial government was also to consist
of two halves. The Governor and the members of his Executive Council were to administer
the reserved subjects. The transferred subjects were to be administered by the Governor
acting with ministers. This novel distribution of executive powers in the provinces came to
be known as 'dyarchy'. Each side of the Government was clearly differentiated from the
other in its composition and its cdnstitutional relations with the Governor and the
Legislative Council.
Broadly speaking four heads i.e. local self-government, health, education and some
departments relating to agriculture were included amongst transferred subjects. All other
subjects were reserved subjects. These included police, justice, control over printing
presses, irrigation, land revenue, factories etc.
The Govemor and the members of the Executive Council were appointe,d by the British
Government and were jointly responsible to the Governor-General and the Secretary of
State for India. The number of Executive Councillors was not to exceed four. The
Ministers who were entrusted with the Transferred subjects were appointed by the
Governor. He generally chose ministers from amongst the leading elected members of the
Legislature. In practice there were two or three ministers in each province. According to
the letter of the law, the ministers held office during the pleasure of the Governor. But, ir,
practice, they were &lowed to continue as long as they retained the confidence of the
legislature. The basis of relations between the provincial governors and ministers was laid
down in the Instrument of Instructions which was issued to Governor which stated:
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: The Inter War
Years-I
'In considering a minister's advice and deciding whether or not there is sufficient
cause to dissent from his opinion, you shall have due regard to his relations with the
Legislative Council and to the wishes of the people of the province as expressed by
their representatives therein'.
Instrument of Instructions also defined special responsibilities of the Governor which
gave him wide powers to ovemde the decisions of his ministers. The idea that the
ministers should be jointly responsible for their actions was discussed at t h ~ time.
t But
finally the observance of this principle was not made binding.
The Government of India Act was applied originally to eight provinces - Madras,
Bombay, Bengal, United Provinces, Punjab, Bihar and Orissa, Central Provinces and
Assam. In 1923 its provisions were extended to Burma and sometime later to North
Western Frontier Province.
In each of these provinces a unicameral legislature, called the Legislative Council, was
created. It was to consist of the Governor's Executive Council, elected members and
nominated members. It was further provided that at least 70 per cent of the members of a
Council should be elected members and not more than 20 per cent could be official
members. The size of these legislative bodies was considerably increased. It varied from
province to province. The maximum number was 140 for Bengal and minimum was 53 for
Assam.
The elected members were to be elected by direct election, i.e. the primary voters elected
the member. Franchise was based primarily on property qualifications. In 1920 out of a
total population of 241.7 millions, only 5.3 millions got the right to vote which amounts to
less than five percent. Women were not given the right to vote or to stand in elections. In
Britain women got the right to vote only in 1918.
After examining the question of separate electorates the authors of the Montagu-
Chelmsford Report concluded that they were 'a very serious hindrance to the development
of self-governing principle'. They also described these as contrary to the teachings of
history and added that these perpetuated class divisions and stereotyped existing relations.
Still they did not recommend that these should be given up. They extended these to the
Sikhs in Punjab. Later the demand of theJustice Party for reservation of seats for
non-Brahmans was accepted. Separate electorates were also provided for Indian Christians,
Anglo-Indians and Europeans.

17.5.4 0bservations on the Montagu-ChelmSford Reforms

The whole conception &iyarchy was based on a faulty principle. It is very difficult to
divide the functions of a state into water-tight compartments. The problem was confounded
by the illogical division. While agriculture was a transferred subject, land revenue and ,
irrigation were resewed subjects. C.V. Chintamani who was a minister in the United I

Provinces cited an interesting case. In 1921 an enquiry was started in the departm~ntof
agriculture on the question of fragmentation of holdings. When the report was submitted in
1922 it was felt that the question should have been taken up by the Revenue Department
and hence the Governor asked this reserved Department to take up the case. In 1924 it was
again discovered that part of the work should have been done in the Co-operative
Department. Similarly, European and Anglo-Indian education was outside the purview of
the Education Minister.
A system like this could work if there was basic trust between the two halves. While
ministers were there to further the interests of their countrymen, the members of the
Executive Council and generally of the civil service were there to safeguard British
imperial interests. Ministers had no control over civil servants even in the 'transferred'
departments. The secretaries of departments had direct access to the Governor which
placed the members in a disagreeable position. Further, the minister had to serve two
masters. He was appointed by the Governor and could be dismissed by him. But he was
accountable to the legislature. Above all, the so-called nation-building departments were
entrusted to ministers who could show results only if money was available. The ministers
complained that the reserved departments got all the money they wanted before
requirements of transferred departments were considered.
The conditions in India were not conducive to favourable reception of the 'Reforms'
Scheme. The.year 1918-19 saw a bad monsoon, trade depression consequent discontent
Kamesh Mechrocks
amongst the people. One of the Rowlatt Bills become an Act in March 1919 in spite of Constitutional Reforms:
1892-1920
unanimous opposition from the Indians. On 6 April Gandhiji gave a call for hartal which
was a great success. On 13 April 1919 came the Jallianwala tragedy which together with the
events put the relaiions between the Government and the people under a great strain.
Gradually, objections to the 'Reform' scheme hardened into rejection. Muslims were
disappointed by the hostile attitude of the British towards their Khalifa, the Turk ruler. They
launched the Khilafat movement under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi. On August 1,
1920 the Congress decided to adopt the policy of progressive, non-violent non-
cooperation. With this came the boycott of elections which were to be held in November
1920. The new constitution suffered a severe blow when it was boycotted by the Congress.
The scheme of constitutional changes introduced in I919 became so unpopular that it
became fashionable to deride it. Yet it has its own significance in the evolullon of
parliamentary democracy in India. It should be noted that the changes introduced in 1919
went far beyond the schemes suggested in 1916. Moreover, the Government had made a
declaration of the aim of constitutional changes. Henceforth it would become impolitic to
go back on that promise. In other words, this declaration made further concessions
inevitable. This Act created elected Legislative bodies at the centre and in the provinces.
In these bodies Indian opinion was constantly and articulately expressed. These debates
tended to further weaken the ideological defences of the Raj and intensify the rapidly
growing anti-imperialist feeling. At the same time the holding of elections and debates
familarised Indians with' parliamentary phraseology and institutions and have thus
contributed to .the successful functioning of parliamentary democracy here.
The years that followed saw the extension of the national movement and involvement of
fairly large sections of the peasantry, business groups and industrial labour. This was
partly the result of Post-war economic pressures and partly an expression the world-wide
upsurge, which had an anti-capitalist character in developed countries and an anti-
imperialist thrust in the colonies. This produced a combination of grievances and
expectations which if properly channelized could provide a new impetus to the national
movement and take it to a higher stage of development. The elements of emotion and
anger aroused by the Khilafat and Punjab issues were to intensify and accelerate this
phenomenon. Some historians have related the 1919 reforms to the twin imperial
requirements of financial devolution and need for a wider circle of Indian collaborators.
Much more controversial, however, is the direct cause-effect relationship which the
historians sometimes seek to establish between the Reforms and the emergence of mass
policies. The Act of 1919 broadened the Electorates it is argued and therefore politicians
were forced to cultivate a more democratic style. Sumit Sarkar, however, does not agree
with this view. According to him it may well explain certain type of politics and
politicians but hardly the basic fact of the tremendous post-war mass awakening
exemplified admirably by the boycott of elections and massive anti-imperialist upsurge of
1919-22.

Check Your Progress 3

1 What prompted the government to make the Declaration in August 1917? Write in
about five lines.

2 What were the basic features of the Montagu-Chelmsford Scheme? Write in about 10
lines.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: The Inter War
Yeaps-1 .......................................................................................................................................

3 What were the problems in the working of dyarchy? Write in about five lines.

17.6 LET US SUM UP

In this unit we have discussed the constitutional changes introduced by the British in India
between 1892-1920. The British realised that in order to defend British rule in India it was
important to satisfy the aspirations of those Indians who were prepared to confine their
demands within the narrow constitutional framework. Keeping this in view the Indian
Council Act of 1892 was passed by which councils were enlarged, (but the officials'
majority remained) elective principle was introduced (though indirect) and councils were
given the right to discuss the budget.
Between 1885-1906 Various factors contributed to the growth of feeling of dissatisfaction
with British government. Against this background Morley-Minto 'Reforms' were
introduced by which the number of indirectly elected members of the councils was
increased and a system of separate electorates of Hindus and Muslims was introduced
which in the long b n encouraged separatist tendencies. Conditions produced by the
outbreak of World War I provided the background to the passing of the Government of
India Act of 1919 known as Montagu-Chelmsford 'Reforms'. The most important change it
introduced was the system of Dyarchy under which the provincial governments were given
more power but Governor retained complete control over finances while the ministers in
charge of public health, education etc. were responsible to the legislature. Central
government had unrestricted control over the provincial governments and the right to vote
was severely restricted. These Periodic reform schemes were just an expression to
conciliate and suppress the anti-imperialist movement which had become a perennial
feature of India.

17.7'KEY WORDS
Executive body: Organ of government concerned with carrying out decisions or orders.
Legislative body: Organ of government concerned with making and passing laws.
Parliamentary Democracy: A political system in which the elected re~sentativessitting
in the Parliament represent the highest law making authority. These representatives are
elected by mass adult franchise.
Separate Electorates: A system in which the enfranchised citizens are divided o n b e
basis of community or religion for representation purposes.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 donstitutlonnl Reforms:
17.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS 1892-1920

EXERCISES
! '
I

Check Your Progress 1

I 1 i) x

i ii) \j

1 iii) x
2 Your answer should include the following points: The growing demand for
I administrative (constitutional) reforms among the nationalists. The government policy of
pacifying the nationalists through constitutional 'reform' etc. See Sub-sec. 17.3.1.
3 Your answer should include the following points: Councils were enlarged, elective
principle was introduced and councils were given the right to discuss the budget. See
Sub-sec. 17.3.2.

Check Your Progress 2

1 i) to strengthen the Raj by rallying the moderates to the empire.
ii) to divide the Hindus and Muslims.
2 Your answer should include the following points: The British wanted to rally the
moderates to the Empire and therefore they wanted to accept the moderates demand for
constitutional reforms. British wanted to rally Muslims by introducing separate
electorates through the 1909 reforms. See Sub-sec. 17.4.1.
3 Your answer should include the following points: The number of indirectly elected
members of councils was increased and a system of separate electorates for Muslims was
introduced etc. See Sub-sec. 17.4.2 and 17.4.3.

1 Check Your Progress 3

1 Your answer should include the following points: British had alienated Muslims by
revoking the Partition. healignment of Hindus and Muslims after Lucknow Pact. These
factors disturbed the British. British $shed to buy the support of Indians in war effort.
See Sub-sec. 17.5.1.
2 Your answer should include the following points: Introduction of Dyarchy under which
I provincial governments were given more power but it proved unworkable. Central
govemmeht had unrestricted control over provincial governments. See Sub-sec. 17.5.2.
and 17.5.3
3 Your answer should include the following points: The division of functions of state into
water tight compartments under Dyarchy proved ineffective because there was no hust
between the Ministers and members of Executive council whose interests often clashed.
See Sub-sec. 17.5.4.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 18 NON-COOPERATION AND
KHILAFAT MOVEMENTS :
1919-1922

Structure
18.0 Objectives
18.1 Introduction
18.2 Background
18.3 The Issue of Khilafat
18.4 Towards Non-Cdoperation: Calcutta to Nagpur
18.5 Main Phases of the on-cooperation Movement
18.6 Peoples' Response to the Movement
18.7 Spread of the Movement, Local Variations
18.8 The Last Phase
18.9 Causes of Withdrawal
18.10 Impact
18.11 LetUsSurnUp
18.12 Key Words
18.13 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
I

18.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you will be able to:
discuss the reasons for launching the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat movements,
familiarise yourself with the programme of action adopted in these movements, ,
learn about the response of the Indian people towards these movements,
learn about the impact of these movements.

18.1 INTRODUCTION
During 1920-21 the Indian National Movement entered into a new phase, i.e. a phase of
mass politics and mass mobilisation. The British rule was opposed through two mass
movements, Khilafat and Non-Cooperation. Though emerging out of separate issues both
these movements adopted a common programme of action. The technique of non-violent
struggle was adopted at a national level. In this Unit we discuss the reasons for the
launching of these movements; the course of the movements; role of leadership and the
people. This Unit also analyses the regional variations and the impact of these movements.

w
18.2 BACKGROUND
The background to the movements was provided by the impact of the First World War, the
Rowlatt Act, the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre and the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms.
i) During the post-First World War period the prices of daily commodities increased
sharply and the worst sufferers were the common people. The volume of imports which
declined during the First World War again increased towards the end of the war. As a
result the Indian industries suffered, production fell, many factories were closed and
the workers became its natural victims. The peasantry was also under the heavy burden
of rents and taxes. So the economic situation of the country in the post-war years
became alarming. In the political field the nationalists were disillusioned when the
British did not keep their promise of bringing in a new era of democracy and
Kamesh Mechrocks
 self-determination for the people. This strengthened the anti-British attitude of the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat
Movements: 1919-1922
Indians.
i) The next important landmark of this period was the passing of the Rowlatt Act in
March 1919. This Act empowered the Government to imprison any person without trial
and conviction in a court of law. Its basic aim was to imprison the nationalists without
giving them the opportunity to defend themselves. Gandhi decided to oppose it through
Satyagraha. March and April 1919 witnessed a remarkable political awakening in
India. There were hur.tuls (strikes) and demonstrations against the Rowlatt Act.
iii) T h e same period witnessed the naked brutality of the British Imperialists at
Jallianwala Bagh, in Amritsar. An unarmed but large crowd had gathered on 13 April
- 1919 at Jallianwala Bagh to protest against the arrest of their popular leaders,

Dr. Saifuddin Kitchlu and Dr. Satyapal. General Dyer, the military commander of
Amritsar, ordired his troops to bpen fire without warning on the unarmed crowd, in a
park from which there was n o way out. Thousands were killed and wounded. This
shocked the whole world. The famous poet Rabindranath Tagore renounced his
Knighthood in protest.
iv) T h e introduction of another constitutional reform act which is known a s the
Government of India Act, 1919 further disillusioned the nationalists. The reform
proposals (we have discussed it in unit 17) failed to satisfy the rising demand of the
Indians for self-government. The majority of the leaders condemned it as
"disappointing and unsatisfactory."
All these developments prepared the ground for a popular upsurge against the British
Government. T h e Khilafat issue gave an added advantage to get the Muslim support and
the final touch to it was given by Gandhi's leadership. W e will discuss now the Khilafat
issue which provided the immediate background to the movement.

1. A Cartoon Showing the Beginning

of Non-Cooperation and Khilafat

18.3 THE ISSUE OF KHILAFAT

During the First World W a r Turkey allied with Germany and Austria against the British.
The Indian Muslims regarded the Sultan of Turkey as tbeir spiritual leader Khalifa, s o
Kamesh Mechrocks
 s
Nationalism: The Inter War naturally the~rsympathies were with Turkey. After the war, the British removed the
Years-I Khalifa from power in Turkey. Hence, the Muslims started the Khilafat movement in India
for the restoration of the Khalifa's position. Their main demands were: \,

Khalifa's control should be retained over the Muslim sacred places,

territories. \
Itl territorial adjustments after the war the Khalifa should be left with sufficient

In early 1919 a Khilafat Committee was formed in Bombay. The initiative was taken by
\

Muslim merchants and their actions were confined to meetings, petitions and deputations
in favour of the Mhalifa. However, there soon emerged a militant trend within the
movement. The leaders of this trend were not satisfied with a moderate approach. Instead
they preached for the launching of a countrywide movement. They advocated, for the first
time, at the All India Khilafat Conference in Delhi (22-23 November 1919) non-
cooperation with the British Government in India. It was in this conference that Hasrat
Mohani made a call for the boycott of British goods. The Khilafat leadership clearly spelt
out that in case the peace terms after the war were unfavourable to Muslims they would
stop all cooperation with the Government. In April 1920, Shaukat Ali warned the British
that in case the Government failed to pacify Indian Muslims, "we would start a joint
Hindu-Muslim movement of non-cooperation." Shaukat Ali further stressed that the
movement would start "under the guidance of Mahatma Gandhi, a man who commands the
respect of both Hindus and Muslims".

2- hil la fat Volunteers

Kamesh Mechrocks
3 Khilafat Band
The Khilafat issue was not directly linked 'with politics in India but the Khilafat leaders
were eager in enlisting the support of Hindus. Gandhi saw in this. an opportunity to bring .-
~ol~~ooparkamdw-
1919-1922
about Hindu-Muslim unity against the British. But in spite of his support to the Khilafat
issue and being the president of the All India Khilafat Committee, Gandhi till May 1920-
had adopted a moderate appmach. However, the publication of the terns of 'the Treaty
with Turkey which were very hmh towards Turkey. and the Publication of the Hunter
M t k e Repart on 'Punjab disturbances' in May 1920 infuriated the Indians. and
Gandhi now took an open position.
The Central Khi.MuCommittee met at Allahabad from 1st to 3rd June i920. The meeting
was attended by a number of Congress and Khilafat leaders. In this meeting a programme
of non-coopcmtion towards the Govemment was declared. This was to include:
boycott of titles conferred by the Govemment,
boycott of civil services, army aad police, i.e. all governmentjobs,and
non payment of taxes to the Govemment.
August 1st. 1920 was fixed as the date to start the movement. Gandhi insisted that unless the
Punjab and Khilafat wrongs were undone. there was to be non-cooperation with the
Government. However, for the success of this movement, Congress support was essential.
Therefore, Gandhi's efforts now were to make the Congress adopt the non-cooperation
programme.

4 Mohd. Ali and M A: Ansari -KhUafat Loaders

Check Your Progress 1

Kamesh Mechrocks v or x ).
1 Which of the following statements are correct or wrong (~v~sun
 3 ',
NatiocrPlh: T k Inter War ii) The Rowlatt Act w b passed mainly to suppress the Indian nationalists.
Yam-1
iii) The Jallianwala Bagh massacre exposed the true character of the British
Imperialism.
iv) The Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms f w l l e d the expectations of the Indian
I
Nationalists.
v) Gandhi became the President of the All India Khilafat Committee.
2 What was the Khilafat issue ? Write in five lines. .

............................
........................................................................................................... .

18.4 .TOWARDS NON-COOPERATION: CA,LCUTTATO

NAGPUR
It was not an easy task for Gandhi to get the entire Congress to approve his programme of
political action. According to Prof. Ravinder Kumar Gandhi "made a concerted bid to
convince Tilak of the virtues of Satyagraha and of the expediency of an alliance with the
Muslim community over Khilafat". However, Tilak was "sceptical of Satyagraha as an
instrument of politics." He was also not in favour of having an alliance "with Muslim leader?
over a religious issue." The basis of cooperation between Hjndus and Muslims, argued Tilak,
should be a secular one like the Lucknow Pact (1916). A lot2qended on T j l w -
whether hostile or neutral - but unfortunately he passed away on 1st August '1920. L&
Lajpat Rai and C.R. Das vehemently opposed the Gandhian idea of boycottingcouncil
elections. Jawaharlal Nehru wrote in his autobiography that "almost the entire old Guard of
the Congress opposed Gandhi's resolution of non-cooperation."
The programme of nom-cooperation and boycott was then placed before the Rovipcial
Congress Committees((PCC)for their opinions. The PCC of the United Provinces after
prolonged debate app$oved of the principle of non-cwperation, gradual boycott of
govemment schools and colleges, govemment offices, British goods. But there were
reservations about the,boycott of the legislative councils.
The Bombay PCC. approved of non-cooperation as the legitimate method of agitation, but it
objected to boycott ot:council and only recommended boycott of British goods as a first
stage. The Bengal PCC. agreed to accept the principle of non-cooperation but disagreed with
the idea of council boiycott. The Madras PCC approved the policies of non-cooperation but
rejected Gandhi's prqgramme.

3
While this was the a 'tude of the 'traditional' bases of Indian politics to Gandhi's
programme, the corn aratively 'non-traditional' areas in Indian politics like Gujarat and
Bihar fully backed Gbdhi's programme. The Andhra and h j a b PCC's approved of non-
cooperation but deferred a decision on Gandhi's programme until the special Congress
session. The dilemma of some of the provincial Congress leaders in supporting Gandhi's
programme was because of the future uncertainty of Gandhi's movemvt and their
unwillingness to bosott the council elections.
It was under these cit.cumstanc& that a special session of the All India Cbngress Committee -
, was held at Calcuttalin September 1920. Lala Lajpat Rai was its president. A strong
opposition to Gandhi's programme was expected at this session. But contrary to the
intentions of most established political leaders before the sessions began, Gandhi managed to
get his proposals accepted at the open session of the Congress by the majority of 1000 vote.
Among Gandhi's suppofiers were Motilal Nehru, Saifuddin Kitchlew, Jitendralal Banerjee,
Shaukat Ali, Yakub Hasan and Dr. Ansari; while his opponents included Pandit Madan ,
Mohan Malaviya, Annie Besant, etc. Gandhi's success came mainly because of the support
Kamesh Mechrocks
from the business groups and the Muslims.
The Calcutta Congress approved a programme of: Non-Cooperationand Khilafat
Movements: 1919-1922
surrender of titles,
the boycott of schools, courts, foreign goods and councils, and
,encouragement of national schools, arbitration courts and Khadi.
The Congress supported Gandhi's plan for non-cooperation with Government till the Punjab
and Khilafat wrongs were removed and Swaraj established. The final decision was left for
the Nagpur session of the Congress to be held in December 1920. However, the precise
nature of the Swaraj at which andh hi aimed was not clear to contemporaries. Although
Gandhi said that it was "Parliamentary Swaraj in accordance with the wishes of the people of
India". Jawaharlal Nehru admitted that it was a "vague swaraj with no clear ideology behind
it."
In November 1920, following the reformed franchise the council elections were held. All the
Congress candidates boycotted the elections. Gandhi's call for boycotting elections got
massive response from different Indian provinces. This was an alarming sign for the British
Government. Only 27.3 per cent of the Hindu voters and 12.1 per cent of the Muslim
electorate participated in urban areas. In the rural areas 41.8 per cent of the Hindus and 28.3
per cent of the Muslims voted.

\
In the mi t of lot of controversies and debates over the Gandhian programme, the Congress
session s d at Nagpur from 26 December 1920. The Nagpur Congress saw the dramatic
change of C.R. Das of Bengal from a critic of Gandhi's programme to the mover of the non-
cooperation resolution at Nagpur. It endorsed the non-cooperation resolution which declared
that the entire scheme, beginning with the renunciation of all voluntary association with the
Government at one end and refusal to pay taxes at the other, should be put into force at a
time to be decided by the Congress. Resignation from the councils, renunciation of legal
practice, nationalization of education, economic boycott, organization of workers for
national service, raising of a national fund and Hindu-Muslim unity were suggested as steps
in the programme. The Nagpur session also brought a revolutionary change in the congress
organization. The changes were:
formation of a working committee of 15 members,
formation of an All India Committee of 350 members,
formation of Congress Committees from town to village level,
reorganization of Provincial Congress Committees on a linguistic basis, and
opening of Congress membership to all men and women of the age of 21 or more on
payment of 4 annas as annual subscription.
.
I

This was the first positive move on the part of the Congress to make it a real mass based
political party.'U'his period also witnessed a fundamental change in the social composition of
the party as well as in its outlook and policies. Gandhi with a novel weapon of Satyagraha
emerged as the mass leader in the Congress party.
From the above dis9ussion it becomes clear that the programme of the Non-Cooperation
Movement had two' main aspects:
i) constructive and
ii) destructive.,
Under the first category came:
the nationalization of education,
the promotion of indigenous goods,
the popularisation oPeharkha and Khadi, and
the enrolyent of a volunteer corps.
In the later category figured the boycott of: .

law courts,
educational institutions,
elections to the legislature,
official functions,
British goods as well as the surrender of honours and titles conferred by the British.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: The Inter War
yean-I 18.5 MAIN PHASES OF THE NON-COOPERATION
MOVEMENT
The campaign for non-cooperation and boycott started with great enthusiasm from early
1921. However, we find some changes in the central emphasis of the movement from one
phase to other. In the first phase from January to March 1921, the main emphasis was on the
boycott of schools, colleges, law courts and the use of Charkha. There was widespread
student unrest and top lawyers like C.R. Das and Motilal Nehru gave up their legal practice.
This phase was followed by the second phase starting from April 1921. In this phase the
basic objectiveswere the ccaIlection of Rs. one crore for the Tilak Swaraj Fund by August
1921, enrolling one crore Congress members and installing 20 lakh Charkhas by 30 June. In
the third phase, starting from July, the stress was on boycott of foreign cloth, boycott of the
forth coming visit of the Prince of Wales in November, 1921, popularisation of ~ h r k h and a
Khadi and Jail Bharo by Congress volunteers.
In the last phase, between November 1921, a shift towards radicalism was visible. The
Congress volunteers rallied the people and the country was on the verge of a revolt. Gandhi
decided to launch a no revenue campaign at Bardoli, and also a mass civil disobedience
movement for freedom of speech, press and association. But the attack on a local police
station by angry peasants at Chauri Chaura, in Gorakhpur district of U.P., on 5th February
1922, changed the whole situation. Gandhi, shocked by this incident, withdrew the Non-
cooperation Movement.

18.6 PEOPLESSRESPONSE TO THE MOVEMENT

The leadership of this movement in the initial stages came from the middle class. But the
middle class had a lot of reservations about Gandhi's programme. In places like Calcutta,
Bombay, Madras which were centres of elite politicians, the response to Gandhi's movement
was very limited. Their response to the call for resignation from government service,
surrendering of titles, etc.-was not very encouraging. However, the economic boycott
received support from the Indian business group, because the textile industry had benefited
from the nationalists emphsis on the use of Swadeshi. Still a section of the big business
remained critical of the Non-Cooperation Movement. They were particularly afraid of labour
unrest in the factories following the Non-Cooperation Movement.
Besides the elite politicians, the comparative new comers in Indian politics found expression
of their interests and aspirations in the Gandhian movement. Leaders like Rajendra mad - - is
Bihar, Sardar Vallabh bhai Pate1 in Ciujarat, provided solid support to Gandhian movement.
In fact, they found non-cooperation as a viable political alternative to terrorism in ord6r to
fight against a colonial government.
The response from the students and women was very effective. Thousands of students left
government schools and colleges and joined national schools and colleges. The newly started
national institutions like the Kashi Vidyapeeth, the Gujarat Vidyapeeth and the Jamia Millia
Islamia and others accommodated many students although several others were disappointed. .
Students became active volunteers of the movement. Women also came forward. They gave
up Purdah and offered their jewellery for the Tilak Fund. They joined the movement in large
members and took active part in picketing before the shops selling foreign cloth and liquor.
The most important landmark of this movement was the massive participation of the
peasants A d workers in it. The long-standing grievances of the toiling masses against the
British, as w l l as the Indian masters got an opportunity through this movement to express
their real feelings. Although the Congress leadership was against class war, the masses broke
this restraint. In nual areas and some other places, the peasants turned against the landlords
and the traders. This gave a new dimension to the movement of 1921-22.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Non-Cooperationand Khilafat
18.7 SPREAD OF THE MOVEMEN*, LOCAL Mwements: 1919-1922

VARIATIONS
The call for non-cooperation and boycott no doubt got massive response from different parts
of India. The years 1921 and 1922 were marked by massive popular protests against the
British Raj in India. However, the movement was shaped in most places according to local
conditions. It was the local grievances of the people which found expression through this
movement, and the instructions of the Congress leadership were not always followed. Let us
take a brief look at different regions in relation to the Non-Cooperation Movement.
Bengal: Mass participation in the Gandhian method of protest was less enthusiastic in
Bengal. Rabindranath Tagore appreciated Gandhi for bringing to the masses a new
consciousness. But he attacked his 'narrowness, obscurantism' and Char-kha.Elites of
,Calcutta were critical of some Gandhian ways. But the non-cooperation movement
nevertheless brought about unique communal unity and awakening in the urban and rural
masses. Hartals, ?trikes and mass courting of arrest greatly pressurized the British
Government to csange its attitude towards India.
5. Rabindran

In the countryside, an intense propaganda was carried on and as a Govern~iientreport said,

"The things that are said and done in Gandhi's name would make that gentleman shudder. if
ever he heard of fraction of them." The villagers in Midnapur district opposed the newly
created Union Boards and the tax imposed by them. The people refused to pay taxes or
agricultural rent to the Government or private landlords in the outlying district5 of North
Bengal.
Bihar: In Bihar the local issue of the right to graze cattle on common government
wastelands and the confrontation between the "lower and upper castes" on the issue of the
former taking the sacred thread got merged with the Non-Cooperation Movement. The
issues of cow protection and the rights of Kisans were also focused upon. Because of this
' linkage, North Bihar, especially Champaran, Saran, Muzaffarpur and Purnia districts,

became the storm centres of the movement by November 1921. Hut (village market) looting
and confrontation with the police became frequent.
U.P.: The United Pt.ovinces became a strong base of the Gandhian Non-Cooperation
Movement. Qrganised non-cooperation was an affair of cities and small towns. In the
countryside it took a different foml. Here the movement got entangled with the kisan
movement. Despite the repeated appeal for non-violence from the congress leadership, the
peasants rose in revolt not only against Talukdara but also, against merchants. Between
January and March 1921 the districts of Rae Bareli, Pratapgarh, Fyzabad and Sultanpur
witnessed widespread agrarian riots under the leadership of Baba Ram Chandra. The major a

demands were:
no nazarana (extra premium on rent)
no eviction from holdings, and
no h ~ ~ (forkkd Kamesh Mechrocks
a r labour) and rasad (forced sunnlies). etc.
Kamesh Mechrocks
In late 1921 there was another strong peasant outburst which is known as the 'Eka' Non-Cooperation and Khilafat
Movements: 1919-1922
movement under a radical leader Madari Pasi. The basic demand here was rhe conversion of
produce rents into cash. Another significant event was the destruction of thousands of acres
of reserved forests in the Kumaon Division in July 1921 by the hill-tribes as they disliked
the forest regulations.
Punjab: In Punjab the response to this movement was not very remarkable in the city areas.
But here the powerful Akali movement for reform and control of the Gurudwaras got
closely identified with non-cooperation. Although Gandhi gave it only guarded approval, his
non-cooperation.tactic was consistently used by the Akalis. It showed a remarkable
communal unity between the Sikhs, the Muslims and the Hindus.
Maharashtra: In Maharashtra non-cooperation remained relatively week because the
Tilakites were unenthusiastic about Gandhi, and Non-Brahmins felt that the Congrzss was a
Chitpavan-led affair. The higher castes disliked Gandhi's emphasis on the elevation of the
depressed classes and their participation in the Non-Cooperation Movement. However, there
were sone sporadic local outbursts. At Malagaon in Nasik district a few policemen were
burnt to death following the arrest of some local leaders. In the Poona area some peasants
tried to defend their landrights though Sa~agraha.
Assam: Non-Cooperation received massive support in the distant province of Assam. In the
gardens of Assam the coolies rose in revolt with shouts of "Gandhi Maharaj Ki Jai"; for
higher wages and better condition of work. There were also signs of a non-revenue
movement among peasants.
Rajasthan: Peasant movements in the princely states of Rajasthan strengthened the Non-
cooperation Movement, as they did in Bihar and U.P.. The peasants protested against cesses
and begar. The Bijolia Movement in Mewar and the Bhil Movement under Motilal Tejawat
acquired impetus from the Non-Cooperation Movement.
Andhra: In Andhra the grievances of tribal and other peasants against forest laws got linked
to the Non-Cooperation Movement. A large number of these people met Gandhi in Cudappa
in September 1921 to get their taxes reduced and forest restrictions removed. Forest officials
were boycotted. To assert their right they sent their cattle forcibly,into the forests without
paying the grazing tax. In the Paland area on the periphery of forests, Swaraj was declared
and police parties were attacked. Gandhi-Raj, the protesters believed, was about to come. A
powerful movement for non-payment of land revenue also developed in Andhra between
December 1921 and February 1922. The Non-Cooperation Movement attained great success
in the Andhra delta area. In the same period Alluri Sitaram Raju organised the tribals in
~ n d h i aand combined their demands with those of the Non-Cooperation Movement.
8. Alluri Sitaram Raju
Karnataka: Karnataka areas remained comparatively unaffected by the movement and the
initial response of the upper and middle class professional groups in several areas of the
Madras presidency was limited. Out of 682 title holders only 6 returned their honours and 36 .
lawyers gave up their legal practice. In the entire presidency 92 national schools with 5,000
pupils were stasted. The labour in the Buckingham and Carnatic textile mills went on strike
from July to October 1921. They were given moral support by the local Non-Cooperation
leaders.
Similar responses were there in many other regions. For example in Orissa the tenants of the
Kanika Raj refused to pay Ahwahs. But in Gujarat the movement went on purely Gandhian
lines.

Check Your Progress 2

1 What was the programme of the Non-Cooperation Movement? Write in 50 words.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Nationalism: The Inter War 2 Discuss in brief the response of the peasantry to the Non-Cooperation Movement.
. Years-I
.......................................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................................

.......................................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................................

3 Which of the following statements are correct or wrong (Mark \I or x ).

i) The Nagpur session of the AICC brought some revolutionary dhanges in the
Congress organization.
ii) Gandhi's programme got no response from rural areas.
iii) The Non-Cooperation Movement was shaped in most places according to local
conditions.

18.8 THE LAST PHASE

The Government very carefully observed the developments and collected secret reports from
the provinces about the progress of the movement. When the movement ultimately started, ,
the Government took recourse to repression. The Congress and the Khilafat volunteer
organizations were declared unlawful. Public assemblies and processions were banned. At
many places the police fired on the satyagrahis. Arrests and Lathi charge became a common
scene. By the end of 1921 all important leaders except Gandhi were imprisoned. Alarmed by
Hindu-Muslim unity, the Government also tried tb create a split between the Congress and
the Khilafatists. Thus the Government machinery was fully geared to crush the movement.

& € C O N D PHASE OF N O N C O O P E R A T I O N MOVE

30 Kamesh9. A Cartoon
Mechrocks
showing the withdrawal of the Mocement
 The repression by the British strengthened the determination of the Indians to continue the NoaC
Khilrfat
MovcPcrb: 1919-1922
movement with greater vigour. Meanwhile the viceroy tried to negotiate with the Congress
leaders through Madan Mohan Malaviya and offered to recognise the National volunteers
and to release the political prisoners. In mid-January 1922 Gandhi explained the position of
the Non-Cooperation Movement at the All Parties Conference and there was a general
agreement on his assessments. On 1 st February he sent an ultimatum to the viceroy that he
could start mass civil disobedience if the political prisoners were not released and repressive
measures not abandoned. Since the whole country was not fit for civil disobedience he
decided to launch it on 5th February. Congress volunteers were fired at by the police at
Chauri Chaura in Gorakhpur district in U.P. In &taliation the infuriated mob killed 21
policemen. This violent incident shocked Gandhi and he suspended the Non-
cooperation Movement. He also postponed the proposed civil disobedience at Bardoli.
Many Congressmen were shocked and surprised by Gandhi's decision. They vehemently
protested against it. Subhas Chandra Bose called it a "national calam;tyw. Jawaharlal Nehm
expressed his "amazement and consternationwat the decision. Explaining his position
Gandhi replied to Jawaharlal Nehm:
"The movement had unconsciously drifted from the right path. We have come back to
our moorings, and we can again go straight ahead."
I On 12 February 1922 the Congress Working Committee meeting at Bardoli condemned the
I
inhuman conduct of the mob at Chauri Chaura. It endorsed the suspension of the mass civil
disobedience movement. The same day Gandhi started his five day fast as a penance. Thus,
the first non-cooperation virtually came to an end. Gandhi was arrested on 10 March, 1922
and was sentenced to six years' imprisonment.

-
PL-
Am.&*&, &-4 JZ,J-,
$
,f (+-
HI;
8. ?

10. Order of Gandhi's Imprisonment

Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: The Inter War
Years-I

11. Gandhi going to Jail (1922)

The Khilafat issues also lost its relevance when Kemal Pasha came to power in Turkey. The
Sultan of Turkey was stripped of all political power. Kemal Pasha wanted to modernize
Turkey and to make it a secular state. The Caliphate was abolished. Naturally it led to an end
of Khilafat movement.

18.9 CAUSES OF WITHDRAWAL

Explaining the causes of withdrawal of the Non-Cooperation Movement, Gandhi said that
the Chauri Chaura incident had forced him to withdraw the movement. The incident proved
that the country still had not learnt the lesson from the non-violence. To quote Gandhi, "I
would suffer every humiliation, every torture, absolute ostracism and death itself to prevent
the movement from becoming violent."
As far as the peasants were concerned the Non-Cooperation Movement was gradually
turning into a no-rent movement against the Zamindars. But the Congress leadership was in
no way interested in attacking the legal rights of the Zamindars. Gandhi's aim was of a .
"controlled mass movement" involving different Indian classes, and not a class revolution.
So he was against the continuation of this movement which might turn into a class
revolution. He made it quite clear that he was against any kind of violent or radical
movement at that stage. In spite of an objective revolutionary situation existing in India there
was no alternative revolutionary leadership. If the movement was not suspended it might
have led to chaos because the leadership had no control over local movements.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Non-Cooperation and Khilafat
18.10 IMPACT i (.
Movements: 1919-1922

4
In spite of its failure the Non-Cooperation Move#ent has great significance in 1ndian history
facial
not only in relation to political spheres but in t e r q s of Gandhi
emphasised the need of removing evils like ca$te communalism, untouchability*
etc. In the processions, meetings and in jails castes and communities worked
together and even ate together. This and accelerated the
pace of social mobility and reform. The-l s cduld raise their head high without
fear. This movement showed rema n \he Hindus and the Muslims. At
many it was difficult to distifigu& non-cooperation, Khilafat and Kisan
Sabha meeting.
. .
The economic boycott in 1920-22 was more Swadeshi Movement in 1905-
08 after the partition of Bengal. As again.st 1 , of British cotton price goods
imported in 1905-08, only 955 million yards in 1921-22. This naturally
created panic among the British capitalists. The kd industry had immensely
influence increased
1 benefited by the boycott of foreign good
considerably. On theother hand, recurrent 1
millowners. Tjle popularisation of Charkha
1 created panic among these
lage reconstruction
programme through self-help and through bout economic revival, and

I handloom cloth production went up.

In the political field the Non-Cooperation and Khila ents involving all the
communities and all classes added a new dimension ional Movement. The
National movement had been strengthene A new nationalist
awareness was generated and the National Movement otest comers of the
land. The common people for the first time became an of the main stream of the
National Movement. Self-confidence and ian people developed
tremendously. It brought a real feeling of
boosted the morale of the people and rais

Check Your Progress 3

1 Discuss the impact of Non-Cooperation Movement in tory. Write in about 100
-.+
words. I
I
1

2 Why was the movement suspended ? Answer in five lines.

'i

3 Mark the statements correct ( d ) or wrong (x).

\
i Kamesh Mechrocks
The British Government tried to create a snlit hetween the Cnhneress and the
Nationalism: The Inter War ii) The Chauri Chaura incident h
Years4
iii) The Khilafat Movement was
iv) The Non-Cooperation Move
mainstream of Indian politics.

18.11 LET US SUM ug

The Non-Cooperation Movement d btedly a landmark in the history of Indian
struggle for independence. The intr f the Rowlatt Act, the Montagu-S+elmsford
Reforms, the Jallianwala Bagh Ma the Khilafat issue provided the background of
Non-Cooperation Movement.
Gandhi wanted to use the nited Hindu-Muslim movement against the
British Government. In ns by some Congress leaders to the merger of
the Khilafat issue with t nt, Gandhi finally persuaded them to launch a
non-cooperation move
The programme of the government and educational
arkha and Khadi, etc. The movement got
massive support from diffe . The most remarkable feature was the
participation of the common large scale for the first time in the national
movement.
out of control of the Congress leadership,
of 1921. Finally the Chaur. Chaura incident

True, the movement failed t n objectives: The restitution of the Caliphate

le between what Gandhi called 'the soul force'
and 'the material force' b t o ~ g ening to the masses for their political rights.
ad achieved in one year what could not be done in
ations made about the Non-
two years constituted a stormy period of
the first time stood up agai~stthe
mighty British Raj.
I
L

18.12 KEY WORDS' '(1

A.I.C.C. : All India Con-s
Charkha : Spinning wheel .
Katgha : Handloom
Khadi :Hand-spun cloth
Khalifa ;Successor to the
Non-Cooperation : rating with the British manifested through boycott of
educational institutions,
Panchayat :

vement based on the philosophy of truth and non-

violence.

Swaraj :Self- rule

!
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Phon-cooperation and Khilafat
M,oj%rnentsr 1919-1922
18.13 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1 i) x ii) d iii) d iv) x v) d
2 Your answef should include humiliation of the KMifa by the British. Major demands
were restoration of Khalifa's control, retention of Khalifa's temtory, etc.
See Section 18.3.

Check Your Progress 2

1 Boycott of schools, colleges, councils, ctc, and use of Charkha, Khadi,etc.
See Sec. 18.4.
2 You havdto write about the spontaneous response of the peasantry giving reasons for
their participation and the refemce~of two or three areas like U.P., Bihar, etc.
'
See Sec. 18.6 and 18.7.
3 i) d ii) x iii) d
Check Your Progress 3
1 Your answer should
,-
include the social, economic and political impact of this movement.
See Sec. 18.11
2 You have to write about the explanations given by Gandhi and others
See Sec. 18.10
3 i) d ii) x iii) x iv) d

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 19 THE AKALI MOVEMENT

Structure
19.0 Objectives
19.1 Introduction
19.2 Social Evils in Sikh Society and Early Reforms
19.2.1 The Nirankiui Movement
19.2.2 The h d h a r i Movement
19.2.3 The Singh Sabha Movement
19.3 The Akali Movement
19.3.1 Misuse of Shrine Funds
19.3.2 ~truggl;for the Akali Control over the Golden Temple and Akal Takht
19.3.3 Nankana Tragedy
19.3.4 Toshakhana Key's Affair
19.3.5 Guru-Ka-Bagh Morcha
19.3.6 The Akali Agitation in Nabha
19.4 Passage of the Gurdwara Bill and End of the Akali Movement
19.5 Let Us Sum Up
19.6 Key Words
19.7 h s w e r s to Check Your Progress Exercises

19.0 OBJECTIVES
This Unit will deal with the social reform movements among the Sikhs, particularly the
Akali Movement. This movement brought about a distinct change in the social and .
intellectual attitude of the Sikh Community and fostered a nationalist spirit am6ni hjm,
After reading this Unit, you should be able to:

know about the different reform movemeqts that took place prior to the Akali
Movement,.
explain the causes t@t gave rise to the &li Movement,
desciibe the courqe and maimevents of thk Akali Movement, and
know about the signif~anceof the Gurudwara Bill in the Akali Movemenb

19.1 INTRODUCTION
As you have already,read in Unit 8, the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were a period
of socio-religious ayakening and reform in India. In social life these reforms attacked
superstition and the traditional caste ba+d divi6bn~.of society. These movements worked
for the abolition of evil practices like Sati, female infanticide and *ld marriagei They
advocated widow remarriage, equal rights for women and modem educ'ation. They reform
movements mainly concentrated 6n the evils in Hindu society. At the same time, other,,
cornminities like the Muslims and the Sikhs wereMso undergokg sweligious changes.
The Sikh community which in some ways had deviated from the path shown by the Sikh
Gurus also needed social and religious reforms. Since movements of socio-religious
reform in the nineteenth century have already been discussed, this unit/*ill disyss, in
detail, movements of socio-religious reform among the Sikhs with special reference to the
Akali Movement which became a major force in changing the social outlook b h h e Sikh
community and brought them in the mainstream of Indian nationalism. Before going into
details of the Akali movement it will be relevant to study briefl? other movements o$
socio-religious reform among the Sikhs which created necessary social awakening and led
to the launching of the Akali struggle for Gurudwara reform.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 .*

I 19.2 SOCIAL EVILS IN SIKH SOCIETY AND EARLY

REFORMS
As you might have read, Sikhism started as a movement of social protest against social
evils such as discrimination in the name of caste, ritualism taking precedence over the true
spirit of religion and the domination of the priestly classes through religion. Its founder,
Guru Nan-& Dev, believed in unity of the Godhead and the brotherhood of mankind. He
' W k d i Movemed

condemned meaningless rites and rituals and preached belief in one God. Like other saints
of medieval India, he laid emphasis on good actions and honest living. "Truth is high but
higher still is truthful living", said Nanak. To put his teachings into practice Guru Nanak
introduced the twin institutions of Sangat, congregation, and Pangat, eating food from the
I free community kitchen while sitting in one line. Guru Nanak also advocated equality for
women. "Why degrade women who give birth to kings and greatmen", said Nanak. He
preached against the different evils rampant in society and advocated the establishment of
a just social order. However, these simple and practical teachings of Guru Nanak and of
I successive Sikh Gurus were not followed properly by the people. In due course Sikh
religion was firmly established and developed its own rituals and institutions. The
est;rbRshmq of Sikh rule by Ranjit Singh resulted in the introduction of pomp and show
, thus giving rise to the same social evils which the Sikh Gurus and other
ad condemned.
..
At the same time there arose a number of social and religious reform movements in the
Sikh comm*. 7ke will study a few important movements here.

I 19.2.1 The N&ankari Movement

I
Baba Bayal ~ a s s , : asaintly man and a contemporary of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, was the
first among the reformers in Sikh religion, who had the courage to condemn the social

e2
t
t had gradually\cred in Sikh society. Baba Dayal disapproved the worship of
\ @-me$. He also introduced a simplified version of marriage named Anand Karaj
'Snd
(A $ y o n d&@ whic- got legal recognition with the passage of the Anand Marriage
Act irr 1m.Under this system, maniage is performed in the presence of the Guru Granth,
wi& h.*st singing four relevant hymns from this holy book of the Sikhs. No other
rituals art performed and dowry, marriage procession, drinking and dancing are
disapproved.
Baba Dayal dkd on 30th January 1855 and was succeeded by his son Baba Darbara Singh,
who rnntirnrcid to propagate his father's teachings. Darbara Singh faced considerable
f
w. The priests in charge of the Golden Temple did not allow him to enter the
shrine and w o r m the rites of maniage according to Anand Karaj ceremony. After Baba
D&& Singh's &h his brother Rattan Chand, popularly known as Baba Ratta Ji
cominved the?york. It is interesting to note that in the earlier period, social reformers in
Sikkl* w @ ~ ~ c e s s a r ibaptised
ly Sikhs but the people who had great love and regard
for tfk ~ik(&Ultt~nof simplicity in social life. The movement is popularly known as the
! Nirankari (Forhnles God). Baba Dayal preached against idol worship of human gurus and
expected his followers to believe in one formless God -Japo Piario Dhann Nirankar, Jo
t deh dhari sub Khuar (All glory to the formless One, god corporeal you must shun).

19.2.2 The Namdhari Movement

The Namdhari movement, popularly known as the Kuka movement because of the
followers resorting to shrieks (Kukan) while in ecstasy. Started by Bhagat Jawahar Ma1
and Baba Balak Singh, the movement became a powerful i n s ~ m e n of t socio-religious
awakening a m o q the Sikhs under Baba Ram Singh. Ram Singh enjoined upon his
fol-s tW Catship of one God through prayer and meditation. He advised his followers
td dV-&gagtdLetall times in the worship of God. He also preached against social evils such
as the caste system. female infanticjde, early marriage q d barter of daughters in marriage.
He also popularised simple and inexpensive Anand marriages. The teachings of Baba Ram
Singh, had a widq appern: L I O F . ~th,e Sikh masses. Contemporary European officials
viewed the growing popularity of Baba Ram Singh's mission with serious concern as is
evident from the following account in the Parliamentary Papers of the government:
I
"...He (Ram Singh) abolishes all distinctions of caste among Sikhs; advocates
I
I
I
Kamesh Mechrocks
aniages of all classes; enjoins the marriage of widows, all of which
NPtSpnalbrn: The Inter War he performs himself; he never takes alms himself and prohibits his followers from
Years-1 doing so, enjoins abstinence from liquors and drugs....he exhorts his disciples to be
cleanly and truth-telling and it is well that every man carries his s W , and they all
do. The Granth is their only accepted inspired volume. The brotherhood may be
known by the tie of their turban - sheedapug - by a watch-word-by necklace of
knots made in a white woollen cord, to repeat beads and which are worn by all the
community".
Though Baba Ram Singh's mission was specially marked for its teachings of righteous
living, toleration and mercy, some of his followers got out of control and, in a fit of
religious frenzy, committed excesses which resulted in a clash with the Government. Some
of his more fanatic followers who got excited over the killing of cows, murdered the
butchers at Amritsar, Rajkot and Malerkotla. As a punishment, they were blown off from
the cannon's mouth. There is difference of opinion among the scholars as to whether the
movement was social or political, but the official action against the Kukas definitely
created great hatred for British rule in the minds of the people in Punjab. This helped in
preparing the ground for the subsequent struggle of the Akalis in the early twentieth
century.

19.23 The Singh Sabha Movement

The year following the persecution of the Kukas and the suppression of their movement
saw the birth of the Singh Sabha (1873 A.D). The Singh Sabha movement and its activities
had a much wider appeal among the Sikh masses and, consequently, made a far greater
impact. The promoters of the Singh Sabha movement, most of whom belonged to the
educated middle class, were connected with other socio-religious movements in Punjab as
well. They also were aware of similar movements in other parts of the country. They
believed that social evils among the Sikhs were due to lack of education among them.
They thought that social and religious reform could be brought about only when the masses
were made aware of their earlier heritage.
The Singh Sabha aimed mainly at social and religious reform through the spread of
education and consciously refrained from discussing political questions or in any way
incumng the displeasure of the British rulers.
The Singh Sabha leadership, who either because of their own vested interests as big land
holders or because of their perception of the 'interests of the Sikhs' did not want to incur
displeasure of the British rulers. The preachers of this movement, therefore, did not hold
the British Government dinxtly responsible for the manifold social and religious ills.
However, it was difficult to totally dissociate the British Government from the deplorable
state of affairs that was depicted by these preachers. While referring to the prosperous days
of Ranjit Singh's rule in Punjab, they compared the present degraded condition of the
Sikhs with the past sufferings under the Mughals. It was suggested that this similarity in
conditions under the Mughals and the British 'was due to the similarity in causes'.
However, the major contribution of the Singh Sabha leadership lay in the creation of a
network of Khalsa schools, colleges and other centres of leaming. The Singh Sabha leaders
felt that the spread of education among the Sikhs needed support from the British rulers.
Therefore, they sought the patronage of the Viceroy and other British officials. Soon after
the establishment of the Khalsa Diwan at Lahore, an active campaign was started for the
foundation of a central college for the Sikhs around which was to be organised a system of
schools in the outlying districts. Educational activities of the Singh Sabha received ready
support and patronage from the Government of India and the British officials hd the rulers
of the Sikh princely states that the Khalsa College was founded at Amritsar in 1892.
Though the promoters of the Khalsa College and their British patrons founded the college
for purely educational advancement, the students and some of the teachers there could not
escape the influence of the prevailing political unrest in the province and the growing
movement of nationalism in the country. The C.I.D. officials reported to the authorities
that the Khalsa College had, by 1907, 'become an important centre for inculcating national
feelings among the students'. It was perhaps due to the influcnce of these politically
conscious teachers and the inspiration of G.K. Gokhale, M.K. Gandhi and other nationalist
leaders that the students demonstrated twice against the European officers who visited the
college with a view to s~iggestcertain measures to curb the growing nationalist feelings
among the college studenis. Through the Sikh Education Conference, the Singh Sabha also
Kamesh Mechrocks
 created a net work of Khalsa Schools which indirectly served as centres of social
awakening and reform.
Movements of socio-religious reform among the Sikhs-exposed the evils which had slowly
crept into the Sikh social and religious life and indirectly inculcated in them a desire for
ref-. Growing political unrest in the Punjab in the early twentieth century, the infldence
of the nationalist press and above all the growing forces of nationalism in the counay
further added to.the discontent among the Sikhs and prepared ground for the coming Akali
struggle which was directed against the Mahants and other vested interests in Sikh shrines
on the one hand and against British imperialism in the Punjab on the other. We will p ad
about it in the next section.

Check Your Progress 1

1 List the main evils against which the Sikh Social Reformers fought.

2 What is Anand Karai marriage? Who supported this form of mamage?

.......................................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................................
......................................................................................................................................

I
3 What is the significance of Kuka Movement?
I

4 What was the contribution of Singh Sabha Movement in the field of education?

19.3 AKALI MOVEMENT

Rn Ak& & a n e n t was started by the Sikh reformers to purify their religious places by
re~nov&9f the evil social practices that had slowly crept into them. The Sikh shrines,
popularly known as the Gurdwara or Dharamsal were established by the Sikh Gurus as
centres of religious activit) and social and moral instruction, and for providing food and
shelter to the poor and needy. 'I'he sikh teaching of equality of mankind was practised here.
All persons, irrespective of their caste, colour and sex could enter these places and share
the free meal served in the Lungar (Community Kitchen) attached to each Gurdwara.
Contemporary writers mention that the Sikhs attached no importance to the monopoly of
the Brahmins in social and religious matters. Men from all the four varnas freely entered
the Sikh Gurdwaras and partook of the sacred prasad and free meal served in the Lungar.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: The Inter \\'ar In keeping with the Sikh tradition of piety, those appointed incharge of the Gurdwaras did
Years-I not look upon the offerings as their personal income but used them for running free
community kitchen and other works of social welfare. During the days of Sikh persecution
after the death of the tenth Sikh Guru, Guru Gobind Singh, control of the Sikh Gurdwaras
passed on to the Udasis 6r those who professed Sikhism but did not strictly adhere to its
outward symbols and coild, thus, escape persecution. The Udasis in charge of various
Gurdwaras at this time rendered an important service to the Sikh religion by keeping the
Gurdwaras going. They were widely respected as men of high moral character and
integrity. Most of them were not atracned to any particular shrine or to its wealth and
property but moved from place to place. 'There were, however, some who established
regular institutions and admitted followers and came to be known as Mahants. In the
earlier stages, these Mahants enjoyed the confidence and reverence of the cangregation of
their areas. They also followed the advice of Guru Nanak not to covet the offerings. But
this tradition of purity aad simplicity was given up by most of the Mahants I a result of
the increase in their income derived from revenue-free jagirs bestowed on most of the
historic shrines by Maharaja Ranjit Singh and other Sikh chiefs.

19.3.1 Misuse of Shrine Funds

The rise of the powerful Sikh chiefs in the later part of the eighteenth centur); and
establishment of kingdom by Ranjit Singh in 1799 A.D. brought about a sigd&cant change
in Sikh religion. The property and privileges attached to the religious places led to the
introduction of complicated rites and rituals and emergence of rich and powerful Mahants.
Almost all the well-known Gurdwaras were endowed with rich tax-free jagirs by Maharaja
Ranjit Singh and other Sikh Chiefs. With sudden increase in the income, came a change in
the style of living of the Mahants of some important Gurdwaras. They began to convert the
trust property of the Gurdwara into their personal possessions. This was in total disregard
of the injunctions laid down by Sikh Gurus and the Sikh scriptures. Gradually, the Mahants
and their followers began to live a life of luxury and started indulging in vatiuus social
evils. Followers of Sikhism tried to check the evil practices of these Mahaws by social
protest and organised a movement of liberation of Sikh shrines from the comrol of the
hereditary Mahants.
This movement is popularly known as the Akali movement because of the Akali Juthas
(bands of volunteers) leading this movement of reform.

19.3.2 Struggle for the Akali Control over the Golden Temple and
Aka1 Takht

Kamesh Mechrocks
12. Amritsar The Golden Temple,
J.
The city of Arnritsar, earlier called Ramdaspur and Guru-ka-Chak, was founded by the The Akali Movement
fourth Guru, Ram Dass, in 1577. The Fifth Guru, Arjun Dev, built the Temple in 1589 now
popularly known as the Golden Temple. The sixth Guru, Hargobind, built the Akal Takht
and declared it as the Sikh seat of temporal authority. In its earlier stages, the Golden
Temple and the Akal Takht were looked after by competent and pious priests like Bhai
Mani Singh. But dujag the period of the persecution of the Sikhs at the hands of the
Mughal ~ovenpzksof Punjab and later by the Abdali invader, Ahmad Shah Abdali, the
control #&
of! two important Sikh centres passed on to the Udasi Mahants. During the
days o F ~ a h a r a j aRanjit Singh's rule the shrine was richly decorated with marble and gold
plates and came to be known as the Golden Temple. A rich revenue-free jagir was also
attached to these shrines. After the annexation of Punjab to the British India in 1849, the
British Govt. took over the controfof these two places and appointed a committee of ten
members headed by a Sarbarah to look after their day-to-day affairs (John Mayhard, 'The
Sikh Problem in the Punjab' in the Contemporary Review, September 1923, p. 295).

Mismanagement and corrupiroe

The appointment of Sarbarah by/the Government created more problems. The Sarbarah did
not feel responsible towards the people but was busy pleasing his appointing authority-
the Deputy Commissioner of Amritsar. The priests indulged in all sorts of evil practices,
sucbas misappropriation of offerings and other valuables. The sanctity of these places was
&stroyeld. Here brothels were run, pornographic literature sold, and innocent women
visiting the temples raped. (Jiwan Bhai Mohan Singh Vaid, p. 121).
Corrupt practices in the precincts of the Golden Temple and the Akal Takht at Amritsar
and official control over its management had been a source of great discontent among the
Sikhs long before the beginning of the movement for reform. The reformers were anxious
to free these central seats as early as possible from evil influences and officiaLcontro1. The
British authorities in Punjab resisted any effort at reform or change in the existing system
of managem&. They thought that this would deprive them of the privilege to use these
r e l y o w places to consolidate their power and weaken their political opponents. Generally
the ~ p ~ e r n m e n t - a b i n t eSarbarahs
d of the Golden Temple were used for the glorification
of the British rule and its functionaries. With the weakening of the Sikh control over the
management and the increasing hold of officialdom, the manager and priests started taking
their cue from the Deputy Commissioner and ignored Sikh opinion and sentiments in the
day-to-day affairs of the temple. The Government appointed Sarbarah, after ensuring that
the appointing authority was pleased, spent his time in appropriating the wealth belonging
to the shrine and neglected his daily religious duties. Costly gifts to the temple slowly
found their way to the homes of the Sarbarah and other priests. The precincts began to be
used by Pundits and astrologers and idols were openly worshipped in the Gurdwara
premises. According to contemporary accounts, on Basant and Holi festivals the whole
place degenerated into a hunting ground for the local rogues, thieves and other bad
characters. Pornographic literature was freely sold, and brothels were opened in the
neighbouring houses where innocent women visiting the holy temples were made victims
of the lust of licentious Sadhus, Mahants and their friends.

Discrimination on the basis of Caste

While Sikh religion does not recognise any caste distinctions, the priests in charge of the
Golden Temple did not allow members of the so-called low-castes, known as Mazhabi
Sikhs to offer their prayers in the temple directly. They had to hire an attendant of the
so-called higher-caste to carry their offering of Prasad in the Temple. As a result of
socio-religious awakening created by various movements of reform among the Sikh
community the Khalsa Biradri of Amritsy advocated free integration of the members of
the so-called low-castes, including community dining and inter-marriages. As the priests of
the Golden Temple did not allow the members of the so-called low-castes, to enter the
temple and offer Prmad themselves, the Khalsa Biradri thought of creating public
awareness on the subject and defy the authority of the priests. They organised a Diwan in
the Jallianwala Bagh, Amritsar, on the 12th of October, 1920, in which Professor Teja
S_ingh,Bawa Harkishan Singh and Jathedar Kartar Singh Jhabbar and other prominent
leaders of the reform movement participated. In the Diwan the so-called untouchables who
had embraced Sikhism were baptised. Later prominent Sikh leaders shared food with them
and marched to Golden Temple in the form of a religious procession. When they
reached the temple the priest on duty Bhai Gurbachan Singh refused to accept Prasad from
Kamesh Mechrocks
the so-called low-castes and to offer prayer on their behalf. After heated exchange of
The Inter War arguments the matter was decided by consulting the holy book, the decision went in favour
of the party of reform. However, the priests did not accept the change in the status and left
the shrine in protest. Since the holy book (Guru Granth) was left unattended the reformers
took control of the situation and formed a committee for the management of the Golden
Temple and the Akal Takht.
Thus you can see that reformers felt very strongly about:
the misappropriation of funds by the temple management.
the misuse of temple premises by anti social corrupt elements, and
the ban on the entry of low caste people in the holy shrines.
Under these circumstances the Akali reformers had to take control of the important
shrines - the Golden Temple and the Akal Takht.

Check Your Progress 2

1 List the main evils prevailing in the, sikh shrines under Sarbarahs.

2 Describe how the low caste p&oplewere discriminated against in religious matters?

1 Why were the Shahs not payihg attention to the opinion of the Sikh Community in
managing the shrines?

19.3.3 Nankana Tragedy .

After taking codtrol of the Golden Temple and the Akal Takht at Arnritsar the reformers
paid their attention to other Sikh Gurdwaras. In Nankana, the birth-place of Gum Nanak
Dev, Gurdwara Janam Asthan and other shrines were being controlled by hereditary
Mahants. Narain Dass who was incharge of the Gurdwara Janam Astha at Nankana was
practising a number d social and religious evils. He kept a mistress, invited dancing girls
into the Gurdwara and~prmittedprofane singing in the holy premises. In spite of protest
from different Sikh circles the Mahant did not abandon the evil practices. Accordingly, a
Jatha of 130 reformers including some women proceeded to Gurdwara Janam Asthan under
the leadership of Bhai Lachhman Singh. When the Jatha reached the Gurdwara in the early
hours of February 20, 1921 the Mahant and the mercenaries hired by him attacked these
armless, peaceful refarmers. A number of marchers were killed and the wounded were tied
to the trees and burnt. In order to destroy the evidence the Mahant and his men collected
all the bodies and put them to fire.
The barbaric killing of all the 130 members of the Jatha by the Mahant sent waves of shock
and resentment throughout the country. Mahatma Gandhi and other national leaders
condemned this brutal action of the Mahant. Mahatma Gandhi visited Nankana on 3rd
Kamesh Mechrocks
March to express sympathy with the Akali reformers. In his speech Mahatma Gandhi
condemned the action of the Mahant and advised the Akali reformers to offer The Akali Movement
non-cooperation to the Government in the matter of official commission of enquiry. It was
on the advice of Mahatma Gandhi and other national leaders that the Akali reformers
decided to broaden their movement. They launched a two pronged attack. It was directed
against the con-upt Mahant on the one hand and the Punjab government on the other. It
was this changed policy which led to h e Akali agitations over the issues of the Keys of the
Toshakhana (treasury) and later their peaceful struggle at Guru-ka-Bagh.

19.3.4 Toshakhana Key's Affair

As mentioned earlier the Akali reformers had taken control of the Golden Temple and the
Akal Takht at Arnritsar, yhen the priests ran away from the scene, and appointed a
Committee for the management of these two shrines. The Coplmittee asked the
government-appointed manager of the Golden Temple to jandover the keys of the
Toshakhana (treasury) to the committee. But before the manager came to do so the keys
were taken away by the British Deputy Commissioner.
This action of the government created great resentment in the Sikh community. To get
buck the keys the Akali reformersJaunched a powerful agitation which is popularly known
as the Keys Affair.
In this agitation the Sikh reformers were also joined by the Congress volunteers in Punjab.
Since Mahatma Gandhi's non-cooperation movement was already going on, the Punjab
Government thought of isolating the Akali reformers from the congress programme of
non-cooperation by releasing all the Akali volunteers arrested in connection with the A

agitation over the keys affair and returning the keys of the Golden temple treasury to the
Fksident of the committee. This victory of the h a l i reformers was seen by the national
leaders as a victory of the forces of nationalism. On this occasion Mahatma Gandhi sent
the following telegram to Baba Kharak Singh, President of the S.G.P.C.:
"FIRST BATTLE FOR INDIA'S FREEDOM WON. CONGRATULATIONS"
After the suspension of the non-cooperation movement in February, 1922 as a result of
violence at Chauri Chaura and arrest of Mahatma Gandhi and other Congress leaders,
Punjab government thought of teaching a 'lesson' to the Akali reformers. This led to
another agitation known as Guru-ka-BaghMorcha.

Check Your Progress 3

E What led to the tragedy at Nankana?

2 How did the, Akali Movement come into contact with the National Movement?

3 What was the key's affair? Why did the British Govenunent surrender on this issue?

Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: The Inter War
Years-I W3.5 Guru-ka-Bagh Morcha
As mentioned above, unconditional re~kaseof the Akali prisoners arrested in connection
with the keys affair and return of the keys to the committee undermined the prestige of the
Punjab government. The officials in Punjab thought of retrieving their lost prestige by
amsting the Akali volunteers who were cutting wood from the dry kikar (Acacia Nilotica)
trees attached to the Gurdwara Guru-ka-Bagh. The argument used by the police was that
the dry wood was private property of the Mahant of the Gurdwara and Akali reformers
were committing a 'theft' by taking this wood for use in the community kitchen. To assert
their right to cut dry trees for use in the community kitchen, the Jathas of the Akalis started
marching to Guru-ka-Bagh and the police started arresting these reformerb.

13. A Jatha of Akali volunteers marching to Guru-ka-Bagh on 25 October, 1922.

After arresting over 5,000reformers the government in Punjab found no place in the jails to
keep them. They started beating them mercilessly till they became unconsciou~and released
them. In this peaceful suffering at Guru-ka-Bagh the Akali reformers won wide sympathy
and support from the press and also from the national leaders. Rev. C.F. Andrews, a British
missionary sympathetic to Indian political aspirations, after visiting the scene of Akali
beating at Guru-ka-Bagh was so moved by the sufferings of the innocent Akali volunteCis
that he described the police action as "inhuman, brutal, foul and cowardly which was
incredible to an Englishman and a moral defeat of England". I

.- .
Kamesh Mechrocks
14. Arrests at Guru-Ka-BaghMomha
 As a result of the criticism of the official action by the national leaders which found wide The Aknli ~ovement"
coverage in the press, the Governor of Punjab ordered the police to stop beating the Akali
Jathas at Guru-ka-Bagh. All those arrested in connection with the Guru-ka-Bagh agitation
were released unconditionally and the volunteers were allowed to carry the wood from the

.19.3.6 The Akali Agitation in Nabha

garden for use in the community kitchen at Guru-ka-Bagh.

Victories of the Akali reformers in two agitations, the keys Affair and the Guru-ka-Bagh,
grecltlg raised the power and prestige and morale of the Akali leadership. In their hour of
victory they launched another agitation and demanded the restoration of Maharaja
Ripudaman Singh of Nabha to his throne from which he had been forcibly removed by the
British Govt. This issue was not directly related with the Akali movement whose chief
concern so far had been social and religious reforms. But since by now the Akali reformers
had emerged ap a powerful expression of the nationalist protest in the province, the Congress
leadership supported them in their agitation in Nabha. At a special session of the Congress
Working Committee held at New Delhi in September 1923 the Congress decided to send
Jawaharlal Nehru, A.T. Gidwani and K. Santhanam as observers to visit Nabha and report
on the situation there to the Congress Working Committee. Nehru and his colleagues were
arrested soon after entering the Nabha territory and put behind the bars on flimsy charges.
During their stay in the Nabha jail and subsequent trial the Congress'bbservers not.only got
first hand knowledge about the Akali struggle but also discovered the arbitrary nature of the
justice in the Sikh stateof Nabha which had been put under the control of a British
administrator.
Jawaharlal Nehru in his statement that he wrote in the Nabha jail on the 23rd November,
1923 (Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru, edited by Prof. S. Gopal, pp. 369-75, Vol. I)
attacked the j u w machinery in Nabha for-their'unscrupulous and crooked' ways and
1 praised the Akalf-S*hs for their courage and sacrifice. The last paragraph of the original
hand written statement reads as follows:
"I rejoice that I am being tried for a cause which the Sikhshave made their own. I was in jail
when the Guru-ka-Bagh struggle was gallantly fought and won by the Sikhs. I marvelled at
the courage and sacrifice of the Akalis and wished that I could be given an opportunity of
showing my deep admiration of them by some form of service. That opportunity has now
been giyen to me and I earnestly hope that I shall prove worthy of their high tradition and
fine cou;age. Sat Sri Akal."
I

Central Jail JawaharlaI Nehru

Nabha Sept. 25, 1923

19.4 PASSAGE OF THE GURDWARA BILL AND END OF

THE AKALI MOVEMENT
During their agitation in Nabha the Akalis faced toughest opposition fromfie British
.
administrator of Nabha and Maharaja Bhupinder Singh, the Sikh ruler of the princely state

again took a serious turn. The Akali agitation was likely to affect the Sikh sold'6
of Patiala. As a result of firing over the Shahidi Jatha at Jaito in ~ e b r u h 1924
, the agit

Bri 'sh aiiny. Moreover through the Akali agitation Congress programme and ideology were
\
sprea ing to the Sikh peasantry in Punjab. The presence of these factors compelled Punjab
Government to find a solution to Akali problem by passing a Bill in July 1925 which gave
the Sikh community a legal right to elect functionaries to manage their Gwdwaras. This
legislation put an end to the hereditary control of the Mahants and intrbduced democratic
control in the gurdwara management. And with this ended the five year long Akali agitation
in Punjab in which over 30,000 Akali volunteers were put behind the bars and a large
number of their sympathisers lost their jobs or pensions and were made to pay heavy fines.

I As a result of their struggle the Akali reformers succeeded in liberating their historic Sikh
shrines from the control of the hereditary Mahants. This put an end to social evils like:

I restrictions on the so-called low-caste Sikhs to make offerings in the Golden Temple,
Mahants using the Gurdwara income for personal pleasures, and
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism. The Inter War

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Kamesh Mechrocks
Criticism of British Policy by SGPC
15.
 The Akali Movement
dancing girls being invited in the Gurdwara premises and other such evils.
The movement also created a great religious and political awakening among the peopje.
They were made to iealise that there was no religious sanction in the Sikh tradition for
practising caste. According to the Gurdwara Act, any Sikh irrespective of his caste can be
elected to any position including that of the President of the SGPC Sikh women also got the
I right of vote at par with men. They could perform all religious and social duties in the Sikh
temples.
The Akali movement also created social awareness among the inhabitants of the princely
Sikh states of Patiala, Nabha, Jind and Faridkot, who were groaning under social and :
1 religious oppressions. It was the result of the march of the Akali Jathas in the villages of the
' former Sikh princely states that gave the people the much needed moral support to organise
themselves to fight against the social in these princely states. It is interesting to
note that even when the people in the princely Sikh states
continued their fight undd the Sewa Singh Thikriwala. The Raja
Mandal and state people's struggle till India became independent
and these states were merged with the Union of India.

check Your Progress 4

1 What was the attitude of Indian National Congress towards the Akali struggle in Nabha?

I 2 How did the passing of the Gurdwara Act in 1925 democratise the administration of the
Sikh shrines?

I 3 List three main achievements of the Akali Movement.

'
i)
fl

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Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationdtsm: The Inter War
years-I 19.5 LET US SUM UP
In this Unit you studied how Sikhism which started as a result of social protest against
ritualism and casteism, soon became victim of social evils like c&te system, religious
ritualism, dowry system, etc. Their religious places were badly managed and ridden with
corruption. A number of reform movements tried to remove these evils. However, the
Akali Movement was the most powerful and wide spread in this respect. The British Govt.
was most unsympathetic to the Akali demands and tried to suppress them. In the process,
the Akali movement established links with the national movement. It got full suppon from
the Nationalist leaders. After a prolonged struggle, the Akalis managed to free their shrines
from corrupt management. Gurdwaras were made free from corruption and people of all
castes got free access to them. The Govt. was compelled to pass Gurdwara Act in 1925
which democratised the management of the Sikh shrines.

19.6 KEY WORDS

Anand Marriage: A simple'fm of maniage which was performed hitbout dowry, qsuv
maniage rituals and procession etc.
Godhead: Divine nature of God
Mahants: Keepers of Gurdwaras, they established their institutions and admitted
followers.
Mazhabi Sikhs: Sikhs belonging to low caste who were not allowed entty into Sikh
shrines.
Precincts: An enclosed area around a large building (in this case Gurdwaras) which is
surrounded by a boundary or wall.
Profane: Having or showing disrespect for God or for holy things.
Revenue Free Jagir: Land given to individuals or institutions on which no revenue was
charged by the state.
Sarbarah: The caretakers of Gurdwaras appointed by the government.
SCPC: Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee. This committee was founded by the
Akalis after taking over Gotdim Temple and h a l Takht to manage their affairs. Later on it
started managing all the Gurdwaras in Punjab.
Temporal Authority: Authority related to worldly affairs (practical and material) as
opposed to religious affairs.
Udasis: A Sikh sect which did not adopt the outward symbols of Sikhism like keeping long
hair, beard, wearing Kara or keeping Kirpan.

19.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1 .
1 The main evils in society against which reformers fought were caste restriction, worship
of tombs and graves, worship of many Gods, illiteracy, dowry system, barter of
daughters in manitges and female infanticide.
2 Anand Karai maniage was a simple form of marriage. See Sub-section 19.2.1, Baba
b
Dayal Das, his son Darbara Singh and Baba Ram Singh.
3, Kuka movement drew the attention of masses against the social evils. Sub-section
19.2.2 again.
4 The Singh Sabha movemenl worked against illiteracy and founded a chain of Khalsa
Colleges to impart education and nationalist feelings. See-Subsection 19.2.3 for details.

48 Kamesh Mechrocks
 Check Your Progress 2 The Akali Movement
1 The main evils prevalent in Sikh shrines were misappropriation of funds by sarbarahs,
misuse of shrines by anti-social elerqents and ban on the entry of low caste people. Also
read Sub-$ection 19.3.1 and 19.3.2 before writing your answer.
2 The low ca$te people were not allowed to enter the shrines and pay offerings. Also read
Sub-sect~on19.3.2.
3 Sui-haruhs were appointed by the British Government. Therefore they only tried to
I please their masters and ignored the opinion of the Sikh community. Also read
Sub-section 19.3.2.

Check Your Progress 3

1 The Akali reformers' peaceful march to take control of the Gurdwara Janam SthaA at
Nankana from the corrupt mahant led to the tragedy. Whyithese reformers wanted to
take this Furdwara? Read Sub-sec. 19.3.3 agaln.
2 After the Nankana Tragedy, Mahatma Gandhi and a number of national leaders visited
Punjab and extended full support to the Akali cause. The Akalis also gave call of non-
cooperation. Also read Sub-sec. 19.3.3 and 19.3.4.
3 After obtaining the control of Golden Temple the Akalis demanded that the keys to its
treasury be handed over to them. The British surrendered the demand because they were
facing the Non-cooperation movement of Congress and wanted to isolate Akalis from it.
Also read Sub-sec. 19.3.4.

Check Your Progress 4

1 Indian National Congress supported the Akali demand in Nabha and sent special
observers. Read Sub-sec. 19.3.6.
2 With the passing of the Gurdwara Act of 1925, every Sikh irrespective of caste and
creed could get elected to the SGPC to administer the shrines. Women also got right to
vote. Also See section 19.4.
3 Your anqwer should include the achievements like doing away of caste restrictions, end
of misuse of people's money, cleaning of Gurdwaras from anti-social elements, and end
to hereditary Mahant system, which created social and political consciousness.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 -

UNIT 20 THE NON-BRAHMIN

MOVEMENT IN WESTERN
AND SOUTHERN INDIA

Structure
20.0 Objectives
20.1 Social and Cultural Background
20.2 Cultural Struggle in Maharashtra
20.2.1 Jotirao Govindrao Phule (1 827- 1890)
20.2.2 Non-Brahmin Movement in early Twentieth Century
20.2.3 Character of the Movement
20.3 Non-Brahmin Movements in South India
20.3.1 Self-Respect Movement in Tamil Nadu
20.3.2 Justice Party and Non-Brahmin Politics
20.3.3 E.V. Ramasami Naicker (1879-1973) and Self-Respect Movement
20.3.4 Self-Respect Movement in Andhra
20.3.5 Non-Brahmin Movement in Karnataka
20.4 Comparative Analysis of the Movements
20.5 Let Us Sum up
20.6 Key Words
20.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

20.0 OBJECTIVES

After reading this unit you will learn about:

the social and cultural struggle against the British ideas as well as the traditional social
order, in the west and south of India.
the nature of the challenge these posed for both the British rule and traditional social
order.
the variations of the character and nature in these movements from region to region.
the basic limits of these movements.

20.1 SOCIAL AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND

The social and cultural struggle in the nineteenth century was a resistance offered
simultaneously against the ideological hegemony of the British colonial rule and the
traditional- social and cultural order. With the formation of a "community of intellectuals",
at regional level and on the national place, there developed an awareness of the
weaknesses of the traditional order, which could be combated with modem western ideas.
The birth of.modem ideas was however, influenced by the specific material, social and
political conditions under colonialivn and in different parts of the country these ideas
came up through different movenx: nts. The nineteenth century,saw the emergence of a
number of socio-cultural movements which bought to reform and regenerate Indian culture
and traditional institutions.
Casteism which=producesinequality and social division, inhuman practices like Sati,
infanticide and polytheism etc., were criticised with the help of new ideals of freedom,
reason, toleration and human dignity. The English educated middle class were united in
waging a series of social and cultural battles, against caste inequality and its hierarchy that
went with it. They also worked for the general emancipation of women by taking up issues
like widow marriage, female education and equal property rights. Ratipnali~m~and
religious universalism were no doubt two important ideas used by the nineteenth century
intellectuals which gave birth to radical social critiques like that of Jotibao Phule in
Kamesh Mechrocks
Maharashtra. These intellectual struggles were informed by an ideology or a world view
 The Non-Brahmin Movement
which was broadly the same: "while opposing the hegemonic values of a feudal society they i n Western and Southern
were adv~uatingthe introduction and acceptance of values characteristic of a bourgeois
order". Influenced as it was oy western liberalism, this world view resulted in the retreat of
several ideas as is evident from the character of some recent radical social and cultural
movements. This we shall see in the following sections.
I
1 0

1
20.2 CULTURAL STRUGGLE IN MAHARASHTRA

t
The traditional social stratification in Maharashtra was governed by Varnashrama dharma,
that is the division of society into an unequal hierarchical order comprising Brahmins,
Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Sudras. The social interaction between different castes governed
by this stratification was maintained by strict rules of pollution and purity. At the top, was
I
the Brahmin caste with many rights and privileges which maintained their social control
over society by developing a religious ideology which gave legitimacy to many
superstitions and inhuman practices. At the lowest end were the Ati-Sudras or untouchable
outcastes deprived ofeducation and all other rights.
In Maharashtra the Hindus were 74.8 per cent of h e total population. According to the
Census of 1881, the Kunbis or Marathas were the main community about 55.25 per cent of
the total population. Kunbis were also economically powerful in rural society. Being a rich
peasant class they controlled agricultural production. However, the influence of the
traditional ideology and the institution of caste made them subservient to the Brahmins.
The Brahmins, on the other hand, exercised considerable influence over other castes due to
their ritualistic power and monopoly over learning and knowledge. During the British
period the Brahmins successfully adopted the new English education and dominated the
colonial administration. The new intelligentsia therefore, came mostly from the already
advanced Brahmin caste, occupying strategic positions as officials, professors, lower
bureaucrats, writers, editors or lawyers. This created fear among the non-Brahmin castes.
It was this traditional social order which came under heavy fire both from The Christian
missionaries and the nationalist intelligentsia that had imbibed western liberal ideas. We
can divide the reform movements into two distinct strands. The early radical reforms like
Jotirao Govindrao Phule tried for a revolutionary reorganisation of the traditional culture
and society on the basis of the principles of equality and rationality. The later moderate
reformers like Mahadev Govind Ranade (1842-1901), however, gave the argument of a
return to the Dast traditions and culture with some modifications. It was the earlv radical
tradition of Phule which gave birth to the non-Brahmin movement in Maharashtra.

20.2.1 Jotirao Govindrao Phule (1827-1890)

Personality
Jotiba Phule was born into a Sudra Mali fa+milyin Poona in 1827. His father was a
gardener or a flower merchant. Being a member of the oppressed sudras, Phule could
easily understand the problems of the Ati-Sudras, i.e., the untouchable Mahars and Mangs
and identify himself with them. He received initial education in a mission school but had
to discontinue it in 1833.
An incident in 1848 turned Phule into a social revolutionary. When he went to attend a
Brahmin friend's marriage, some orthodox Brahmins insulted him by calling him a sudra
and asked him to leave. This humiliation made Jotiba search for the roots of caste
discrimination and the inhuman practice of untouchability.
Ideas on Society and Economy 16. Jotirao Govindrao Phule
In his quest for the truth, Phule read the Vedas, h e Manu Samhita, the Puranas, the
thought of Buddha, Baseshwar and Tirthankar and the medieval Bhakti saints extensively.
He also acquainted himself with the western thought and the Christian and Islamic
religions. Phule judged the whole culture and tradition though the spirit of rationality and
equality. While the principle of equality called for a total rejection of caste system,
authoritarian family structure and subordination of women, the principle of rationality
demanded the removal of superstitions, ritualism and the traditional whole of cultural
behaviour. This called for a complete rejection of the sacred Hindu texts and scriptures
which sustained the inequitous institutions. Like Dr. Ambedkar, Phule read the scriptures
Kamesh Mechrocks 51
N a t b n r l h The Inter War as he would read ordinary,books, the object in the two cases being to find out the truth. He
Yam1 had radical views on social, religious, political and economic issues.
Jotiba Phule considered the caste system as an antithesis of the principle of human
equality. The existing caste syskm reserved a perpetual slavery for the sudras, especially
the untouchables. The untouchables were not allowed to walk on the streets during the
sunrise lest their long shadows should pollute Brahmin houses. This inhuman treatment of
ati-sudras by the Brahmins and the denial of the common rights of humanity made Phule
rebel against the caste system.
Interpreting the past history, Phule argued that the alien Aryans after conquering the
original inhabitants i.e. the Dravidians, imposed the unequal caste system. They then
invented the supposed divine origin of caste divisions to perpetuate their exploitation of the
natives branded as sudras. Showing the egalitarian past of the united sudras, he sought to
raise the morale of,the nan-Brahmins and united them to revolt against the centuries old
inequality .and social degradation.
Since Hindu religion justified and sanctioned caste system, Phule rejected it completely.
He was an iconoclast through his satirical writings. Phule exposed the irrationalities in
Hindu religion. He criticized idolatry, ritualism and priesthood, theory of Karma, rebirth
and Heaven. For Phule, God is one and is impersonal. His religion rests on thirty three
principles of truih which include freedom and equality of men and women and dignity of
labour.
"Brahmins hide Vedas from Sudras because they contain clues to understand how Aryas
suppressed and enslaved'them", wrote Phule. Naturally he looked upon education of the
masses as a liberating and revolutionary factor. In the words of Phule: No riches without
vigour, no vigour without morality, no morality without knowledge, no knowledge
without education. Unless ignorance and illiteracy of the masses are removed through
education they would not rebel against their mental and physical slavery. He urged the
British Government to impart compulsory primary education to the masses through
teachers drawn from the cultivating classes.
Women and untouchables were the two worst sufferers in Hindu society. Phule argued that
women's liberation was linked with the liberation of other classes in society. He regarded
Brahminism responsible for keeping women uneducated and slaves to men. He turned to
break the hold of the authoritarian family structure. Equality between classes as also
between men and women was pleaded by Phule. During mamages he asked the
bridegroom to promise the right of education to his bride.
The pamphlet, Isara (warning), published in 1885 contains Phule's main ideas on
economics of the agrarian classes. Aware of the problems of agricultural labourers and
small peasant cultivators, Phule supported them in their struggles. For example, in Konkan,
he stood by the tenant sharecroppers and criticized the Khots for exploiting them. Mostly
concerned with the immediate issues like imgation facilities, indebtedness, land alienation
to moneylenders, burden of land revenue, etc., Phule however, failed to elaborate any
coherent economic ideology.
Phule saw the British mleas an instrument in breaking the slavery of sudras and hoped for
a further revolutionary transformation of society under their rule. He was one of the first to
introduce peasantry as a class in politics. He opposed the Indian National Congress, for it - - -
failed to take up peasant problems. His concept of nation rested upon freedom and
equality.
Activist
To propagate his ideas the means that Phule used were: Publication of journals and
magazines, pamphlets and books and the Marathi language both in speeches and writings.
A journal, Deen Bandhu, in Marathi, was edited and published by Phule for disseminating
his thought and exposing the oppressive character of the Aryan-Vedic tradition.
In his book, Gulamgin (slavery), which appeared in 1873, Phule elaborated his conception
of the historical roots of sudras' slavery under Brahminical domination and compared it
with the negro slavery in America.
In Setakaryancha AsueIa (The whip-cord of the Peasantry), he elaborated on what the
peasants can do about their misery and exploitation.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Tbt Nan-Bnbdn
By 1870, the social reforms talked about by the liberals and those sponsored by Phule. in Western .adSouthem Indh
emerged on opposite lines. Unlike liberals, Phule's aim was a total reconstruction of the
socio-cultural structure based on the principles of rationality, equality and humanism. The ..
primary task of his struggle was to create an awareness of inequality in people's minds.
This Phule accomplished by critically analysing and exposing the Brahminical literature.
Phule also tried to translate h/s ideas into actual struggles. He started a girls school in 185 1
and one for sudras. Widows were offered protection and shelter. A water tank was opened
near his house, to provide drinking water for ~ u d r a s To
. fight against Brahminism, and its
ideology. Phule started the S u r y Shorlhuk Saniqi (society for Finding Truth) in 1875.
Phule also organized the poor tenants in Junnar against the extraction of heavy rents by
landlord-moneylenders. This compelled government to impose ceiling on rentals.
Thus throughout his life, Phule took the side of down-trodden classes. He worked for the
removal of unequal caste system and for the establishment of democratic justice. Jotiba
Phule possessed an awareness of the relationship between caste inequalities and social
subordination and material backwardness of sudra castes. However, he failed to perceive
the actual character of colonial rule and. like other liberals, believed in its historically
progressive role. The type of social revolution envisaged by Phule could not be
accomplished without any radical changes in agrarian relations and without removing
colonialism.

20.2.2 Non-Brahmin Movement in the Early Twentieth Century

With the death of Jotiba Phule in 1890, his Safya Shodhak movement receded into the
background. Even though the movement was revived by Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj of
Kolhapur (1874-1922), with the establishment of Satya Shodhak Samaj in July 1913 at
Kolhapur, it acquired a narrow complexion. Shahu Maharaj no doubt furthered the cause
of non-Brahmin movement by starting educational institutions, hostels and scholarships -for
the students of the depressed ;lasses. Between 1913 and 1922 he was also actively .
associated with several non-Brahmin and Kshatriya caste conferences.
Under Shahu Maharaj, the non-Brahmin movement passed into the hands of business and
land-owing (feudal) upper caste non-Brahmins, who used it for their political gains. A
major battle waged by Shahu ~ a h a r awas
j for acquiring Kshatriya status within the
Varnashrama Dharma for himself and his community. This was nothing but a betrayal of
Phule's ideology which left the lower sudra castes to their social degradation and poverty.
After 1918, with Montague-Chelmsford reforms, Shahu Maharaj, along wit$ the Justice
Party in Madras, used the movement for demanding special political representation for '
.
backward classes in the Councils. Thus the Sarya Shodhak movement deviated from its
main path and turned into a movement for the benefit of the landowning upper caste non-
Brahmins.

20.2.3 Character of the Movement

It is argued by historians like Anil Seal that the Brahmins, being a traditional literate caste,
adapted themselves to the colonial system faster and began to monopolize the
opportunities in professions and bureaucracy. As a result, the non-Brahmins rose against
this Brahmin monopoly. However, a deeper analysis of Jotiba Phule's social reforms
reveals a wider consciousness of the system of caste inequalities and its relationship with
the social subordination and material backwardness of the Sudras. For Phule vehemently
argued for a fundamental change in sudras' attitude towards thejr caste subordination. He
established an ideological basis for a revolution in social and religious values.
Yet the movement was slowly diverted from its radical path, by Shahu of Kolhapur,
because of some inherent weaknesses. Phule did not see the essential link between material
conditions of the people and their culture. His support to British rule, obscured the colonial
exploitation of the peasantry, aid their interest in sustaining the old feudal social and
economic order which generated and sanctified caste inequalities.

Cbedt Your Regress 1

1) What is Var~shramadharma? What was the position of ati-sudras in it?

Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: The Inter War
Years-I

2) Why did Jotiba Phule turn into a social revolutionary?

3) What are the main ideas of Jotiba Phule?

4) What is Satya Shodhak Samaj?

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5) How did Shahu Maharaj deviate from the original ideals of Jotiba Phule?
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20.3 NON-BRAHMIN MOVEMENTS IN SOUTH INDIA

In the Madras presidency the Brahmins constituted 3.3% o<Hindus. But in the rituals
dominated traditional hierarchy, they were superior to other castes. Traditionally being a
literate caste, the Brahmins were quick in adopting English education and monopolizing
opportunities in professions and colonial bureaucracy. This aroused the envy and hostility
qf the non-Brahmin communities, which in turn, resulted in a non-Brahmin movement.
However the Brahmin and non-Brahmin conflict which was aggravated by job
opportunities, had much deeper social, economic and cultural roots.

20.3.1 Self-Respect Movement in Tamil Nadu

Recent histgrical works show that the Tamil renaissance had resulted in the growth of
Dravidian consciousness, and its klitical manifestation was the starting of non-Brahmin
movement. Based on the Tamil classical works like Pattupattu, Manimekalai,
Cilappatikaram, published between 1887 and 1904, Tamil scholm had elaborated on a
Kamesh Mechrocks
picture of classical Dravidian civilization which was distinct from the Aryan and Sanskritic
culture. Interestingly, the notion of independent existence of Tamil culture was first The Non-Brahmin Movement
developed by a European scholar, Caldwell, this was later elaborated by Tamil Scholars. in Western and $outhemIndia
The non-Brahmin Tamil scholars also attempted to show that the Aryans had distorted the
superior Dravidian religious systems like Saiva Siddhanta philosophy and imposed the
teachings of the Vedas and the caste system on the South Indian people. It was this
rediscovered distinct cultural identity, which expressed itself in the non-Brahmin
movement after 1916.

20.3.2 Justice Party and Non-Brahmin Politics

The non-Brahmin resentment took a political form, in 1916 in Madras city, with the
formation of South Indian Liberal Federation, known as the Justice Party, which claimed
to represent the interests of all non-Brahmins in the Madras Presidency including Muslims.
Christians and Untouchables. The founders of the organization were T.N. Nair,
P. Tyagaraya Chetti and C. Natesa Mudaliar. The initial demand of the Justice leaders for
reserved seats in the Provincial Legislative Council was slowly extended to include
concessions in education, public appointments and nomination to local boards.
The development of a non-Brahmin section of the professional middle class and the
creation of the Justice Party to express its political views, dominated the political scene till
the late 1930's. However, the social base of the Justice Party being the non-Brahmin
leading zamindars and the urban business groups, it served the political interests of these
feudal and commercial classes.
Understandably in the 1920s, there arose a conflict within the Justice Party. Some felt that
the party should be working for the reform and regeneration of non-Brahmin society and
culture, and should not remain confined to a quest for jobs and offices. This urge for social
uplift through cultural reform, could not be satisfied, by the narrow social and political
perspective of the feudal and commercial leadership. On the other hand, the increasing
mass character of the national movement, after 1920-22, started drawing most of the non-
Brahmin peasant groups within its fold. Especially after 1927-28, the mass national
movement overshadowed the JuStice Party. At this juncture the non-Brahmin intellectuals
like E.V.R. Naicker, who came out of the Indian National Congress due to disillusionment,
launched a separate popular movement, called the Self-Respect Movement, giving a new
twist and lease of life to the non-Brahmin movement in ~ L d r a s .

20.3.3 E.V. Ramasami Naicker (1879-1973) and the Self-Respect

Movement
E.V. Ramasami Naicker, popularly known as Periyar, was born in Erode in 1879. Even at
an early age he rebelled against the rules of caste purity and participated in inter-caste
dining. As a ~ k d h i a nhe
, became a hero of Satyagraha at Vaikom, Kerala, when he
vehemently supported the 'Harijans'. By 1922, while still a member of Congress, Periyar
abandoned Hindu mythology. He felt convinced that it represented a corrupting influence,
He went to the extent of advocating the burning of Manu Dharma Shasfras and Ramayan
With the starting of his paper, Kudi Arasu, in 1925, he turned into a radical social
reformer. Infact, Periyar resigned as Secretary of the Madras Provincial Congress
Committee over an incident in which Brahmin and non-Brahmin eating facilities were
segregated in a gurukul (school) run bycongress. When he left the Congress in 1925 he
declared "hereafter my work is to dissolve the Congress". In 1927 he broke off even with
Gandhi on the issueof Varnashrama dharma. After a visit to the Soviet Union, Periyar
added his version of Marxism to the Dravidian ideology. In an articie publishei in Kudi
Arasu, in May 1933, he wrote that the correct path for the Self-Respect Movement was to
"take as our problem the destruction of the cruelties of capitalists and the cruelties of
religion....that is the only way to solve these problems".
Ideas on society.
Periyar attacked religion and the supremacy of the Brahmins. Like Phule in Maharashtra,
he attacked the caste system. He propagated the concept of equality and the basic dignity
of all human beings. He was the only reformer who extended his concept of equality and
human dignity to women, one of the most oppressed sections in our society. The
Self-Respect Movement under Periyar sought to change the subordinate position of women 17. E.V. Ramasarni Naicker
in family and society. He attempted through his Kudi Arasu to populuize an,ideology that
allowed women the dignity which comes out of a recognition of their freedom and
Kamesh Mechrocks
autonomy in every field of life. Let us now take a closer look at Periyar's radical ideas. 55
Nationalism:Thc Inter War Periyar argued that religion and Shustras went against rationalism. He held religion mainly
Ycors-I responsible for the low social position of non-BrWm groups and women. The
non-Brahmins were encouraged to do away with the services of priests in birth, death and
marriage ceremonies. The 'self-respect marriages', witllout the Brahmin priest, had
become popular. In such marriages the groom and the bride took a simple vow that they
accept each other as equal partners in life, exchanged garlands, and the elders present
blessed them. Interestingly several such marriages were intercaste marriages.
Like Jotiba Phule, Periyar did not differentiate between caste and religion. Social disparity,
structured by the caste system, was seen as a stronger impediment than the class division
brought about by wealth.
Activist
The Self-Respect Movement saw women's subordination in relation to the prevailing caste
system. By rejecting religion and scriptures as the guiding principles for social
organization, Periyar called for the creation of a society based on equality and justice. He
emphasized vocational training and education for women as necessary means for their
economic independence.
The social radicalism of Periyar das reflected in his stand on the issues of widow marriage
and birth control. He challenged the right of man and the Shustras to decide whether or not
widows should marry. As for the right to divorce, Periyar saw that as a woman's
prerogative. "All our marriage laws", declared Periyar, "are designed to enslave women.
Rituals are meant only to cover this fact". Periyar strongly supported the right to divorce as
conducive to happiness, dignity and freedom of women. As for birth control, Periyar saw it
as central to women's h d o m . He called on the people to employ suitable methods for
birth control even if the government did not approve of it. The Self-Respect Movement
disturbed literature on the subject to mould public opinion in favour of birth control.
Periyar also attacked the patriarchal notion of women's chastity or Karpu.
Limits
The social base of Periyar's movement is confined to the upper non-Brahmin castes,
despite its geographical extension to small towns and rural areas. That w p the basic
limitation of his social radicalism and his war against religion, the caste system and his
championship of the cause of women.
Thus the Self-Respect Movement, which intervened to bring about structural chances in
culture and society and sponsored Dravidian's freedom from the "slavery of the mind",
could not make a wider impact. Because of his wrong perspective, Periyar decided to
achieve this by extending his social struggle to the political arena and merging the Justice
Party with the Self-Respect League in 1944 to form the Dravida Kazhagam. This changed
the character of Periyar's earlier social reform movement. The Dravidian or non-Brahmin
movement, was henceforth, increasingly engaged in narrow electoral politics. This
weakened the ideological struggle against the Brahminical culture and caste system,
initiated by Periyar eiulier.

20.3.4 Self-Respect Movement in Andhra

In Andhra, Brahmanetharodyamamu which literally means the movem6nt launched by
those other than the Brahmins, was basically for cultural reform and social uplift of the
non-Brahmin groups like Kammas, Reddis, Balija and Velamas. These peasant groups,
with their substantial landownership and economic dominance, lacked modem English
education or the traditional ritual status on the basis of which they could claim a high
social status in society. Naturally, they attacked the Brahmin monopoly over ritual status
and the government jobs.
This movement had its origin in their perceived sense of social and cultural deprivation.
The nowBrahmin section of the landowning and rich upper class suffered on account of
being clubbed into a Sudra category by the Brahmins.
Some specific incidents acted as a stimulus for the movement. It was alleged that the
Brahmin teachers denied Kamma students the right to study the Vedas. At Kothavaram
village, Krishna district, the Brahmins protested against the use of suffix "Chowdary" in
the place of "Dasa" by members of the Kamma caste. In Krishna district the Brahmins
filled a registered notice that the Kammas should not be allowed to study Sanskrit. At
Amritalur, Kamma students were driven away by Brahmins ?s they were enraged by the
Kamesh Mechrocks
presence of Sudras who, they thought, had no right to hear the Vedas. Tripuraneni The Non-BrahminMovement
in Western and Southern India
Ramaswamy Chowdary (1887-1943), a prominent non-Brahmin leader, refers to several
such incidents. In one incident he was rebuffed for his interest in literature, by Brahmin
teachers who remarked, "You are a Sudra. It would be a sin for y 3u to write verse. Sanskrit
is the language of the Gods. It is a great crime for a Sudra to lea a it". It was this social
and cultural environment which strengthened the self-respect movement, especially with
an event like the one that which occurred at Kollur in 1916.
The English educated upper caste Hindu non-Brahmins called a conference in Kollur,
Guntur district, to decide the meaning of the'term 'Sudra' in 1916. They went so far as to
question the symbols of Rama, Krishna and other epic heroes. In the process of defining
'Sudra' category as a socially higher category than the Brahmins, they re-interpreted the
epics, emphasizing social and ritual injustice tolerated by Arya~~s
to the Dravidians.
The ideas developed by leaders like Tripuraneni were almost similar to the basic ideas put
forward by Phule and Periyar. Tripuraneni challenged the authority the sacred texts. He
argued that as aliens the Aryans had imposed their socio-cultural and religious system on
the indigenous Dravidians. The caste system, which was sustained by religion, was the
handiwork of Aryans. The non-Brahmin leaders also highlighted the fact that, even though
a minority group, the Brahmins had monopolized Western education, jobs and professions.
They demanded the "non-Brahmanisation of services".
Tripuraneni, an eminent scholar, spent his entire life propagating the self-respect
movement in Coastal Andhra. He attacked 'Brahminism' but not the Brahmins as
individuals. He interpreted several sacred texts and epics to show how Sudras were kept
(
servile to Brahminism through the popular religious classics. In Kurukshetra Sangraman,
Tripuraneni argues that the Kauravas were in fact more upright than the Pandavas, and that
the latter had no right to rule. His Sambuka Vadha, exposes the power politics of Aryans
against Sudras. Encouraged by Vasishta, the King, Rama in the name of preserving the
Varnashrama dharma, killed the Sudra sage, Sambuka, as he was spreading the sacred
knowledge, which was denied to Sudras by Brahmins.
Tripuraneni tried to change the consciousness of the people through his literature. He stood
for the emancipation of women and Sudras from the "Slavery of Shastras". He sought to
transform the then "priest ridden Hindu sect to a broad free society". The most successful
reform carried out by him was the system of traditional marriage. The Kammas started
performing swasanoha pourohityam, i.e., marriage services by their own community
priests. Tripuraneni's book, Vivaha Vidhi, explains marriage rites in Telugu, for most of
Sanskrit mantras were unintelligible to the Sudras.
The self-respect movement in the 1920s and '30s played a vital role in developing inter-
caste (non-Brahmins) dinners, inter-caste widow marriages and modem education.
In this attempt at breaking the social and ritual domination of the Brahmins there emerged
caste politics and non-Brahmin political awareness. At a general level, the bulk of non-
Brahmin intellectual~and peasant classes supported the national movement. Tripuraneni,
for instance, was a well known nationalist.
To sum up, the Self-Respect movement in Andhra was a cultural response of the non-
Brahmin intellectuals to the superior Brahmin social and spiritual domination. The
intellectual leaders embarked upon the reinterpretation of the sacred texts. One drawback,
however, was that the movement addressed only the problems of upper caste non-
Brahmins, and left out the 'harijans' in the lower order. It aimed at restructuring the caste
system with the upper caste non-Brahmins on the top, rather than fighting for its complete
abolition as in Maharashtra.

20.3.5 Non-Brahmin Movement in Karnataka

The Vokkaligas, two dominant castes in Karnataka, had suffered sub-divisions before
being listed as a single unified caste by the Census of 1901. This categorization, argued
one historian, "provided the leaders of the non-Brahmin movement with a significant base
for collective mobilization". Serious solidarity efforts were also made internally by
different caste associations. The Lingayats established the Mysore Lingyat Education Fund
Association in 1905, while the Vokkaligas formed the Kokkaligara Sangha in 1906.
However, it was the non-Brahmin movement, which provided these caste associations with
Kamesh Mechrocks
a common platform, and held these social groups together.
Nationalism: The Inter War The non-Brahmin movement in Kamataka took its birth around 1918 and it was
Years-I
spearheaded by Vokkaligas and Lingayats. A delegation of non-Brahmin leaders called on
the Maharaja of Mysore in 1918 and protested against the discrimination practised ag2nst
non-Brahmins. This resulted in the appointment of a committee headed by Sir Leslie
Miller, who submitted his report in 1919. On the recommendation of Miller, the
Govemment passed an order for an equitable communal representation in the public
service.
With the emergence of the Congress movement in Mysore State, the non-Brahmin
movement was slowly drawn towards the national liberation struggle and it finally merged
with the Congress in 1938. When secular politics also recognizes the caste based demands,
however genuine they might be, what follows is an ascendancj of caste associations to
voice the secular demands. This was what happened to the non-Brahmin movement in
Karnataka. During the 1930s and '40s, the non-Brahmin groups began to lose their
cohesioil and each caste category began to demand separate representation for itself both in
the Representative Assembly and in Govemment services. Thus, the non-Brahmin
movement was transformed into a Backward classes movement from the 1940s. The two
dominant groups, the Vokkaligas and the Lingayats, began to fight between themselves for
a share of political power in the newly emerging representative political system, especially
after 1950.

20.4 COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE MOVEMENTS

A comparative analysis of the non-Brahmin movements of Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu,
Andhra and Kamataka shows different levels of perception with regard to the system of
caste inequalities and its relationship with socio-cultural subordination and material
backwardness of Sudra caste. Of course, there were some crucial social and religious
elements which were perceived as common to the oppression of the non-Brahmin groups,
in all these regions. Let us look at these commonalities and differences. Religious
conservatism of high caste Brahmins and the rigid caste structure were perceived as the
main reasons for the socio-cultural backwardness of non-Brahmin peasant groups and the
main obstacles to their programme of radical social reform. Unlike in other regions, Jotiba
Phule in Maharashtra, put forward a deeper analysis of social inequalities and vehemently
argued for a fundamental change in the attitude of non-Brahmins towards their status as
Sudras. He totally rejected the existing religious ideology and caste system. Unlike the
nineteenth century social reformers, Phule saw no possibility of reforming them internally.
It was in establishing an ideological basis for a revolution in social and religious values
that Phule displayed his greatest talent. He projected a new collective identity for all the
lower castes of Maharashtra. In his bid to discover the identity of Sudras, Phule drew on
the existing symbols from Maharashtra's warrior and agricultural tradition and gave them a
powerful new meaning. One drawback, however, was Phule's support to the British rule.
He failed to understand the real nature of the colonial rule. Even his social reform got
distracted under Maharaja of Kolhapur, because the emphasis was on Kashatriya status for
his caste and electoral politics. Emphasis on English education, larger representations in
provincial Legislative Councils and local boards and reservation in government services
could also be seen in the case of Justice Party in Madras and non-Brahmin movement in
Karnataka. However, educational development was central to the self-respect movements
in Tamil Nadu and Andhra.
In Tamil Nadu it was Periyar who articulated new radical ideas for the uplift of women and
non-Brahmin groups. Unlike in other regions, the Self-Respect Movement under Periyar
sought to integrate the emancipation of women and S u d m by reforming the system of
marriage and rejecting the caste system. When compared to Maharashtra, the social base of
Periyar's movement was confined to the rural landowning classes and urban based business
groups and he failed to mobilize the untouchables.
Similarly in coastal Andhra the self-respect movement was dominated by upper caste non-
Brahmins: Karnmas, Reddis and Velamas. The non-Brahmin category failed to encompass .
the Untouchables-Malas and Madigas who constituted the most oppressed class of
agricultural labourers. The movement only aimed at the upward social mobility of the
landowning upper caste non-Brahmins. It never questioned the rationale of the caste
Kamesh Mechrocks
system. Instead of rejecting the hierarchical principle itself, they dtew heavily on it to
restate their position. This was in contrast to the Maharashtra scene in the 19th century The Non-Brahmin Movement
where Phule had rejected the Varnashrama dharma. The result was a cleavage among the in Western and Southern India
non-Brahmins, who split into different caste groups and started articulating their
immediate demands like better education, government jobs and representation in politics.
One of the negative trends, as wimessed in Karnataka, was the increasing use of caste
category even to put forward secular demands. This negative trend became more
pronounced after India had attained her independence in 1947.

Check Your Progress 2

1 In what way were Periyar's ideas radical?

2 What were the main contours of self-respect movement in Andhra?

3 Write a brief note on non-Brahmin movement in Karnataka.

4 Make a comparative analysis of the following:

A)Non-Brahmin movements in Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu.
B) Non-Brahmin movements in Tamil Nadu and Andhra.
C) The Justice Party in Tamil Nadu and in Karnataka the non-Brahmin movement.

20.5 LET US SUM UP .

In this unit you saw
the background of oppression and backwardness of the traditional social order (like caste,
oppression of women, etc.) from which~henon-Brahmin movement emerged,
how its distinct radical tones of change were watered down by the politics of Shahu in
Maharashtra or the politics of Dravida Kazgham (in which Justice Party and Self Respect
movement merged), in south e.g.,
that this watering down happened because of the increase in the influence of landed non-
Brahmin castes and the way they used the movement to gain social and economic status,
consequently, the weak understanding of the British rule as a perpetrator of oppressions
of traditional order, never changed. The non-Brahmin movement never developed an
independent nationalist strategy,
that the strength of these movements varies froqiregion to region. In Madras e.g. it never
reached the untouchables, while in Maharashtra e.g. Phule was able to project a new
collective identity for lower castes.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: The Inter War
Years4 20.6 KEY WORDS

Ideological hegemony: Domination of a particular world view and its ideas.

Rationalism: Belief in application of reason in all aspects of life, mainly a post
renaissance phenomenon.
Subordination of women: The historical phenomenon of women, on account of their
gender, being subordinated to men in social, economic and political life. Its expression is
also in our day to day attitudes which reduce women to objects.
Iconoclast: A person who is against idols in a religion.
Authoritarian family structure: Here referred to in its role in keeping women
subordinated and 'in their place'. The family structure is kept together bymultiple
economic, kinship and social ties. It becomes authoritarian or dictatorial when these ties
are moulded to facilitate the domination of patriarchs (or the male members). This is done
by denying property rights or stringent divorce laws. Besides attitudes and beliefs are
shaped in such a way as to facilitate the domination of man and to reduce women to
objects.

20.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1 See section 20.2, first para. Your answer should focus on division of society in to four
varnas i.e. Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Sudras. You should also include the kind of
purity and pollution interaction which developed because of this system.
2 See sub-sec. 20.2.1, first para. Your answer should include Phule's personal
experiences.
3 See 'Ideas on Society and Economy' in sub-sec. 20.2.1. Your answer should include
Phule's ideas on (i) caste, (ii) women, (iii) religion(e)
ideology (v) economy and
agrarian problems (vi) British rule.
4 See sub-sec. 20.2.1. Your answer should include the meaning of the word.
5 See sub-sec. 20.2.2. Your answer should include (i) the role of Shahu Maharaj (ii) the
role of business and landowning castes.

Check Your Progress 2

1 See sub-sec. 20.3.3. Your answer should include (i) Marxism's influence on Periyar,
(ii) his position on women, (iii) his emphasis on rationalism vis-a-vis religion;(iv) his
emphasis on relation between caste and religion.
2 See sub-sec. 20.3.4. Especially paras 4-7. Focus on the challenge to sacred texts, cause
of women and attempts to break ritual domination.
3 See sub-sec. 20.3.5. Your answer should include the relation between caste associations
and their relation to Congress.
4 See especially section 20.4, for all the three sub questions. Focus on:
A) Phule's emphasis on building in ideological basis for a revolution in social and
religious values. Periyar's special emphasis on emancipation of women and Sudras.
'
Social base of Periyar confined to landed classes. Phule's influence down to lower
castes.
B) In Andhra lack of radical thrust as compyed to Periyar's movement in Tamil Nadu.
C) Use of caste category to put forward secular demands in Karnataka. The Justice
Party's focus remained to upper castes but there was an attempt to fight and
restructure the caste system.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT SWARAJISTS AND
CONSTRUCTIVE WORK

, Structure
2 1.0 Objectives
21 . 1 Introduction
2 1.2 Background
; 21.3 Swaraj Party: Formation
21.3.1 Gandhi and Swarajists

I
21.3.2 Objectives and Aims
21 -3.3 Programme
21.3.4 Methods
21.4 Swarajists at the Polls
2 1.5 Work in the Legislatures
, 21.6 Constructive Work
21.6.1 Khadi
21.6.2 Untouchability
21.6.3 Other Soc~alProblems
2 1.7 Demoralisation and Decline
21.7.1 Drift
2 1.7.2 Merger
21.7.3 Disintegration
21.8 Causes for Decline
21 3 . 1 Rising Communal Tempo
2 1.8.2 Lure of Office
21.8.3 Class Character
2 1.9 Let Us Sum Up
21.10 Key Words
2 1.1 1 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

21.0 OBJECTIVES
This Unit intends to give you an account of the emergence of Swarajists as a new trend in
the nationalist politics. Its manifestation was the foundation of the Swaraj Party under the
leadership of Motilal Nehru and Chittaranjan Das. After reading this Unit you will:
get familiar with how the Swaraj Party originated and what ideology it professed.
know its programme and reasons for its disintegration.
assess its contribution to Indian Politics.
get a summary of the sequence of events following the withdrawal of the Non-
cooperation movement.

21.1 INTRODUCTION
The period 1922-29 is important for many reasons. It began with the ending of the
Non-Cooperation Movement and ended with the starting of yet another movement. It also
enriched India's struggle for liberation by introducing new trends and forms of political
action. It placed before the nation the twin programme of council entry and constructive
works. It also brought to the forefront, new leaders with a different outlook. Besides, the
period witnessed new problems, new tensions, new dilemmas and new constraints on
India's fight for independence. In this unit you are going to be introduced to all those
aspects of the period 1922-29.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 -
Nationalism: The Inter War
years-I 21.2 BACKGROUND
Under the leadership of Mahat'ma Gandhi the Congress emerged as a great nationalist
forum of all shades and opinions voicing anti-imperialist sentiments. During Gandhi's first
Civil D~sobediencemovement (1920-22), its roots spread out among all classes of people.
The formal acceptance of Swaraj as the goal of the Congress really converted Non-
cooperation into a mass movement. Gandhi's catchy slogan 'Swaraj in one year' stirred
'
the masses of men into action. The suspension of Non-Cooperation id February, 1922
created widespread disappointment and precipitated an opelS division in the leadership of
the Congress. The Govpnment took advantage of the situation to take resort to a policy of
repression. It invoked Bengal Regulation I11 of 1816 and promulgated an ordinance
providing for summzuy arrest and trial before special commissioners. The BritisH Prime
Minister, Lloyd George, delivered his 'steel frame' speech, praising the work and ,

efficiency of the I.C.S. cadre. This was in tune with the shift in policy which virtually
repudiated the principles of self-government and strengthened the autocratic British
regime.
A sense of disillusionment led many at this stage to question ihe efficacy of Gandhian
methods of struggle. Was it at all possible to train millions of people in the philosophy of
non-violence? Even-if it was possible, how long would it take? Gandhi was now behind the
bars and there was no definite political programme before the country: The artificial
Hindu-Muslim unity was fast disappearing. Acute Hindu-Muslim tensions and outbreak of
communal violence dissipated national energies. The Constructive Work of the Congress.
an essentially socio-economic programme of amelioration, could not attract the upper
middle class intellectuals. They had never appreciated Gandhi's emotional and
metaphysical approach to politics. They looked at politics from the plane of reality, and
were keen to rescue the Congress and its politics from the demoralisation that had set in
after the withdrawal of Non-Cooperation.

21.3 SWARAJ PARTY: FORMATION

A t this stage a new lead was given by C.R. Das and Motilal Nehru. When the Civil
Disobedience Enquiry Committee.reported that the country was not yet ready to embark
upon a programme of mass civil disobedience, and the constructive programme found only
a limited response, these leaders proposed that instead of boycotting the legislatutti%,Non-
cooperation should be carried into them. They put forward the idea of Council-Entry to
wreck the reforms from within. This proposal attracted several congressmen but it was
stoutly opposed by orthodox Gandhians led by Rajagopalachari, Rajendra and
Vallabhbhai Patel. There was a split in the Congress. The No-Chhhgers or onhodox
Gandhians decried the programme of council-entry and desired the congress to follow
Gandhi's constructive programme. The Pro-Changers or Swarajists wanted the constructive
programme to be coupled with a political programme of council-entry. The matter came to
a head in December 1922 at the Gaya Session of the Congress where Rajagopalachari led
opposition to Council Entry forcing C.R. Das to tender resignation from the presidentship
of the Congress. On being outvoted C.R. Das announced the formation of the Swaraj Party
on 31 December, 1922 with himself as President and Motilal as Secretary.
18. C.R. Das The victory of the No-Changers at the Gaya Congress was short-lived. The Hindu-Muslim
riots of 1923 darkened the political atmosphere. It was also clear that the civil
disobedience could not be resumed as a national programme. The special Congress session,
held at Delhi in September 1923 under the presidentship of Maulana Azad. allowed
congressmen to contest the forthcoming elections. Annual session at Cocanada blessed the
council-entry by maintaining that Non-Cooperation could be practised inside the councils
also. The Congress called upon all its members to double their efforts to carry out the
constructiv'e programme of Gandhi. Thus the split in the Congress was avoided.

21.3.1 Ganldhi and Swyrajists

The elections were fought and the Swarajists swept the polls in some provinces. Their
position and strength within the Consress increased..Gandhi was released from the jail in
February, 1 924. His release revived the old conflict and a split in the Congress seemed
Kamesh Mechrocks
 -

imminent. In June Gandhi made a declaration in favour of the original 'boycott' Swarajists and Constructive
programme. He went to the length of saying that those who did not accept his policy Work

should function as a separate oiganisation. His resolutions at the A.I.C.C. meeting at

Ahmedabad in June 1924 were virtually aimed at eliminating the Swarajists from the
Congress. One of the resolutions called upon every office-holder of the Congress to spin
two thousand yards of yam every month and authorised the PCCs to take proper action
against the defaulters. Those who did not accept the boycott of the councils were to resign
from the AICC. The electorates were warned against those who flouted the Congress
policy. The swarajists were disturbed as their success with the electorates was tq a great
extent due to the prestige and resources of the Congress. They offered stiff resistance t o
these resolutions. In the face of opposition from Das-Nehru combine Gandhi diluted his
resolution which was eventually carried with the omission, by way of compromise, of the
penalty of loss of office originally attached to it. It was a serious blow to Gandhi's power
and prestige. He publicly confessed that he was 'defeated and humbled'. Gandhi now lent
his support to swarajists and made them the accredited agents of the Congress to deal with
the Government.
The Belgaum Congress, presided over by Gandhi. laid the foundation of mutual trust
between No-Changers and the Swarajists. He brought about an agreement incorporating
the suspension of non-cooperation except in so far as it related to the refusal to use or wear
cloth made out of India. It laid down that different kinds of Congress work might be done
by different sections. The constructive programme with its emphasis on the spinning
wheel, Hindu-Muslim unity, prohibition and the removal of Untouchability was prescribed
! to congressmen as the chief means for the attainnient of Swaraj. 19. Motilal Nehru
t

21.3.2, Objectives and Aims

The objectives and aims of the Swaraj Party were indicated in its programme first
published in February, 1923. The immediate objective was 'speedy attainment of full
Dominion Status', including 'the right to frame a constitution adopting such machinery
and system as are most suited to the conditions of the country and genius of the peoples'.
Its manifesto of 14 October 1923 as well as the nature of its demands in the councils,
revealed that it wanted full provincial autonomy implying control over bureaucracy as a
necessary preliminary to the right to frame constitution. The other objective of the party
was to secure the recognition of the principle that the bureaucracy derived its power from
the people. The manifesto made it clear that the demand which its members would make
on entering legislatures was to press the Government to concede "the right of the people of
India to control the existing machinery and system of government", and to resort to a
policy of "uniform, continuous and consistent obstruction" if the Government refused to
entertain such a demand.
The constitution of the Swaraj Party, framed in 1923, underwent many changes until its
relationship with the ~ o n g i e s was
s finally determined at the Belgaum Congress in
December, 1924. The constitution of 1924 laid down the party's objective as the
attainment of Sn!u~-ujby the people of India by all legitimate and peaceful means. The
exact nature of Swara.1 was left undefined in the constitution.

21.3.3 Programme
The Swaraj Party was the handiwork of those eminent Congress l e ~ ~ d ewho
r s had never
seen eye to eye with Gandhi in his approach lo non-cooperation. They had no sympathy
with the mass action programme of Gandhi but they acquiesced in i r by the force of
circumstances in 1920. Being an integral part of the Congress and operating as one of its
departments, the programme of the Swaralis~scould not be much different from that of the
Congress. Fortified by the blessings of the Congress, the Swaraj Pany proclaimed to carry
non-violent non-cooperation inside the councils with u view to wrecking the constitu~ion
of 1919. The party resolved to adopt the following programme:
Inside the Councils
The party decided that whenever possible it woultl:
refuse supplies and throw out budget to force recognition of their righls:
throw out all proposals for legislative enactments by which the bureaucr;wy proposetl !o
consolidate its powers;
move resolutions and introduce and support measures and bills necessary for the hcalthy
growth of national life: Kamesh Mechrocks
Xatiunalism %Inter War
Y ears-I
help the constructive propamme of the Congress;
follow a definite economic policy to prevent the drain of public wealth from India by
checking all activities leading to exploitation and to a d v m national, economic,
industrial and commercial interest of the country; and
project the rights of labour-agricultural and industrial, and adjust the relations between
landlords and tenants, capitalists and workmen.
Outside the Council
It was decided that the Party would work for:
inter-communal unity with a view to bringing about a complete understanding among
Hidus, Muslims, Sikhs, Brahmins and non-Brahmins;
removal of untouchability and raising the status of the depressed classes;
Village organisation;
Organisation of labour in the country, industrial as well as agricultural, including ryats
and peasants in order to protect and promote their interests and secure a proper place for
them in the struggle for Swaraj;
acquisition of economic control of the country including development of commerce and
industry;
establishment of control of nationalists over local and municipal affairs;
canying out the constructive programme of the Congress in a manner as it thought
necessary in relation to Swadeshi, Khaddar, temperance, national education and
arbitration boards;
boycott of selected British goods manufactured outside India on the advice of a
committee with a view to use it as a political weapon in the pursuit of 'Swaraj';
formation of a federation of Asiatic countries to secure Asian solidarity and mutual help
in trade and commerce; and
organisation of agencies for propaganda outside India of national work and enlisting
sympathy and support of foreign countries in the struggle for 'Swaraj'.
A cursory look at the programme of the Swarajists would reveal its all-embracing, omnibus
character. It was devised to please all sections of people with an eye on the election. The
Swarajists believed in class collaboration rather than in class cleavage. They did not want to
disturb the social order as it had obtained for centuries in India. They stood for justice to the
peasantry but at the same time believed that 'poor indeed will be. the quality of that justice, if
it involves any injustice to the landlord.' The Swarajists had to keep richer sections of
society in good humour owing to their dependence on them for election and party funds. In
espousing the constructive programme they recognised the utility of legislative bodies as
instruments for its implementation. It must however, be. admitted that their programme
outside the legislative bodies was quite unwieldy. The creation of a federation of Asiatic
countries and the organisation of agencies for foreign,gropaganda were too ambitious to be
realised.

21.3.4 Methods
What gave a peculiar distinction to the politics of the Swarajists was their avowed intention
of wrecking the reforms from within, Michael 0'Dwyer, formerly Lt. Governor of Punjab
had written that to deal with 'sabotage' was much more difficult than an open rebellion. The
Swarajists' methods of obstruction to all government sponsored laws were calculated to
destroy the prestige of the councils which had throttled the national self-assertion and
respect. Motilal observed in March, 1926 while staging a walk-out of his party, 'we feel that
we have no further use for these sham institutions and the least we can do to vindicate the
honour and self-respect of the nation is to get out of them. We will try to devi~ethose
sanctions which alone can compel any government to grant the demand of a nation'. The
Swarajists carried non-cooperation 'into the very aisles and chancel of the Bureaucratic
church'. They created deadlock in the legislatures, blew up the Dyarchy in the provinces by
their method of obstruction. By obstruction-they meant resistance to the obstruction placed
in the way of Swaraj by the alien government. h a speech in the Bengal Legislative council
in 1925. C.R. Das observed:
"We want to destroy and get rid of a system which does no good and can do no good.
We want to destroy it, because we want to construct a system which can be worked
witn success and will enable us to do good to the masses."
The methods of the Swarajists on the destructive side emphasised rejection of the votable
parts of the budgets and rejection of proposals emanating from the bureaucracy. On the
Kamesh Mechrocks
consrr-ucri~veside, they sought to move resolutions calculated to promote a healthy national SwarajFts and Constructive
Work
life and displacement of bureaucracy.
The General Council of the Swaraj Party laid down specific rules for the conduct of its
members in the legislative bodies. They were not to serve as members on committees by
official nomination. C.R. Das summed up the methods of work inside the councils thus:
'I want you to enter the Councils and to secure a majority and to put forward national
demand. If it is not accepted, I want to oppose the Government in every measure,
good, bad and indifferent, and make the work of the Council impossible'.
He further said:
'If the Government conducted its work through certification, the Swarajist members
would resign making it a political issue. After re-election, they would re-continue their
efforts to oppose all Government measures and if, in spite of it all, the Government did
not yield then the voters would be advised to stop the payment of taxes and resort to
civil disobedience'.
Thus the civil disobedience was to be the last resort against bureaucratic truculence.

Check Your Progress 1

Each question given below has many answers. Mark the right answer.
1 Whofounded the Swaraj Party?
a) Mahatma Gandhi
b) V.J. Patel
c) S.B. ~ a m ' b e
d) C.R. Das
2 What was the chief programme of the party?
a) Council Entry
b) Constitutional Opposition
C) Constructive Programme .
d) None of the above
3 When was the programme of the party first published?
a) December 1922
b) February 1923
c) October 1923
d) February 1922
4 Make a list of the programme adopted by the Swaraj Party.
Inside the Councils
1
2
3
4
5
Out-side the Council
1
2
3
4
5

21.4 SWARAJISTS AT THE POLLS

There*werealtogether three elections held under the provisians of the Act of 19 19 in 1920,
1923 and 1926. Owing to the Non-Cooperation movement, the Congress had boycotted the
elections in 1920 leaving the field for the liberals and others. By the time elections were held
in 1923 the Non-Cooperation movement had spent its force and the split in the Congress
over Council entry had become pronounced. The Das-Nehru group under the banner of the
Swaraj Party fought elections on the charter of Council entry.
At the elections, the Liberals alone constituted a formidable opposition to the Swarajists.
The independents were also in the fray and were men of local importance but withoui any
Kamesh Mechrocks
NatiCal~um:The Inter War
Years-1

\?L&$/
pr 03, !?klpolia bazax-.
K~L-AJaorti J ~ i n , J a i w City.
$ e c 2 , A l l d h d i h Jain Aesociation, '7th June 1923.
(h~p:ttanaProvince)
idy Dear P a n d i t ji ,
I have f u l l Byapathy n i t h t h e Syarajya
P a r t y nnd w r a t to b ~ c ? : ~i et 8 mssbor , b u t bofore joining
t h e p a r t y I w a n t t o h ~ o r lwhat i e t h e prograame and
polxcy o f yo..r p a r t y regarding t h e Ifcfivc 8tr.tes.Please
l e t m e k:ow t h i s per r e t u r n of p o s t f u l l y .
' Tf yo0 ccn,LAndly send
Rlllea,Reylations and o t h e r

t h e fav'our of
Yours Sincerely,
ob

el
:ti,,.
Jr .

20. Letters to Motllal Nehru seeking information about Sward Party.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 definite political status. The Liberals were at a disadvantage as t h q were in the councils in SwaraJLsband Constructive
Work
the previous term. They were overruled by the Government even on trivial routine matters.
The stigma of association with an alien Government was attached to them. On the contrary
the Swarajists had a halo of martyrdom due to their imprisonmept during the Non-
cooperation movement. The Liberals had no tangible achievement to advertise to the
electorates while the Swarajists appeared as 'Gandhi's men' committed to the attainment of
Swaraj. They were now going to enter the Councils as the battle fpr Swaraj outside had
ended without success. Their policy of open antagonism to the prevailing system of
Government made a wide appeal to the electorates.
The Swarajists' success in the elections of 1923 was impressive but by no means brilliant
except in the central Provinces. Table 1 would show their position in the legislative bodies:
Table 1

Total No. of Seats won by

Seats Swarajists

Y kgislative Assembly
2 Legislative Councils
Madras Council
Bombay Council
Bengal Council
U.P. Council
Punjab Codncil
Bihar & Orissa Council
C.P. Council
Assam Council

Total

The Swarajists emerged as the single largest party in the Central Assembly, Bombay and
Bengal Councils while their number in the U.P. Council was not insignificant. The
Swarajists were successful against the liberals but they could do little against the
Independents who counted for success on the bases of their local influence. The victory of
the Swarajists at the polls strengthened their position in the congress as againsi'the No-
Changers. They, in effect, came to be recognised as the parliamentary wing of ~econgress.
The bulk of the candidates elected were lawyers and businessmen. Table 2 gives the
classification of the'elected members of the Central Assembly according to their professions.
It would indicate the class of people who succeeded in the elections.
/

Table 2
Legislative Assembly

Lawyers 42 38
Landlords 26 30
Businessmen 17 16
Journalists 8 9
Medical Practitioners 2 2
Others 9 9

Total ' 104 104

Thd iesults of the elections of 1926 came as a rude shock to the Swarajists. Their strength
in the legislative bodies went down except in the Madras where their success was signal.
They suffered heavy losses everywhere. In the U.P., C.P. and Punjab, the Swarajists were
routed. In the C.P. Legislative Council, they secured only one seat. In the U.P. their number
went down from 31 to 19. In the Central Legislative Assembly their number went down
from 42 to 35.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: The Inter War,
Years-I The Ta~riil Natlu C o ~ ~ g r c sCommittee
s
Congress Party C:r n t l id nttl's Pledge

" 1, bting a member of the Indian National Congreu do hersby oBcr

m y d f as a cantlidate on behalf of tlrc ~ ~ , c s r efors election la the
Lcyirlvtivc Ar=e~ld~ly / ~ . t l - L u ~ i a k r t ~ n tfrun~ ( C the Cokl*
tilucrrcy of Tunj ore and Tr iulrlnoyoly nrd Jc.clrrc
that if nly ca~ldidatureis approvctl I r h ~ l fully
l coniurnr to d l rub* and
directions regulating the conduct of electio~~s by mernhlrof the P u t y
which have been or may k irsued by tllc A. 1. C. C.or itr Workiag
Comnl'tteeor the Pxecutivr of tlre lJ~.ovilrcialCongrcrr Committee in
~ ~ sresolutiolls of the A. 1. C.C. or
accordrnce with the i ~ ~ i t r u c t i oa~lcl
i t s Working COIIIIII~IIt. If I I I ~c.t~~rIirlatu~e ir 1101 approved 1 ultdcr-
take not to solltert the clcctiol~.
1 further ;I~I.c'that ill case I J ~ elcctcd
I 1 s11a11 I.~itl~frrlly carry out
the policy and progralnmc of work laid tlowli in the rertrlutionr of the
lndian National Congrew adol)tcd at Cawl~pore311cl the resolutions of
the I\. 1. C. C. d s t d C I I ~ a11d 7th nl,~, 11 II)A r l ~ r lill al,, clc.cliun
m n i f ~ s l olo b.: issued by tlrc Workil~pC o m ~ ~ ~ i l t c e .
1 rhsll alro faithfully observe all rules and carfy out all initructions
which may b iuued fronr time lo time by ihe A. I. C. C. or its
WorkingConrm)ctcc or by the Party in the Abscmbly/Council for the
guidance of thc elected members of the Legirlativc A-r;rably !Prowin-
c i a Lgislative Council.
I pledge myself to vacate my scat in the legislrture in case I
wilfully fail to carry out the policy and instructions of the Congress o r
the A. L (3. C. o r its working Committee or the Party in the Legis-
lative Assembly / Provincial Lcgishtive Councilu

tLu lrulrwllou .ad ruolulbac ol IP.

All I r l u C o g r e * Coluulctn a: iu
worklug Gpmi~L&.*If my ua!iLtm
ia roc approvd I mudon& w: Lo eon-
t ~ Iba t ululiow. I tunLu.r agrro t)ut
iu ur I am a k h d 1 &all f n i l h f ~ y
earq .u( I& plky ULP pmgn- 01
work Lil b a L. (L. tc.9luU.a d L b
I& blu)ord COupC.9 aday.+d rL idl*flirati- Form to be duly & l l d in am1 riymd by rlr C~wgvrr. C h d i d d r wL.
Carnlmra o J I& rwlulwn d Ilu A U
IPPi.Coyrcm Guumilkh (now rdopu1)
4 & I& l a l b uclifoaro bud b~
rL W u k i y CourrIla. I JU. L o
-
intrsdt to rhtlJ/ur rlrztiun to the mwml &$iaktnrrr b ' l~~ t i ~ . )
i ~ . t k W

~ W J U J &arm I~ d~r d a u d rarq out

JL'&.trDCIiwr wL*L m11). be &vDJ
To
Lnu livrr k, by ib All Curr. l'hr Uon. Bwrduy,
#lvl M l b m a.J Ib Wvrkiui GOV
rltk w by (L. r*rLuU C*ugrmw
( % p u b U U @d WlJ h I k Awmbl~
(C.mrjl) (bar m y .ot Lr Innadmat
GADLQ.

~rllvu
& (L. LKtbriva w
Cwull. I tu ru.b my
P.Qy* ..,..if
a d in LI* Lli3.L~la t u 1 IIUvll#
fail lo urry arl L 4 yvlky jud Lualrw.
h o f I & C o . ( l - e l ( L . ~ U India
QnyyODlri(U.rLuWoshrgW +~omjmrr CowuriWe rind I 110 hereby Lclale ~ I I ~ifL , w k c a ,
rilh W . I(L. Pnwi.ri.) hal* I r h d I.itlrlully cury oul tho 'C'nngrerr l'ledpc ( ~lriucrd'an t l ~ olawk )
Buul(L.l r d y.ry L IL. IeylJ1Ura wl~ichru duly rigned br tilo.
l u U # u l&L.,
to Lu
I Itoru Llre l~nr~our
Nir,
Your ur- obdieut urrnut

21. Congress Candidates Pledges.

1 Nouac iu full ...%- gk*...& @&zh

9 nx1.c S. ~ l i y i n n . . . & ' ..>I&
3 Xune d Ute 1 k o u111(be
&@Crick vhieh the crul~idskrwid ca.,.,
4 '1911t cuurkibr~rncylur wl~icll~
(%--
'LC r a d i h & iweud. LO .bud ....
Kamesh Mechrocks
 In fact, on the eve of the 1926 elections, The Swarajists had lost much of their ground. The Swarajists and CURFIructive
Work
untimely demise of C.R. Das in 1925 created a great void. The Swaraj Party was a house
divided against itself. Mutual bickerings and distrust eroded its credibility. Denial of tickets
to some Swarajists led them to declare their candidature as independents. The impression
went round that they were self-seekers and time-servers. The policy of obstruction could not
hold together all the Swarjists and a section of them turned 'Responsivist Swarajits' further
eroding the strength of the Swaraj Party. The protracted Hindu-Muslim tension, presence of
reactionary elements of bdth the communities within the party, which ostensibly professed
secularism, really created a difficult situation. The Hindus felt that their interests were not
safe in the hands of the Congress. The activities of the Hindu Mahasabha also weakened the
Swarajist position. The Muslim alienation from the Congress became so marked that its
earstwhile Muslim members fought elections as Muslims, not as Swarajists.

21.5 WORK IN THE LEGISLATURES

In the legislative assembly Motilal Nehru led a strong contingent of the Swarajists. Since
they were not in majority, it was desirable to seek support from other groups to implement
effectively the policy of obstruction. Early id February 1224, a coalition of seventy members
was formed who subscribed to the Folicy of obstruction in case the Government failed to
respond to the resolution demanding immediate constitutional progress. This coalition came
to known as the Nationalist Party but all its constituents and members did not share the
radicalism of the Swarajists. The coalition dominated the proceedings of the legislature in
1924. It rejected the first four demands of the Budget and did not allow the Finance Bill to
be introduced in the legislature. Rangachariar moved a resolution requesting the Governor-
General in council to revise the Act of 1919 to secure for India Provincial Autonomy and
r Dominion Status. Motilal moved an amendment in favour of a Round Table Conference to
recommend a scheme of full responsible Government. It was canied in the Assembly by the
majority vote. It was as follows:
I
'This Assembly recommends to the Governor-General in Council to take steps to have
I
t the Government of India Act revised with a view to establishing full Responsible
Government for India, and for the said purpose:
a) to summon at an early date representatives to a Round Table Conference to
recommend, with due regard for the protection of the rights and interests of the
important minorities, a constitution for India; and
b) after dissolving the Central Legislature, to place the said scheme before a newly
t
elected Indian Legislature, and submit the same to the British Parliament to be
embodied in a Statute.'
The Government of India was forced to appoint a committee under Sir Alexander
t Muddiman, the Home Member, to enquire into the defects in the working of the Act of 1919
and to suggest remedies. The committee including eminent Indians like T.B. Sapru, M.A.
Jinnah, R.P. Paranjpaya, Sir Sivaswamy Iyer, Motilal Nehru, in accorc-nce with the creed of
Swarajists, turned down the request of the Government to serve on the committee. The
Swarajists also refused invitations to the levees and parties of the Viceroy as a protest
I
against the non-settlement of the Indian problem. When the recommendations of the Lee
Commission constituted under the Chairmanship of Viscount Lee to enquire into the
organisation and conditions of Public Services, came for approval of the Assembly, Motilal
moved an amendment which was carried by the majority vote. On that occasion Motilal
condemned the existing constitution of the services ana observed that the Government was
attempting the impossible task of working a reformed constitution on the basis of the
I--reformed administration.
The year 1924-25 registered many victories for the Swarajists in the Legislative Assembly.
- They succeeded in throwing out the Budget forcing the Government to rely on its power of
certification. C.D. Iyengar's resolution urging the suppression of the Bengal ordinance by
an Act of the Legislature was canied through by 58 against 45 votes. V.J. Pate1 introduced
a Bill for the repeal of the State Msoners Act of 1850, the Frontier Outrages Act of 1867
and the Prevention of Sediti~usMeetings Act of 1921. It was carried except for the
omission of the Frontier Outrages Act. The Government was also defeated on Raja's
resolution seeking the establishment of a Military College in India. The official resolution
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: The Inter War urging the acceptance of majority report of the Reforms Enquiry Committee was objected to
Years-1
by Motilal who moved an amendment which was carried by 72.votes to 45. This amendment
reiterated the old stand df the SwarajiSts on the constitutional progress i.e. the establishment
of a full responsible government through a scheme evolved by a Round Table Conference of
representative Indians.
The Swarajists in their zeal to wreck the reforms from within often succeeded in blocking
the passage of the Government's Bills and other measures. They resorted to adjournment
motions and asking inconvenient questions to expose the misdeeds of the alien government.
But the wrecking methods could in no case paralyse the Government. The Independents
declined to join the Swarajists merely for pursuing a policy of obstruction for its own sake.
The Nationalist Party showed signs of crumbling as responsive cooperators, and
Independents did not always see eye to eye with the Swarajists. In the later parliamentary
career the Swarajists protested against the Government's policies by adopting the method of
walking in and walking out regularly. This technique earned for the Swarajists such nick
names as 'peripatetic patriots' and 'patriotism in locomotion'.
The success of the Swaraj Party in Bengal and the Central Provinces was impressive. In
Bengal it was the largest party and with the general support of 19 Independents it succeeded
in producing 'deadlock'. Lord Lytton, the Governor of Bengal, invited C.R. Daslo accept
responsibility for the 'transferred' departments. He declined the invitation and organised an
effective coalition to oppose the government. Twice in 1924 and 1925, the salaries of the
ministers were rejected and-repeated attempts to restore salaries proved unavailing. The
Governor was compelled to divide the transferred departments, between himself and the
members of the Executive Council. J.M. Sen Gupta's resolution seeking release of political
prisoners was carried by 72 votes against 41. It was followed by the passage of the resolution
moved by Byomkes Chakravarti for the repeal of certain laws such as Bengal Regulation,
IIT of I% 18, the Indian Criminal Law Amendment Act and the Seditious Meetings Act. The
division showed 63 votes for 43 against. The death of C.R. Das in 1925 deprived the
Swarajists of their ablest leader and their position was weakened. Yet the Government was
unable to form a ministry. In 1926, the Swarajists withdrew from the council proclaiming the
death of dyarchy.
In the Central Provinces the Swarajists secured absolute majority enabling them to paralyse
the Government. They refused to accept the office of ministers. The Govement appointed
non-Swarajists'as ministers. The Swarajists moved a resolution requesting the ministers to
resign. It was carried in the council by 44 votes to 24. The Government in the C.P. could be
run by the special powers of the Governor. The Indian Statutory Commission admitted,
although somewhat grudgingly, the success of the Swarajists thus:
'The only really well organised and disciplined party with a definite programme
(though, it is true, a negative one) is that of the Swarajists. Only in Bengal and the
Central Provinces did they, even temporarily, achieve their initial object of making
dyarchy unworkable and in the provinces they have tended everywhere, in varying
degrees to be transformed into an opposition of a more constitutional kind, and have
not infrequently played a useful part as keen and vigilant critics.'
The Swarajist activities produced a stir in the country and achieved whatever could be
achieved by their tactics under the constitution. The enthusiasm of the public ran high when
dyarchy was overthrown in Bengal and the Central Provinces. Their activities enlivened an
otherwise dull political atmosphere. Their tactics of obstruction embarrassed the government
while the parliamentary duels of the period constitute a brilliant page in the annals of
parliamentary politics.

L 21.6 CONSTRUCTIVE WORK

The Council Entry for wrecking reforms from within was the main, but by no means the
sole, objective of the Swarajists. They also had a definite conception of socioeconomic
reforms or ameliorative activities which Gandhi characterised as the constructive
programme. To Gandhi the chariot of freedom struggle had two wheels-constructive
programme and political campaigns. The constructive programme, as adumbrated by him,
consisted of eighteen items of which the most important were Hindu-Muslim unity, removal
Kamesh Mechrocks
of untouchability, prohibition, Swadeshi and boycott.
 'The Swarajists could ill-afford to ignore the programme as [hey knew that some day they Swarajists and Cunsrructive
might have to leave the Councils and resort to civil d i s o b d e n c e along with those who did Work

not go to the councils. They owed their political power to tpek continued association with
Gandhi and the Congress. The constructive prog*amme p t ~ d e ad common platform to both
the factions of the Congress-No-changers and the Swarajists. It must, huwever, be
admitted that the Swarajists, being chiefly engaged in council-entry and parhamentary
politics, could do little to implement the programme as zealously and steadfastly as the NO-
changers could.
The top leadership of the Swarajists regarded Hindu-Muslim unity and political education of
the masses as sine qua non for the attainment of Swaraj. The Congress resolved in 1926 on
the establishment of a permanent publicity bureau for educating the masses on communal
amity and sound national life. Maulana Azad, Motilal Nehru and Sarojini Naidu were
authorised to take necessary steps in this direction. At the Gauhati session of the Congress,
Motilal exerted all his influence on the Congress to adopt the programme of educating the
people in their political rights and training them to acquire the necessary strength to win
those rights by carrying out the constructive programmer. The rise of Swarajists in Indian
politics coincided with the worst period of Hindu-Muslim tension. The communal riots
constituted a grave challenge to all those who cherished in their hearts the values of
freedom, national unity and secularism. But the Swarajists like any other group could do
nothing constructive to halt the downward trend except pious speeches on the desirability of
Hindu-Muslim Unity.
The concept of Swadeshi occupied a very important place in Gandhian constructive
programme. Gandhi's definition of Swadeshi was comprehensive as it included not only
Charkha (spinning wheel) and Khadi (coarse cloth) but also all other forms of indigenous
industries. To him K M i meant a wholesale Swadeshi mentality, a determination to find all
the necessaries of life in India and that too through the labour and intellect of the villagers.
The Swarajists also espoused the programme of Swadeshi, and of Charkha and Khadi, but
their passion for Khadi and Charkha was not as strong and as deep as that of Gandhi or his
orthodox followers. Gandhi bemoaned that Khaddar among the Swarajists was on the wane
and it remained a 'ceremonial dress' as they did not hesitate to use Videshi (foreign cloths)
in their hous&old circle.

21.6.1 Khadi
The Swarajists did not share Gandhi's views on Khaddar and hand spinning. C.R. Das
regarded Charkha and Khadi as instrumental in improving the economic life of Indian
people. He did not subscribe to the commercial utility of Khadi, and did not regard it as a
commodity of world-wide marketable importance. The Swarajists did not believe that
I Khadi, Charkha and indigenous industries alone would make India independent.
I 'It is stated', said Das, 'that Khaddar alone will bring us Swaraj. I ask my countrymen in
what way is it possible for Khaddar to lead us to Swaraj?' The Swarajists made no fetish of
Khaddar but they missed no opportunity in exhorting the people to wear K h d i The
t instructions issued by the Swaraj Party to all its members required them to attend the
meetings of the Central Assembly and Provincial Councils dressed in pure Khaddar.
The Swarajists did not ordinarily oppose the enthusiasm of the orthodox Gandhian and No-

r changers in the matter of Khaddar and hand-spinning. But they opposed tooth and nail
proposals put forward by Gandhians in the Congress to make Khadi or Charka-spinning
the basis for its membership. Gandhi's resdiution making spinningebljgatory for members
of all elected organisations of the Congress drew strong disapproval from the Syarajists. In
the face of strong resistance from the Swarajists Gandhi made provision in the Hand
Spinning Resolution for the removal of the penalty clause. Asked to define the attitude of
Swarajists towards the Spinning Resolution, Das replied:
'The Swarajists have no objection to spin and they have over and over again declared
their faith in the constructive programme. But they strongly resented-anything being
forced upon them, and they thought that it was an attempt to exclude them
unconstitutionally from the congress executive'.
In conclusion it may be stated that the Swarajists were always ready to contribute to
the progress of Khaddar but they were not its blind worshippers ready to indulge in
excesses.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: The Inter War
Years-I
21.6.2 Untouchability
Untouchability was a blot on Indian Society. The non-cooperation resolution advised the
country to revive hand-spinning and hand-weaving on a large scale as it would benefit
millions of weavers-pariahs of Indian society. 'Non-cooperation is a plea', said Gandhi,
'for a change of heart, not merely in the English but in ourselves'. At the Nagpur session of
the Congre s, he called upon the people to make special efforts to rid Hinduism of the
X
reproach o untouchability. The elevation of the depressed classes received unfailing
attention of the Congress. The Swarajists' attitude could not be different from what Gandhi
thought on the question. They were in full agreement with the resolution on untouchability
passed at the Belgaum Congress of 1924. They strongly felt that this curse must be speedily
removed from the Indiarh,society. .
Untouchability showed i t h f in a horrible form in some parts of India. Many initiatives were
taken during this period to fight this curse of Indian social life. In Vykom, in South India, for
4
example reformers resorle to Satyagraha to secure for untouchables the right to use a public
road leading to a Hindu teqple. This initiative received full support from Gandhi and the
Swarajists. The Swarajists passed a resolution sympathising with the satyagraha movement
at Vykom. The Belgaum Congress called upon the Travancore Government to recognise the
justice of the Satyagrahis claim and grant speedy relief. The government was made to realise
that it was improper to lead state support to Hindu conservatism. Yielding to the pressure of
satyagrahis, the government of Travancore removed barricades and pickets although the
public opinion ramained divided over the question of allowing the untouchables to use the
thorough fare leading to the temple.
In the Tarakeshwar incident the Swarajists took very keen interest against the autocracy of a
Mahant. Swami Viswanand and Swami Sachidanand, two religious reformers, organised a
band of volunteers, declared the temple a public property and resorted to direct action
against the tyranny of the Mahanr. A conflict took place between the servants of the Mahant
and the volunteers. C.R.Das decried the role of the government and called for the arrest of
the Mahanr. The pressuE was brought upon the Mahanr to hand over the temple to a
committee appointed by Das. The Tarakeshwar affair produced considerable excitement,
many arrests were made and the police was compelled to resort to firing on one occasion.
The Swarajists ultimately succeeded in effecting a compromise with Mahant on their own
terms. The whole incident demonstrated sincerity of the Swarajists who wished to do away
with the discrimination in the matter of religious worship in temples. They stood for opening
the doors of temples for worship to the depressed classes. The Swarajists also organised
inter-caste dinners to break down caste prejudice. The Swarajists also missed no opportunity
of vindicting the rights of the depressed classes in the Central Legislative Assembly and the
provincial councils. The anti-untouchability activities thky undertook created social
consciousness but more persistent efforts were needed to root out the age-old prejudices.

21.6.3 Other Social Problems

The evil of drinking or taking intoxicants did not escape the attention of the Congress
reformists. The Congress emphasised the need of ending the evil and proclaimed its faith in
the policy of prohibition. Intemperance or the evil of consuming intoxicants had existed in
pre-British India. The British made intoxicants a source of their income and were unwilling
\
to enforce prohibition fbr fear of losing a substantial source of supply of money to the
Government. The nationalists realised the gravity of the situation where an alien government
cared more for its income than for the general good of the society. As pamots it was their
moral duty and social obligation to work for the regeneration of society. The Swarajists
therefore, included in their programme the enforcement of temperance. The nationalists
realised very clearly that the policy of the Government of India under which drinking and
drug taking habits of people were used as a source of revenue, was detrimental to national
health and moral welfare of the people. They stood therefore, for its abolition.
a From 1922 to 1929 the Congress, the Swarajists being its integral part, laid great emphasis
on the constructive programme. Mahatma %andhi made it a mission of his life and held fast
the view that the road to real freedom lay through the Constructive Programme. The
Swarajists lent support to the Constructive Programme but did not share Gandhi's passion
and idealism in this regard. It must, however, be admitted that the constructive work of the
Congress failed to produce the expected results. But the Congressites did succeed to a
limited extent in making a dent in the fort of orthodoxy.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Check Your Progress 2 Swarajists and Cumstrurtive
1 Swaraj Party took part in the elections in ..................... Work

a) 1923, 1926
b) 1919, 1923
c) 1920,1926
d) 1919, 1920
2 Elections were held under the Act of .....................
a) 1920
b) 1923
c) 1926
d) 1919
3 In the Legislative Assembly of 1924, the maximum'seats were held by .....................
a) Landlords
b) Journalists
C) Lawyers
d) Businessmen
4 The Swarajist Leader who became President of the Asserfibly was .....................
a) Motilal Nehru
b) V.J. Pate1
c) C.R. Das
d) J.M. Sen Gupta
...
5 In 1923, Swaraj Party gained absolute majority in .....................
a) ~e~islativAssembly
e
b) U.P. Council
c) Bengal Council
d) C.P. Council
61 Write ten lines on the prformance of the Swarajists in the legislatures.

21.7 DEMORALISATION AND DECLINE

The enthusiasm of 1924 began to wane and the years 1925-27 saw demoralisation and
eventual decline of the Swarajists.Jnside the legislatures, the Swarajists failed to pursue the
policy of 'constant, continuous uniform obstruction'. The Swarajist tactics had served the
purpose of exposing the hollowness of the constitution of 1919 but these proved unavailing
inknding or mending it. A substantial section of the Swarajists realised that the destructive
opposition to all government measures put an end to all socially useful measures. The spirit
of 'respongve cooperation' was getting stronger month after month. Even C.R. Das became
indined mwards cooperation. Presiding over the Bengrtl,Provincial Conference at Fattdpur
on 2 May, 1925, he appealed to the ~rikishto effect a reasonable settlement. He said that
'cooperation with the Government was possible if some real responsibility was transf~rmed
to the people'. He called for a 'general amnesty to all political prisoners' and 'to show a
practical demonstration of change of heart'. He assured the government that the Swarajists
would do everything tGdiscourage 'revolutionary propaganda'.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: The Inter War 21.7.1 Drift
Years-I
The Faridpur declaration accelerated the drift towards constitutional opposition and
cooperation with the Government. Lord Birkenhead's speech of 7 July, 1925 paying tribute
to the party as 'the most highly organised political party in India' and disclaiming that 'we
no longer talk of holding the gorgeous East in fee' seemed to have impressed the Swarajists
and they were in a mood to be dissuaded from pure obstructionists politics. In fact, many of
the Swarajists had no faith in the policy of Non-Cooperation. Having entered the councils,
they were not averse to enjoying its privileges. The Swarajist leaders accepted offices and sat
on various committees. Motilal, who had earlier declined a seat on the Muddimen
Committee, now accepted one of the Skeen Committee. Vithalbhai Pate1 became President
of the Assembly and A. Ramaswamy Iyei~gersat on the Public Accounts Committee. Sir
Basil Blackett eulogised in the Assembly the cooperation of Motilal Nehru. He asked, 'what
else is Panditji doing in passing the steel protection bil'l, in passing last year's budget, in
separating the railway finance? 'What else is Pate1 doing in presiding over this House?' Hc
also praised Iyengar for the valuable services rendered by him on the Public Accounts
Committee. The Government succeeded in cajoling the Swarajists into some kind of
cooperation.

In the Central Provinces the two Swarajist Stalwarts-4.B. Tambe and Raghavendra
Rao-were converted by the Government to its side. This not only broke the party in the
province into two wings-Responsivists and Non-Cooperators-but split the partyas a
whole. The Swarajists of Bombay advocated the path of responsive cooperation. Another
Swarajist stalwart defended S.B. Tambe's acceptance of membership of the Governor's
Executive Council. "In what way did Tambe's action differ from that of V.J. Patel"?, he
asked. The Responsive Swarajists voiced publicly the demand to reconsider the party's
programme. Motilal's rigid discipline and threat, 'the diseased limb of the Swaraj Party
must be amputated' offended the Responsivists to the extent of open rebellion against the
Central leadership.

The years 1926-27 further demoralised the Council front. The serious Hindu-Muslim
cleavage disintegrated the Swaraj Party. Madan Mohan Malaviya and Lajpat Rai organised ---
a new party of Congress Independents and rallied the Hindus under their banner. They
were of the opinion that opposition to the Government injured the interests of the Hindus;
The Swarajists of Bombay made an open declaration in favour of the cult of responsivism.
The Swaraj Party was now riven with dissensions and defections. Many Swarajists attended
a meeting of leaders, held at Calcutta on 3 1 December 1925, to forge a common line of
action. It became clear that there were no fundamental differences now among the liberals,
Independents and Responsivists. In April 1926 many Swarajists attended the Bombay
Conference presjded over by T. B. Sapru. The crisis in the Swaraj Party deepened and
~ o t ' i l atried
l to effect reconciliation'between the two wings. He convened a meeting of the
party at Sabarmati to explore the possibilities of a compromise. The meeting approved 'qore
or less the principles of resp'onsivism and laid down certain conditions for office acceptdnce.
The non-cooperators attacked the compromise. The Responsivists severed their connections
with the Congress which laid down the policy of Non-Cooperation inside the councils. The
Sabarmati Compromise failed to keep the Swaraj Party united. Dyarchy which was
destroyed in Bengal and C.P was restored in 1927. In Bengal the demand for ministers'
salaries was carried by 94 to 86 votes and in C.P. by 55 to 16. By 1927, it became clear that
by clinging to parliamentary politics this party had succeeded in wrecking itself rather than
-theconstitution of 1919.

21.7.2 Merger
The announcement of Simon Commission in the closing months of 1927 and Lord
Birkenhead's challenge to Indians to produce a constitution acceptable to all sections of
society opened new political vistas in the country. The Simon Commission evoked universal
boycott while Motilal, taking up the challenge of Birkenhead, prepared a constitution known
as Nehru Report. The Swarajists and the No-changers began to draw closer to one another.
The Calcutta Congress of 1928 resolved that in case the British Government did not accept
the Nehru Report by 3 1 December 1929, the Congress would declare complete independence
as its goal. The Council Entry programme in the changed political situation occupied a back
seat and lost its relevance. The Swaraj Party now merged with the Congress as the country
began to prepare for the second round of direct mass action to achieve complete
independence.
Kamesh Mechrocks
21.7.3 Disintegration Swa and

The Demoralisation and the decline of the Swaraj Party, after its swcess in 1924, was due to
the absence of a broad ideological basis. The unity of the Nationalist Party proved to be
short-lived. The grant of immediate constitutional advance as a pre-condition for
cooperation was too limited a goal to hold together men of diverse thinking and independent
views. The non-Swarajist constituents of the Nationalist Party realised that the Swaraj Party
gave precedence to its interest at their cost. This led to rift and defection and the Nationalist
Party broke down. Jinnah seceded from the National Coalition and formed a separate party
c a w the Independent Party. Before the elections of 1926 the Nationalist Party was split in
to three clear-cut groups.
The Swarajist or the Congress Party,
the Responsive cooperators which included the Hindu Mahasabha and Independent
Congressmen. They together formed the Nationalist Party under the leadership of Lajpat
Rai and Madan Mohan Malaviya, and
the Independent Party headed by Jinnah.
There was, however, no marked difference in their political and voting behaviour.

21.8 CAUSES FOR DECLINE

Although the Swarajists, with their programme of Council Entry, seemed very promising in
1923 and looked like changing the course of Indian Politics, they petered out very soon, and
were undeniably a spent force by 1929. What were the reasons for this decline? Was the
decline inherent in the political situation or was it due to their own mistakes? Or was it
because of the limitations of the council entry programme itself? In the last section you read
about the disintegration of the Swarajists. Let us briefly see some of the reasons for it.

21.8.1 Rising Communal Tempo

The increasing communal tempo began to shape the course of events. The communalisation
of politi'cs narrowed in practice the ideological gap between the Swarajists and the Hindu
Mahasabha. Although the Swarajists had captured the Congress but in the murkey
communal atmosphere the Congress image, of a national organisation free from communal
and religious bias, now stood battered. The Muslim alienation definitely weakened the
Congress and the former Muslim Swarajists fought elections as Muslim rather than as
Swarajists. The emotional appeal of religion proved irresistible and secularism became the
casualty. In fact, most of the Swarajists were not so much concerned with the secular
nationalism as with short term gains. It led them to compromise with Muslims on adjustment
of seats in public services and legislatures. The socialist basis of mass action alone could
have reinforced secular nationalism in India.

21.8.2 Lure of Office

The lure of office proved to be another reason for the decline of the Swarajists. They began
their career with a bang by entering councils with the declared objective of stiff resistance to
the bureaucracy. The spirit of resistance soon gave way to cooperation. V.J. Patel was
elected President of the Assembly and Motilal accepted membership of Skeen Commission.
The Policy of unqualified obstruction lost its appeal and the party showed signs of
disintegration. Its ranks were riven with internal dissensions and open rebellion and
desertions decimated it further.

21.8.3 Class Character

The Swaraj Party represented the upper-middle class elements of the Congress who had
always been opposed to direct mass action. They had joined the nationalist struggle to
prevent it from'committing itself to revolutionary mass action. They were drawn, quite
unwillingly, into the vortex of Non-Cooperation movement. On the failure of the
movement, they took to parliamentary politics and later seemed to be content with playing
the role of constitutional opposition. Nevertheless given the constraints of colonial set up, it
was most progressive and radical among all the existing political parties and groups in the
country with the exception of the communists who were still struggling to find feet in
the Indian soil.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: The Inter War "
Chwk Your Progress 3
Years-I
. '1 Write ten lines on the cause of the decline of the Swarajists.

2 Match the following:

1) C.R. Das A) President of Belgaum Congress
2) Motilal Nehru B) Founder President of Swaraj Party
3) V.J. Patel C) First Secretary of Swaraj Party
4) Mahatma Gandhi D) First Indian President of Legislative
Assembly
5) Madan Mohan Malviya E) Independent Leader
6) M.A. Jinnah F) Leader of Hindu Mahasabha
7) T.B. Sapru G) Leader of Indian Liberal Federation

21.9 LET US SUM UP

The Swaraj Party was formed in 1923 by those upper middle class intellectuals of the
Congress who had little faith in the direct mass action pragrarnme of Mahatma Gandhi. On
the collapse of non-cooperation they held aloft thebanner of Council Entry disregarding
the opposition of the No-Changers, who pinned their faith in boycott and the constructive
/
work. The Swarajists' success in the elections of 1923 made them formidable and Gandhi
had to accord recognition to them against his wishes as the parliamentary wing of the
congress.The Swarajists in turn expressed their faith and willingness to carry on the
constructive work (propagation of Klrotli. removal of untouchability, prohibition and
Hindu-Muslim Unity) but their adherence to it was not as idealistic and as complete as that
.. of No-Changers. '
In the Legislative Assembly and in Bengal and C. P. Councils the Swarajists succeeded,'for
the time being, in creating deadlocks and forcing the Governments to rely on their special
powers. In Bengal and C.P. they virtually pronounced the demise of dyarchy. They had
entered the legislative bodies with the avowed aim of changing them in the interests of
Sn~ar-ajor ending them altogether. They could not do either, nor was it possible in the
conditions under the colonial rule in India. They could not prevent the British colonialists
from carrying out their imperialist policies. Nevertheless, their speeches and tactics helged,
to a considerable extent in exposing imperialist policy and the hollowness of the British,
democratic pretensions.
Soon the cracksdeveloped in the Swaraj Party due to the emergence of the tendency to
reach some compromise with the authorities. C.R. Das's Faridpur Speech set the ball
rolling towards cooperation and constitutional opposition. The party got split into
'Responsive Swarajists' and 'Non-cooperators', the former even accepted government
posts. The demoralisation and decline began in the party. At the next elections to the
legislative bodies in 1926, the party lost several seats and its position was greatly
weakened.
'Many factors contributed to its decline. The pr0g1ammeof the party bristled with
contradictions. It did not have any sound ideological basis. It talked of the unity of the
landlords and peasant!, and the capitalists and workers whose basic interests collided with
76 one another. The Hindu-Muslini problem alienated both the communities from the Swaraj
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Party. The lure of office further contributed to its decline. Its pre-occupation with party and Consti
politics, council work and lukewarm support to the constructive work increased the gulf
between the masses and the Swarajists.
The announcement of the Simon Commission and the subsequent political developments
resulted in the merger of the party into the Congress. The Congress returned to its old policy
of Non-Cooperation and Civil Disobedience and activities associated with the Swaraj Party
I
were discarded altogether. But it enlivened an otherwise dull political atmosphere during the
I period 1922-1929,and played an important role on the political scene during this period.
I
I

II 21.10 KEY WORDS

!i Independents: Candidates without any party affiliation.
Legislative Assembly: The legislative body at the centre.
I
Legislative Councils: Legislative bodies in the provinces.
Liberals: That section of the lndian political opinion which was critical of certain
governmenf policies but did not beli&ve in-agitational methods. Purely constitutionalist in
approach, the liberals could be somewhere between the congressmen and the pro-
government elements.
Responsivism: A trend within the Swarajists which advocated cooperation with the
government.
Simon Commission: Commission appointed by the British government in 1927 to assess
India's fitness for self-rule. It was headed by John Simon and consisted of the members of
the British parliament. Indian opinion was conspicuous by its absence.

21.11 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
I
Check Your Progress 1
1 d
2 a
3 b
4 See sub-section 2 1.3.3

Check Your Progress 2

1 a
2 d
3 c
4 b
5 d
6 See Section 2 1.5

Check Your Progress 3

1 See Section 2 1.7
2 1-B, 2-C, 3-D, 4-A, 5-F, 6-E, 7-G

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 22 GROWTH OF COMMUNALISM
UPTO THE SECOND WORLD
WAR

Structure
22.0 Objectives \

22.1 Introduction
22.2 Communalism: Meaning and Components
22.2.d What is Communalism
22.2.2 Components
22.2.3 Myths Regarding Communalism
22.3 Emergence and Growth
22.3.1 Socio-Economic Factors
22.3.2 Role of British Policy
22.3.3 19th Century Revivalism
22.3.4 Political Trends in the Late 19th Century
22.3.5 Role of Communal Organisations
22.3.6 Weaknesses in the National Movement
22.4 Communalism in the 20th Century
22.4.1 Partition of Bengal and the Formation of the Muslim League
22.4.2 Separate-Electorates I

22.4.3 Lucknow Pact

22.4.4 Khilafat
22.4.5 parting of the Ways
22.4.6 Towards a Mass Base
22.5 Let Us Sum Up
22.6 Key Words
22.7 Answers to check Your Progress Exercises

22.0 OBJECTIVES
You all are quite familiar with the term 'Communalism'. But have you ever tried to think
what communalism actually means, and how it has come to become such a strong force in
our society. This unit intends to answer some of the questions regarding communalism in
India. After reading this unit you can:
explain what communalism is and distinguish between various types of communalism
see how communalism emerged in the Indian society and polity
evaluate the role of the various forces which enabled it to grow, and
trace its development in the early 20th century.

22.1 INTRODUCTION
One of the major priorities of any developing country is to maintain a unity of its people.
In the history of modem India, such a unity was put to a very severe test by the growing
communalisation of the Indian people, politics and society. Where as the Indian National
Movement aimed at achieving the unity of all Indian people, communalism sought to
divide them along religious lines, by creating and spreading false barriers of religious
communities, religious interests and ultimately religious nations also. This unit will tiy to
tell you how communalism in India was born and thrived because of a combination of
various forces and their development. For instance, the peculiarity of the socio-economic
development of lndia in the 19th century, the impact of the colonial rule as well as the role
of certain colonial policies, the weakness of the anti-communal nationalist forces and
finally the active role played by the like the All India Muslim League
Kamesh Mechrocks
and the All lndia Hindu Mahasabha,
 Growth of Communajism up to
22.2 CONIMUNALISM: MEANING AND COMPONENTS the Second Wnrld War

Communalisnl has different meaning to different groups and peoples, institutions, and
organisations. At the same time, it can be a belief, a way of thinking, an ideology, a value
and an instrument. It can he used in a variety of ways and it can be studied from a number
of perspectives. It is therefore very important to know what communalism is.

22.2.1 What is Communalism

Generally speaking, Communalism is a belief that all those who have a common religion,
also have, as a result, comlnon social, political, cultural and economic interests and
identities. In other words, it is the notion that religion forms the base of the society and a
basic unit of division in the society: that it is religion that determines all the other interests
of man. To understand it better, let us look at it differently. Man is a multi faceted social
being, who can, at the same time have a number of identities. His identity can be based on
his country, region, sex, occupation, position within the family, caste or religion. A
cdmmunalist would choose from this wide range, only the religious identity and emphasize
it out of proportions. As a result, social relationship, political behaviour, and economic
struggles might be defined on the basis of the religious identity. So, briefly put, it is the
super-imposition of the religious category over all others, which becomes the starting point
of communalism. Two more things need to be clarified at this stage:
Firstly, in the context of pre-independence India, communalism expressed itself mainly in
terms of a conflict between certain sections of the Hindus and Muslims. It was partly for
this reason that communalism was also referred to as the Hindu-Muslim problem, or the
Hindu-Muslim question, in contemporary debates and literature. However, from this we
should not assume that the problem was confined only to the Hindus and Muslims or that it
was a religious problem at all.
Secondly, communal beliefs and propaganda did not always remain at the same pitch. In
fact, as the society got more politicked and as the struggle for independence intensified,
communalism also, correspondingly, shifted to higher levels of propaganda. Briefly, thr
communal, propaganda and arguments had three levels:
i) that the interests of all the numbers of a religious comn~unitywere the same; for
example it was argued that a Muslim Zamindar and a peasant had common interests
because both were Muslims, (or Hindus or Sikhs as the case might be),
ii) that the interests of the members of one religious community were different from the
members of another religious community. In other words this meant that all Hindus had
different interests from all Muslims and vice-versa,
iii) that not only were these interests different, but also antagonistic and conflicting. This,
in other words meant that Hindus and Muslims could not co-exist in peace because of
conflicting interests.
\

Needle5s to say, thesqarguments were false, based on a wrong understanding of interests

and had no roots in reality. Throughout the medieval period large sections of Hindus and
Musllms had co-existed with tolerance and harmony. Although they maintained their
religious differences, the common people, among both Hindus and Muslims lived in peace
throughout and continued to interact on a cross-communal network.

22.2.2 Components
Words like communal ideology, communal tensions, communal violence, communal
politics, communal feelings. etc. are often used inter-changeably. It is important to
distinguish one from the other and see the various components of.communalism. A
distinction was made for the first time in 1939 by K.B. Krishna (Problem bf ~ i n o r i t i e s )
between communal tension and communal politics. Communal tension was a temporary
phenomenon, occurring in spurts, manifesting in communal violence and mainly involving
the lower classes of people. Communal politics. on the other hand, was a persistent and
continuous phenomenon and involving in the main, the middle classes, landlords and
bureaucratic elements. The only thing that they had in common was that they both derived
t M r sustenance from communal ideology.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Communalism can also be seen as a 'weapon' and a 'value.' It was a 'weapon' for those
who stood to benefit from it, who had a vested interest in its continuation, and who used
communalism to serve their desired political ends.
Besides a 'weapon' communalism was also a 'value' for all those who had accepted
communalism, come to believe in it, had interanalised communal ideas and incorporated
them into their life-style. Such people, deeply religious in their outlook, and invariably the
victims of communal ideology and propaganda, were not the beneficiaries of
communalism but its victims. They were always emploited by the agents of communalism
who had a vested interest in it.
We have seen thus, that there are many component or aspects of communalism.
Communalism should best be seen as a structure, with all the components (communal
tension, communal politics, weapon, value, etc.) constituting parts of the structure. They
are held together by this structure, and connected with each other through the thread of
communal ideology, which sustains the structure.

22.2.3 Myths Regarding Communalism

Communalism has been a widely misunderstood phenomenon and, as a result, there have
been many myths about it. It is therefore very important to know what communalism is
not. And while trying to understand communalism, it is important to keep the myths
regarding communalism in mind.
1 As against popular notions communalism is not merely religion's entry into politics, or
politics defined in religious terms. In'other word, religion's entry into politics did not
necessarily produce communalism. Ti3 take-an examp1e;two of the greatest secular
leaders of the 20th century-Mahatma Gandhi and Maulana Abul Kalarn Azad-were
also deeply religious people and defined their politics in religious terms.
2 Communalism is not the result of religious differences. In other words, religious -
differences in themselves do not constitute the essence of communalism. For example,
religious differences between the Hindus and Muslims had continued for centuries but
they assumed the communal form only in the modem'period. If fact, communalism is
not a religious problem at all.
3 Communalism was not inherent in the Indian society, as has often been assumed. It was
not a 'hang-over' of India's past. It was a product of certain peculiar circumstances and
combination of forces. Communalism is a modem phenomenon, as modem as the
emergence of colonial rule. It is to be explained by political and economic
developments in the modem period of Indian history. ,

Check Your F'rogres 1

1 What do you understand by the term communalism? Write in ten lines.

2 Write two lines each on .

Communal tension

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Communal politics Growth olCommunallsm up to
the Second World War
.............................................................................................................................?.........

Communalism as a value

, 3 Which of the following statements are right (\j ) or wrong (x) ?

I i) Communalism is not the result of religious difference only.
I
ii) Communalism was inherent in the Indian society.
iii) Communalism was a modem phenomenon:
iv) Communal arguments were false and were not rooted in the Indian reality.

22.3 EMERGENCE AND GROWTH

How far back should one trace the roots of communalism? This has been a very
cpntroversial problem. Some scholars have attempted to stretch it back to the medieval
period of Indian history. To them, the roots of communalism lay in the failure of the
Hindus and the Muslims to fuse their differences and constitute one society. Their
assumption is that these differences always existed in India. There was a Hindu society and
a Muslim society and not an Indian society. However, tl$s has been forcefully contradicted
I by others who insist that the role of the divisive forces in Indian society should not be
exaggerated. There existed in India, powerful cohesive and unifying elements which often
I
brought members of various castes, sects and communities together.
t
What then, was the starting point of'this problem? The genesis of communalism should be
: seen with the British conquest of India. which had a e e n d o u s impact on the society and

I
I
economy of India.

22.3.1 Socio-Economic Factors

The British conquest brought about a change in the power structure which generally
penetrated down to all the sections of the Indian society. To begin with, the British
conquest marked the decadance of the upper class Muslims. It was particularly so in
Bengal, where they lost their semi-monopoly in employment in the upper posts of army,
administration and judiciary. They were also slowly evicted from their dominant position
in land-holding as well. In particular the Permanent Settlement of 1793 and the making of

1 English as the official court language in 1833, deprived the upper class Muslims of their
wealth, power and influence. As it happened, owing to the uniqueness of the Indian
situation, the loss of the Muslims invariably went in favour of the Hindus who had
responded more positively to education and other modemising forces than, the Muslims
who remained largely backward. In other words, "economic development within the
British imperialist system benefited a group of Indians of whom a far larger proportion
were Hindus than Muslims". (W.C. Smith, Modern Islam in India, 1946)
Muslims, adapted later than Hindus to such British novelties as education, the new
professions, posts in the administration, and culture. Consequently an intellectual
awakening resulting in a re-assessment of the old beliefs, customs and values was also late
among the Muslims, compared to Hindus. This time 'lag' between Ram Mohan Roy and
Syed Ahmed Khan for instance, would help to explain, a feeling of weakness and
insecurity on the part, of the Muslims, leading to a reliance on religion and traditional ways
of thinking.
This 'lag' theory i.e. the theory of a time lag between the Hindus and.Muslims in
responding to the forces of modemisation and socio-economic development in the 19th
century, has not been found to be wholly acceptable by recent historians. It should,
therefore be taken with same reservations. One major reason is, its different application in
different regions. If the Muslims as a group suffered in Bengal and as a result of the British
Kamesh Mechrocks
rule, they benefited in some other parts like U.P. Still the 'lag' theory holds importance
Nationalism: The Inter War for as it gives us a clue to the 20th century phenomenon of the Muslims' alienation from
Years-I )
the national mainstream. The relationship of the lag theory with communalism was
summed up very accurately by Jawaharlal Nehru in a letter to his friend, written in 1939.
"After the Indian mutiny of 1857, there was a period of intense repression and both
the Hindus and the Muslims suffered from it but the Muslims probably suffered
more. Gradually people began to get over this suppression. The Hindus took to
English education which led to state services much more than the Muslims. The
Hindus also took the professions and to industry in large numbers. Among the
Muslims, the reactionary elements, prevented the spread of modem education as well
as industry. The Hindus developed a new middle class during this period, while the'
Muslims still continued to remains largely feudal. The Hindu middle class laid the
foundation of the nationalist movement, but about a generation later, the Muslims
went the same way, took to English education and state service and professions and
developed a new class also. A conflict arose between the various. middle class
elements for state services and this was the beginning of the communal problem in
its modem phase."
Communalism in India was, therefore, a struggle for jobs between vaiious communities,
unequal educationally, politically and economically. Historian K.B. Krishna (Problems of
Minorities, 1939), one of the earliest scholars to'work on the communal problem felt that
these struggles were accentuated in an epoch of the development of Indian capitalism,
under feudal conditions, by British imperalism by its policy of counterpoise. It was
therefore a product of inrperalist-capitalist-feudalstructure of India. To quote K.B.
Krishna: "History of the communal representation is the history of British policy in India,
also one of the growth and diversity of middle class consciousness in India and the demand
of the middle class for political powers. But British imperialism is one aspect of the
problem. The social economy of the country another."
It is now time to look at the role of British imperalism and politics in promoting the growth
of communalism.

22.3.2 Role of British Policy

The British policy holds a very special responsibility for favouring the growth of
communalism. If communalism could flourish in India and reach monstrous proportions,
which it did i n 1947, it was possible largely because of the support it received from the
British government. But before we discuss the British policy in detail certain clarifications
might be made.
The British did not create communalism. We have seen that certain socio-economic and
cultural differences already existed. They were not created but only taken advantage of by
the British, to serve their political end. W.C. Smith (Modern Islam in India, 1946), has
made this point very forcefully:
"The political policy of the government would have been less successful than it was,
had there not been powerful economic factors operating to re-inforce it.
Communalism could not have proved so effective a divisive force, nor could the
upper class Muslims have been so effectively repressed, had the Hindu and the
Muslim sections of the class concerned been of the same economic level. But they
were not."
It is therefore, quite obvious that the British policy of 'divide and rule' that we are going to
talk about, could succeed only because something in the internal social, economic, cultural
and political conditions of society favoured its success. It is important to note that
conditions were remarkably favourable for the use and growth of communalism as well as
for the policy of 'divide and rule'. Communalism grew and prospdered not only because it
served the political needs of the British rule but also because it met the social needs of
some sections of the Indian society. Communalism was not a British creation. It was the
result of a combination of a variety of factors.
The history of the British policy toward communalism can be easily traced to the period
just after the rebellion of 1857. The post-1857 period made it imperative for the rulers to
adopt a new set of policies in order to combat the possible threat to their empire.. The
British policy, therefore, underwent significant changes after 1857 and acquired a dual
character. It now consisted of a combination of liberal and imperalist policies.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Liberal-in so much as it recognised and conceded the claims and aspirations of the new
 classes and sections as they arose; and imperalist-because what was conceded'was Growth of Communnllsm up to
I
always circumscribed by imperial interests, utilising the rivalries of various classes and the Second World War

i interests. This policy was formulated with a double edged purpose to make friends by
catering favourably to the aspirations of some newly emerging sections, and then to
counterpoise one against the other, to offset one sectional interest against the other, one
I class against the other. This was, in a nutshell, the role of British policy, a policy of
I concession, counterpoise and coercion.
~nck this policy became operative, its net result was the spread of communalism. But even
while pursuing this policy, the communal ideology became a useful allay in serving the
political objectives of the government. Generally speaking, at this stage, there were two
main objectives before the government.
F 1 To make some friends in the society, to offer patronage to some sections mainly in
II order to exercise influence and extend control and thereby strengthen its base in the
I society.
1 2 To prevent a unity of the Indian people. If all the sections of the society could unite
under any ideological influence, they could threaten the British empire. Therefore
communal ideology had to be used and spread to deny the oneness of the Indian people.
This was done more effectively in the 20th century when the communal demands and
organisations were encouraged to negate the legitimacy and credibility of the nationalist
demands, ideology and organisation. Thus on the one hand, all attempts were made to
keep the Muslims away from the Congress, and then the clitims of the Congress were .
run down on the grounds that it did not represent the Muslims!
Communalism served the government in yet another way. Communal deadlock and the
worsening communal situation could also be used as a justification for the continuation of
the British rule. The argument they gave, went something like this-the major political
parties i.e. Congress, Muslim League and the Hindu Mahasabha could not come io an
agreement among themselves. The Indian people were divided amongst themselves, and
were therefore incapable of governing themselves, if the British rule ended. The
impossibility of any Indian alternative to British rule was, thus, emphasized. This was the
British policy of first encouraging communalism and then using it for their own political
ends. We shall emphasize this point further, when we deal with the developments in the
20th century.

22.3.3 19th Century ~evivalism

The revivalistic tendencies in the 19th century acted as a contributory factor in the growth
of communalism. Revivalism was a very general phenomenon under imperialism the
world over. It meant an attempt at restoration of self respect which had been aeeply
injured by political subjection. This self respect was sought to be restored by glorifying
India's past, which was projected as a compensation for India's existing humiliation.
Although revivalism solved same problems i.e. of inculcating a sense of pride in one's
past, it created some other problems. One such problem was the projection of different
glorious origins for Hindus and Muslims. This added a historical to the already existing
religious, cultural and socio-economic differences. The reformers among the Hindus
glorified Indias' ancient past and condemned the medieval period as an age of barbarians.
Their Muslim counterparts looked to the history of the Arabs for pride and glory. So at a
time when Hindus and Muslims needed to be united in every sense, they were shown to be
different people, historically. This damage became clear in the 20th century when
Mohammed Ali Jinnah, while formulating his two-nation theory (i.e. India was not one
nation, but two-Hindu and Muslim nations) declared that Hindus and Muslims were two
nations also because they had a different history and that often the hero for one was a
villian for the other,

22-3.4 Political Trends in the late 19th Century

Related to the question of revivalism was the emergence of certain political trends in the
late 19th century among a section of the Muslims in India. Although these trends were far
from being communal, they nevertheless, provided the background and a certain
justification to subsequent communal politics. In this connection a reference may be made
to Sir Syed Ahmed @an. Kamesh Mechrocks
 Nationalism: The Inter War The views and political activities of Syed Ahmed Khan were always marked with a certain
Years-I ambivalence. He started his activities without any communal bias. His main aim was to
introduce reforms among the Muslims, impress upon them the necessity of modem
education and secure official patronage for them. For this purpose, he founded the Aligarh
College which received financial support from many Hindus and had many Hindu students
and teachers. He himself preached harmony between Hindus and Muslims.
However, his politics changed after the formation of the Congress in 1885. He found his
priority of securing administrative posts for Muslims and of professing loyalty to the
British rule, to be in absolute contradiction with the anti-imperialist edge of the Congress.
Although his main opposition with Congress was on the attitude towards the British
government, he voiced his disapproval in terms of the Congress being a Hindu body, and
therefore opposed to the Muslims. Thus he laid down the foundation of certain basic
themes of communalism. One such theme was that being a majority. Hindus would
dominate the Muslims and override their interests, if the British rule ended and the power
was transferred to Indians. It was on these ground that Syed Ahmed Khan was opposed to
the establishment of representative democratic institutions. According to him the
democracy would only mean the power to the majority as "it would be like a game of dice
1 in which one man had four dice and the other only one". He also felt that any system of
elections would put power into the hands of Hindus. Hence, the three main themes of
c o m ~ n a l i s mi.e.
opposition to the nationalist forces,
opposition to the democratic process and institutions, and
loyalty to the British Government
could be traced back to the ideology of Syed Ahmed Khan and his followers.
Needless to say these arguments were wholly incorrect. Although there were many Hindus
in it, the congress could not be called a Hindu Organisation, by any stretch of imagination.
There was nothing Hindu about its demands and programme. Badruddin Tyabji, a Muslim,
presided on its session in 1887, and the number of Muslim delegates to the Congress
Session increased in subsequent years so as to include many prominent Muslims in it. Also,
democracy or modem representative institutions, posed absolutely no threat to the
Muslims. In fact it posed a threat only to the Rajas, the feudal and Jagirdari elements
among the Muslims (as also among the Hindus) of whom Syed Ahmed Khan was a
representative.

22. Syed Ahmed Khan 22.3.5 Role of Communal Organisations

Once communalism raised its head, then in addition to being encouraged by the
Government, it grew on its own. It seemed to have the inbuilt system, whereby it could
increase its strength, even independent of any external support. Communal organisations
played a vital role in this process. The leading communal organisations, All India Muslim
League (formed in 1906) and the All India Hindu Mahasabha (formed in 1915) were
opposed to each other, but they always provided justification for each other and
increasingly made each other more communal. Through their political activities and
propaganda they prevented the Hindus and Muslims from coming together, made them
distrust each other and thereby spread communalism among the people.

22.3.6 Weaknesses in the National Movement

The growth of communalism in the 20th century could be checked by a nationalist
upsurge. The communal ideology could be defeated by the nationalist forces and ideology.
But the Indian National Congress, as a representative of the nationalist forces and I
ideology, failed to prevent the spread of communalism among the people. Although fully
committed to secularism and nationalism, and desirous to bring about a unity of the Indian
people, the Indian National Movement fought a battle against the communal forces but lost
ultimately due to a variety of reasons.
To begin with, the Congress could not comprehensively understand the nature of
communalism. As a result of this, the Congress did not have a central strategy to combat
communalism. Therefore, it kept shifting between temporary sets of strategies. Also the
23. Madan Mohan hlalviya-
Founder of the ~ i ~ d~ , , ~ h ~ Congress
~ ~ bcould
h not~ keep pace with the fast changing character of communalism.
Besides, certain Hindu revivalistic tendencies entered into the national movement and
84 Kamesh Mechrocks
 Growth of Communalism up to
su&essfully prevented its attempts to reach out to Muslims and incorporate them into its the Second World War
fold. Also the use of certain religious symbols (like Ramarajya for instance) acted as a
barrier.
At the level of implementation, the Congress, sometimes, made wrong choices, while
dealing with the communal forces. It tried to offer concessions and made compromises
with them, which only increased the credibility of the communal groups. On certain
other occasions, opportunities for a compromise were lost, thereby creating a deadlock.
However, while pointing out the limitations, the complexity of the problems should not be
ignored. It became very difficult to solve the communal problem, particularly because of
the attitude of the Government. The British government did all it could to prevent a
settlement between vaiious political groups. No matter what the Congress offered to the
Muslims, the Government always offered more, thereby making the arrangement
rebundant. In the next section we shall see the Congress attempts at unification and
settlement and the Government attempts at division in details.

Check Your Progress 2

1 Write ten lines on the role. of British Policy towards communalism.

2 Write five lines each on the following:

The lag theory
I

.......................................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................................
Revivalism
.......................................................................................................................................

3 Read the following statements and mark right ( d ) or wrong (x).

i) The British created communalism.
ii) The spread of revivalism contributed to the two-nation theory.
iii) The Congress could not keep pace with the fast changing character of
communalism.
iv) Communal organisations spread communalism among the people.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 <
Nationalism: The Inter War
Years-I 22.4 COMMUNALISM IN THE 20TH CENTURY
In this section, we shall see some of the'major developments in the 20th century in relation
to the communal problem. We shall discuss them very briefly and see how they affected
the communal problem. Some of the p ~ i n t smade in the earlier section regarding
the British policy and the Congress attitude will also be dealt with in this section.

22.4.1 Partition of Bengal and the Formation of the Muslim League

The partition of Bengal (1905) may have started as an administrative measure, but it was
soon transformed into a major political advantage for the government as it intended to
convert BengaI into areas of Hindu majority and Muslim majority. It was thus the result of
the British desire to weaken the nationalism of Bengal and consolidate a Muslim block
against it. Said Curzon the Viceroy:
"The partition would invest the Muslims of East Bengal with a unity which they had
not enjoyed since the days of old Mussalman Viceroys and Kings".
The partition scheme and the subsequent Swadeshi Movement was followed by the
formation of the All India Muslim League towards the end of 1906, with official
patronage. It consisted of a group of big Zamindars, ex-bureaucrats and other upper class
Muslims, like Aga Khan, the Nawab of Dacca and Nawab Mosin-ul-Mulk. Its motive was
to thwart the young Muslims from going over to the Congress, and thereby into the
nationalist fold. The Muslim League was formed as purely a loyalist body whose only job
was to look up to the government for favour and patronage. And they were not
disappointed.

Another important feature of this period was the growth uf Muslim separatism, because of
the surfacing of Hindu revivalistic tendencies during the Swadeshi movement,
the British propaganda that the partition of Bengal would benefit the Muslims, and
spurts of commurial violence. A number of communal riots broke out in Eastern Bengal,
in the p e r i d following the Swadeshi movement.

21.4.2 Separate-Electorates
The declaration of separate-electorates in the legislative bodies in 1909, as a part of the
Morley-Minto reforms is a major landmark in the history of communalism. Separate-
electorates meant grouping of constituencies, voters and elected candidates on the basis of
religion. In practical terms it meant introducing Muslims constituencies, Muslim voters
and Muslim candidates. It also meant that non-Muslim voter could vote for a Muslim
candidate. The election campaign and politicisation was thus strictly confined within the
walls of each religion. All this was to have disastrous consequences.
The introduction of the separate-electorate was based on the notion that the Indian society
was a mere collection of interests and groups and that it was basically divided between the
Hindus and Muslims. Indian Muslims were on the other hand, regarded as "a separate,
distinct and monolithic community". It was also based on the motive of entrusting power
in the hands of potential allies as well as preventing Hindu-Muslim unity. Arguing against
joint-electorates, Minto pointed out to Morley:
"under the joint scheme, the Hindu would not only be able to elect their own men,
but a Mohammedan as well, who might not represent bona fide Muslim interests."
According to these reforms, the Muslims were assured that they would be granted
representation in the councils, not merely according to their 'numerical strength', but also
according to their 'political importance'. Thus Minto assured a Muslim deputation:
"The pitch of your address, as I understand it, is a claim that in any system of
representation ... the Mohammedan community should be represented as a
community ... you justly claim that your numerical strength, both in respect to the
political importance of your community and the service it has rendered to the Empire
entitle you to consideration. I am entirely in accord with you ... I can only say to you
that the Mohammedan Community may rest assured that their political rights and
Kamesh
. . . . Mechrocks
interests as a community will be safeguarded in any administrative reorganisation
.. . - , 9.
The impact of the separate electorates was as follows : Growth of Communalism up to
, a the Second World War
it created theinstitutional structures containing separatism,
it was to produce severe constraints on the Congress and limit its space for nationalist
activities,
it was to activate the communal groups and organisations, and
it ensured the impossibility of a common agreement among Indian political groups.
~ b w e v e rthe
, impact of the separate-electorates was to surface in Indian politics only later.
David Page (Prelude to Partition, 1982) in a recent book has summed it up very well :
"The granting of separ'ate-electorates appears to have been an attempt by the Raj to
shore up a crucial part of its system of control ... it was an attempt to extend and
broaden the base of its rule by extending and broadening the support of its traditional
allies."

22.4.3 Lucknow Pact

Lucknow Pact (1916) was an attempt made by the Indian organisations, namely the
Congress and Muslim League, to anive at a settlement. The Congress conceded separate
electorates as a temporary arrangement, in order to obtain Muslim League's support. Two
things need to be remembered regarding the Lucknow Pact:
It was an a r r a n g e m ~between
~~t the leaders, not between the people. The Congress-
League settlement was wrongly equated with a Hindu-Muslim settlement, the assumption
being that the Muslim League truly represented the Muslims.
Soon the Lucknow Pact became redundant because of the Government of India Act,
1919, which granted much more to Muslims than the Lucknow Pact.

22.4.4 Khilafat
The Khilafat agitation, about which you have already read in Unit 18, was a product of a
particular political climate where Indian nationalism and Pan-Islamism went hand in hand.
It witnessed Muslims' participation in the national movement at an unprecedented level.
However, communalism started making inroads into Indian politics and society, just after
the withdrawal of the Non-Cooperation Movement following the violence at Chauri-
Chaura. There were many symptoms of increasing communalism in the period 1922-27:
Communal violence erupted at an unprecedented level. In U.P. alone there were as many
as 91 riots between 1923-1927. Issues of cow-slaughter and music before mosques come
into prominence.
Khilafat bodies representing Hindu-Muslim unity gradually petered out.
The Muslim League got revived during 1922-23 and began to openly preach separatistic
politics.
It's Hindu counterpart, the Hindu Mahasabha, formed in 1915 and lying inactive since
then, found good climate in which to revive itself.
Movement like Tahligh (propaganda) and Tanzim (organisation) arose among the
Muslims. They were partly a response to Shuddhi and sangathan among the Hindus.
These were again in part a response to the forcible conversions made during the Moplah
rebellion. All this vitiated the atmosphere considerably.
R.S.S. (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) was founded in 1925.
There were many reasons for this worsening communal situation:
The Khilafat alliance brought religious heads into politics. But they entered politics on
their own terms. The withdrawal of the movement however, did not lead to a withdrawal
of their participation from politics. This gave a certain religious interpretation to politics.
The nature of the politicgl structure itself contained the seed the communalism through
the introduction of separake-electorates. This structure was enlarged by the
Montagu-Chelmesford reforms (1919) which created space for communal propaganda
and political alignments along communal lines.
The spread of education without a corresponding growth in the employment
qpportunities left an army of unemployed educated people who could use religion for
jobs, favours, etc.
The political situation as it stood in 1927 was far from satisfactory. Nationalist forces were
divided and at a low ebb. Communalism was gaining mo'mentum.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: The Inter War
Years-I

Dr. M,A. Ansari, President.

Dr. Saiyed Mabud, Sultan Mansion,
Dongri,
Maulvi Momzamali,
Seth Osmsn Sobani,
2'92

Dear
The Khilafat Working llbmmittee held a t Nagpur deoided
/ that two days before the special asssions of the ~ongress(mibble
of August) a aomrrlOtee o f reegonsible persona be helb t o oonsider
the fulure polioy an8 l i n e o f aotion f o r the LChilafGt organisatiar:
A s t h i e a .very important matter I d e a r n ~ s t l yrequest you t o kindly.
sttend the committee meetin& a t Bombay t o help 9s i n our delibra-
t i o n and t o enable us t o deoide our fffut\ire line of aotion.

I remain
Yours sincere1y

Kamesh Mechrocks
24. 1,etter for a meetinn of Khilafat Cnmmittee
 22.4.5 Parting of the Ways Grorrth of Comrnunalbm u# to
the .Second World War
The arrival of the Simon Commission and its near unanimous boycott by all sections of
political opinion, once again provided an opportunity for unity. A section of the Muslim
League, under the leadership of Jinnah, took the initiative and was willing- to give
- up
separate-electorates in favour of joint-electorates, if certain conditions were met. These
were :
1/3rd representation for the Mus1i.m~in the central legislature.
separation of Sind from Bombay as a separate province,
reform in the North-West Frontier provinces, and
Muslims' representation in the legislative council in proportion to their population in
Punjab and Bengal.
;
These demands were accepted by the Congress, which opened up prospects for unity. Bu
its rejection in uncompromising terms by the Hindu Mahasabha at the All Parties
Conference (1928) complicated matters. The incompatibility between the League and
Mahasabha frustrated all attempts at unity. The Nehru Report (framed by Motilal Nehru
and Tej Bahadur Sapru), was rejected by the Muslim League as it did not incorporate all
their demands.
The impact of the Nehru report was significant :
It led to the estrzngement of Jinnah. who called it a 'Parting of the Ways' with the
Congress. went back to the se~arate-electorates.and formulated his famous fourteen
poink (including separate-ele'ctorabes, reservation of seats in the centre and provinces,
reservation of jobs for Muslims, creailon of new Muslim majority provinces, etc.)
which became the text of the communal demands.
It increased the distance between various political groups and pushed Jinnah more toward
communalism.
It also conmbuted to the aloofness and even hostility of most leaders among the Muslims 25. Mohd. Ali Jinnah

.
toward the Civil Disobedience Movement.

22.4.6 Towards a Mass Base

The events of 1928-29 demonstrated a drifting apart of the communal forces. Soon this
drifting apart was to reach a point of no return. This was the starting point of
communalism transforming into an irresistible mass force. By 1940, all the cbmmunal
demands were to pale into insignificance in front of the new demand-the demand for
Pakistan, as a separate homeland for Muslims. This demand was finally achieved in 1947.
Let ps look at these events in more details.
The Government of India Act, 1935, provided for provincial autonomy and a wider
franchise than earlier. Elections were held in early 1937 under separate-electorates. The
results were quite revealing. In the general constituencies, Congress swept the polls, was in
, a position to form ministries in six provinces and was the largest single party in two others.
In the Muslim constituencies however, the Congress performance was disappointing. Out
of 482 Muslim consti~encies,Congress contested 58 and won 26. Quite interestingly,
even the Muslim League, claiming to be a representative of the Muslims, performed verv
badly, did not get a single seat in the North-West Frontier Provinces, got 2 seats out of 84
in Punjab and 3 out of 33 in Sind. It was not in a position to form a ministry anywhere. In
the crucial provinces of Bengal and Punjab, the ministries were formed by regional parties
(Unionist Party led by Sikander Hayat Khan in Punjab and Praja Krishak Party led by Fazl
ul-Haq in Bengal).
The election results confronted the Muslim League and the Congress with different
messages. For the Congress, the message was loud and clear. It had a strong base among
the Hindus but was yet to establish itself as a representative of the Muslims. However, the
only hope was that even its rival amon the Muslims, the Muslim League, could not claim
F
to represent them. The Congress, theyore, had a two-fold project,
to work among the Muslims masses and being them into the Congress fold. In 1937, it
did not seem a difficult task because the muslims masses seemed to be completely
independent of any dominant political influence--communal or nationalist.
to ignore the Muslim League completely as it had the feet of clay. There seemed no 26. Sir TejBabdur Sapm
point in trying to make a settlement with the league as the election results had
demonstrated its unrepresentative character. N?hru, therefore, declared quite 89
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: The Inter War triumphantly that there were only two forces in the country-nation,aIism and imperialism
Years-I
being represented respectively by the Congress and the Govemmknt.
To dchieve these two-fold tasks, the Congress decided to launch a 'Muslim mass contact
campaign'. This was an attempt to ignore all the organisations and make a direct appeal to
the Muslims to join the Congress. Jinnah was quite alarmed by this move and warned the
Congress to stay away from the Muslims, because, according to him, only the Muslim
League could represent the Muslims.

Lessons for the Muslim League were also very clear:

Muslim League had, hitherto, been an elite organisation, dominated by the princes and
the Zamindars and had absolutely no base among the masses. In order to succeeQin the
electoral politics and 'be in a better bargaining position vis-a-vis other dominant groups,
it was important to have a mass base and be a popular organisation, much like the
Congress was.
By 1937 all the fourteen points of Jinnah had been granted by the government. And yet he
found himself nowhkre! He was just not able to carry himself and the League, of which
he had become the permanent President, to a position of Political respectability.
Therefore, it was important to maximise the league's membership and a140 to place the
demand at a much higher pitch, since all the other demands (like separate-electorates,
reservation of seat, etc.) had been conceded.

In order to achieve these two-fold tasks. Jinnah did the following:

A massive campaign for the popularisation of the League was launched. The Muslim
League actually broke out of its elite shell and began to acquire a mass character
(although among Muslim masses only). Membership fee was reduced, provincial
committees were fbrmed and the party programme was also transformed 40 as to
acquire a socio-economic content.
An equally strong campaign was launched to denounce and condemn the Congress
ministries. They were shown to represent Hindu-Raj, and hostile to Musli~kpinorities.
This was the sure41 way of creating a Hindu-Muslim divide. The Congres\ was asked to
concentrate only on the Hindus, as it was seen by Jinnah, as a Hindu Body.
In 1940, at the Lahore session, Jinnah came up with the two-nation theory. It said that
Muslims were not a ntiticrt,i!\.. they were a tmtion. Hindus and Muslims, coniisted of
-10

as they were different people economically, politically, socially. culturally and

nurioti.~,
historically. Therefore the Muslims of India should have a sovereign state for
themselves. H'ence [lie proposal for Pakistan as a separate homeland for Muslims.
As a result of all that has bcen discussed above, communalism began to emerge as a mass
force. Although it had not become one by 1940, but the process of the translbrmation of
communalism into a mass force had been set in motion. This was to lead to Pakistan in
1947.

Check Your Progress 3

I What do you understand by separate-electorates? Write in about 100 words.

2 Write five lines on the following:

Lucknow Pact

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Two-Nation Theory Growth of Communalism up to
4 the Second World War

1 3 Answer the following questions:

t
i) When was the Hindu Mahasabha formed?

.......................................................................................................................................
ii) What were the Hindu counterparts to the movements Tabligh and Tanzim?

iii) Who used the expression 'Parting of the Ways'?

-
4 What were the lessons that the election results brought to the Congress?

22.5 LET US SUM UP

We have seen in this Unit how communalism grew and thrived in India as a result of a
variety of factors. Specific socio-economic developments in the 19th century; role of the
colonial state, its priorities and the administrative measures it took to fulfil them;
weaknesses and limitations of the anti-communal forces, and the development and
intensification of communal forces in the 20th century are some of the factors discussed
above.
Although our story ends at 1940, the onward march of communalism did not. The
remaining part of the story-from the declaration of the Pakistan in 1940 to the making of
Pakistan in 1947-will be taken up in another unit. But certain points should be mentioned
here. The making of Pakistan was the ultimate communal demand, and its logical
culmination. It was the result of the twin processes of: ,

a gradual alienation of the Muslims as a group from the national mainstream of politics,
I 1 and
their consolidation, on a communal platform, for a communal movement leading to
Pakistan, launched by the Muslim League under the leadership of M.A. Jinnah.
These twin processes became possible because communalism in the 1940s began to attract
the masses and became a mass force and ideology. This was a process which had begun
in the 1920s. got accelerated in the 1930s and gathered a further momentum in the 1940s.
Kamesh Mechrocks
We have seen the development of this process till 1940. You will read about the latter
Nationdim. The Inter War
Years-1 22.6 KEY WORDS
Permanent Settlement: A new land settlement introduced by the British government in
1793 in Bengal. According to this, the cultivators, most of whom were Muslims, lost their
proprietary rights and became mere tenants.
Nehru Report: The Indian response to the Simon Commission. It was a constitution
prepared in 1928, named after one of its framers, Motilal Nehru and was in many senses a
forerunner to the constitutipn of India, implemented in 1950. The Nehru Report was
dropped by the Congress in 1930 on the grounds that it had not been accepted by all the
political parties.
Government of India Act, 1935: The third important constitutional measure undertaken
by the British government after the Morley-Minto (1909) and Montagu-Chelmsford (1P19)
reforms. It provided for elections under separateelectorates and a much wider franchise
than before. It also provided provincial autonomy which meant that the party which won
the elections could form a government in the provinces. Most of the powers were however
reserved at the centre.

22.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES

Check Your Progress 1

1 See sub-sec. 22.2.1
2 See sub-sec. 22.2.2
3 (i)d (ii) x (iii) 4 (iv) 4
C M J o u r Progress 2 ,
1 See sub-sec. 22.3.2
2 See sub-secs. 22.3.1 and 22.3.3
3 (i) x (ii)J (iii) d (iv) l j
Check Your Progress 3
1 See sub-sec. 22.4.2 .
2 See sub-secs. 22.4.3 and 22.4.6
3 (i) 1915
(ii) Shuddhi and Sangathan
(iii) Mohammed Ali Jinnah
4 See sub-sec. 22.4.6

SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

Sumit,Sarkar. Modern India, New Delhi, 1983.
D.N. Panigrahi (ed.). Emnomy, S o c i e ~and Polity in Modem India, ~ e Delhi,
& 1984.
K.L. Tuteja. Sikh Politics, New Delhi, 1984.
Eugene F. Irschick. Poliiics and Social Conflict in South India, University of California
Press, Berkley, 1969.
Sneh Mahajan. Imperialist Strategy and Moderate Politics : Indian Legislatrtre at Work,
New Delhi, 1983, Chapters 1 and 2. -
Kapil Kumar. Peasants in Revolt; Tenants, Landlords. Congress and the Raj in Oudh. New
Delhi, 1984.
Bipan Chandra. Communalism in Modern India. New Delhi, 1984.
Bipan Chandra, Amales Tripathi and Barun De. Freedom Struggle, N.B.T.A., New Delhi.

Kamesh Mechrocks
r UNIT 23 FREEDOM MOVEMENT AND
NATIONALIST LITERATURE
I Structure

1 23.0 Objectives
23.1 Introduction
23.2 Literature in the 19th Century
23.2.1 Bengali
23.2.2 Gujarati
I
23.2.3 Hindi
I 23.3 Literature in the 20th Century
23.4 Let Us Sum Up ,
23.5 Key Words
23.6 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

23.0 OBJECTIVES
In the previous blocks, you studied the spread of nationalist ideas, throughout India
through a series of political activities and movements. This Unit informs you about the
contribution of literature in this process. After reading this Unit you will:
I become familiar with the literary contribution of the leading writers in various Indian
languages,
1
understand the political content of these literary works, and
learn the peculiar characteristics of this political content.

23.1 INTRODUCTION

II
Literature played a significant role in the struggle for India's freedom. Beginning with
the 19th century, when nationalist ideas began to emerge and literature in different
Indian languages entered its modem phase, more and more writers began to employ
literature for patriotic purpose. Most of them, in fact, believed that because they
belonged to an enslaved country, it was their duty to create Literature of a kind that
1 would contribute to the all-round regeneration of their society and pave the way for
!
I
national liberation. Even when freedom from the British rule had not yet emerged as a
programme of any major political organisation or movement, and the Indian National
Congress was concerned only with constitutional agitation, the realisation of subjection
and the need for freedom had begun to be clearly expressed in literature. With the
passage of time, as the freedom movement began to attract larger sections of the
people, and the demand for freedom became more insistent, literature strengthened
the growing idealism of the people. But it also did something more. Besides inspiring
people to make all kinds of sacrificesfor the cause of the country's liberation, literature
also brought out the weaknesses of the nationalist movement and its leaders. In the
following sections we shall take a look at both of these aspects.
I
1 23.2 LITERATURE IN THE 19TH CENTURY
It will not be possible for us to consider literature in all the major Indian languages. For
purposes of convenience we shall confine ourselves mainly to three languages: Hindi,
Gujarati and Bengali. We shall notice that similar sentiments and ideas found
manifestation in the literature of all three languages. This is 8 striking similarity that is
reflected in the literature of all the Indian languages. And this shows a broad identity
of sentiments and ideas in relation to the freedom movement all over the country.
It was mainly during the later half of the 19th century that political associations and
national consciousness along modern lines emerged in different parts of the country.
The foundation of the Indian National Congress in 1885was, in a way, the culmination
Kamesh Mechrocks
of these earlier developments. T rature produced during this period, as also later,
was not only influenced by natio nsciousness; in turn it also influenced the
character and pattern of nationa

23.2.1 Bengali
There are two towering fi nals of early modern Indian literature. They are
Bankimchandra Chattopa 38-94) and Govardhanram Madhavaram Tripathi
(1855-1907). Besides bein both of them were powerful intellectuals who
made it their mission to problems of their society and country. Their
novels were intended to untrymen with patriotic sentiments. They,
especially Bankim, a1 that compelled their readers to think about the
causes of the existing w their country. Bankim even brought out a
journal - the Bangadatsban - view to educating and inspiring as many of his
countrymen as possible often written in a humorous and sarcastic style
that entertained the re mpelled him o r her to think. The combination
of entertainment and even more effective in the novels.

Though he wrote sociJ nove largely through his historical romances that
Bankim broadcast the messa . He combined history and fancy to create
characters who were only too any sacrifice -even lay down their lives,
in their fight against injustice and subjection. This combination became
particularly effective ip the (1882). With its celebrated song, 'Vande
Mataram', the Anandamath tions of patriots, and the revolutionaries
truly treated it as their gospel.
There was, however, 1 kind indu bias in Bankim's conception of nationalism.
This even assumed the form feeling when, as in the Anandamath, the
fight shown was against Mu This aspect of Bankim's nationalism has
been the subject of serious . Let us avoid its details here. What is
important for us, in this cont to realise that the kind of bias we notice in Bankim
is not confined to him alone. it confined to that group of patriots or nationalists
whom our text-books des or religious nationalists. This is a bias
which, more or less, is reflecte tion of nationalists. We may also note that
this bias is not part of the domi Indian nationalism that emerged during
the later 19th century. In n anti-Muslim bias got betrayed time and
again, it was not conscio art of the nationalist ideology.
We nnot think of a more ng example than that of R.C. Dutt (1848-1909).
Rei..embered as one of the of what is described as 'economic nationalism' for
his powerful exposure of th 's exploitation under British rule, Dutt was heavily
westemised in his dress, habi thoughts. This was only natural in view of his
position as a member of th ivil Service which was virtually monopolised by
Kamesh Mechrocks
Britishers Qut despite his westernisation, Dutt remained a Hindu who admired and Freedom Movement and
respected his traditions and culture. It is this aspect of his personality that led him - Nationalist Lileralure

the author of The Economic History of India - to write the History of Civilisation in
Ancient India and translate the Rig Veda, Ramayana and the Mahabharata. This he was
prompted to do by what he termed his 'literary patriotism'. The same literary patriotism
influenced the choice of his first four novels, all of which are historical romances.
Today the role of Dutt's literary writingsin the development of Indian nationalism may
have been forgotten. But in his own life-time, and a little later also, these inspired
people in Bengal and in other parts of the country as much as did his economic writings.
There is, thus, a cultural complement of Dutt's economic nationalism. In fact, the very
distinction between cultural nationalism and economic nationalism is an artificial and
arbitrary distinction. Indian nationalism, like nationalism in other parts of the world,
was a comprehensive force that appealed to people at more than one plane. It appealed
to their idealism as also to their material interests. In the process it affected different
aspects of their lives as social beings: as members of a professional group or economic
class; as members of a caste, sect or religion; as members of a linguistic group or region;
as man or woman.
Coming back to Dutt's historical novels or romances, there is betrayed in these a
pronounced anti-Muslim bias. It seems that with the passage of time Dutt came to
realise the political dangers of a conception of nationalism in which that part of India's
past was remembered that entailed a confrontation between Hindus and Muslims. For,
later on he moved away from historical novels of this kind and concentrated on social
novels. It is significant to note that, in spite of such a realisation, when he idealised the
ancient Indian past in his social novel Sam@ (1893), he unselfconsciously revealed a
conception of Indian nationalism in which Hindus were seen as the key figures. But to
say this is not to suggest that Dutt was a communalist. What his example is meant to
highlight is the fact that, given the circumstances of later 19th century colonial India,
Indian nationalism necessarily contained undertones that were capable of emerging, as
a result of other politico-economic factors, as communal tendencies. It means that even
the greatest of creative writers should not be seen as individual figures. They should,
rather, be understood as representative figures who gave expression to the underlying
forces and tendencies of their times. Hence the element of similarity in otherwise such
dissimilar personalities as Bankim and R.C. Dutt.
We have dwelt on this aspect of Indian nationalism at some length because it becomes
visible to us only at when we seek to understand it in terms of contemporary literature.
It is an aspect that does not correspond to the standard text-book picture of Indian
nationalism where it is neatly divided into secular and communal (or religious),
economic and cultural, and moderate and extremist. There is reason to modify this
stereotype image of Indian nationalism and to see it as an integrated, though complex,
whole.

23.2.2 Gujarati
Let us now turn to Govardhanram Tripathi, one of the makers of modern Gujarati
literature, who wrote the four parts of his famous novel, Sarasvatichdra, over a
period of no less than fourteen years (1887-1901). Designed as an epic in prose, and
written professedly to inspire and educate the reading classes of Gujarat about the
destiny of their country, Sarasvatichant ,.deals with the multi-faceted problems of
India in bondage and lays down possible lines of action for patriotically inclined Indians.
It laments the loss of India's independence. At the same time, however, it welcomes the
fact that of all the nations it is the British who are ruling over this country. k i t h their
inherent sense of justice and love of democracy, they would prepare India for self-rule.
While Govardhanram placed trust in British justice, he also emphasised that if the
Indians did not look after their own interests, even the British would feel tempted to
completely neglect their welfare.
We may today find it strange that Indians should have trusted the British like this. Still
this faith was an essential part of the Indian attitude towards the colonial connection.
In fact, it was even related to the will of God who, it was argued, had placed India under
British tutelage. In a way most of us share this attitude when we trace, to give just one
example, the making of modem India to the influences released by the British rulers,
particularly English education. Ironically enough, even the emergence of Indian
nationalism is seen, to a large extent, as a product of western influences. This being the
Kamesh Mechrocks
 -
NahPlism: case, we should not find it diffic nderstand why the early Indian nationalists
-
The Inter War Years I1
' welcomed Britlsh rule although re not blind to its exploitative aspect.
We may do well, at this stage in ussion, to follow the reflection of this dual
attitude towards British rule in 1 century Indian literature. Let us begin with a
very perceptive statement mad nu Krishna Chiplunkar (1850-132).
Commenting on British rule, h his Nibandhamala about the way English
educated Indians had been affe 'Crushed by English poetry, our freedom has
been destroyed.' In this comm poetry' stands for English education and all
those intellectual influences b hich the faith was instilled among Indians
that British rule was for their result of divine dispensation. Chiplunkar-
had the insight to understand nvisible dimension of the British hold over
India. SOpowerful, indeed, t in spite of his own insight Chiplunkar
himself subscribed to the divine theory and enumerated the advantages
that India was deriving as a sh colonial connection; significantly
enough, he did this in the ve e had talked of the destruction of India's
freedom by 'English poetry'.
Considering that the insight of lunkar more than a hundred years ago does
not come to us easily even toda we are celebrating the forty years of our
independence, it is in order to f rate the point about the dual -paradoxical
-attitude of Indians towards
I 23.2.3 Hindi
We shall now move on to Hindi re and refer to Bharatendu Harishchandra (1850-
85) who was largely instrumen ring the modern phase of Hindi literature.
Despite his early death Bhara duced a vase mass of literature and wrote in a
variety of forms such as poetr nd essays. He also brought out a number of
journals in order to enlighten about the affairs of their country and society.

1 L
2. B h a r t e d Harishchandra

Kamesh Mechrocks
I Lj
A large proportion of Bharatendu's literature is concerned with the question of Freedom Movement and
Nationalist Literature
subjection. For example, in a public lecture on the promotion of Hindi (1877) he asked
the people the following poignant question: 'How come, as human beings we became
slaves and they (the British) kings?' This was a question that touched the very essence
of India's political situation, and did so in such a simple and moving manner that even
the most ordinary men and women could understand it. This, however, was a question
that could drive among people a feeling of importance in the face of their all-powerful
'kings'. Bharatendu, consequently, inspifed them with yet another question which was
intended to remove their despair. 'How long', he asked, 'would you suffer these sorrows
as slaves?' H e went o n , in this lecture, to warn against the paralysing tendency of
depending on foreigners for the country's salvation. H e spurred the people on to set
aside their fear and mutual differences, and to stand up to uphold the dignity of their
language, religion, culture and country. This lecture, it may be mentioned, was
delivered in the form of very simple couplets that could touch the very core of their
listeners and readers.
Bharatendu, thus, employed poetry to carry to the people the message of patriotism.
H e even used popular and conventional poetic, and other literary, forms for the
purpose. For example, he wrote bhajans that were intended to describe the state of the
country. In this manner he could enlarge the field of his appeal and message. H e also
advised his contemporaries t o make use of popular literary forms. This, it may be
noted, was a development that reached its climax during the heyday of the freedom
movement when popular songs were composed and sung during prabhat pheries and
public rallies. Many of these songs the British Indian government was forced to
proscribe, though without much success.
O n e advantage of such compositions was that the reality of foreign rule could be
brought out in an idiom that even the illiterate millions could immediately grasp and
feel inspired by. No understanding of the intricacies of political economy with its
theories of imperialism was required to know what the British presence in India meant.
To give just a couple of examples, we know that 'drain of wealth' constituted an
important item in the nationalist critique of British rule. It was a theme that generated
a fierce controversy, and the controversy was often conducted in a language and with
the help of facts and figures that were by n o means easy to grasp. And yet 'drain'
became in course of time something that the people had little difficulty in
understanding. In the popularisation of 'drain' a significant part was played by
literature. Thus, in his public lecture on the promotion of Hindi, aharatendu singled
out 'drain' as the chief evil of foreign rule -in fact, the very reason why foreign rule
existed - and said in everyday language:
People here have been fooled by the power and trickeries of the machine.
Everyday they are losing their wealth and their distress is increasing. Unable
to d o without foreign cloth, they have become the slaves of foreign weavers.
Bharatendu uses the simple term 'foreign weavers' t o denote the powerful industrial
interests in Manchester and relates the deeper forces of imperialism with the life around
common men and women in subject India. H e translates into everyday consciousness
the two symbols -Manchester and 'drain' - of the exploitative relationship between
Britain and India. Thus he could bring out the stark reality of this relationship in a
mukari, which is a conventional poetic form containing only four lines. In what,
strikingly enough, he described a s a 'mukari for modern times', Bharatendu provided
the following description of 'drain':
Secretly sucking the whole juice from within,
Smilingly grasping the body, heart and wealth;
S o generous in making promises,
0 friend: Is it your husband? No, the Englishman.
The choice of popular forms was not confined to poetry alone. In some of his plays, too,
Bharatendu made use of conventional and well-known forms and stories. For example,
his Andher Nagari Chaupatta Raja uses a popular tale - a tale that was in common
circulation in different parts of the country -t o bring out the arbitrary and oppressive
character of British rule. While the political message is clearly conveyed, the reader is
all along entertained. Humour is effectively utilised for political ends. As for humour,
Bharatendu managed to entertain his readers even in otherwise serious writings. In the
Bharat Durdasha (1880), which is his most directly political play, Bharatendu
introduces n number of funny sequences or sentences.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Kamesh Mechrocks
 What Bharatendu said about the country's subjection in his lecture on the promotion of Freedom Movement md
Nationnlist Literature
Hindi recurs again and again in many of his writings. But this is often accompanied by
generous praise for British rule. Thus his Bharat Durdasha, despite its strong patriotic
thrust, accepts that with the establishment of British rule the regeneration of the
country has been facilitated. Similarly, in the Bharat-Janani (1877), another of his
political plays, Bharatendu admits that if the British had not come to administer India,
the country's ruin would have gone on uninterrupted.
It may be stressed that this duality of attitude towards the British connection is not
peculiar to Chiplunkar or Bharatendu. They are merely examples meant to indicate the
general pattern of the educated lndian response to the west in general and British rule
in particular. With the passage of time, the realisation of subjection and its disastrous
consequences tended to become dominant and the appreciation of the boons offered by
the British began to decline. But until the last Indians could not shed off the tendency
to admire aspects of the British connection. As we noticed earlier, the tendency persists
in our own day.

Check Your Progress 1

1 Which of the following statements are right.(d) or wrong ( x ) ?
i) The need for freedom was expressed in literature, earlier than the political
organisations.
ii) There was a pro-Hindu bias in Bankim Chandra's historical novels.
iii) Bharatendu Harishchandra praised the British in his writing.
iv) The 19th century literature adopted a dual approach towards the British rule.
2 Answer the following questions:
i) Who brought out the journal Bangadarshan?

ii) Which year did Bankim write Anandmath?

iii) Who is remembered as a pioneer of Economic Nationalism?

iv) Who wrote the play Andher Nagari Chaupatta Raja?

3 Match the following as in the text

i) A AnandMath A Literary Patriotism

ii) B Bharat Durdasha B Mukari
iii) C R.C. Dutt C Political Play
iv) D Bhartendu Harishchandra D Historical Romance

23.3 LITERATURE IN THE 20TH CENTURY

Until about the first world war (1914-18) and the Russian Revolution (1917) the general
trend of the discussion of freedom and subjection followed, by and large, the pattern
that had emerged during the later decades of the 19th century. Freedom was seen as the
natural condition to which any people should aspire. India could be no exception to this
rule. Instead of specific grievances and specific concessions, an integrated critique of
I British rule evolved over the years and freedom seemed the only solution. What this
1 freedom would mean in concrete terms, however, did not become the dominant theme
of discussion during this long phase. It is not that issues like poverty and exploitation
within the Indian society - as against the exploitation by the British -did not figure
i in Indian literature before the 1914-18war. They often did. Indian literature of this
I Kamesh Mechrocks
NntionPlim: period offers many examples of escriptions of the poverty of peasants. Perhaps
-
The Inter War Years I1
the most outstanding of these e s provided by Chhaman Atha Guntha (1897)
-Six Bighas of Land -a novel mohan Senapati, one of the makers of modern
Oriya literature. These moving are at times accompanied by radical
statements in relation to the ex ern of social organisation. For example,
Radhacharan Goswami (1 ng Hindi writer, was moved by rural
poverty to suggest, as earl d should not belong to the government or
the zamindar but to the peasa d it. Such radicalism, however, remained
confined to sentiments. It wa ted as part of a carefully worked out plan of
social reorganisation. Nor w d with the question of national freedom.
Besides economic inequal ion within the Indian society, the social
inequality and oppression as also discussed at times. But this. too,
remained more a sentimental issue.
After the first world war, howev ituation changed fairly rapidly. The issue no
longer was simply whether India become frqe. That had to be ensured, at any
cost. The real point of debate n relate to the actual content and meaning
of freedom. Freedom for who dom could not merely mean the
replacement of British with India ers. As Rupmati, a character in Premchand's
short story, 'Ahuti', says: 'Sw an that Govind sits in John's place.' She
asks: 'Will the same evils, fort ich we are' exposing our lives to danger,
be welcomed simply because thos e turned swadeshi and are no longer
videshi?'Her preference is clear. ' er swaraj is attained', she says, 'property
enjoys the same power and th e remain as selfish as before, then I
would rather not have swaraj .'
Indian literature dur freedom struggle became increasingly
concerned with the bjectives freedom was expected to
serve. It, conseque the ideological dimension of the
freedom struggle. ted the nature of free India but also
ement. After all, it could not turn a
-with its divisions and leaders -
er the country had won
independence. If the programme and leaders of the movement were not of the
right kind, it was impossible to h desired type of free India. The significance of
t in Premchand's novel Ghaban
alist sympathies, tells the leaders:
er, you will eat away the people
whe:i it is your rule. '
-Urdu novelist and a confirmed
turbing side of the nationalist
(1925) and Karmabhumi (1932), the
underlying selfishness of the y exposed. But this is
lism. It is so well disguised that
thing they are doing is in the
their compromises and secret dealings with
.But the most depressing view
h is Premchand's masterpiece
and one of the greatest Indian nov humi and Karmabhumi the nationalist

sents an aspect of nationalist politics and

etty material considerations

e satyagraha, and then goes
ously uses money in the
nd petty industrialist rolled
into one, does his bit during the edience Movement, and after that starts
than fair. And Omkarnath is a journalist
g nationalist is basically a

Exploitation being its basic theme, portrays a sad and cheerless world. Here
Premchand is not carried away by se talism. He does not offer any easy solutions.
Kamesh Mechrocks
The 'villains' in Godan d o not suddenly undergo a change of heart. In fact, there are no Freedom Movement and
Nationalist Literature
villains in this novel. It is not the wickedness of individuals that leads them to oppress
and exploit their poorer fellow human beings. Exploitation is the result of certain
socio-economic and political arrangements within the society. The oppressed classes
will not have a better deal if those belonging to the dominant classes are individually
good and kind persons. Rai Saheb, himself a kind-hearted zamindar, has understood
this when he says: 'I cannot set aside my self-interest.' H e adds: 'I want that my class
should be forced to give up its selfishness through the pressure of the administration
and morality.' What, naturally, Rai Saheb cannot see is that the real solution is not to
bring pressure upon his class -the zamindars - but t o abolish the class and make
every kisan a zamindars. The whole logic of Godan points towards this solution;
although, being a powerful work of fiction, it does not prescribe solutions.
What Godan further shows is that the zamindars, as an exploiting class, d o not exist in
isolation. They are, in reality, part of a vast and complex network of exploitation in
which businessmen, industrialists and zamindars together have a vested interest. Of
course, this network is supported by the existing political order. It is not that there are
no antagonisms among these various moneyed interests. But, despite their clashes,
they possess the sense to put up a joint front against those who threaten their
supremacy. That is how the peasants and the workers a n t i n u e to be oppressed and
exploited.

4. Premchand

Kamesh Mechrocks
~.tioo.lbrm: Godan thus brings out, in all cy, the duality of class and nation. Freedom for
Tb+lnlaWsrYurs-II
the nation is essential. But it ot be the freedom of the dominant classes to
exploit the wretched of the so tionalism should not be permitted to disguise, in
the name of patriotic idealism, erests of the few at the expense of the many.
In the understanding of the dua and nation the growing influence of socialist
ideas in the wake of the Russia performed an important function. Thus in
Premashrama, a novel that he s ng in the year after the Russian Revolution,
Premchand showed Balraj , an illager, being inspired by the example of
Russia. Calling upon his fello against injustice and oppression, Balraj
tells them that in Russia 'the ecome the rulers'.
While the duality between clas ion was seen, it was not easy to understand how
the duality could be resolved. that India was struggling against a firmly
entrenched imperialist po nt of all the classes within the Indian society
had to be forged. And this t some compromise with vested interests.
Moreover, there was also t eological preferences. If the influence of
socialist ideas suggested t terests being resolved by conflict, Gandhian
influence pointed towar change of heart. If Premchand's work is
representative of his ti t is -no clear ideological choices could be
made during the freed
For example, while he was wr t showed the futility of relying on
individual goodness and chan wrote a letter that goes against the
very logic of this great novel. is the failure of saner methods.. . .
It is the people's character t ding factor. No social system can flourish
unless we are individually uplift te a revolution may lead us to is doubtful. It
may lead us to worse forms of denying all personal liberty. I do want to
overhaul, but not st of his educated contemporaries, Premchand
felt torn between t ositions, without having been able to make
up his mind one way or the other.
It may be noticed in this conte holars have tried to argue that after the
initial Gandhian influence Premch s able to finally opt for a radical progressive
position. As against these scholars are others who maintain that until the end
Premchand remained a Gand attempts simplify a complex historical
situation. By way of confirmati ay offer the example of the literature produced
by the 'Kallol' group in Ben that had among its members the famous radical
nationalist poet, Qazi Nazar ive and realistic, these writers
consciously moved away from th privileged sections of society and wrote
about the oppressed and th aised the cry of revolt much more vocally
than Premchand. And yet d to the hidden pulls of their own social
background and failed to p eological position.
Also important, in this context, is f Saratchandra Chattopadhyaya (1876-
y and realistically about the
e cherished values of middle
class society. Like Premchand, S mpathies were with the Congress. He
admired Gandhi and had close pe ions with Deshbandhachittaranjan Das.
Unlike Premchand, Saratchandra member of the Congress. And yet he
wrote Pather Dabi (1926), a novel those who followed the path of
revolutionary violence to liberat is novel, it may be noted, was banned
by the government. This contra enough: an admirer of Gandhi and a
member of the Congress praisi ence. Saratchandra shows further
contradiction with regard to hi Between 1929and 1931was serialised
his Bipradas. These were the ss adopted Purna Swaraj as its goal
itten during these dramatic years,
Bipradas presents the picture worshipped by his raiyat to such an
extent that they -the raiyat to the appeals of the nationalists.
Reflecting these diametrically pulls, literature should persuade us to have a
new look at the making of our . It should convince us of the need to go
deeper than the carefully form ammes and pronouncements of political
parties and other organisations these consciously stated positions lay pulls
and prejudices of which people always conscious. Thus it happened that the
author of Godan was himself no re of the revolutionary logic of his novel; for,

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Freedom Moven~enland
Nationalist Literature

otherwise he could not have so emphatically argued agakst the idea of revolution in the
letter that we have already mentioned. Thus, again, it happened that when the
Progressive Writers' Association was formed in order to promote progressive ideas
through literature, Premchand was requested to preside at its first session (1936)
although, as we have seen, he was unwilling to support the idea of class war. It is not
sound history to assume that because Premchand presided over the first session of the
Progressive Writers' Association, he must have been nothing but progressive. And
-
what applies to individuals -in this case Premchand applies to movements also.
For, no movement can be independent of its members. It can lay down neat principles
and objectives. It can also isolate itself formally from other movements and
organisations in the society. But it cannot ensure that itsfollowers actually share in their
entirety its principles and objectives. The individuals constituting a movement remain
exposed to other influences as well.
Literature of the last thirty years of the freedom struggle tells us that during these
momentous years people were increasingly becoming aware of socio-economic issues
even as they were being fired by the zeal for independence. They were coming under
the influence of different, even opposing, ideological currents. In fact, they did not
always realise the contradictory nature of these ideological positions. We have dwelt at
length on Premchand because both in his life and in his writings we are able to follow
the working of these contradictory influences and the inability of even the most sensitive
and intelligent of men and women to make a clear choice. If Premchand, like most of
his contemporaries, reveals both Gandhian and socialist influences, if he paints a
dismal picture of the nationalist movement and also provides stirring accounts of the
same movement, the task of the historian is not to assume that only one of these
conflicting positions can be the real position. Instead, historians should see the
conflicting positions as forming parts of a complex whole. Of course, they should see in
these unresolved ideological conflicts the working of soeio-economic forces as well. As
is clear from the description in Karmabhumi, Ranghbumi and Godan, contemporary
literature provides the historian with insights for seeing the dialectical operation of
ideology and material interests.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: For understanding the compl rces that went into the making of our
The lntcr War Years - I1
freedom struggle we may turn p e-1947 writings of the great Bengali
novelist, Tarasankar Bandyo ,especially his Dhatridevata,
Ganadevata and Panchagram. D
be seen as a kind of preparation
one novel in two parts. Posse sions. Ganadevata and Panchagram
have as their central theme t
exploitation and industri
concern is the c o m m u ~ i t yt, . the freedom movement, too, affects
the life of the community. slim League and the revolutionaries
appear on the scene; the first t e than the third. We get a view of larger historical
forces from below. Idealism, material interests are mixed in different
proportions as they affect le in the five villages that provide the
locales of Ganadevata and Pan r, just as Godan with its two villages
and Ranghbumi with just one vi
through these five villages
about India during the fre
dispossessed in her villages.
1 ;
I,{(;(

With all his sensitivity and objec owever, Tarasankar betrays in these three
novels the kind of ideological fl e have been talking about. H e writes very
feelingly about the growing bur pression on the poorer sections of the village
society. He also describes their against this oppression; a struggle that is
doomed to fail not only because power of the dominant groups but also because
of the larger reality of industria ainst which the village community life and
economy simply cannot survive nmistakable sympathy for the poor and the
oppressed is accompanied by a mistakable sympathy for the culture that
was associated with the order t sintegrating. In other words, Tarasankar
reveals in these novels the coe implicit ideological radicalism with an
implicity social conservatism.
It is not that contemporary not provide instances o f works in which clear
ideological choices are sho literary giant than Rabindranath Tagore
(1861-1941) condemned rev olence in the clearest possible terms in his
novel Char Adhyay (1934). But, t gore was not as hiscreative best in this novel.
H e was, if anything, writing a sort ical manifesto in the form of fiction. Similarly,
Ramanlal Vasantlal Desai (1892 erhaps the most popular Gujarati novelist of
the period, showed in his Divya 1932) the complete conversion of its
revolutionary hero, Arjun, fro olence to the Gandhian path. But, like Char
Adhyaya, Divyachakshu ca as a representative work. Moreover, unlike
Tagore, Ramanlal Desai was a novelist who would unravel the
complexities of life and society.

Kamesh Mechrocks
A more representative figure in contemporary Gujarati literature can be seen in K.M. Freedom Movement and
Nationallst Literature
Munshi who was born five years before Ramanlal Desai and survived him much longer
in independent India. A leading lawyer and literary writer, Munshi was also a member
of the Congress. In his capacity as a prominent Congress leader he subscribed to a
secular ideology. But virtually the whole of his work as a novelist not only invokes a '
glorious Hindu past but also promotes a Hindu conception of Indian nationalism.

Check Your Progress 2

1 Read the following statements and mark right (V') o r wrong ( x ) .
i) Literature in India was able to spell out in concrefe terms, various dimensions of
Independence.
ii) 'Godan' was concerned only with the question of Independence.
iii) Premashrama was inspired by the example of the Russian Revolution.
iv) Although Saratchandra Chattopadhyaya admired Gandhi, yet at times idealised
those who believed in revolutionary violence.
2 Write ten lines on the Political Contribution of Premchand's literary works.

3 Match the following:

i) A Chhaman Atha Guntha A Saratchandra Chattopadhyaya
ii) B Karmabhumi B Tarashankar Bandyopadhyaya
iii) C Bipradas C Fakirmohan Senapati
iv) D Ganadevata D Premchand
- -

23.4 LET US SUM UP

W e have, in this brief sketch of Indian literature during the freedom struggle,
deliberately dealt with those aspects of the freedom movement which force us to move
away from neat categories in order to understand it. What we have said about the
freedom movement -the constant interplay of contradictory forces - holds true
about the making of modern Indian society as a whole. T o put it simply, it is not that
one person o r group is secular, progressive and nationalist while another person o r
group is reactionary and communal. Society and the people living in it are too complex
t o permit such neat classifications. This is a lesson that literature teaches us best.
Historians, and otlicr \()cia1scientists, may d o well to learn this lesson.

23.5 KEY WORDS

Historical Romance: A work of fiction placed in a historical setting.
Religious Nationalists: Those who received inspiration for their patriotism from their
religion.
Literary Patriotism: Using literature for expressing patriotic ideas.,
Economic Nationalism: An attempt, undertaken by the 19th century leaders and
intellectuals, to establish the economic roots of Indian Nationalism, by preparing an
economic critique of the British rule.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 I

I"

23.6 ANSWERS TO C H YOUR

~ PROGRESS EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1 i) d ii) d iii) x iv) d,,
2 i) Bankimchandra Chattopadhya
ii) 1882
iii) R.C.Dutt
iv) Bhartendu Harishchandra !+i
3 i) A-D ii) B-C iii) C-A

Check Your Progress 2 111

1 i) x ii) X iii) d
2 Your answer should refer to
iv)

a) the emphasis that Premchand

b) some of the political choices a
and
c) his own
3 i)A-C ii)
In the freedom struggle in his literary works,
atements made by the characters in his novels

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 24 REVOLUTIONARY AND
TERRORIST MOVEMENT:
BHAGAT SINGH AND
CHITTAGONG ARMOURY RAID
Structure
24.0 Objectives
24.1 Introduction
24.2 Background
24.3 Revolutionaries in Northern India
24.4 The Hindustan Socialist Republican Association
24.5 Ideological Development of the North Indian Revolutionaries
24.5 1 The HRA
24.5.2 Bhagat Singh and the HSRA
24.6 Revolutionary Terrorists in Bengal
24.7 The Chittagong Armoury Raid
24.8 Decline of the Revolutionary Terrorist Movement
24.9 Let Us Sum Up
24.10 Key Words
24.11 Answers t o Check Your ProgresslExercises

24.0 OBJECTIVES
In this unit we will discuss the nature of revolutionary terrorism which developed in
India after 1922. After studying this unit you will be able to:
explain the origin and nature of revolutionary organisations in India
describe the objectives and ideology of these revolutionary organisations
analyse how the revolutionary organisations underwent ideological transformation
discuss the causes of decline of revolutionary terrorism.

24.1 INTRODUCTION
In Unit 15 (Block 3) you have studied, how revolutionary trends emerged in the early
years of 20th century. This unit attempts t o explain the two broad strands of
revolutionary terrorism which developed in India after 1922. The revolutionaries were
mainly active in two regions -Punjab, U.P., Bihar, Madhya Pradesh (old central
provinces) and Bengal.
Dissatisfaction with Gandhi's leadership and his strategy of non-violent struggle after
the suspension of Non-Cooperation Movement gave impetus to the revolutionary
terrorist movement. In both the regions mentioned above the revolutionary movement
underwent changes i.e. it moved away from individual heroic action to a mass based
movement and from religions nationalism of earlier revolutionaries to secular
patriotism. We will discuss how these changes affected the movement. The main
activities of the revolutionary organisations in these regions will be traced.
The ideal of freedom which inspired the revolutionary terrorists inculcated the spirit of
building a new society free from passion and exploitation. Finally the factors
responsible for the decline of the movement will be discussed.

24.2 BACKGROUND
Frustration caused by the failure of the political struggle during early years of 20th
century and government repression ultimately resulted in revolutionary terrorism. The
revolutionary terrorists believed that passive resistance could not achieve nationalist
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: aims and therefore th f the bomb. The revolutionary terrorists were
-
The Inta.War Years 11 subjected to severe re uring the First World War and their
movement suffered a . Most 01 them were released from jails during
late 1919 and early 1920, sinc nment wanted to create a receptive
atmosphere for the Montagu reforms. The Non-Cooperation Movement
was launched in 1920. Mahat nd C.R. Das met many of the revolutionary
terrorist leaders and urged t e non-violent mass movement or at least to
suspend their movement fo he revolutionaries recognized that a new
political situation had aris aders attended the Nagpur
session of the National Co
The sudden suspensi operation Movement in early 192? after the
Chauri-Chaura incid f disappointment and discontent among the
young participants in Many of them were disenchanted with Gandhi's
leadership and began very basic strategy of non-violent struggle. Once
again they turned to overthrow of British rule. In this respect they
also drew inspiratio ionary movements and uprisings in Russia,
Ireland, Turkey, Egypt and hile the old revolutionary leaders revived their
orist leaders emerged from the ranks of
Chandra Chatterjee, Sukhdev, Bhagwati
Charan Vohra - a the Non-Cooperation Movement.
Two broad strands of revolut errorisnrd~velopedafter 1922: One in Punjab,
U.P., Bihar and Madhya Pra d CentraPProvinces) and the other in Bengal.
Both the strands came under ence of new social ideological forces.
One such influence was th of socialist ideas and groups all over India.
Second was the rise of a e union movement.
And the third was the R lution of 1917 and the consequent rise of the
Soviet Republic.
Nearly all the revolutionary gr anted to develop contacts with the leadership of
the new socialist state and to ta help both in terms of ideas and organization and
material assistance.

Revolutionaries of northe n their reorganization under the leadership of

Sachindranath Sanyal, Jo rjee and Ramprasad Bismil. In October 1924,
they met at Kanpur and industan Republican Association (or A m y )
(HRA) and set out the obje rganizing an armed revolution againsrcolonial rule
and establishing a Federal of the United States of India with a government
elected on the basis of a
To finance their organizati the objective of propaganda and collection of
arms, etc., the HRA leaders rganize dacoities against the Government.
The most important of these Kakori robbery. On 9th August, 1925, ten
revolutionaries held up rain from Saharanpur to Lucknow at Kakori, a
small village station near looted its official railway cash. The
Government, however, arresting a large number of H R A members and
leaders involved in the d ere tried in the Kakori conspiracy case. The
prisoners were subjecte ent in the jails; and in protest they had to take
recourse to hunger strikes s ,Asfaqullah Khan, Ramprasad Bismil, Roshan
Singh and Rajendra Lahiri d, four others were sent to Andamans (Kala
Pani) for life, and 17 were sen o long terms of imprisonment.
All the four martyrs died courage. Ramprasad Bismil and Ashfaqullah
went to the gallows chan the Gita and Koran. Ramprasad declared:
"We shall be born again, s in and shall jointly fight once again for the cause
of the motherland as corn e day before his martyrdom Ashfaqullah
told his nephew: "Yo at the Hindu community has dedicated great
souls like Khudiram and Kana me this is a good fortune that, belonging to the
. Muslim community, I h ivilege of following in the footsteps of those
great martyrs". Amon HRA, Chandrashekhar Azad alone
succeeded in escaping eafter, he was to live the life of a declared
absconder
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Revolutionary and Terrorist
24.4 THE HINDUSTAN SOCIALIST REPUBLICAN Movemenl: B h s g ~Singh
t and
Chittagong Armwry Raid-
ASSOCIATION
The Kakori case decimated the revolutionary ranks, but soon a new batch of youngmen
came forward to fill the gap. Bejoy Kumar Sinha, Shiv Verma and Jaidev Kumar in
U.P. and Bhagat Singh, Bhagwati Charan Vohra and Sukhdev in Punjab started the
reorganization of the H R A under the leadership of Chandrashekhar Azad. They also
came under the influence of socialist ideas. Finally, the representative revolutionary
terrorists of northern India met at Ferozeshah Kotla Ground in Delhi on 9th and 10th
September, 1928. They accepted Socialism as their official goal and changed the name
of the party of Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (Army) (HSRA).
The leadership of the HSRA was rapidly moving towards the ideaof mass-based armed
struggle and away from individual heroic action. But when Lala Lajpat Rai, one of the
greatest of nationalist leaders, died as a result of a brutal lathi-charge when he was
leading an anti-Simon Commission demonstration at Lahore on 30 October, 1928, the
angry and romantic youth felt that it was necessary to avenge this grave insult to the
nation. This compelled them to take recourse once again to the earlier practice of
individual assassination. And so, on 17th December, 1928, Bhagat Sigh,
Chandrashekhar Azad and Rajguru assassinated at Lahore Saunders, a police official
involved in the lathi-charge.
In the poster, put up by the HSRA the assassination, was justified as follows: "The
murder of a leader respected by millions of people at the unworthy hands of an ordinary
police official.. . was an insult to the nation. It was the bounden duty of youngmen of
India to efface it.. . We regret we have had to kill a person but he was part and parcel of
that inhuman and unjust order which has to be destroyed".
As a part of their advance from positions of individual heroic action, the HSRA leaders
now decided to propagate their political thinking among the people so that a mass
revolutionary movement could be organised. Bhagat Singh and B.K. Dutt were
deputed to throw bombs in the Central Legislative Assembly on 8 April 1929 to protest
against the passage of the Public Safety Bill and the Trade Disputes Bill, which would
reduce civil liberties in general and curb the right of workers to organise and struggle in
particular, and againt the "wholesale arrests of leaden of the labour movement". The
throwing of the bombs was no terrorist act. The aim was not to kill, for the bomlis were
relatively harmless. The objective was, as the leaflet they threw into the Assembly
proclaimed, "to make the deaf hear". Bhagat Singh and Dutt made no attempt to
escape. Their intention was to get arrested and to use the trial court as a forum for
propaganda so that the programme and ideology of the HSRA could get widely
propagated among the people.
Bhagat Singh and B.K. Dutt were tried in the Assembly Bomb Case. Then the police
was able to uncover the details of the Saunders assassination and Bhagat Singh,
Sukhdev, Rajguru, and several others were tried in the Lahore Conspiracy case. Bhagat
Singh and his comrades turned the court into a forum of propaganda. Their statements
were published in the newspapers and widely discussed by the people. Their defiant and
courageous conduct in the court won them the admiration of the people. Even believers
in non-violence loved them for their patriotism. Everyday they entered the court-room
shouting "Inquilab Zindabad", "Down, Down with Imperialism" and "Long Live the
Proletariat" and singing patriotic songs. Bhagat Singh became a house-hold name in
the land.
The country was also stirred by the prolonged hunger strike the revolutionaries on trial
undertook as a protest against the horrible conditions in jail. They demanded that they
should be treated not as ordinary criminals but as political prisoners. On 13th
September, 1929, Jatin Das, a frail youngman possessing an iron-will, died fasting. The
entire nation was massively stirred. Thousands came to pay him homage at every
station as the train carried his body from Lahore to Calcutta. In Calcutta, a two-mile
long procession of more than six lakh people carried his coffin to the cremation ground.
The Tribune of Lahore wrote on Jatin Dass's death; "If ever a man died a hero and
martyr to a noble cause, that man is Jatindra Nath Das and the blood of martyrs has in
all ages and countries been the seed of higher and nobler life, better social and political
order".

Kamesh Mechrocks
 A large number of rev ere convicted in the Lahore Consipracy Case and
long-terms of imprisonment. Many of them were
ans. Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru were
sentenced to be hanged. as carried out on 23rd March, 1931. As the
news of their hanging spr silence engulfed the entire country. All over
the country, millions of and fasted and refused to attend schools or
carry on their daily wor on became a lenged in the country. His
photographs adorned homes . Hundreds of songs were composed and sung
about him. His popularity riv

Check Your Progress 1

1 Enumerate the Social and id cal forces which influenced the two broad strands
of revolutionary terrorism veloped in India after 1922. Write in about 5 lines.

2 What were the objectives of th industan Republican Association? Write in about

5 lines.

........................................ .............................................................
........................................ .............................................................
3 Discuss the ideology and strate HSRA. Write in about 5 lines.

The HSRA developed an advanced a1 ideology and thought to guide its activity and
the forms of revolutionary struggle were better defined.

24.5.1 The HRA

Rethinking had of course st
I counts in the earlier Hindustan Republican
Association phase itself. The lready started evolving a programme within a
broad secular, democratic an work. In 1925, itsmanifesto had set forth
its objective as the establis deral Republic of the United States of India
by an organized and arme he basic principle of the Republic was to be
"universal suffrage and the abolit I1 systems which make any kind of exploitation
of man by man possible". ouncil, in its meeting in October 1924, had
decided "to preach social communistic principles". It had decided
"to start labour peasant dvocated nationalization of the railways
and large-scale industri -building and mines.
Kamesh Mechrocks
24.5.2 Bhagat Singh and the HSRA Revolutionary and Terrorist
Movement: Bhagat S i g h and
A major shift in the ideological development of the revolutionary terrorists occurred Chittagong Armoury Rald

when young leaders such as Bejoy Sinha, Shiv Varma, Sukhdev, Bhagwati Charan
Vohra and Bhagat Singh turned to Socialism and Marxism. This shift is best epitomised
in the life and thought of Bhagat Singh, many of whose letters, statements and writings
have now become available.
Bhagat Singh was born in 1907 in a famous patriotic family. His father was a
Congressman and his uncle was the famous revolutionary Ajit Singh. Bhagat Singh was
deeply influenced by the Ghadar hero, Kartar Singh Sarabh. Bhagat Singh was a
voracious reader and had read extensive literature on socialism, the Soviet Union and
revolutionary movements the world over. At Lahore he and Sukhdev organized study
circles for young students. The HSRA leaders carried on intensive political discussion
among themselves. After his arrest he studied intensively in the jails. This devotion to
intensive reading was also true of other leaders such as Bejoy Sinha, Yashpal, Shiv
Varma and Bhagwati Charan Vohra. Chandrashekhar Azad knew little English; but he
too fully participated in political discussions and followed every major turn in the field
of ideas. Ajoy Kumar Ghosh, who was tried along with Bhagat Singh and others in the
Lahore Conspiracy Case, has written about Chandrashekhar Azad: "In between his
active life, he engaged himself in relentless study. His ideas were shaping in maturity
day by day. He never hesitated to take the assistance of his English-knowing comrades
to explain and clarify many points ...... He was of the opinion that more comrades
should devote themselves to work amongst the peasants and workers to make them
conscious of the socialist goal".
Bhagat Singh had already before his arrest in 1929 abandoned his faith in terrorism and
individual heroic action. He had come to believe that broad popular mass-based
movements alone could liberate India and mankind from servitude. As he put it,
revolution could only be achieved "by the masses for the masses". That is why he
helped found the Naujawan Bharat Sabha in 1926to carry out political work among the
youth, peasants, and workers. He became its founding secretary. It was expected to
open branches in the villages. Bhagat Singh and Sukhdev also organised the Lahore
Students' Union for open political work among students. In fact, Bhagat Singh never
identified revolution with the cult of the bomb. As we have pointed out earlier, that is
why Bhagat Singh and B.K. Dutt threw a relatively harmless bomb in the Central
Legislative Assembly in 1929. Their strategy was to get arrested and then turn the
courts into arenas for the propagation of their ideas. And this they did brilliantly.
In the course of their statements and manifestoes from 1929to 1931, Bhagat Singh and
his comrades gave repeated expression to their growing conviction that revolution
meant arousing the masses and organizing a mass'movement. Just before his execution,
Bhagat Singh declared that "the real revolutionary armies are in the villages and in
factories". In his last advice - his testament -to young political workers, written on
2 February 1931, he declared: "Apparently I have acted like a terrorist. But I am not a
terrorist.. . . Let me announce with all the strength at my command, that I am not a
terrorist and I never was, except perhaps in the beginning of my revolutionary career.
And I am convinced that we cannot gain anything through those methods".
Then why did Bhagat Singh not declare his opposition to terrorism openly. This too he
explained in his message. H e was asking the youth to give up terrorism without hurting
in any way the sense of heroic sacrifice that had marked his earlier career and that of
the other great terrorist leaders. He did not want it to appear publicly that he had
revised his earlier politics under the penalty of death, that he was making a political
retraction to get a reprieve for his life from the colonial rulers. Life was bound to teach,
sooner or later, correct politics; the sense of sacrifice once lost would not be easy to
regain.
Bhagat Singh and his comrades also redefined the scope and meaning of Revolution.
Revolution was no longer equated with mere militancy or violence. Its first objective
was national liberation and then the building of a new socialist society. In their
statement in the court at Delhi in the Legislative Assembly Bomb Case they made a
clear statement of what they meant by revolution: "Radical change, therefore, is
necessary, and it is the duty of those who realise this to reorganise society on a socialistic
basis". What was necessary was to end "exploitation of man by man and of nation by
nation".

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Noclolullsm:
-
The Inter War Y a n I1
and the removal of all social distinctions and

Independence, social
political and economic" and its a to establish "a new order of society in which
political and economic exploitati be an impossibility". In the Assembly Bomb
Case, Bhagat Singh and B court: "'Revolution' does not necessariij
involve sanguinary strife, nor is t
cult of the bomb and th at the present order of
-

Bhagat Singh defined socialism i tific manner: it meant the abolition of

capitalism and class domination. Ily accepted Marxism and the class approach to
society. In fact, he saw himself p as a propagator of the ideas of socialism and
communism, as an initiator of th movement in India. Summing up his political
thought, he said in a message fr in October 1930: "We mean by revolution the
uprooting of the present social this, capture of state power is necessary. The
state apparatus is now in the han rivileged class. The protection of the interests
of the masses, the translation of to reality, that is the laying of the foundation
of society in accordance with th of Karl Marx, demand our seizure of this
apparatus".
Bhagat Singh was one of the few orary leaders who understood the full danger
that communalism posed to Indi and the Indian national movement. He often
told his audience that communa s as big a danger as colonialism. He did not
hesitate to sharply criticise L Rai when he took a turn towards communal
politics after 1924. Two of the si e Naujawan Bharat Sabha -and these rules
were drafted by Bhagat Singh have nothing to do with communal bodies
or other parties which disseminat I ideas" and "to create the spirit of general
toleration among the public c gion as a matter of personal belief of man
and to act upon the same fully".
Bhagat Singh also believed that p e themselves from the mental bondage
of religion and superstition. Just yrdom he wrote the article "Why I am
an atheist" in which he subjected tique. A revolutionary, he wrote, must
be not only courageous but also ty of critical and independent thinking.
"Any man who stands for progre te, "has to criticize, disbelieve and
challenge every item of the old fai item he has to reason out every nook and
corner of the prevailing faith". Pr mg his own faith in atheism and materialism,
he asserted that he was "trying to ike a man with an erect head to the last; even
on the gallows".

Check Your Progress 2

1 What was the ideology and s Write in about 5 lines.

I 2' Discuss the political ideology of d a g a t Singh. Write in about 5 lines.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 -
Name a few leaders of HSRA. R e v o l u t l o ~ r ya d Terrorist
Movement: Bb.g.( Slngb and
............................................................................................................ C h l m ArlmurY R.id

............................................................................................................

'
24.6 REVOLUTIONARY TERRORISTS IN BENGAL
In Bengal too the revolutionary terrorists began reorganization after 1922. They
resumed large-scale terrorist propaganda in the press and developed their underground
activities. At the same time they continued to work in the Congress organization from.
the village to the provincial levels. This was because they realized that the Congress had
developed under Gandhiji's leadership a mass base, w d work inside the Congress
enabled the revolutionaries to get access to the masses, in particular the youth. At the
same time their role within the Congress enabled it to acquire active workers in the
small towns and rural areas. In many ways, C.R. Das acted as an emotional link
between the revolutionaries and the Congress. After his death, the Congress leadership
gradually got divided into two wings, one led by Subhas Chandra Bose and the other by
J.M. Sengupta. The revolutionaries too got divided. The Yugantar joined forces with
the Bose wing and the Anushilan group with the Sengupta wing.
Already, by 1924, major revolutionary terrorists had understood the utter inadequacy
of individual heroic action, and intellectually and programmatically accepted the
strategy of national liberation through armed seizure of power by mass upriqngs. But,
in practice, they still relied upon small scale 'actions', in particular dacoities and
assassination of officials. One of the several such 'actions' was Gopinath Saha's attempt
in January 1924 to assassinate Charles Tegart, the hated Police Commissioner of
Calcutta. Even though the attempt failed, Gopinath Saha was arrested, tried and
hanged on 1 March 1924 despite massive popular protest. The Government now took
alarm and started large scale repression. It arrested a large number of revolutionary
leaders and activists udder a newly promulgated ordinance. Moreover, a large number
of Congressmen, including Subhas Bose, suspected of being sympathetic to the
revolutionaries were also arrested. Nearly all the major leaders being in jail,
revolutionary activity suffered a severe setback.
Revolutionary activity also suffered because of factional and personal quarrels within
the ranks of the old revolutionary leaders. Quarrels on the basis of Yugantar vs
Anushilan were endemic. However, after their release after 1926many of the younger
revolutionaries, critical of the older leaders, began to organize themselves into a large
number of new groups which came to be known as Revolt Groups. These groups tried
to base themselves on the experience of Russian and Irish revolutionaries. Learning
from the past experience, the new Revolt Groups developed friendly relations with the
active elements of both the Anushilan and Yugantar Samitis. Among the new groups,
it was the Chittagong group led by Surya Sen, that acquired great frame and
1 prominence.

p 24.7 THE CHITTAGONG ARMOURY RAID

Surya Sen had actively participated in the Non-Cooperation Movement and had
become a teacher in a national school in a village in Chittagong. This led to his being
popularly known as Masterda. He was arrested in 1926 and released in 1928. In 1929,
Surya Sen was the Secretary of the Chittagong District Congress Committee. Surya Sen
was a frail, unpretentious, and transparently sincere person. H e was a brilliant
organiser who inspired and attracted young men and women.
Surya Sen soon gathered a large band of revolutionary youth including Anant Singh,
Ganesh Ghosh, Ambika Chakravarty and Loknath Paul. In early 1929 they formed a
Kamesh Mechrocks
~atbdium plan to organize an armed r n a small scale, to demonstrate that
~IaterWuYan-II British rule could be challe der to equip themselves adequately
with arms, they planned 1districts. They also started a
vigorous propaganda campaign.
The first action was to b n-plan was carefully prepared and
included' the occupation n Chittagong and the arming of a
large band of revolutio e telephone, telegraph and the
railway communicatio d the rest of the Bengal were to
be disrupted. The yo were to participate in the
armoury raid, were s . The plan was put into
operation at 10 O'clock on t ng men, led by Ganesh
Ghosh, captured dabad", "Down with
Imperialism" and " '. Another group of
revolutionaries cap id was undertaken in the
name of Indian Republican ranch. All the revolutionary groups
gathered outside the Poliae was formally declared the President
of the Provisional Jack was pulled down and
the National Flag de Matram" and "Inquilab
Zindabad".
Since it was not possible to fight t rces which were expected to arrive soon,
the revolutionary band took its the Jalalabad hill where on 22 April they
were surrounded by thousands ps. After a fierce and heroic fight in which
12 revolutionaries died, Surya Sen d to abandon frontal warfare and launch
instead guerilla warfare from the n uring villages. Despite severe suppressive
measures, the revolutionaries arly three years because of shelter and
support provided by the villages, hem Muslim. Surya Sen was finally arrested
on 16 February 1933, tried and h
The Chittagong Armoury Raid had ense impact on the people of Bengal. As an
official report noted, "the younger could no longer be restrained. Recruits
poured into the various terrorist g a steady stream." Even sections of the
bureaucracy, police and army wer d. Kalpana Joshi (then Datta) has narrated
an interesting incident.in this respe en a group including Kalpana Datta,
surrendered in May 1933after a bi a Subedar of the Jat Regiment slapped her.
Immediately, she was surrounded b soldiers who warned the Subedar: "She is
not to be touched. If you raise your nce again, we will not obey you".
Consequent upon the Armoury R ere was a major revival of revolutionary
activity. In Midnapore alone, thr sh magistrates were assassinated. Two
Inspector-Generals of Police were and attempts were made on the lives of two
Governors.
The Government responded with m repression. It armed itself with 20 repressive
acts. In Chittagong, it burnt several and imposed punitive fines on many others.
It arrested nationalists indiscrimina 1933, it arrested and sentenced Jawaharlal
Nehru to a two-year term in jail for n because he had, even while criticising the
politics of terrorism, praised the he f the revolutionaries and condemned police
repression.
The new phase of revolutionary ter Bengal made an advance in three aspects.
One was the large-scale participati ng women. In Surya Sen's group, they not
only provided shelter and acted as rs and carriers of arms, but also fought with
a gun in hand. Pritilata Waddedar conducting a raid on the Railway Institute
at Paharatali, Chittagong, while Ka atta was arrested and tried along with Surya
Sen and given a life sentence. In D 31, two school girls of Comilla, Santi
Ghosh and Suniti Chowdhury, sh District Magistrate. In February 1932,
Bina Das shot at the Governor w g her degree at the Convocation.
Chittagong Armoury Raid showe like the older Bengal revolutionaries and the
northern Indian revolutionaries, Revolt Groups in Bengal had moved onto
group action aimed at an armed u . Though they failed to organize an armed
uprising on a significant scale, the on of their activities was clear.
The Bengal revolutionary terrorists never communal but their ideology had been
tinged in the earlier phases with Hin ligiosity. The revolutionaries of the 1920s and
Kamesh Mechrocks
1930s gradually shed this religiosity. Many of the groups now included Muslims. The Revolutlonsry and Terrorist
Chittagong group included many Muslims such as Sattar, Mir Ahmed, Fakir Ahmed Movement: Bhsgat Slngh and
Chittngong Armoury Raid
Mian, and Tunu Mian. Surya Sen and his comrades were given active and massive
support by Muslim villagers which enabled them to avoid and resist arrest for nearly
three years. Abdur Rezzaque Khan of Calcutta was the founder of one of the Revolt
Groups and cooperated with the Yugantar, Anushilan and other revolutionary groups.
Serajul H a q and Hamidul Haq weresent t o Andamans for their revolutionary activities.
Many other Muslims, including Rezia Khatun, were associated with Yugantar and
Anushilan Samitis. D r . Fazlul Kader Chowdhury of Bogra participated in the Hijli
Robbery Case and was sent t o Andamans.
However, unlike Bhagat Singh and his comrades, Beng..~lrevohtionaries failed to
evolve a broader radical socio-economic programme. &.lostof the revolutionaries,
working in the Swaraj Party, also failed to support the cause of the peasantry against
the zamindars.

24.8 DECLINE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY TERRORIST

MOVEMENT
The revolutionary terrorist movement gradually declined in the 1930s. This was for
several reasons. T h e mainstream of the national movement, led by Gandhiji, was
opposed to violence and terrorism even when its leaders admired the heroism of its
youthful practitioners and defended them in the courts and condemned the police
repression directed against them. Government's strong action also gradually decimated
the revolutionary ranks. With the death of Chandrashekar Azad on 27 February 1931
in an encounter with the police in a public park at Allahabad, the revolutionary
movement in northern India came to a virtual end. Surya Sen's martyrdom marked the
virtual collapse of revolutionary terrorism in Bengal. Revolutionaries in jail o r in
Andamans started a serious rethinking about their politics. A large number of them
turned t o Marxism a s Bhagat Singh and many of his comrades had already done in the
1920s. Many joined the Communist Party, the Congress Socialist Party, the
Revolutionary Socialist Party and other left parties and groups. Others joined the
Gandhian wing of the Congress.

7. Chnndrnshcknr Azad - Aner his denlh.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Even though the revolutionary s of the 1920s and 1930s failed in their stated
objective of leading a mass-base struggle or failed even to establish contact with
the masses, they made a major tion to the ongoing national struggle against
colonialism. Their courage and and their deep patriotism aroused the'lndian
people, especially the youth an em pride and self-confidence. In north India,
Bhagat Singh and his comrades d the seeds of socialist thought and movement.

Check Your Progress 3

1 Discuss the main activities of ary terrorists in Bengal. Write about 5 lines.

2 What was the impact of the Chi ong Armoury Raid on the people of Bengal?
Write in about 5 lines.

3 What were the factors the decline of revolutionary terrorist

movement in India?

In this unit you have studied the oad strands of revolutionary terrorism which
developed in India after 1922 - Punjab, U.P., Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and the
other in Bengal.
You have also seen how the rev0 ries organised themselves, what was their
strategy and how their actions we d by an ideology. In both regions mentioned
above, the revolutionaries were ay from the idea of individual heroic action
to the idea of mass based arme lthough the movement failed in its stated
objective of leading a mass-ba le but it made a major contribution to
the ongoing national struggle sm. The courage, sacrifice and patriotism
of the revolutionary terrorist n youth and restored their pride and
self-confidence.

Adult Franchise: The right to vote #ll citizens of the age of 21 and above.
Communism: Final stage of history Marx's analysis which visualises a classless
society.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Martyrdom: A condition which causes suffering or death of a person for a cause. Revolutionary and Terrorist
Movement: Bhagat Singh and
Marxism: A body of ideas propounded by Marx. He emphasised the role of productive Chittagong Armoury Raid
forces in relation to society, polity & culture in shaping the development of society.
Revolutionary Terrorist Movement: A movement which aims to bring about social
change through violent acts intended to terrorise.
Socialism: A stage in transition to communism which calls for dictatorship of proletariat
under whose control resources and wealth can be equitably distributed.

24.11 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1 Your answer should include the following points: the growth of socialist ideas and
groups, the rise of militant trade union movement and the rise of Soviet Republic.
See Section 24.2.
2 Your answer should include the following points: to organise an armed revolution
against colonial rule, to establish a Federal Republic elected on the basis of adult
franchise, etc. See Section 24.3.
3 Your answer should include the following points: it was being influenced by socialist
ideas, it was moving towards the idea of mass-based armed stuggle etc. See Section
24.4.

Check Your Progress 2

1 Your answer should include the following points: it evolved a programme within a
broad socialist, democratic and secular frame work; to establish a Federal Republic
by armed revolution, to preach social revolutionary principles etc. See Sub-sec.
24.5.1.
2 Your answer should include the following points: turned towards Marxism and
Socialism, abandoned belief in terrorism and individual heroic action, believed that
broad popular mass-based movements could liberate India etc. See Sub-sec. 24.5.2.
3 Bejoy Sinha, Shiv Varma etc. See Sub-sec. 24.5.2.

Check Your Progress 3

1 Your answer should include the following points: started large-scale terrorist
propaganda in the press and developdd underground activities, continued to work in
the Congress organisation from the village to provincial levels because they realized
that Congress had a mass base, accepted the strategy of national liberation by mass
armed uprisings etc. See Section 24.6.
2 Your answer should include the following points: Sections of bureaucracy, police and
army came under the influence of the Chittagong armoury raid, more and more
people including women joined the revolutionary movement etc. See Section 24.7.
3 Your answer should include the following paints: the main-stream of national
movement was opposed to terrorism, death of many of the revolutionary leaders,
government repression etc. See Section 24.8.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 25 CIVIL D OBEDIENCE
MOVEM T - 1930-34 k
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Background

25.3.2 Beginn~ngof the Movemen

25.3.3 Movement Spreads

25.3.5 Regional Variations

The Truce Months, March
1932-34: Civil Disobedienc
Aftermath
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words

This Unit seeks to discuss the Civil ence Movement launched by the Congress
under the leadership of Gandhi du -34. After reading this Unit you will be able
to understand:
the circumstances leading to t sobedience Movement,
how the movement was star
why the movement was temp
e why it failed to achieve its g
the importance of this move

25.1 INTRODUCTION
I,"

In Unit 18 of Block 5 you on-Cooperation Movement started by the

Congress. Though this hieve its goals yet it succeeded in involving
st the British Raj. After a gap of about eight
call for a mass movement known as the Civil
ments in the Indian situation since the
ovement, and the unchanging attitude of the
British Government to the stion, prepared the ground for the Civil
Disobedience Movemen ill discuss the background, the stagewise
development, and finall sequences of the Civil Disobedience

25.2 BACKGROU
The abrupt withdrawal of the peration Movement by Gandhi after the Chauri
Chaura incident of February demoralising effect on many Congress leaders
and led to a sharp decline in a1 movement. The All India Congress
membership went down to 1 arch 1923, and was only 56,000 in May 1929.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 - T h e Swarajist programme (you have read about it in Unit 21) of wrecking dyarchy from
within petered out into council and municipal politicking. The 'No Changer' group
which emphasised upon Gandhian Constructive Work in villages remained scattered
and kept themselves aloof from the political developments. The remarkable Hindu-
Muslim unity of the Non-Cooperation Khilafat days dissolved into widespread
communal riots in the mid-1920s. For example, there was a violent anti-Hindu outburst
at Kohat in the N.W. Frontier Province in September 1924. Three waves of riots in
1 Calcutta between April and July 1926 killed about 138 people. In the same year there
I
I were communal disturbances in Dacca, Patna, Rawalpindi, Delhi and U.P. Communal
F organizations proliferated with Hindu Sabhas and Swarajists often having virtually
I identical membership in some places. Negotiations with Jinnah over the Nehru Report
plan for an alternative constitution broke down in 1927-28 largely because of Hindu
Mahasabha opposition and Jinnah's obstinacy in relation to it.
The Hindu-Muslim Unity of 1919-22 was never regained. But otherwise there were
many signs of the growth of anti-imperialist movement from 1928 onwards. These signs
were visible in:
demonstration and hartals in towns in the course of the boycott of the Simon
Commission,
militant communist led workers movement'in Bombay and Calcutta which alarmed
Indian businessmen and British officials and capitalists alike,
the revival of revolutionary groups in Bengal and Northern India (with Bhagat
Singh's HSRA introducing a new secular and socialistic tone),
peasant movements in various regions, particularly the successful Bardoli
I Satyagraha led by Vallabhbhai Patel in Gujarat in 1928 against the enhancement of
I land revenue.
I
I During this period when the Congress Left was emerging, under Jawaharlal Nehru and
I Subhas Bose slogans of Purna Swaraj rather than of only Dominion Status were voiced.
(See Unit 26). After much hesitation, Gandhi accepted this change in Congress creed
at the Lahore session in December 1929, setting the stage for the next major round of
countrywide struggle in 1930-34.
You would like to know how thisnew upsurge became possible, considering the extent
of decline and fragmentation of the immediately preceding years. Historians of the
'Cambridge School' have tried to explain it by suggesting a direct causal link between
the British policies and the ups and downs of the national movement. The appointment
of the Simon Commission revived a6'moribund nationalism". Irwin gave the Congress
importance by talking with Gandhi on a level of equality. But a closer look raises doubts
about this entire thesi;, for British policies often changed in response to nationalist
pressures rather than vice-versa. For example, the all-white Simon Commission had
planned a retreat even from the Montagu-Chelmsford framework in respect of the
demands of Indians. But the mass upsurge of 1930 forced the British to make a promise
of some sort of responsible government at the centre. Further, it was the pressure from
the national movement and the heroic self-sacrifice of people which again forced Irwin
to negotiate with Gandhi in February-March 1931.
Throughout 1928 and 1929 we find that political and economic tensions between British
domination and a variety of Indian interests increased:
Contradictions were enormously sharpened by the impact of the World Depression
which set in from late 1929. Business groups were not,happy with the British tariff
policy. Lancashire textile imports were going up again, and there were growing
conflicts in Calcutta between the Birlas and British Jute interests, and in Bombay
over coastal shipping.
The workers facing large scale retrenchment started agitations with unprecedented
militancy and organization.
Rural tensions were sharpened by stagnation in agrarian production and by British
efforts to enhance land revenue in raiyatwari areas in the late 1920s-till the Bardoli
victory halted such endeavours permanently.
But socio-economic tensions did not necessarily or automatically take an anti British
turn, for the immediate oppressors would most often be Indian Zamindars.
moneylenders, or millowners, groups which could have nationalist connections, or
which nationalists generally tried to keep on their side. Yet a massive country-wide
upsurge did take place in 1930. Let us see, why and how it happened.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Check Your Progress 1
-1 What were the developments i n politics from 1928 onwards that prepared the
stage for the Civil Disobedien ement? Answer in about hundred words.

2 Which of the following st right (d) or wrong ( x )

a) During the post-No gress 'Left' was emerging under
Subhas Bose and Ja ( 1
b) The resolution for Pu as taken at the Lahore Session of the
AICC in 1929. ( 1
c) The socio-economic t sharpened by the impact of the world
Depression. ( 1
d) The socio-economic atically led to anti-British agitation. ( )

25.3 CIVIL D I S O B E D ~ C E1930

, -MARCH 1931
7 he Lahore Congress (1929) h the choice of the precise methods of non-violent
struggle for Purna Swaraj to It was resolved that a Manifesto or pledge of
Independence would be tak r India by as many people as possible on
26 January 1930. On this da obedience was supposed to commence. It was
declared Independence Day.

25.3.1 Gandhi's Efforts

Gandhi was still not sure of hi action. Before launching the movement he once
again tried for compromise overnment. He placed 'eleven points' of
administrative reform and s f Lord Irwin accepted them there would be no
need for agitation. The'impo emands were:
1) The Rupee-Sterling rati reduced to Is 4d,
2) Land revenue should be re by half and made a subject of legislative control,
3) Salt tax should be aboli the government salt monopoly,
4) Salaries of the highest should be reduced by half,
5) Military expenditure s
6) Protection for Indian textil
7) All political prisoners shou
T o many observers this charte mands seemed a climb-down from Purna Swaraj.
Jawaharlal Nehru wrote in hi
What was the point of r political and social reforms when we
were talking in terms . Did Gandhiji mean the same thing
when he used this ter we speak a different language?
The Government response t hi's proposal was negative. Still Gandhi was
hesitant. He wrote to the Vi
But if you cannot see ay to deal with these evils and my letter makes no
appeal to your ear, I roceed, with such co-workers of the Ashram as I
can take, to disrega ovisions of the salt laws. I regard this tax to be the
most ubiquitous of the poor man's standpoint.
Kamesh Mechrocks
The Viceroy gave a brief reply in which he regretted that Gandhi was "contemplating a Civll Disobedience
course of action which was clearly bound to involve violation of law and danger to the Movement - -
1930 1934

public peace".
Gandhi in his rejoinder said, "on bended knees I asked for bread and received a stone
icstead. The English nation responds only to force and I am not surprised by the
Viceregal reply".

25.3.2 Beginning of the Movement

Gandhi took the decision to start the movement. On 12 March 1930 Gandhi started the
Historic March from his Sabarmati Ashram to Dandi beach accompanied by his 78
selected followers. There Gandhi and his followers broke the law by manufacturing salt
from the sea. The Programme of the movement was as follows:
a) Salt law should be violated everywhere.
b) Students should leave colleges and government servants should resign from service.
c) Foreign clothes should be burnt.
d) No taxes should be paid to the government.
e ) Women should stage a Dharna at liquor shops, ctc.
The choice of salt as the central issue appeared puzzling initially. Events quickly
revealed the enormous potentialities of this choice. "You planned a fine strategy round
the issue of salt". Irwin later admitted to Gandhi. Salt was a concrete and a universal
grievance of the rural poor, which was almcst unique inhaving no socially divisive
implications. With regard to food habits salt was a daily neccssity of the peoplc. It also
carried with it the implications of trust, hospitality, mutual obligations. In this sense it
had a far-reaching emotional content. Moreover the breaking of the salt law meant a
rejection of the Government's claims on the allegiance of the people. In coastal areas
where over the previous century indigenous salt production had been ruined by British
imports, illegal manufacture of salt could provide the people a small income which was
not unimportant. The manufacture of salt also became a part of Gandhian methods of
constructive work like Khadi production. Rural Gandhian bases everywhere provided
the initial volunteers for the salt satyagraha. Above all, the Dandi March and the
subsequent countrywide violation of the salt law provided a tremendously impressive
demonstration of the power of non-violent mass struggle.

8. People breaking Salt laws

Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: What came to be undermined was tire moral authority of the government and its
-
The Inter War Y e m 11
self-image of being the paterna -baap' of the poor. An additional District
Magistrate reported from Midna engal) in November 1930 that even old villagers
were talking "insolently -the ultivator simply squatted on his haunches and
laughing sarcastically said, 'We how powerful the Sarkar is"'

25.3.3 Movement Spreads

Social boycott of police and I
I administrative officials led to many
resignations. That the Britis e gravity of the threat was revealed by the
sheer brutality of repression ng men - (were) methodically bashed into a
bloody pulp", in the wor ebb Miller. But the spectacle
of unarmed, unresisting sat inable torture aroused local
sympathy and respect as n d have done. The brutal repression invoked
memories of innumerable ression by police and local officials, linking
up the all India struggle wi -day experiences of the villagers. Sympathy
quickly turned into partici the movement far beyond the fairly narrow
confines. And such participa took violent forms, with crowds of villagers
attacking police parties. The restraints had been weakened, anyway, by the
early removal of most of
While the salt satyagraha was at ight, British alarm was deepened by three major
outbursts, outside or going beyo confines of Gandhi's Civil Disobedience.
i) On 18 April 1930, Bengal onaries inaugurated the most powerful and
heroic epoch in the history rorist movement by seizing the Chittagong
armoury, and fighting a pi ttle on Jalabad hill on 22 April. Revolutionary
terrorism accompanied the history of Civil Disobedience in Bengal, with 56
incidents in 1930 (as com 7 for the decade 1919-1929). The Chittagong
leader Surya Sen manage underground in villages till as late as 1933, and
there was the evidence o 1of peasant sympathy. For the first time
Muslims were also includ ad been a movement of educated middle class
Hindu youth alone.
ii) In Peshawar on 23 April 1
I arrest of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan provoked a
massive upsurge, and a pl Garhwal Rifles (Hindu soldiers facing a Muslim
crowd) refused to open f stance of patriotic self-sacrifice, non-violence,
and communal unity whi es to be better remembered.
iii) The industrial city of Shol n Maharashtra in early May 1930 saw a textile
workers' strike, attacks on shops, police outposts and government buildings,
and even something like a el government for a few days.
The onset of the mongoon m gal salt manufacture difficult and the Congress
switched over to other forms s struggle, all characterised by a similar pattern of
careful choice of soci sues, followed by their broadening and
radicalization through a opulist initiatives. The Working Committee in May
1930 sanctioned non-pa nd revenue in raiyatwari areas, an anti-choukidari
(village police) tax in ns (not, significantly enough, no-rent), and 'forest
satyagraha': peaceful violat -old tribal and poor peasant
rights to free fodder, timbe e government struck back at
no-tax movements , yet thousands of
peasants heroically asse to neighbouring
princely states. Rural he prescribed Gandhian
bounds, through viole places, and massive
tribal invasions of forests ~n d Karnataka. The
rumour spread that

25.3.4 Response of iffe eat Sections

Urban intelligentsia support ndhian nationalism was perhaps less in evidence in
1930 than during the Non-C ion Movement and there were few instances of
lawyers giving up practice o ts leaving official institutions to join national
schools. Militant u r b h edu uth tended to be attracted more by revolutionary
terrorism in Bengal, and in dian towns Bhagat Singh's popularity briefly
rivalled that of Gandhi him most obvious weak point of nationalism as

Kamesh Mechrocks
Kamesh Mechrocks
Natkmalism: compared to 1919-21. was of c o im participation which rcmained low. on the
-
The Inter War Years I1
whole, except in Badshah Khan's and places like Delhi: for example only 9 out
of 679 Civil Disobedience prisone lahabad between 1930and 1933 were Muslims.
Social discontent turned commi ca tcwn and Kishoreganj village in May and
July 1930. and there were larges in Kanpur in March 1931, soon after the
Gandhi-Irwin Pact. Unlike Non- ion, Civil Disobedience did not coincide with
any major labour upsurge. There requent hartals in towns, but the Congress did
not include industrial or comrnu rikes in its programme, much to the relief of
British officials.
Such lags were largely made up massive peasant mobilization and considerable
support from business groups, a during the early months of Civil Disobedience.
The movement, unlike Non-Co ion, implied violations of law, arrests, and
beatings-up right from the begi and the number of jail goers was 92,214; more
than.three times the 1921-22 fi pport from Ahmedabad mill owners, Bombay
merchants and petty traders (i ists in the city being less enthusiastic), and
Calcutta Marwaris headed by can be cited as examplesof the solidarity of the
Capitalists with the national at this stage. For example, the merchants in
many towns took a collectiv ive up import of foreign goods for some
months. Combined with pic e overall impact of the Depression, there was
a spectacular collapse of Br ports, from 1238 million yards in 1929-30 to
only 523 million yards in 1930-31.
A novel and remark dience Movement was the
widespread participation of w The handful of postgraduate women students in
1930s still went to class escort heir teachers, and yet there were women from far
more socially conservative p peasant families, picketing shops,
facing lathis, and going to jail. I felt that "the Indian woman is
strugglingfor domestic and n erty at the same time .. . ." However, this sudden
active role of women in politi roduce any significant change in the conditions
of women in o r outside the fa hian non-violence, after all, did not entail any
drastic violation of the tradit of women; rather, it wasmale action that had
in some ways been 'feminiz the emphasis upon self-sacrificing acceptance
of suffering. The deeply reli ce of Gandhi's saintly image was perhaps even
more crucial: joining the C ment was a new religious mission, and certain
transaggressions were per glorified in such a context, just as Mira
centuries hack had c The one form of women's
participation which came ply condemned was an active role in direct
terrorist action. includin happened several times in Bengal. Even
Rabindranath Tagore ce of others in questions of women's roles,
then wrote a novel - condemning such 'unfeminine' behaviour.

Kamesh Mechrocks
,"
10. ~#/3patiun by M urnrn and Childrrn
25 3 . 5 Regional Variations Civil Disobedlem
Movement- -
1930 1934
T h e recent spate of regional studies of Civil Disobedience has brought t o light
interesting variations and internal tensions. Gujarat - more specifically, Kheda
district, Bardoli taluka of Surat. Ahmedabad, and the Gujarati business-cum-
professional community of Bombay City - had become the classic heartland of
controlled mass mobilization through Gandhian satyagraha. Gandhian strategies and
controls fitted in well with the interests of substantial landholding peasants like the
Patidars of Kheda and Bardoli. where in the absence of big zamindaris, rent was not
much of an issue. Rural movements tended t o be more uninhibited where Congress
organization was weaker, o r where internal zamindar-peasant divisions were quite
sharp. Thus in Central Provinces, Maharashtra o r Karnataka, where Non-Cooperation
had made little inroads, the Gandhian ideas had the flavour and vagueness of novelty.
a near millenarian flavou~~could still be seen, absent in the well-established strongholds
like Gujarat, coastal Andhra o r Bihar. In the United Provinces, district level
a ~ m p a r i s o n shave brought out clearly this inverse relationship between organization
and militancy. Parts of Agra district. with a strong Congress organisation and few big
zamindars, followed the Bardoli pattern; talukdar-dominated Rae Baraeli, saw
powerful pressures from the peasants. In Bara Banki, where khadi o r charkha were
littlz in evidence, local activists were preaching that land was a gift of G o d and could
not helong t o zamindars alone. In Bengal, with its relatively weak and faction-ridden
Congress, a near-coincidence of class with communal divisions in the eastern districts,
and the presence already of a ieft alternative. the pattern was even more complex.
There were powerful Gandhian rural movcments in parts of West Bengal like
Midnapur, Arambagh sub-division, and Bankura; a Praja movement was developing
among Muslim rich pcasants which was aloof o r hostile regarding Civil Disobedience;
and in one Muslim-majority district, Tippera, Congress activists were combining
agrarian radicalism with nationalism in ways branded as 'rank Bolshevism' by
Government officials and local Hindu landlords.

11. Kalakankar Jatha (U.P.) maWg salt.

Check Your Progress 2

1 What was Gandhi's proposal t o Lord Irwin before starting the movement? What
were its consequences? Answer in about one hundred words.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationslism:
-
The Inter War Years I1
......................................... ............................................................
.......................................... ............................................................
.......................................... ............................................................
.......................................... ............................................................
.......................................... ............................................................
.......................................... .......................................................:...
.......................................... ............................................................
2 What was the programme of the 1 Disobedience Movement? Answer in about
five lines.
.......................................... ............................................................
.......................................... ............................................................
.......................................... ............................................................
.......................................... ............................................................
.......................................... ............................................................
3 Why was salt chosen as the centr sue of the movement? Answer in about fifty
words.
.......................................... ............................................................
.......................................... ........................
.......................................... ........................
.......................................... ........................
.......................................... ........................
4 Give your answer in one sentenc
i) What d o you understand by
.................................... ........................
.................................... ........................
ii) What was the Government r
.................................... ........................

iii) What was the basic differenc tween the Non-Cooperation and the Civil
Disobedience Movement?

;Ipi,m
25.4 THE TRUCE M O N ~ SMARCH-DECEMBER
, 1931
Around ~ e ~ t e m b e r - O c t o b e19r isobedience entered a second, more
contradictory, phase. Pressures were mounting as the Depression began
having its major impact, and the ad to reluctantly sanction non-payment
of rent in October. Incidents of and tribal militancy and violence
multiplied in many areas. At th icial reports began speaking of a marked
decline of enthusizsm and support urban traders, many of whom started
breaking earlier pledges not t ed goods. Thakurdas warned Motilal Nehru
that "the capacity of the commerci y for endurance" had reached its limits,
and industrialists like Homi M ed the "frequent hartals which dislocated
trade and industry". Possibly t of substantial peasants in the face of

Kamesh Mechrocks
ruthless British seizure of property had started flagging too. Almost all leading Civil Disobedience
Congress leaders were put behind bars. This was probably the context for Gandhi's Movement -1930- 1934
rather sudden retreat. He initiated a talk with Irwin on 14 February 1931, which
culminated in the Delhi Pact of 5 March. The pact is popularly called Gandhi-Irwin
pact. The salient features of this accord were:

i) The agreement arrived at the First Round Table Conference shall further be
deliberated upon in another Round Table Conference.
ii) The Indian National Congress will withdraw the Civil Disobedience Movement
immediately and effectively in all respects.
iii) The boycott of British goods would also be withdrawn forthwith.
iv) The Government agreed to withdraw ordinances promulgated in relation to the
Civil Disobedience Movement. Those political prisoners against whom there were
no allegations of violence were to be set free and penalties that had not been realised
were to be remitted. Indeminities would be paid to those who had suffered in the
movement.
v) The Government was neither to condone breach of the existing law relating to salt
administration nor would the salt Act be amended. Nonetheless, government was
to permit the collection and manufacture of salt freely to the people living within a
specified area from the sea-shore.
The Congress working committee was divided when it met on 5 March, 1931 to discuss
the results of the talks. Many people hailed it as a Victory because the Viceroy had to
negotiate a settlement. Others were not happy. Gandhi agreed to attend the Round
Table Conference, more or less on British terms, in sharp contrast to his stand uptill the
end of January 1931. Even Gandhiji's request for remitting the death sentence on
Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru was turned down by the Viceroy, and they were
executed on 23rd March. Civil Disobedience had died a sudden death, ending "not with
a bang but a whimper", as Nehru wrote in his Autobiography a few years later.
The Gandhi-Irwin Pact had ambiguous consequences. Many others besides Nehru felt
dismayed by the unexpected halt, long before attaining the proclaimed goal of Purna
Swaraj, and peasants who had sacrificed land and goods at the Congress behest must
have felt particularly let down. There was even a black flag demonstration against
Gandhi when the Karachi Congress opened a few days after the execution of Bhagat
Singh. The session, however, ratified the new policy, with Nehru, having spent some
sleepless nights, moving the key resolution accepting the Delhi agreement. More
fundamentally, it can be argued that the Truce meant the loss of some crucial months
during which the Congress restrained no-tax and no-rent movements precisely when
rural discontent was at its height, with the Depression having its initial impact, and
when sheer economic distress had not as yet ruined the potential for largescale struggle.
The Congress did give the call for no-tax again, in January 1932, but by that time the
psychological moment had gone.
Gandhi's entry into the Second Round Table Conference also proved a virtual fiasco.
The first Conference, in January 1931, with Civil Disobedience still at large and the
Congress boycotting it, had been marked by Ramsay Macdonald's novel offer of
responsible government at the centre. But its two characteristics were a Federal
assembly on which princes who joined would nominate their own members, and a series
of "reservations and safeguards" to maintain British control over defence, external
affairs, finance, and economy. Having accepted this as the framework for discussion,
Gandhi as sole Congress representative at the second RTC found himself involved in
endless squabbles with Muslim leaders, the Scheduled Caste representative Ambedkar
who had started demanding separate electorates for untouchables, and princes. The
British watched this gleefully. The Congress had clearly been out manoeuvred.
Yet the impact of the Pact and Truce months was not entirely negative. The British,
after all, had to negotiate with Gandhi on terms of equality and courtesy for the
first time, and this was something deeply resented by many die-hard officials. The
released Congressmen seem to have gone back to their villages and towns with
undiminished confidence, almost as victors. The Congress organization expanded
rapidly in the countryside, and the general mood was quite different from the
fragmentation and decline after 1922. The Congress in fact was seeking to establish

Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationdim: itself as the alternative, more le centre of authority, starting arbitration courts
-
The Inter War Years I1 to settle local disputes, and tryi diatc in zamindar-raiyat conflicts. Meanwhile.
popular pressures were also bu in many areas, most notably no-rent agitation
in the United Provinces, which incial Congress eventually permitted in
December 1931. A powerful an aj movement in Kashmir under Sheikh Abdulla
was an indication that political u as reaching out to princely states (there was to
be a revolt in Alwar two years 1 n though the Congress leadership still refused
to intervene in princely India.
This was the overall context for itish decision of a pre-emptive strike against the
Congress before it got any stron en by the new Kight-Wing National
Government and Viceroy Willi late 1931. The new policy has been' described
as one of 'Civil martial law' (D/A - sweeping ordinances banning all Congress
organizations on 4 January 19 them in Bengal alone), abrogating all civic
freedom without formally dec ry rule, in order to force the Congress to
wage an unequal and defensive n 4 January 1932, a fresh batch of Congress
leaders including Gandhi and el were arrested. Now attempts to treat
political prisoners as common ecame more common than ever before.

25.5 1932-34: CIVIL DI&~BEDIENCE

AGAIN
Out manoeuvred and facing measures on an entirely unprecedented scale,
the national movement still aliantly for about a year and a half. 120.000
people were jailed in the fir ths -an indication, however, not so much of
more intense and systematic
fairly fast. Bombay city and Bengal
'' by Willingdon in April 1932: Gujarati small
traders were still staunchly wi ngress, and Bengal remained a nightmare partly
ue to terrorism (104 incidents, the
highest ever, in 1932; 33 in 1 sponse seems to have been less on the whole
than in 1930, though a vil Kheda was still withholding revenue in 1933,
despite confiscation of 200 whipping, and electric shocks.
As the mass movement gradu ed in face of ruthless repression, political
'realism' combined with econo ulations of certain sections of Indians pushed
Indian big business towards c o on with the British. Bombay millowners
concluded the Lees-Mody Pact er 1933, aligning with Lancashire out of fear of
Japanese competition. Ahmed nessmen and G D Birla bitterly denounced this
betrayal, but Birla and Thaku 1932 onwards were themselves pressing the
Congress for a compromisc.
think in terms of a honourable retreat. H e

April 1934. The Mahatma deci ake Harijan work the central plank of his new

by Ramsay Macdonald. The A vided for separate Hindu, 'Untouchable' and

Muslim electorates for the ne legislatures. treating Hindus and Harijans as
two separate political entities. posed this Award. H e demanded reservation

accepted Gandhi's stand. An of Congressmen preferred to go back t o

Council politics, and so the sce the mid 1920s appeared to be repeating itself.
The 1935 Government of India

25.6 AFTERMATH 111

That the Government's sense tory' had beet: largely illusory was quickly revealed,
however, when the Congress the polls in most provinces in 1937 (See Unit 30 of
Block 6 ) . The Congress had b feated by superior brute force, but its mass prestige
Kamesh Mechrocks
 was as high as ever. The Left alternatives emerged from the logic of Civil Disobedience
itself, for the Movement had aroused expectations which Gandhian strategy could not
fulfil. At the level of leadership, Nehru (and, less consistently, Bose) voiced the new
mood, emphasising the need to combine nationalism with radical social and economic
programmes. Some Congress activists formed a socialist ginger-group within the party
in 1934. Kisan Sabhas with anti-zamindar programmes developed rapidly in provinces
like Bihar and Andhra. The Communists, too, were recovering from the Meerut arrests
and their own folly of keeping away from Civil Disobedience, and a significant section
of disillusioned terrorists and Gandhian activists were moving towards them.
In this changed situation, the dominant groups within the Congress were able to retain
control only by a series of adjustments and openings towards the left, though usually at
the level of programmatic statements and not action. Thus land reforms directed
towards curbing and eventually abolishing zamindari were coming to be included in the
official Congress programme by the mid-1930s, in total contrast to all earlier
pronouncements. An early indication of such a shift was the Karachi declaration on
fundamental rights and economic policy, made-significantly-just after the Gandhi-Irwin
Pact: This declaration was very moderate in content, yet reductions were promised, for
the first time, not only in revenue but in rent, and living wages and trade union rights
, also entered the Congress programme. Peasant upsurges which had constituted so
much of the real strength of Civil Disobedience like thelabour unrest of the late 1920s,
had not been entirely futile. Though crucial political controls within the national
movement remained elsewhere, much of the Congress language and rhetoric, and some
actual policies, did have to take a Leftward direction as a consequence of the growing
assertiveness of these sections of Indian society.

Check Your Progress 3

1 What was the Gandhi-Irwin Pact? What was its effect? Write your answer in about
one hundred words.

2 How did the Government respondto the Civil Disobedience Movement after the
failure of the Second Round Table Conference at London? Answer in about fifty
words.

3 Which of the following statements is right (v) or wrong (x).

1
a) The Congress boycotted the First Round Table Conference. ( )
b) The Gandhi-Irwin Pact paved the way for the participation of the
Congress in the Second Round Table Conference. ( 1
c) Political unrest was spreading in the Princely States also during this
period. ( )
d) Gandhi had full control over the mass upsurge during the Civil
Disobedience Movement. ( )

Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism:
-
The Inter War Years I1

In this Unit we have discussed ivil Disobedience Movement from 1930

to 1934. You have read how the n the Indian situation during the period
following the Non-Cooperation repared the ground for the Civil
Disobedience Movement. In sp 's earnest efforts, the non-compromising
attitude of the British compelle rt the movement in 1930.
The movement got spontaneous nse from various regions of the country and
peasants took part in it with thei class demands. However, when the movement
was in progress, it was temporar pended because of the Gandhi-Irwin Pact in
1931. Gandhi went to London t d the Second Round Table Conference but the
mission failed.
The movement was renewed in 1 tit lost its earlierspirit. The British Government
tightened its repressive machine he movement. In view of this situation the
movement was finally withdraw 4. Thus, another heroic struggle of the people
came to an end without achievin ediate goal. But the sacrifice of the people had
not been in vain. A change in fav peasants economic demands came in the
Congress programme, and final ation of Congress ministries in the provinces
signalled the victory of peoples

25.8 KEY WORDS

i Cll

Cambridge School: A particul f historians, mainly based at Cambridge, which

denied Indian nationalism on t f sectional interests, faction, etc. It believed in
colonial benevolence and disc elationship between the British and the Indians
as one of patron-client type.
Civil Diibedience: Peaceful violatif#f government laws.
Dyarchy: Dual government, in whi
transferred.
Lahore Congress: In 1929; at the
f ower is divided into two parts, reserved and

session of the Indian National Congress the

pledge for Purna Swaraj was take as also resolved that henceforth 26th January
would be observed as India's Ind ce Day. Jawaharlal was the president of this
session.
Purna Swaraj: Complete indepe
Strategy: The art of Planning actio
Truce: Agreement between two or two groups.

Check Your Progress 1

1 Following points should be co : Boycott and Hartals following the Simon
Commission, peasant and wo movement under the Communist leadership,
revival of revolutionary terro ging socialist ideas within the Congress, etc.
See Sec. 25.2.

Check Your Progress 2

1 Before starting the movement gave a proposal to Lord Irwin for his
consideration, which included of salt tax, release of political prisoners, etc.
Government response was negati andhi gave the call fo; the movement. See
Sub-sec. 25.3.1.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 2 Violation of salt law, boycott of colleges and government offices, burning of foreign CI~I~
clothes, etc. See Sub-sec. 25.3.2. -
M O V C ~ 1930
~ ~ - 1934
3 Salt - the essential food, universal grievance of the rural poor, no socially divisive
implications, it linked up with other Gandhian methods of constructive work, etc.
See Sub-sec. 25.3.2.
4 i) Peaceful violation of forest laws.
ii) Imprisonment, confiscation of property, etc.
iii) Direct violation of government law.

Check Your Progress 3

1 Pact between Lord Irwin, the Viceroy of India and Gandhiji. Your answer should
include dissatisfaction among many nationalists over the terns of the agreement,
goal of Puma Swaraj and non-fulfilment of the peasant demands. See Section 25.4.
2 The Government through repressive measures wanted to force the Congress to take
a defensive position. For example it banned all Congress organizations, property of
I the Congress members was confiscated. Also read Section 25.4.
i 3 a) v b) v c v d) x

Kamesh Mechrocks
Structure
26.0 Objectives
26.1 Introduction
26.2 Socialist Ideas and th

26.4 Jawaharlal Nehm and

26 4 1 Nehru's Contact wit
26.4.2 Changes m Nehru's

26.6 Impetus to Socialism in

26.7 Impact on the Congress
26.8 . Let Us Sum Up
26.9 Key Words

After reading this unit you sh

the drift of Jawaharlal Nehru

iilmll

26.1 INTRODUCTION 111

Socialism aims broadly at endin tion of a vast majority of hapless humanity
by a small, powerful minority. ove the consequent injustices and
inequalities from the society. rines for achieving these ends, or for
establishing Socialist societie ard by the second half of the 19th
century, (you have read abo By the beginning of the 20th century
they had succeeded in acquiring
had groaned throughout under
resources were utilised for t ritish while its own people suffered
from deprivation and want. re impoverished, degraded and
divided because of the following:
The allies, the British sel ant strata of Indian society
The way the British pe rds and money lenders to oppress
the peasantry
The leverage they offe d industrialists to expropriate the
workmen, and
The skill with which t
It was natural in su e patriotic Indian intellectuals and

a Nath Dutta, P.S. Khankoja, G.A.K.

category. They operated from abroad till
these distinguished personalities or
ar, like M.N. Roy and Lala Hardayal,

Kamesh Mechrocks
functioned within the framework of the main nationalist organisation in lndia - the Indian National Congress -
Indian National Congress. That is why they hardly exercised any influence over its Sorialist Ideas:
Rde of Nehm and Bose
activities, policies and programmes. Till the end of the country-wide Non-Cooperation
Movement (1920-22) in the post-First World War years, Socialism had in fact made no
impact on the political behaviour of the Congress. However, after this the socialist
ideas started influencing Congress policies, and played an important role in politics. In
this unit we will discuss how the Socialist ideas influenced the Congress. We will also
discuss the role played by Nehru and Bose in this process.

26.2 SOCIALIST IDEAS AND THE EARLY CONGRESS

LEADERS
The leaders of the Indian National Congress, who were renowned publicmen and the
critics of the British Government and its policies, were aware of Socialism or the
Socialist traditions from the beginning. These leaders also came in touch with various
Socialist activities. Dababhai Naoroji, for example, had close contacts with British
Socialists like H.M. Hyndman and actually attended the International Socialist
Conference in Amsterdam (August 1904) where he was given a rousing welcome.
Leaders like Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Lala Lajpat Rai were also reported to have
maintained from time to time some Socialist connections, and brooded on occasions
over the evils of private property and felt the need for providing equal opportunities for
all. There were many others within the Congress who were similarly knowledgeable,
and even favourably disposed towards Socialism.
The fact, however remains that the earlier nationalist leaders did not seriously concern
themselves with the Socialist ideology. Perhaps most of them thought that adopting
these ideas might weaken the national awakening, and undermine the national unity
the Congress was trying to build up. The nationalist movement in India was conceived
from the early days of the Congress as a compaign for united opposition to the British
misrule or as a combined agitation for the attainment of Swaraj or self-rule. This
"unification" or "combination" was to encompass all communities, categories and
classes of people, including the rich and the poor, the landlords and the landless, the
mill-owners and the workers. It seems that the leaders of the Congress in its early phase
were afraid that Socialism, which encourages the resistance of the exploited against the
exploiters, and sets up workers against industrialists, and peasants against landlords,
would antagonise the wealthy and the well-to-do. In that case their support and their
money-power would not be available for the nationalist cause. Such apprehensions
were the outcome of insufficient understanding of the nature of relations between the
British authorities and their Indian collaborators, as well as of the potentialities of
Socialism for teeming millions of ppverty-stricken, suffering people in

The suspicion with which the earlier nationalists viewed Socialism was actually
understandable. Most of them came from the ugper strata of the Indian society -the
Western educated middle class which included the Lategories of rentiers, professionals
and entrepreneurs. Such elements would, at the most, sympathise with the misfortunes
of the common man from a distance, and that too to the extent that their own interests
were not threatened. Furthermore, up to the First World War, the nationalists in the
Congress were trying only to win concessions from the British regime through
resolutions, representations and debates. They were engaged primarily in
constitutional politics and agitations within the limits the British masters allowed them.
They had not generally thought of raising mass movements or stirring popular actions,
with the solitary exception of the Swadeshi movement (1905-8).
Thus, when the masses of Indian people did not form an integral part of their political
programme, the earlier nationalists scarcely felt an urge to come closer to them. It
would not be, however, correct to surmise,tbat the earlier nationalists of the Congress
had not kept the oppressed, the humiliatedand the down-trodden within their sight at
all, or had not included them in their scheme of the future in any way. They were
convinced that the attainment of self-government or the fulfilment'of the political
objective in itself would turn India into a happy and prosperous country. Once
prosperity returned, they believed that the ills of economic disparity would disappear
from the country, and a just and equitable system would emerge. Valid or not, this line

Kamesh Mechrocks
~at~ism.. of thinking dominated the pro s of the Congress for a long time, even up to the
-
Thc Inter War Y m 11
mid-1930s. But the birth of a c ine of thinking within the Congress, parallel to
the dominant one, could not b ted under a changed political climate.

26.3 NEW CLIMATE : E NON-COOPERATION

This change came during the rld War years of economic recession -the
period in which the rising pri ities and the increasing repression of the
Government played havoc w ndians. Under the new and inspiring
leadership of Gandhiji, the fter intense deliberations to opt for the
path of non-violent non-coop h the British authorities -a course of action
that depended for its succes ely on a wide participation of the people. The
unprecedented enthusiasm eration movement evoked almost among
all classes and sections, and the trength that the Indian people
demonstrated, brought about a the Congress notions about political
activity in the country. Her sation became the watchword of the
Indian national movement, e p was motivated by the desire for arousing
the masses or bringing forth a lar r of people into the anti-imperialist struggle.
Apparently, the need for unity ns -the necessity for multi-class
consolidation remained import . But the significance of numbers - the
urgency for enlisting the hithert tegories, such as the tribals, the peasants,
the workers and the women bec The Non-Cooperation Movement,
however, was not all inspiration. ehind deep marks of frustration on account
of the sudden manner of its wit y ~ o u l dnot appreciate the moral grounds
on which Gandhiji chose to wit ement, and felt let down by the call for
retreat at a time when they be1 ornered the British Raj. There was
disappointment at the failure t within one year" -a Gandhian
promise on which the people s ned their hopes. Popular anguish led
to tensions in some areas, especi ide between the landlords and the
tenants. The "misadventure" als f Gandhiji's followers to return
hurriedly to the safety of cons hat was worse, a crack appeared in
the most impressive of the G - the Hindu-Muslim amity.
The differences between the two idened rapidly, and led to the outbreak
of communal violence in many p country (notably in Punjab, Rajasthan,
U.P., Bengal, Andhra, the alabar). On the whole, the disquieting
aftermath of the Non-Cooperati ompelled some thoughtful
Congressmen, particularly those t join either the cam of the "no-changers"
(for engaging themselves for the eing in Swadeshi, Harijai-hift ,etc.) or that of
the "pro-changers" (for submer ves for the time being in constitutionalism),
to try rigorously to find out ans of the uncomfortable questions. These
seemed to be the f o l l o h g :
What were the grounds on classes, sections and communities could
stand together politically?
What should be done to ens m possible participation of the people in
a struggle for freedom?
What were the methods fo iling masses into the anti-imperialist
camp?
What precisely were the o anti-imperialist struggle should strive to
attain?
What approximately coul of Indian independence?
In other words, a search for an riate ideology that could serve as a guiding spirit
for the freedom struggle bega national movement. Socialism within the
Congress was born out of this intellectual and political exercise.
.
Check Your Progress 1
1 Name three important earl alist leaders who came into contact with socialist
ideas.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 ii) ..................................................................................................... IlldhnNs~Coayss-
S a W W Idcle:
iii) ..................................................................................................... Rok d Nebm snd Bosc

2 Why were the early Congress leaders hesitant in adopting Socialist ideas in India?
............................................................................................................

3 What problems did,the Congress face after the withdraw1 of Non-Cooperation

Movement?
............................................................................................................
............................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................

26.4 JAWAHARLAL NEHRU AND SOCIALISM

Among those who ponderedbver the future of India was young Jawaharlal Nehru, who
had already made his presenFe felt during the Non-Cooperation Movement. What is
more important, however, was that Jawaharlal had in the meantime gathered some
first-hand knowledge of the agrarian problems by working among the peasants of
Pratapgarh and Rae Bareli in U.P., during 1920-21. Though committed very loyally to
Gandhiji's leadership, Jawaharlal was critical of the leader's decision to withdraw the
Non-Cooperation Movement. H e also did not see eye to eye with either the "no-
changers" or the "pro-changers". H e felt disturbed by the growing communal bitterness
among Hindus, Muslims and, to an extent, among the Sikhs. During this stage of
perplexity and confusion, Jawaharlal got an opportunity in 1926 to go to Europe,
primarily for obtaining medical attention for his ailing wife, Kamala, in Switzerland.

26.4.1 Nehrp's Contact with Socialism

During this visit he got the chance to explore new world views in order to arrive at a
better appreciation of the freedom struggle in India. Nehru had already been familiar
with the ideas of Fabian Socialism from the time of his student days in Britain, but did
not know much about various other forms of Socialism, including Marxism. His
understanding of the relevance of Socialist outlook in the popular struggle against a
colonial power was still inadequate. From the point of view of political education,
therefore, Jawaharlal's one and a half years' sojourn in Europe proved to be very
significant both for his own development and the Congress Party's new orientation. In
Europe he came in contact with the political thinkers and movements, and was invited
to participate, as the representative of the Indian National Congress, in the
International Congress Against Colonial Oppression and Imperialism, held in Brussels
in February 1927. There he met the best exponents of the European radical tradition,
as well as a large number of delegates from China, Mexico and other Latin American,
African and Asian countries. The exchange of views and experiences deeply influenced
Jawaharlal, who was gppointed a member of the Executive Committee of the League
Against Imperialism and for National Independence - the organisation that the
Brussels Conference had set up. From this point onwards, Jawaharlal Nehru realised
how the development of European capitalism, which required raw materials for
industrial production and extensive markets for the finished goods, led to imperialism,
and how European capitalism had fattened on the exploitation of countries in Asia,
Africa and Latin America.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism:
-
The ieier War Years I1

Jawaharlal Nehru

26.4.2 Changes in Nehru's

As was the case in India, th had their native allies everywhere, and that was
the reason why freedom fr rule had to be organically combined with the
liberation of the poor fro diate internal oppressors. Henceforth, the
struggle for national ema e colonies of imperialist powers, which implied
more than the att independence in each case, also assumed in
Nehru's eyes a glob
reality a part and parcel nal campaign against a world-wide imperialist
system.
Along with others in th t Imperialism, Jawaharlal felt that this
campaign had received uragement from the success of the Russian
Revolution (1917), an ort from the growing strength of the Soviet
Union. In Novem
greatly impressed by s in government and social reconstruction
that were being mad rse, conscious of the differences between
the nation-building and retained his faith in Gandhiji's
leadership over nationalist in the efficiency of non-violent mass movements
against British impe ,he had drawn his lessons from the experience of
Russia and desired to make
returned to India
a Socialist.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 It could be conjectured, even in 1927-28, that with their acceptance by a leader of
Jawaharlal's national stature, the Socialist ideas were bound to exercise considerable
influence over the deliberations and activities of the Congress.
I

t 26.4.3 Impact on Domestic Politics

I The year 1927 witnessed a noisy debate developing within the Congress, as well as

/ outside it, among all shades of political opinion. This was helpful to Jawaharlal for the
assertion of his recently acquired radicalism. The point of debate was related to the
extent and character of Swaraj or self-government that the Congress and others were
struggling foi. It dramatically took precedence over all other issues in 1927 when the
British authorities decided to appoint a commission, consisting solely of British
members of Parliament, to consider, under the terms of the Government of India Act
of 1919, whether India was fit to receive a further instdment of constitutional
government. The "all-white" composition of this commission (the Simon Commission)
implied, apart from a crude display of racial arrogance, that the British did not find any
one anlong the Indian publicmen fit enough to serve in a body that would make
recommendation about India's political future. In the appointment of this commission
the British government had not only refused to listen to the Indian opinion on a subject
which concerned them most, it was also guilty of casting a slur on the competence of
Indians who were by implication viewed as unfit to make a constitution for themselves.
There was all-round condemnation of the British action all over India. In its Madras
1
1
session (December 1927), the Congress gave a call for the boycott of the Simon
Commission. The boycott, as the later events showed in 1928, was tumultuous even in
the face of brutal governmental repression. Jawaharlal and his associates in the
Congress contributed considerably to its success.
The visit of the Simon Commission had brought to the forefront the issue of the type of
constitution or the kind of independence that India should obtain for itself. By Swaraj
the Congress leaders had so far meant the Dominion Status for India (similar to the
position of self-governing Australia, New Zealand and South Africa) within the ambit
of British Empire. To Jawaharlal and men like him, the acceptance of Dominion Status
as the equivalent of independence of India appeared notonly to be a recognition of the
inevitability of British presence in India, but also a perpetuation of British imperialistic
exploitation of India almost through the backdoor. In the Madrassession in December
1927, Jawaharlal moved a resolution demanding real independence instead of the
mirage of Dominion Status.
However, the controversy actually came to a head when an All Parties Conference was
convened in February 1928 at the initiative of the Congress. It decided to set up a
committee headed by Motilal Nehru to draw up a constitution for India as an answer to
the challenge of Birkenhead (incapability of Indians to frame a constitution acceptable
to all parties). When the Nehru Committee actually proceeded with its work on the
basis of interpreting Indian independence in terms of the attainment of Dominion
Status. Jawaharlal had no alternative but to build up an opposition. In organising
resistance against the acceptance of Dominion Status, and gathering support for
complete independence or severence of all unequal political and economic ties with
Britain, he received the help, notably among oihers, of young Subhas Chandra Bose,
one of the Congress General Secretaries in 1928 like Jawaharlal.

Check Your Progress 2

1 How was Nehru influenced by Socialist ideas during his stay in Europe?
............................................................................................................

Kamesh Mechrocks
halivnalism: 2 How was India's freedom s t r u a r e l a t e d to the struggle against Imperialism the
-
The Inter War Years 11
World over?
........................................ ...............................................................
........................................ ...............................................................

Ill
26.5 SUBHAS C H A N D BOSE
~ AND SOCIALISM
Although different temperame bhas Chandra Bose had certain apparent
similarities with Jawaharlal. Bo m an upper middle class background, having
also received education abroa intellectuals by their own rights, and both
committed themselves to'the c nationalism. Inspired initially by the ideas
of Swami Vivekananda, who his sympathies for the oppressed and the
humiliated, Subhas was a pol ce his student days, and rose in popular
esteem when he rejected in ion in the coveted Indian Civil Service
after competing for it with olitical mentor not in Gandhiji, but in
Deshbandhu Chittaranjan Das e to realise in 1922 that India should secure
"the swaraj of the masses and n
Like Jawaharlal, Subhas wa wal of the Non-Cooperation
Movement, and was not abl hangers". Despite his joining the
"pro-changers" for some ti e of his loyalty to their chief
advocate in Bengal, C.R. ot with them. For a time after the
Non-Cooperation Move the civic affairs of Calcutta (as
uly and October 1924) as was Jawaharlal with
those of Allahabad (as Chairman
of his career Subhas appeared to
which disturbed Jawah id not get at this point the
opportunity that Jawaharlal had
coming into contact with the Soc
experimentations. Als ge which Jawaharlal had had to
a certain extent, of wo nd he remained mindful of their
aspirations only from a dista ith all his leftist leanings and radical
postures, Subhas was not as he Socialist ideas as Jawaharlal had
become. Another s that Subhas did not share
ship of the Congress, nor his
as a technique in anti-imperialist struggles. He
had, however, no di t of urgency for mass
mobilisation and PO endorsing Jawaharlal's anti-
imperialist views.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Indian National Congr~ss -
26.6 IMPETUS TO SOCIALISM IN THEORY AND sod.list Ideas:
~ Base
Role of N e h and
PRACTICE
It was in August 1928that Jawaharlal launched the Independence for India League as
a pressure group within the Congress. The aim behind this move was:
to counter the concept of Dominion Status,
to plead for complete independence of India from the British, and
to work for the establishment of an Indian republic on Socialist lines.
Subhas joined him in this venture, and they jointly moved in a resolution at the Calcutta
session of Congress (December 1928) to replace the Congress goal of "Dominion
Status" by "Complete Independence". They could only achieve limited success but
were able to generate awareness for this demand. The actual success came next year
when Jawaharlal became the President of the Congress and its Lahore session
(December 1929) adopted "Complete Independence" as the goal. With the hoisting of
the tri-coloured flag of independence by the Congress President in the midnight of 31
December 1929 in Lahore, and the nation-wide observance of the Independence Day
on 26 January 1930, the nationalist movement established fully its anti-imperialist
credentials. But the content of Complete Independence or the quality of independence
that the common man of free India should enjoy, was not adequately defined even at
this point.
However, the trend of thinking of leaders like Jawaharlal and Subhas and a large
number of their followers (who had already been calling themselves "leftist
Congressmen" vis-a-vis the more cautious and the less militant "rightist Congress
men") was not difficult to follow. It was quite apparent from the way Jawaharlal and
Subhas were communicating to the people in general and to the youth (through the
Youth League, the Hindusthani Seva Dal, the Naujawan Bharat Sabha and the
Volunteers' movement), the students (through the students' organisations and
conferences) and the workers (mainly through the All India Trade Union Congress
whose Presidentship was taken over by Jawaharlal in 1929 and Subhas in 1931) in
particular. Their exposure of the nature of imperialism, their concern for the toiling
people and their anxiety for ensuring social and economic justice stirred popular
imagination. Both Nehru and Bose were in prison when the massive Civil Disobedience
Movement was launched (Subhas from January to September 1930 and Jawaharlal
from April to October 1930), yet they contributed in their own ways to the expanding
social base of the agitation, and inspired people from various strata to take part in it.
Simultaneously, whether Jawaharlal and Subhas were inside the prison or out of it,
their own ideas were taking a definite shape.
This was more specifically true of Jawaharlal, whawas able to give an indication of the
kind of independence that the Congress must stand for. In his draft of the Fundamental
Rights that was adopted in the Karachi session of the Congress (March 1931),
Jawaharlal unequivocally stated: "In order to end the exploitation of the masses,
political freedom must include real economic freedom of the starving millions". He
went on to demand:
living wages for workers,
special taxes on property, and
the state control and ownership of key industries, mineral resources, railways,
waterways, shipping and other means of transport.
Personally, Jawaharlal was even willing to do away with the institution of private
property, which according to him, "gives dangerous powers to individuals over society
as a whole".
It was, however, not possible to carry with him in this matter many Congressmen, who
represented various sectional interests, to demand the abolition of landlordism and
distribution of land to the landless. Even as it stood, the content of the Fundamental
Rights and Economic Programme of 1931 should be regarded as an important step in
the march towards Congress Socialism.
As ardent anti-imperialists, both Jawaharlal and Subhas were unhappy at the
enactment of the Gandhi-Irwin compromise (March 1931), they did not expect anything
from the futile Congress participation in the Round Table Conference in London to
discuss constitutionalism (September to December 1931) and saw no point in the
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: formal withdrawal of the Civil dience Movement (May 1933). Subhas's
The Inter War Years - 11
frustration forced him in due question the ability of Gandhiji to lead the
Congress and the country, an for an alternative uncompromising leadership.
Jawaharlal's dissatisfaction led become more conscious of the pulls and pressures
that determined the Congres nd to realise the necessity for strengthening the
unity of the Congress under ularly acclaimed leader.

26.7 IMPACT ON TH ONGRESS POLICY

In the closing stage of the nce Movement, while Jawaharlal renewed his
interest in the agitation ntry (in Allahabad, Rae Bareli, Etawah,
Unnao and Kanpur), S around the working class movement. Both,
however, continued to exerc nfluence over the youth, the students and the
under-privileged, ards a radical militant temper. This eventually
facilitated the for ocialist Party (May 1934) within the
framework of the Congress orga . Jawaharlal in fact was the moving spirit
behind this new lin has, however, took part in it, although both
drew its support on vit f jail,and visiting Europe in between (Subhas
from 1933 to 1936 and again in arlal in 1936 and 1938), Subhas and
Jawaharlal expounded their vie has confined himself progressively,
to the discussions on t a's struggle for freedom, looking for new
styles and strategies to in ent for a show-down with the
authorities. Jawaharlal w he acceleration of anti-imperialist
struggle in India. At t necessity for mingling it with the
socio-economic stru . He favoured making suitable changes
with the changing international
To attain success against B ism, Jawaharlal continued to advocate that it
was incumbent on a national or like the Congress to mobilise all sections of
people, more so the vast ing to the lower strata. Unless the causes of
these people were espoused immediate oppressors -who were in league
with imperialism, neither the sible mass mobilisation could be realised nor
could the distinction of ca s and community be transcended. For fulfilling
this essential condition of succes ti-imperialist people's struggle, it was also
necessary for the Congress to ha ue-print of the future of an independent,
liberated and secular India. The ess, therefore should commit itself:
to the elections on the basis
e a Constituent Assembly for d itution to guarantee the rights and
privileges of all Indians,
to the eradication of long-sta onomic injustices, and
the achievement of economi odern industrial lines.
All these, Jawaharlal felt, must plished in the Indian context through national
consensus, and not amidst civil s. In other words, Jawaharlal continuously
pleaded for the adoption of the les of Democratic Socialism in India, and he
eventually succeeded in influe ongress to take a pro-Socialist turn.
ent in the Lucknow (December 1935) and the
Faizpur (December 193 harlal elaborated his Socialist ideas with greater
es he made, the discussions he held and the
resident, he had often to put up with the views
of the non-Socialist (and i-Socialist) majority in the Working
Committee, accept rever , on the issue of acceptance of office by the
Congress following the el nder the Act of 1935) and tolerate sabotages
(for example, the way hi s contact" with the Muslims got torpedoed).
aking significant advances:
on the agrarian question (by co uting to the formulation of a liberal Faizpur
Congress Agrarian Programme
on the issue of constitution (by ighting the demand for an elected Constituent
Assembly),
on the question of civil libertie rdering the Congress provincial ministries to
release all political prisoners),
Kamesh Mechrocks
 on responsible government (by championing the cause of the Praja Mandal Indian National Congms-
SodPli Idofs:
movement in the Indian States against the tyranny of their rulers), and, R d c of N e h and
~ Boer
on the world-wide campaign against Fascism, the wont form of imperialism (by
taking the side of "forces of progress" in the Spanish Civil War, by protesting against
the Italian attack on Ethiopia and by organising relief for China when it was attacked
by Japan).
Comparatively, Subhas's tenure as the Congress President, following his election in the
Haripura session (February 1938), was not so attractive from the ideological point of
view, and his seeking re-election for the Congress Presidentship next year sharply
divided the Congress into the "leftist" and the "rightist" camps. Subhas nevertheless
left his Socialistic mark on the Congress by laying emphasis on the industrialisation of
India and planned economic growth on the Soviet pattern. He was in fact instrumental
in the formation of a National Planning Committee of the Congress under Jawaharlal's
chairmanship.
By the end of the 1930s, the thoughtful and the forward-looking among the
Congressmen appeared to have resolved most of the questions that perplexed them in
the aftermath of the Non-Cooperation Movement or throughout the latter half of the
1920s. On the threshhold of the 1940smany of them seemed to know those whom they
had to fight in the anti-imperialist struggle. They appeared to have identified the
manner in which the anti-imperialist struggle had to rise above all sectional
considerations of class and creed by emphasising the actual sufferings of the people.
They seemed to know how the struggle must be escalatedand strengthened by rallying
all the victims of the imperialist rule, especially the toiling people. But more
importantly, they seemed also to have caught a glimpse of the destination to which the
anti-imperialist struggle should take them. The gradual understanding of all these
crucial points, and the consequent process of radicalisation of the national movement,
owed substantially to the vision and exertion of Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Chandra
Bose.

Check Your Progress 3

1 Why was Independence for India League launched?

2 Which sections of Indian Society attracted special attention of Bose and Nehru after
1927?

3 How did the socialist views of Nehru and Bose influence the Congress policies?

Kamesh Mechrocks
N.thm.liam:
-
The later wpr Y u m 11

26.8 LET US SUM UP 1

In this Unit, you have read ab e and spread of Socialist ideas in the
Indian political mainstream. You se ideas did not acquire prominence
within the Congress for ma ith the intervention of young leaders
like Jawaharlal Nehru and Su cialist ideas received impetus, and
influenced the programme and the Congress. You also saw how
Nehru's ventures to push forwa ist ideas did not always find favour with some
of the prominent Congressmen, to them; and prevented the
orientation of the Congress t ction. To sum up, the importance of
these ideas and the efforts ofpe e Nehru and Bose should not be judged by their
ultimate success or failure, but r influence and the sincerity and commitment
with which they were pursu

Dominion Status: Self governmen der the formal supervision of the colonial power.
Fabian Socialism: In its underst Socialism was not an alternative to the present
socio-economic system but was ary to make society more liberal for which they
laid emphasis on peaceful mean
No-changers: That section of ss leadership which was in favour of the Council
boycott and opposition to
Praja Mondal Movement: People vement in Princely Indian States demanding
democratic set up.
Prochanger: That section of Con ss leadership which supported the Swarajist
programmes.

Check Your Progress 1 !I!

1 You should mention the l e a d e d i h o have been discussed in Section 26.2
2 The early leaders were appre e because they thought that adopting Socialism
would create class antagonis ia and may weaken national movement. Also
see Section 26.2.
3 After the sudden withdrawal Non-Cooperation Movement there was general
disappointment and a com de. Also read Section 26.3.

Check Your Progress 2

1 During his stay abroad Nehru icipated in a number of conferences and met
Socialist activists. For details
2 The struggle against imperiali 11 parts of the world was directed against colonial
exploitation. In this sense In edom struggle was also a part of this. Also read
Sub-sec. 26.4.2 and 26.4.3.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Check Your Progress 3 Indian National Congress -
Socialist Ideas:
I 1 Independence for India League was launched to oppose the concept of Dominion Role of Nehm and Bow
, Status, to plead for complete independence and establishment of Indian Republic.
See Section 26.6.
II 2 After 1927 the students, youth and workers attracted the attention of Nehru & Bose.
t See Section 26.6.
3 Nehm and Bose influenced the Congress in taking stands on agrarian question, civil
I liberties and opposing Fascism. Also read Section 26.7.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 27 GRO F THE LEFT:
ARTY OF
THE CONGRESS

Structure
27.0 Objectives
27.1 Introduction
1

27.3 Formation of the ia and its Early History

27.3.1 M.N.Rov

27.3.3 M.N.Roy at Tas

27.3.4 Early Communis
27.3.5 Formation of the

27.5 Communist Influence on

27.6 Meerut Conspiracy Case
27.7 Formation of the Congre
27:7.1 The Early Socialists
27.7.2 Brief Sketches of the Ear
27.7.3 Towards All India Congr
27.8 The Program
27.9 The Impact of the Congre alists' Programme upon National Politics
27.10 Let Us Sum Up
27.11 Key Words

27.0 OBJECTIVES
rlFI
After reading this unit you will
the historical background of ce of left in India
explain the ideology and pro f the leftist parties and groups in India during
the freedom struggle, and
show to what extent the left ced the socio-political life of India in the
pre-independence era.

/,I '
27.1 INTRODUCTION
Before going into the history oft ement in India, let us discuss the historical
and ideological significance of t '. During the period of the French
revolution, in the National Asse France, there were three groups -a
conservative group which supp arch and nobility and did not want to
reduce their powers, a liberal ted limited ieforms in the government,
and a radical group which wan s in the system of government, such as
the adoption of a constitution the powers of monarch. Within the
assembly the conservatives sat on ide of the speaker, the radicals sat to his
left, and the liberals sat in the cen then, in the political vocabulary, the word
'Left' has been used to mean ovements which stand for radical
reforms in the government a omic order keeping in mind the
interests of the unprivileged and o d sections of the society. The word 'Right' on
the other hand is used to mean suc s which are opposed m change in the existing
system of government and s ic order because of their own stakes. Those
who stand for limited changes in o-economic and political system are known as
Centrists. Left is generally cons o be synonymous with socialism, because
Kamesh Mechrocks
socialism is an ideology which aims at the upliftment of the toiling workers and Grorrth of Lcn:Cormnunla1Pwly
of I d a md Coogrrss
protecting them from exploitation by their employers, i.e.,the capitalists. Soewist Party

In Unit 12 you have already learnt how socialism originated and grew in Europe as a
result of the Industrial Revolution. You have also been told about Karl Marx's theory
of socialism, his economic interpretation of history, his doctrine of Class Struggle and
his idea of a classless society. You have also learnt (in Unit 14) how Lenin applied
Marx's theory in Russia and established a dictatorship of the Proletariat in that country.
It has also been pointed out (in Unit 26) how within the Congress leaders like
Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose subscribed to the socialist ideology. In this
unit we shall discuss the formation and the programmes of the Communist Party of
India and the Congress Socialist Party.

27.2 HOW THE LEFTIST MOVEMENT GREW IN INDIA

The Leftist movement originated and grew in India as a result of the development of
modem industries and the impact of socialist movements in other countries like Great
Britain and Russia. As a result of the industrial development in certain places like
Bombay, Calcutta and Madras, large and concentrated working populations came into
existence. Gradually the workers started organising themselves to demand better
working conditions and higher wages. This led to the emergence of trade unions. The
growth of the Trade Union Movement in India will be discussed in greater detail in
Unit 28. But here we would like to tell you that the growth of Trade Unionism prepared
the ground for the formation of the Leftist parties.
In Unit 14 you have already read about the successful Socialist Revolution in Russia.
In 1919, under the auspices of the Communist government of Soviet Union an
international organisation of the Communist parties of different countries was
established. This organisation was known as the Third Communist International, as
two similar organisations had been formed earlier. It aimed at bringing about
Communist revolutions and establishing governments of the working class all over the
world.
Till the end of the First World War, workers' strikes in the Indian industries were a rare
phenomena and the workers were not politically conscious. From the end of the First
World War onwards there were frequent strikes in the industries and a large number of
trade unions were formed. The large-scale unrest of the workers at the end of the First
World War was mainly due to the rise in prices caused by the War, and unwillingness
of the employers to raise the wages. While demanding economic benefits the workers
also became conscious of their political role. In cities like Bombay the workers
organised strikes against the repressive Rowlatt Act. The nationalist leaders also
became keenly interested in the working class movement. Tlle first session of the All
India Trade Union Congress was held at Bombay in October 1920 under the
presidentship of the nationalist leader, Lala Lajpat Rai.
Against this background let us discuss the history of the leftist parties in India.

27.3 FORMATION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF

INDIA AND ITS EARLY HISTORY
Having seen the success of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia, and the formation of
the Communist International, some Indian revolutionaries and intellectuals, working
within and outside India, contemplated the formation of a Communist Party in India.
It was M.N. Roy (Manabendra Nath Roy) who first formed the Communist Party of
India outside India in Tashkent under the auspices of the Communist International in
1920.

27.3.1 M.N. Roy

The original name of Manabendra Nath Roy was Narendranath Bhattacharya. He was
born on 6 February 1889in a poor Brahmin family of the Urbalia village of 24 Parganas

Kamesh Mechrocks
 district of Bengal. Early in li evolutionary terrorist. He received his
education in the National Un , founded by Aurobindo Ghosh. During the First
World War he was engaged in d revolt in India with the help of
German arms. While pursui a revolutionery he travelled through many
countries -Malay, Indone a, Philippines, Japan, Korea, China and
U.S.A. He landed in the ci isco in the summer of 1916. In U.S.A. he
changed his name to Mana y. During his stay in U.S.A., he studied
Marxist literature. Gradua nationalism towards international
communism. After U.S. First World War on the side of Allied Powers,
i.e.,Great Britain and Fran safe to remain there any longer. He went
to Mexico. There he came Russian Communist emissary, Michael
Borodin. Roy became erted to communism and helped
Borodin to organise th From Mexico he went to Moscow
at the call of Lenin, th

27.3.2 M.N. Roy-Lenin De#e

At Moscow he attended t ngress of the Communist International, held in
July-August 1920. This C ing to formulate the policy of Communist
International with regard to ial countries, i.e.,the countries of Asia, ruled by
the European Powers. Lenin in such countries the communists should extend
active support to the rev ments carried on by the bourgeois (middle
classes, i.e. ,propertied c ) nationalists against the foreign
imperialistic governments. He hat nationalists like Mahatma Gandhi
who were carrying a movemen st the British imperialist government were
- progressives. But Roy h is nationalists were reactionaries (opposed
to progress), and th Id carry on their struggle against
imperialism indepen parties of workers and peasants. As a result of
-.. the insistence of Roy, t of the Communist International modified
the view of Lenin in th ile extending support to "revolutionary
national bourgeoisie" in the against imperialism, the Communists would carry
on their struggle inde lliance between workers and peasants.

27.3.3 M.N. Roy at ~ a s h k 4

14. M.S ROY In October 1920, M.N. Roy ent, a place in Soviet Russia, not very far
from Afghanistan. There he ilitary school for training the Indian frontier
tribes for the purpose of armed inst the British Government, and also formed
the Communist Party of India. munist Party of India was affiliated to the
Communist International in e meantime, being disgusted with the British
Government's hostility towa n of Turkey (who was the Caliph or the
religious head of the Muslims) nds of Muslim Mujahirs (pilgrims) joined Roy at
Tashkent. There they took les the newly established military School. As this
school was closed in May 192 rs went to join the Communist University of
the Toilers of the East at Mosco e they received training in the ideas of Marx and
Lenin.
After getting training at Mosco Mujahirs returned to India. On their return they
were caught by the police a for trial to Peshawar. This trial is known as the
Peshawar Conspiracy Case ( As a result of the trial, two prominent Mujahirs
- Mian Muhammad Akbar Gawhar Rahman Khan were sentenced to two
years' rigourous imprisonmen e rest to one year's hard labour.

27.3.4 Early Communist

In the meantime, the revoluti
dltbPS
like Virendra Nath Chattopadhyay,
Bhupendranath Dutt, a who were working outside India became
converts to Marxism, a some Communist groups also emerged. Some
Non-cooperators turned m after the suspension of the Non-Cooperatior,
Movement by Mahatm
In Bombay a Communis nised by Shripad Amrit Dange. Dange was
born in October 1899in a Marat min family of Nasik. His father was a clerk in a
Solicitor's~irm.He was e n College. When Gandhi launched the Non-
Cooperation Movement, inued his studies and joined it. Soon after the

Kamesh Mechrocks
 d Len: Communist Party
of India and Congress
Socialist Party

Kamesh Mechrocks
 ......

~atks.llarn: Meanwhile M.N. Roy wa

-
Tbc later War Y F Y ~II
secret emissaries. On 2nd
ontact with the Communists in India through,
1922 M.N. Roy wrote a letter to Dange, outlining
the plan of a dual organis Communist Party of India. Roy suggested the
formation of a public org
The early Indian Communists it difficult to form an all-India organisation
because ~f the British Govern hostility towards them. In 1924, the British
Government started a conspi gainst the four leading Communists -Muzaffar
Ahmad, S.A. Dange, Shauk and Nalini Gupta. The Government alleged
that these Communists had " a branch of a revolutionary organisation

known as Communist Inter th the object of depriving the British King-

Emperor of the Sovereig India. This case is known as the Cawnpore
Conspiracy Case, as the t took place in Cawnpore. During the trial
Dange claimed the right to p in India, as it had been allowed in other
parts of the British Empir ritain. As a result of this trial Dange, Ahmad,
Usmani and Gupta were ur years' ri,gourous imprisonment in May 1924.

27.3.5 Formation of the In

In September 1924, at Caw
I n Communist Party

provisional constitution of the party. This

pendence and reorganisation of Indian society
1 of means of production and distribution
of wealth "in the interests of

who had been released ference met under the presidency of

Singaravelu Chettier. The Ca nference is regarded as the formal beginning
of the Communist Party of In meeting the Central Committee of the Party
ergarhatta as the Joint Secretaries.
Towards the end of 1926 t of the Communist Party of India was
published. Meanwhile, the Ce ittee of the Communist Party held a number
of secret sessions for working y's programme. From 1925, the British
Communists started comi ganizing the Indian Communist Movement.
In 1928 two members of arty of India were elected as alternative
members of the Executive of the Communist International in its sixth
Congress. In 1930 the Part lly affiliated to the Communist International..
The infant Communist Move a had some drawbacks:
It suffered from paucity of fu
The British Government was stile towards the Communist Party of India
because of its revolutionary c and affiliatior?with the Communist
International,
There was paucity of cadres, a
The privileged upper strata ociety opposed Communism.

Check Your Progress 1

1 Give an account of the Com a from 1920to 1925. What were
the drawbacks of this Move

Kamesh Mechrocks
2 Write short notes on the following personalities: '- Growth d LcR. Communist Party
d India and Congress
i) M.N. Roy Saeinllst Parry

............................................................................................................
ii) S.A. Dange

............................................................................................................
iii) Muzaffar Ahmad

............................................................................................................
iv) Singaravelu Chettier -

.............................................................................................................
v) Satyabhakta

3 i) Who wrote the book, Gandhi vs. Lenin?

ii) Who edited the journal The Socialist?

27.4 FORMATION OF WORKERS' AND

PEASANTS' PARTIES
In spite of the obstacles, the Communist Movement gained momentum. In 1927 in
Bombay and the Punjab the Workers' and Peasants' parties were formed. These parties
attempted to propagate their ideology and programme through the use of press:
The Bombay Workers' and Peasants' Party brought out a Maratha weekly, entitled
Kranti (Revolution).
The Punjab Workers' and Peasants' Party brought out an Urdu weekly, called
Mihnatkash (Worker).
A Workers' and Peasants' party was also formed at Meerut in a conference, held in
October 1928. This conference was attended by the British Communist, Philip Spratt.
The conference passed resolutions, demanding:
national independence, abolition of princely order,
recognition of workers' right to form trade unions,
abolition of Zamindari,
land for the landless peasants,
establishment of agricultural banks,
eight-hour working day, and
minimum wages for industrial workers.

Kamesh Mechrocks
N.tioa;llism: In December 1928, an all-Indi rence of workers' and peasants' parties was held
The lntcr W w Years - Il
at Calcutta under the president Sohan Singh Josh. Here three major decisions
were taken:
i) This Conference formed a 1Executive Committee, comprising leading
Communists.
ii) The Conference emphasiz ternational character of the Communist
movement and the need liation of the Communist Party of India with
international organisatio gue against Imperialism and the Communist
International.
iii) This Conference asked the unists to carry on their movement independently
instead of identifying th th "the so-called bourgeois leadership of the
Congress".

27.5 COMMUNIST I ~ U E N C E
ON TRADE UNIONS
IQrl
In the meantime the Comm d their influence over the Trade Union
Organisations by leading the w rikes. The Communists played a prominent
role in the Railway Workshop trikes of February and September 1927 at
Kharagpur. Their influence sed over the Bombay Textile Mill workers.
From April to October 1928 t orkers of Bombay carried on massive strikes,
protesting against the wage-c trikes, the Communist Girni Kamgar Union
played the most prominent role. as a tremendous increase in the strength of this
Trade Union in 1928. By Decem its strength went up to 54,000 members, while
the Bombay Textile Labour y the veteran liberal trade unionist N.M. Joshi
had only 6,749 members.
The strikes in industries ass ing proportions in 1928. During that year 31.5
million working days were It of the strikes. The Government held the
Communists responsible e industries. The Government, therefore,
planned measures for cur ties. In January 1929, the Viceroy Lord Irwin
declared in his speech before th ral Legislative Assembly: "The disquieting
spread of Communist doctrines causing anxiety". On 13 April 1929 the
Viceroy proclaimed the dinance for the purpose of deporting the
subversive elements. Simult the Trade Disputes Act was passed. This Act
introduced tribunals for sett workers' problems and practically banned such
strikes which "coerced" or caused hardship to the people.

31 Communists on 14 March quently one more was arrested. These

Communists were tried at M charge of conspiracy against His Majesty's

Special Duty under the Director Bureau, Home Department,

Government of India). It was alle

conspiracy".
The Meerut Conspiracy case agai
India. Mahatma Gandhi describe

Kamesh Mechrocks
 instead of being a set-back for the Communist Movement, made heroes and martyrs
I out of the Communists. In their defence speeches before the court, the "accused
I Communists" made such statements which appealed to the anti-British sentiments of
L the nation and raised the dignity of the Communist Movement. For example in his
i
I
statement to the court, Radharaman Mitra, said:
This is a case which will have political and historical significance. It is not
merely a case launched in the ordinary course of its duties by the Police against
31 criminals. It is an episode in the class struggle. It is launched and conducted
as part of a definite political policy. It is an attempt on the part of the British
Imperialist Government of India to strike a blow at the force which it
recognizes as the real enemy which will ultimately bring about its overthrow,
which has already taken up an attitude of irreconcilable hostility towards it and
has already shown a very menacing strength.
In 1934 the Communists renewed their militant trade union activities. There were
strikes at Sholapur, Nagpur and Bombay. The Government became panicky, and,
finding it difficult to tackle the Communists, banned the Communist Party of India on
23 July 1934. Thereafter many of the Communists camed on their activities within the
Indian National Congress and the newly formed Congress Socialist Party. The
Communist Party continued to function underground.

Check Your Progress 2

1 Why and how did the British Government try to suppress the Communist Party of
India?

" 2 The Meerut Conspiracy case infact helped the Communist cause. Comment.

27.7 FORMATION OF THE CONGRESS SOCIALIST

PARTY
The Communists camed on their activities more or less independent of the Indian
National Congress, but within the Congress a considerable section was drawn towards
the Socialist or Communist ideology and sought to work out a Socialist programme
through the Congress. Among this section there were leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru,
Subhas Chandra Bose, Jaya Prakash Narayan, Acharya Narendra Dev, Achyut
Patwardhan, and Ram Manohar Lohia.

27.7.1 The Early Socialists

In 1934, after the suspension of the Civil Disobedience Movement, a section of
Congressmen decided to enter into the legislatures to work for the Congress cause
within the government. Mahatma Gandhi endorsed the line of action, adopted by these
Congressmen who were known as the Constitutionalists.
At this stage some socialists wanted to form a socialist party within the Congress
organisation so as to prevent the erosion of the revolutionary character of the Congress
by entry into the legislatures. The Socialists within the Congress believed in Marxist

Kamesh Mechrocks
 -

ideas like the Communists. But re two basic differences between the Congress
Socialists and the Communists:
i) First, while the Congress So owed their allegince to the Indian National
Congress, the Communists owe alleginance to the Communist International.
ii) Secondly the Congress Soci e nationalists, the Communists at the same
time also believed in the goal national Communist society.
The Congress Socialists join e bourgeois democratic forces within the
Congress for carrying on th nal liberation with the help of workers,
peasants and petty bourgeoisie.
The Congress Socialists wa ad base for the Congress organisation by
bringing into it the worker They held that the workers and the
peasants should take part ational liberation. They believed in the
efficacy of such technique nd peasants' agitation for the attainment
of freedom from foreign cialists believed in class struggle and
stood for abolition of capitali and princely states. They wanted to
incorporate radical socio-eco s for the uplift of toiling masses into the
Congress Party's programme.
In the early thirties Soci rmed by the leftist Congressmen in
provinces like Bihar, U.P., Bo the Punjab. In 1933 in Nasik jail some young
Socialists such as Ja , Achyut Patwardhan, M.R. Masani, N.G.
Gore, Ashok Meht .L. Dantwala floated the idea of forming a
Socialist Party within the Co anisation. In April 1934 at Banaras,
Sampurnananda published a in which he stressed the need for the formation
of an all-India Socialist ngress. Such a wing, he held, would
counter-act the influen
The Congress Socialist ss. They were influenced
by the ideas of Marx,
simultaneously practi
democracy of the West.

27.7.2 Brief Sketches of the#rly Socialists

Jaya Prakash Narayan, the fore der of the Congress Socialists, was born in 1902
in Bihar. In 1921 he discontinu in a Patna college to join the Non-
cooperation movement. e went to the United States of America for
receiving university education. he earned his livelihood by doing manual work
and continued his studies. In U. e came in contact with Communists and became
a Marxist. While returning fro ., he found that the Indian Communists were
taking orders from the Comm rnational at Moscow. Though he appreciated
the Bolshevik Revolution of the success of Communism in the country, he
did not like the idea of India sts acting under orders from Moscow.
Returning to India, he joined t ess party in 1929. In 1930 he was made the
President of the Labour artment of the Congress. His wife, Prabhabati
was a staunch follower of Gand a Prakash published a book, entitled Why
Socialism? in which he s e of socialism for India.
Yusuf Meherally was born in ous business family of Bombay. He was'
influenced by the writings of baldi and by the Sinn Fein Movement of
Ireland and the Chinese an ons. In 1928 he organised the Bombay
Provincial Youth League whic ctive part in organising demonstration against
the Simon Commission and in 1Disobedience movement.
Achyut Patwardhan was born o Theosophist father in 1905. He was educated at
the Banaras Hindu University. completing his education, for sometime, he
served as a University lecturer sited Europe. He joined the Civil Disobedience
Movement and was sentenced sonment in Nasik jail. Patwardhan was
profoundly influenced by the and Theosophical ideas.
Ashok Mehta was born in 1911 a lapur. His father was a prominent Gujarati
literateur. He was educated at t bay University. He joined the Civil
Disobedience Movement and nced to imprisonment in Nasik jail. For a
number of years he edited the jo of the. congress Socialist Party, entitled Congress
Socialist.

Kamesh Mechrocks
M.R. Masani was born in a rich and learned family in Bombay. He studied at the Growth of Len: c-un~st party
of ladla lad Coagrra~
London School of Economics. He was influenced by Fabian Socialism, British Labour Sodllbt m y
movement and the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia.
Acharya Narendra Dev was born in 1889in Uttar Pradesh. His father was a lawyer. In
the early part of his life he was influenced by the extremist nationalists like Bal
Gangadhar Tilak, Lala Har Dayal and Aurobindo. After the Bolshevik Revolution he
turned to Marxism. He attached importance to the role of peasantry in the nationalist
as well as the socialist movement. So he devoted himself to the orgnisation of peasantry
in Uttar Pradesh. He also valued the role of middle class intellectuals in the socialist
movement. He proved himself to be a great exponent of Marxism and at the same time
supported Gandhi's constructive activity.
Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia was born in a nationalist Manvari family of Uttar Pradesh in
1910. He was educated at Banaras (Hindu), Calcutta and Berlin universities. He took
his doctorate in Political Economy from the ~ e r l i University.
n After his return to India,
Jawaharlal Nehru put him incharge of the Foreign Affairs Department of the All India
Congress Committee. Lohia was influenced by the Social Democratic ideas of Europe
and the Gandhian ideas. He did not believe in Marxism or Communism. He founded a
journal, entitled, Congress Socialist, which later on became the official organ of the
Congress Socialist Party.

27.7.3 Towards an All India Congress Socialist Party

The first All-India Congress Socialists' Conference was convened at Patna by Jaya
Prakash Narayan on behalf of the Bihar Socialist party in May 1934. The Conference
was presided by Acharya Narendra Dev. In his presidential speech, Narendra Dev
criticized the new Swarajist section of Congressmen who wanted to enter the
legislatures and thereby run counter to the revolutionary character of the Congress..He
asked the socialists to carry on their agitation for the adoption of their programme by
the Congress. The Conference passed a resolution asking the Congress to adopt a
programme that was socialist in action and objective.
After this Conference the Congress Socialists worked hard to organise the All-Idia
Congress Socialist party. As the Organising Secretary, Jaya Prakash Narayan
campaigned in different parts of the country to organise the provincial wings of the
party.
The first annual session of the All-India Congress Socialist party was held in Bombay
in October 1934 under the presidentship of Sampurnananda. It was attended by
delegates from thirteen provinces. In this meeting the National Executi'ie of the
Congress Socialist party was constituted with Jaya Prakash Narayan as the General
Secretary.

Check Your Progress 3

1 Trace the circumstances leading to the formation of the Congress Socialist Party in
1934.

2 What were the basic differences between the Communist Party of India and the
Congress Socialist Party?

Kamesh Mechrocks
The Congress Socialist Party a a constitution which outlined the following
programme of action:
i) To work for the acceptanc Congress Socialist Party programme by the
Indian National Congress,
ii) To organise the workers a easants for their own economic uplift as well as
for carrying on the movem e achievement of independence and socialism,
iii) To organise Youth Leagues Organisation and Volunteer Organisations
and secure their support for Socialist Party's programme,
iv) To resist any attempt on t of the British Government to involve India in
imperialist wars, and to crises for the intensification of the freedom
struggle,
v) To resist any negotiation wi e British Government on constitutional issues.
The meeting at Bombay adopt amme as the blueprint of a
Socialist society in India, cont
1 Transfer of all power to th
2 Development of the econo f the country to be planned and controlled by
the state,
3 Socialization of key indust teel, cotton, jute, railways, shipping,
plantations, mines), Insuran Public Utilities, with a view to the progressive
socialisation of the instrume roduction, distribution and exchange,
4 State monopoly of foreign
5 Organisation of cooperati ties for production, distribution and credit in the
unorganised sector of t
6 Abolition with compensa rinces and landlords and all other classes of
exploiters,
7 Redistribution of land a
8 The state was to encourage 4control co-operative and collective farming,
9 Liquidation of debts owne asants and workers,

!"
10 Reco ition of the right t
11 "Toe ery one according t
econo ic goods,
r maintenance by the State,
s" is to be the basis ultimately of distribution of

T"
12 Adult franchise which shall
13 The State shall neither su
functional basis,
discriminate between religions nor recognize
any di tinction based on
f
14 The S ate shall not discri
15 Repudiation of the so-ca
I
The ~ o r n b session
a~ adopted te programmes for the workers' and peasants
uplift. Fot workers the deman : freedom to form trade unions and the right to go
living wage, forty- ek, and, insurance against unemployment,
ccident and old age.
abolition of landlordism, encouragement of
P
For the p asants the demand
cooperat' e farming, exempt
reduction of land revenue an
rents and taxes on uneconomic holdings,
n of feudal levies.
~ n d e ~ e n d e n(freedo
ce ule) and socialism were the twin objectivesof the
Congress Socialist Party. e of attainment of independence the Congress
Socialists joined hands w list and non-socialist forces within the
Congress. Jaya Prakash N "Our work within Congress is governed by the
policy of developing it into rialist body". He also warned his co-workers
9
early in 1 35: "Nothings
elements and drive the
ich may antagonise the genuinely nationalist
h the compromise-seeking right wing."

f
But as th ultimate objective
society i 1ndia;the Congres
programme by the Indian Na
ngress Socialists was to establish a Socialist
s also worked to secure the acceptance of their
gress. Acharya Narendra Dev in his presidential
speech in the first all-India cialists Conference said that the Congress

Kamesh Mechrocks
Socialists should carry on their "endeavour to influence the Nationalist Movement in Glmrcb ofLen:Communist Party
o f h d L d Congma
the direction of socialism." sae~nlyparty

The Congress Socialists followed three lines of activities for the attainment of the twin
objectives of freedom and socialism:
1 Inside the Congress they worked out anti-imperialist and nationalist programmes of
the Congress as Congressmen,
2 Outside the Congress they mobilised the workers, peasants, students, intelligentsia,
youth and women for the cause of socialism,
3 They also sought to integrate the above two lines of activities.
The Congress Socialists sought to mobilise the workers and peasants for their economic
amelioration as well as the country's liberation from foreign rule.

27.9 THE IMPACT OF THE CONGRESS SOCIALISTS'

PROGRAMME UPON NATIONAL POLITICS
There was a mixed reaction among the Congressmen to the formation of the Congress
Socialist party. The conservative or Right Wing Congressmen criticized the Congress
Socialists "loose talk" about the confiscation of property and class war. Mahatma
Gandhi also rejected their idea of class war. Gandhi did not believe in the necessity of
the abolition of princely order, zamindary and capitalism. He wanted to bring about a
change of heart in the princes, zamindars and capitalists so that instead of considering
themselves the owners of the states, zarnindaries and factories they should behave as
the trustees for their subjects, tenants and workers.
But the leftist Congressmen like Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose
welcomed the formation of the Congress Socialist Party, though neither Nehru nor
Bose joined the party. In the annual session of the Congress, held at Lucknow in April
1936, in his presidential speech Nehru espoused the cause of socialism. He said:
I see no way of ending the poverty, vast unemployment, degradation and
subjection of the Indian people except through socialism. That involves vast
revolutionary changes in our political and social structure, ending vested
interests in the land and industry as well as the feudal autocratic Indian states
system. That means ending private property except in a restricted sense and
replacement of the present profit system by the higher ideals of cooperative
service.
In 1936 Nehru inducted three Congress Socialists - Narendra Dev, Jaya Prakash
Narayan and Achyut Patwardhan into the Congress Working Committee, besides
another leftist, Subhas Chandra Bose. The Faizpur session of the Indian National
Congress, held towards the close of 1936under the presidentship of Jawaharlal Nehru,
adopted an agrarian programme, containing such items as reduction of revenue,
abolition of feudal dues and levies, introduction of cooperative farming, living wage for
the agrarian labourers and formation of peasant unions. In the meantime the Congress
Labour Committee asked the Congress ministries, formed in the provinces in 1937, for
adopting measures for safeguarding and promoting the interests of workers.
The Congress Socialists played an important role in the Kisan (peasant) movement.
Through the efforts of Prof. N.G. Ranga, Indulal Yagnik, and Swami Sahajanand
Saraswati the All-India Kisan Sabha was organised. The first All-India Kisan Congress
met at Lucknow in 1936. The Kisan organisations demanded the abolition of
zamindary, reduction of land tax, and collective affiliation to Congress. The Congress
Socialists changed the Congress Party's policy from aloofness to closer involvement in
the affairsof princely states. The Congress socialist activists also took part in the
democratic movements of the people in the princely states against their autocratic
rulers. They agitated for civic rights and responsible government.

Check Your Progress 4

1 What were the two main objectives of the Congress Socialist Party?
............................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................
Kamesh Mechrocks
 .................................... ......................................................
.................................... ...............................................................
\

.................................... ................................................................
What kind of impact did the ess Socialist's Programme have on the nationalist
politics?
.........a*......................... ................................................................
.................................... ................................................................
.................................... ................................................................
.................................... ................................................................
.................................... ................................................................

this movement owes its ori the development of modem industries,

Working Class Movement,
other countries, particularly t

1928 the Communist led Girni Kamgar union

Communist party of India was d by the British Government.

Although the Indian National n middle class and basically
aimed at the liberation of the important section of
Congressmen also aimed a. In 1934 some leftist
Congressmen like Jaya Pra nd Acharya Narendra Dev formed the
Congress Socialist party ngress. The Congress Socialists
simultaneously camed on ndependence from foreign rule and
establishment of a socialis nised the movement of the workers and
peasants. They camed on ncely order, landlordism
and capitalism. Their mov rogrammes for the uplift
of workers and peasants

27.11 KEY WORDS w

l
Bourgeoisie: Middle Class; re propertied Classes, capitalists, industrialists,
merchants, and intelligentsia. bourgeoisie means lower middle class.
CPpit.Uwn: An economic sy sed on individual ownership of means of
production and private enterp
Cornmu- The doctrine m, propounded by Karl Marx.
C W Struggle: Karl Marx pr ed the view that human history is the history of
class struggle between privile unprivileged classes. He predicted that as a result
of the class struggle betwee alists and the workers, the workers would be
victorious and establish a d of the Proleteriat.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Fascism: A political doctrine which is opposed to the democratic concept of government crowth d m Communls( Party
of Indln and Con-
by the majority and the Communist Concept of Class Struggle. It believes in strong rule W d b t Party
by a dictator.
Fabian Socialism: It refers to a school of socialism in England, which believes in the
realisation of socialism by slow and gradual methods.
Liberal: One who believes in democracy.
Proletariat: Have-nots; landless workers; the lowest classes in a society.
Social Democracy: Refers to a school of thought in Europe, which believes in realisation
of socialism through democratic method.
Socialism: An economic system, based on the ownership of the means of production by
the State or the whole community.
Trade Union: A society of workers for protection of their interests.

27.12 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1 See Sub-secs. 27.3.4,27.3.5. Your answer should include (i) the formation of early
communist groups (ii) formation of communist parties (iii) roles of S.A. Dange and
M.N. Roy. For the second part of the answer you should include (i) the problem of
funds (ii) the British Govt's attitude (iii) problem of cadres.
2 a) M.N. Roy See Sub.-secs. 27.3.1,27.3.2,27.3.3. Your answer should include
(i) Roy and his contact with Soviet Union (ii) his debate with Lenin on India
(iii) his look at Tashkent.
b) S.A. Dange - See Sub-sec. 27.3.4. Your answer should include (i) a few words on
his personal life (ii) his writings (iii) his aim of seeing communists functioning as
a group in Congress.
c) Muzaffar Ahmed - See Sub-sec. 27.3.4. Your answer should include his role in
the formation of Labour Swaraj Party.
d) Singaravelu Chettiar - See Sub-sec. 27.3.4. Your answer should inlcude (i) his
role in founding the Labour Kisan Party in 1923 (ii) his critical resolution at the
Gaya session of the Indian National Congress.
e) Satyabhakta - See Sub-sec. 27.3.4. Your answer should include (i) his role in the
formation of the Indian Communist Party (ii) the Cawnpore Conference.
3 a) S.A. Dange
b) S.A. Dange

Check Your ProgreSs 2

1 See Sections 27.5 & 27.6. Your answer should include (i) the British fear about their
overthrow by the Communists by strikes and uprisings (ii) the Public Safety
Ordinance and Trade Dispute Act (iii) the Meerut Conspiracy Case (iv) ban on
Communist Party in 1934.
2 See Section 27.6. Your answer should include (i) the Universal Criticism the case
drew (ii) also the fact that the trial provided the communists a public forum to express
their views and commitments.

Check Your Progress3

1 See Section 27.7. Your answer should include (i) the influence of socialist ideology
within the Congress (ii) formation of socialist groups within the Congress (iii) the role
of different individuals like Jaya Prakash Narayan and Narendra Dev in giving
direction to early socialists. (iv) the first All India Congress Socialists' Conference.
(v) the first annual session of the All-India Congress Socialist Party. For the second
part of your answer see Sub-sec. 27.7.1 include two basic differences (a) the Congress
Socialists goal was limited to establishing socialism within India while the
Communists believed in an international communist society. (b) Congress Socialists
wanted to work only within the Congress. The Communists were ready to work
independently outside the Congress.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 ~athdimc 2 See Sub-sec. 27.7.2 for all
'IbelmterWarY.m-U a)Include (i) personal sket
b)include (i) influences of
(iii) importance of role

c) include (i) Gandhian and phist ideas influence on him (ii) Jail during Civil
Disobedience.
d)include (i) his dislike fo
democratic socialism (iii) of Congress Socialist (iv) trade unionist.
e) include (i) influence of E
believe in Marxism or

on left congressmen like Neh

policy like abolition of Zami

I 70

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 28 GROWTH OF TRADE UNION AND
PEASANT MOVEMENT:
1920s-1930s
I
Structure
I
1 28.0 Objectives
I 28.1 Introduction
I 28.2 Condition of the Workers
! 28.3 Rise of Trade Unionism
28.3.1 Meaning of Trade Unionism
28.3.2 Early History
28.3.3 Formation of All India Trade Union Congress
I 28.4 Growth of Trade Unions
28.5 Split in the AITUC
28.6 New Phase
28.7 Hardships of the Peasantry
28.8 Peasant Movements During 1920s
28.9 Peasant Movements During 1930s
28.10 Formation of All India Kisan Sabha
28.11 The Congress and the Peasantry
28.12 Let Us Sum Up
28.13 Key Words
28.14 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

- - - -

28.0 OBJECTIVES
The purpose of this unit is to give you a short history of the growth of "Trade Union and
Peasant Movements" in India during the 1920s and 1930s . After going through this
unit you will be able to:
know about the condition of the workers,
understand the meaning to Trade Unionism, its early history and the formation of
the All India Trade Union Congress,
follow the process of development of trade union movement and the split which took
place at the later stage,
know about the 9ardships faced by the peasantry, and
explain how peasant movements emerged in various parts of the country and how the
peasants were organised in Kisan Sabhas.

28.1 INTRODUCTION
In Unit 7 of Block 2 you have read about the peasants and the working class movements
in the second half of the 19th century. In this unit we will explain to you the growth of
Trade Union and Peasant Movements during the 1920's and 1930's. We will first take
up the Trade Union Movement and after that the Peasant Movement. You have already
seen how the exploitation and oppression by the colonial government, landlords and
mill owners led to popular uprisings of the peasantry and the workers during the second
half of the 19th century. During the first half of the 20th century you will see how these
movements gradually got an organisational character and pressurized the colonial
regime to change its policy. Some important points you should bear in mind for this
change in the character of the working class and peasant movements of this period:
the emergence of new trends in the national movement-particularly, the shift to
mass politics and mass mobilisation,
the economic and social concequences of the First World War which adversely
affected different sections of the Indian people, and
the impact of Bolshevik Russia and the growth of socialist ideas in India.

Kamesh Mechrocks
NaUodkim: These factors gave rise to the w ng class and peasant movements in India which were
-
The Inter War Years 11
radically different from what w .d witnessed in the earlier periods.

28.2 CONDITION 0 HE WORKERS

We will now briefly describe ons of the workers, which largely explain why
trade unions grew in India. B main centre of India's cotton textile industry,
and Bengal, the centre of ju dustry had the maximum working class
population in India. The living ing conditions of the workers were very
miserable. They worked for 15 18 hours a day. There were no leave rules, no
security of jobs. The workers h Jobbers (Sirdars), one whom depended their
fate. They lived in dark, damp lums) with no water supply, and no sanitary
arrangements.
The condition of the coal min ers was even more miserable. In the coal mines in
Jharia and Giridih the worki re from 6. a.m. to 6 p.m.. Women and children
worked underground and a e very common, but, it was not until 1923 that
accident insurance of a sor ed by the Government. Even so, workers
found it difficult to establis r compensation. The workers were paid low
wages so that the employe imise profits. The Royal Commission of Labour
pointed out that wages were n Madras and Kanpur and highest in Bombay.
Over the years fines were im n the workers for b;eakages, late attendance and
under production. Indebt ong the workers who often turned to Kabuli
money-lenders. These money- ed high rates of interest. There was no
provision for provident en the workers grew old, they lost their
jobs and had to rely for t their children or relatives.

Check Your Progress 1

Use the space given below for
1 Write about five lines on th

2 Write 'Yes' or 'No' against ;entente.

a) Bombay was the main c of India's jute industry. ( 1
b) Calcutta and Bombay ha : maximum working class population. ( 1
c) The workers had to work 15 to 16 hours a day. ( 1
d) The Royal Commission o tbour was appointed to enquire the condition
of the workers. ( 1
e) The workers had the right strike. ( )
f) The workers had the right ~ l age
d pension. ( )

You will now see how workers nised themselves into trade unions to fight against
their exploitation. The rise of unionism marked a new epoch in working class
movement.

28.3.1 Meaning of Trade

Trade Unions, which are ve on to-day, are associations of the workers formed
with the purpose of improvi nditions under which they work in mills and
factories. With the formatio 1s and factories in India in the 19th century,
hundreds of workers began together and meet every day. This gave them the

Kamesh Mechrocks
I opportunity to discuss their problems and place their views before the employers. The Growth or T C md
~ Union
k.SM'MOvemm': 1m-19J(k
workers were mostly illiterate. They did not have any idea in the beginning of forming
Trade Unions and uniting themselves. There were a few 'outsiders' mostly intellectuals,
who tried for years to educate and organise them in trade unions. Very often they
I became leaders of the unions.

I 28.3.2 Early History

As we have already said, a few individuals being moved by the miserable condition of
the workers tried to improve their working conditions. For example in Bengal Sasipada
Banej e e , a radical Brahmao, founded the working men's club. H e also published a
journal, the Bharat Sramjibi (Indian worker) in 1874, and organised night schools to
spread'education among the jute mill workers. But he did not form a trade union.
Similarly in Bombay, N.M. Lokhande, started-the weekly Dinabandhu in 1880 and
founded the Bombay Mill-Hands Association in 1890. This Association, though not a
trade union, put forward the demands of :
reduction in working hours,
a weekly holiday and,
compensation for injuries suffered by the workers during work at the factories.
j B.P. Wadia, a close associate of Annie Besant formed the Madras Labour Union in
t April, 1918. This was the first trade union in India. In Ahmedabad, a centre of cotton
textile industry, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi led a strike of the workers in 1918.
Referring to the conditions of the woker Gandhi wrote in his autobiography (The Story
ofMy Experiments with Truth) that "wages were low, and the labourers had long been
agitating for an increment".
Gandhi requested the mill-owners t o refer the matter to arbitration but they refused.
Gandhi then advised the labourers to go on a strike. The strike continued for 21 days.
Gandhi began a fast but, after three days a settlement was reached. In 1920 Gandhi
formed the Majur Mahajan which advocated peaceful relations between the workers
and their employers, arbitration and social service.

28.3.3 Formation of All India Trade Union Congress

Trade unionism was slowly gaining ground through the efforts mentioned above. In
1919-20 there was a wave of strikes in many industrial centres such as Kanpur, Calcutta,
Bombay, Madras, Jamshedpur and Ahmedabad. Thousands of workers took part in
these strikes. It was against in this background that the All India Trade Union Congress
(AITUC) was formed in Bombay in 1920. Lala Lajpat Rai presided over the inaugural
session which was attended by prominent nationalist leaders and trade unionists like
Motilal Nehru, Annie Besant, C.F. Andrews, B.P. Wadia and N.M. Joshi. The All
India Trade Union Congress was the central organisation of the Indian workers.
Although strikes became frequent in the 1920s, growth of trade unionism among the
workers w a s ~ a t h eslow.
r The Royal Commission on Labour gives two reasons for it:
i) Differences of language and community were factors that stood in the way of
workers unity. In the Bengal Jute mills, for instance, the majority of the workers
came from Bihar and U.P.; and Bengali workers were in a minority.
ii) The jobbers and the employers were opposed to the growth of trade unions.
In 1929, only 51 unions with 190,436 members were affiliated to AITUC. But the
majority of the workers were not yet organized in trade unions. The fear of dismissal
from jobs also kept the workers away from the trade unions.

Check Your Progress 2

Use the space given below for your answers.
1 What is a Trade Union? Answer in 25 words.

Kamesh Mechrocks
N.tiondb: 2 Is Trade Union useful for the
-
I h e Inter War Yearn 11
......................................
......................................
......................................
......................................
3 Write five sentenceson the ea:
the workers.

......................................
......................................
4 How was the All India Trade

In spite of these hurdles t n movement was gaining popularity among the

workers. The main reaso that the workers had many grievances, such as
long hours of work, bad ages, dismissals from jobs, etc. They turned to
the 'outsiders' for help. were nationalists, communists and socialists.
Sometimes they were also nts in the sense that they did not belong to any
party. These 'outsiders' or ers, wrote petitions addressed
to the employers and fo
which in many cases were affiliated to the All
employers refused to consider their demands,
the workers struck work. Dur s often helped them with

Middle class employees who worked in

ms also formed trade unions and organised
rikes in India during this period. Bombay was
Most of these mills were built by Indian
f 150,000 workers in Bombay against the
g the preceeding four years. In 1926 the
. Joshi as the President. In April 1928 there
in most of the mills joined this strike. On
e government appointed a committee to
he strike forced the government to

In Bengal the British capitalists the jute mills. It was the biggest industry in
Bengal. There occurred 592 ind disputes in Bengal during 1921-29, out of these
the workers of Fort Gloster Mills in Bauria in

arlal Nehru wrote on this

strike:
Kamesh Mechrocks
 The village of Bauria lies 16miles from Howrah town.. . in this village and the ~ r o w t hof T r d e Union and
Peasant Movement: 1920s - 1930s
surrounding area, is being fought a grim struggle between the poor workers in
the factory and the jute kings of Bengal.. .. Fifteen thousand of them have
carried on the struggle for six months or more.
In July 1929, there was a general strike in the jute mills. The Bengal Congress showed
sympathy for the strike. The Government intervened and the strike ended on 16
August.
Jamshedji Tata founded the first modem steel factory in India in Jamshedpur which was
named after him. About 20 thousand workers worked in this factory and in 1920 the
workers formed the Labour Association. In a protest against to the dismissal of large
number of workers the Tata Steel factory started a general strike in 1928 which
continued for more than six months. Though the strike was not wholly successful, the
I
Labour Association was recognised by the employers.
During the same period in Ahmedabad a 20% wage cut by the mills-owners led to a
general strike in 56 out of 64 textile mills. Madras city was also an important centre of

I trade union movement. The first May Day was celebrated in 1923, at Madras by
Singaravelu.

I
I 28.5 SPLIT IN THE AITUC
The Great Economic Depression started in America and spread through out the world
in 1929. The Depression in India continued till 1936. Hundreds of factories closed down
and thousands of workers lost their jobs. The number of unions also fell.
Unfortunately, there were two splits within the All India Trade Union Congress during
this period. The first split took place in 1929. Jawaharlal Nehru was then the president
of the AITUC. The main issue was whether the AITUC would boycott the Royal
Commission on Labour appointed by the British Government or not. The moderates
wanted to join it while the extremists wanted to boycott it. Finally, the moderates left
the AITUC and formed the Indian Trade Union Federation with V.V. Giri as the
president. There was another split in 1931.The communists left the AITUC and formed
the Red Trade Union Congress. The splits took place when thousands of workers were
being dismissed by the employers. The splits weakened the trade union movement.

28.6 NEW PHASE

However, a new phase of trade union movement started from 1935 onwards. The unity
in the AITUC was restored. The Indian economy began to improve from 1936onwards.
In 1937 the Congress formed ministries in the provinces. The formation of the Congress
ministries aroused inspiration and expectation among the workers. The number of
trade unions doubled between 1936 and 1939 and the number of members also
increased considerably. The number of strikes increased from 157 in 1936 to 406 in
1939. Notable strikes included those affecting the Kesoram Cotton Mills in Calcutta
and Ahmedabad textiles in 1935, the Bengal Nagpur Railway in December 1936, to
February 1937, and a series of labour disputes in Calcutta jute mills and Kanpur textile
mills during 1936culminating in the next year in massive general strikes in both centres.
An important development of this period was the attempt made by the leftists and
socialists to unite the trade unions and peasant organizations for a collective movement.
Indeed it was the phase of the expansion of the trade union movement.

Check Your Progress 3

1 Why did trade union movement become popular among the workers? How did the
"Outsiders" help the workers? Answer in about ten lines.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 ..................................... ................................................................
2 What was the effect of the G r epression on the workers? Answer in about three
lines.
..................................... ................................................................
..................................... ................................................................

3 Discuss in brief the growth of union movement after 1937. Answer in about 100
words.
..................................... ................................................................
..................................... ................................................................
..................................... ................................................................

A number of peasant struggles itnessed in various parts of India during the

1920s and the 1930s. In unit 7 you have already read how the establishment
of colonial rule adversely a dian peasantry and how they rose in arms on
their own against this explo Unit we will see, how the change in time did
not bring an end to the e e peasantry. Rather it continued unabated.
But the peasants had learnt, fr experience that they should not remain
unorganised to fight against the of the government and the landlords. The 20th
century on the one hand showed ly the revolt of the peasantry against the excesses
of the Taluqdari and Zaminda but also the formation of peasant organisations
-like the Kisan Sabhas.
There may be certain variations rm of exploitation in different parts of India,
but in general the peasants i red great hardships and were always at the
mercy of the others. Here we e of the major grievances of the peasantry
which will help you understa ndition of the peasantry of that time.
In many regions the peasants occupancy rights on the lands tilled by them.
The landlords had the power them which they used to harass their tenants.
f Besides the regular taxes pa to the landlords, the landlords compelled the
tenants to pay 'Nazaranas', bs' and other gifts on various pretexts.
The heavy burden of land re ent made the peasantry heavily indebted to
village merchants and land1 charged heavy interests rates. It was very
difficult for the peasants to he debt-trap which continued from generation
to generation.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 The outbreak of the First World War added to the miseries of the peasants. For GrowU~of Trade Union and
example in many regions they had to pay for war funds; military service, etc.
P-t -
Movement: 19208 19%

/I During this period there was a sharp rise in the prices of food grains. This rise in
prices benefitted the middle men and the merchants, not. the poor.
I
In such a situation it was the duty of the Government to help the peasant. But the
, Government itself was on the side of the landlords. This was because it depended on
the landlords for stability of its rule in thecountry-side. That is why under the pressure
1 of these hardships the peasants chose the path of revolt as the way of their
emancipation.
I
Check Your Progress 4
, 1 What were the main grievances of the peasants? Answer in about hundred words.
i
............................................................................................................
i

......................................................................... ....................................

2 Which of the following statements are correct or wrong? (mark ',I or x).
i) During this period the peasantsfor the first time orp-nized themselves into Kisan
Sabhas.
ii) The landlords had no right to evict the tenants frc.n the lands tilled by them.
iii) The peasants were not forced but they willingly paid the 'abwabe' to the
landlords.
iv) The rise in prices of foodgrains was beneficial for the poor peasants.
v) The government was very much sympathetic to the grievances of the peasantry.

28.8 PEASANT MOVEMENTS DURING 1920s

Against this background we will now discuss some of the important peasant movements
that took place during the 1920s. U.P. was one of the strong centres of the peasant
movements during this period. The oppressive Taluqdari and Zamindari system made
the peasants life unbearable. The nationalists showed a great deal of interest in the
problems faced by the peasants. But it was Baba Ram Chandra who took the initiative
to organize the peasants of Oudh against the landlords. Baba Ram Chandra was a
Maharashtrian Brahmin by birth. He went to Fiji as an indentured labourer in 1905and
from there he came to the Oudh countryside in 1917-18. Dressed like a 'Sannyasi'
(Monk), he moved amongst the peasants, held meetings in the villages and quoted the
Ramcharitmanas for awakening and mobilising peasants in the countryside. He told the
peasants that they were in bondage to the Government and Taluqdars and &ly by
unifying themselves into an organised group could they end this bondage. When he was
arrested by the British government in August 1920, numerous peasants flocked to the
court compound demanding his release.
The peasant movement got associated with the Congress launched Non-Cooperation
Movement in 1920. In 1921, peasant movements became militant and spread to Rae
Bareli, Fyzabad and Sultanpur in Central U.P. The peasants held demonstrations
demanding that evictions from land should stop. They raided the houses of the
landlords and the money-lenders. On 6th January, 1921 the,peasants gathered at

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Fursatganj Bazar to protest a st of grains and cloth, the heavy profit
making of the banias and the of Taluqdars. The police failtd to
disperse the peasants and fire s were killed. The defenceless
peasants were again fired upo thousands of peasants collected at
the Munshiganj bridge in Ra ribed this incident in his
Autobiography:
"AS I reached the rivers f firing could be heard from the other side. I'was
stopped at the bridge.. found that men had been killed in the firing."
The situation however ummer of 1921. The movement faded out due
to the repressive policy o the efforts of the Congressmen to restrain
the movement and the Rent Act in 1921. But this failed to
pacify the peasants, and in la early 1922 the movement emerged again in
Hardoi, Barbanki, Sitapur In these districts the 'Eka' movement was
started by the peasants 1peasant leader, was the leading spirit
behind this. The movemen sed a serious challenge to the landlords and
the administration. Howe nt failed again due to the repressive policy
of the British governmen i could not be arrested.
In north Bihar the peasant m grew under the leadership of Swami Yidyanand.
The Raja of Darbhanga who estates in this areas oppressed the loca! peasants
in various ways. Swami Vidy nized the peasants against the Darbhanga Raj.
But here the movement was n tant as in U.P.
In Bengal also the peasants jo -tax movement. This was more intense in the
Midnapore district. The peasa o pay the Union Board taxes. The movement
became so strong that the me Union Boards resigned. The Government
decided not to proceed with t ards. Thus the movement ended in victory.
The Congress attempted t the peasants in Gujarat. In 1927 the Government
had enhanced the revenue ite of the fall in the prices of cotton. Leaders
like Vallabhbahi Patel and hta played an important role in mobilising the
peasants. This led to the e ~ a r d o jSatyagraha
i in 1928. The peasants
refused to pay revenue to . As a result there was much repression and
the lands of the peasants the Government. At least the Government
arrived at a compromise assessment of revenue was reduced.
Besides the movements menti ,there were sporadic peasant revolts in other
parts of the country as well. In ,Malabar, Orissa, Assam and other provinces
also the peasants vehemently against the injustices done to them.

28.9 PEASANT M O ~ E N T IN
S THE 1930s
During the 1930s also the p in revolt in different provinces. The peasant
struggle was most intense in re the Congress gave a call for no-tax movement
revenue. But some leaders wanted to start a no-
t? It is a movement of the tenants who paid
ment was directed against the Government,
. In the winter of 1931, a no-rent
movement was launtded. Th s a great response from the tenants. They stopped
spread in Rae Bareli, Etawah, Kanpur,
alka Prasad of Rae Bareli asked the
peasants to stop all kinds of pa The Government tried to suppress the
- movement. The peasant union lared illegal. The movement was crushed.
In Bengal and Bihar the pe part in no-tax movements. In Bengal even
peasant women prepared traband salt in Midnapore district, and were
beaten up by the police. In ,Singhbhum and Dinajpur districts the tribal
peasants joined the salt Sat d went to jail. But there was no movement for
non-payment of rent to the
In Madras the peasant move ad begun to grow. Already the Andhra Ryots'
Association was formed in 1 se leader was Professor N.G. Ranga. The Ryots'
Association popularised the te demands of the peasantry and reduction of

Kamesh Mechrocks
rents was one of the important demands which affected the landlords. When the Civil ,Growth of Trade Union and
Disobedience Movement began. The ryots held meetings in the villages and campaigned P-t -
Movement: 1920s 19%

against land revenue. The agitation became strong in Tanjore, Madura and Salem. By
late 1931 grain riots started in some districts. In Krishna district the house of a
moneylender was raided and his granary was robbed. In Guntur district there was a
clash between the police and the peasants. But in spite of the efforts of the Government
and the Congress to restrain the peasant movement, it continued to grow with much
more vigour.

28.10 FORMATION OF ALL INDIA KISAN SABHA

In different regions, provincial Kisan Sabhas were already formed by the 1920s. But the
need for a central organisation of the peasants was felt by the socialists and the
communists. Their efforts led to the formation of the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) in
1936. By 1937 branches of the All India Kisan Sabha were formed in different
provinces. N.G. Ranga, Swami Sahajanand, Narendra Dev, Indulal Yagnik and
Bankim Mukherjee were some of the prominent leaders of the All India Kisan Sabha.
The objectives of the Kisan Sabha were:
the protection of the peasants from economic exploitation,
the abolition of landlordism, such as the Zamindari and the Taluqdari systems,
reduction of revenue and rent,
moratorium on debts,
licensing of moneylenders,
minimum wages for agricultural labourers,
fair price for commercial crops, and
irrigation facilities, etc.

16. Excerpts from Newspapers on I.A.K.S.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Natjadism In their meetings and Sabha popularised these demands, and
-
The Inter War Year6 11 put pressure on the these demands. In its second annual
meeting at Faizpur ~ ~ ~ A I K S perialist forces in the country and
especially the Kisans a*d wor ir day-to-day struggles against the
exploiters, as represented by ment in India, the Zamindars and
landlords and industri#sts and nders." The AIKS decided to work
independently of the Cpngress laimed that the emancipation of the peasants
lay in "their own organisation".
The Kisan Sabha launched a ne movement which was directed mainly against
the landlords. In Bihar there wa ular movement in 1937-38which was known as
the Bakasht Movement1Bakasht ated. The landlords often evicted the
tenants from Bakasht l v d . W ation of the Congress ministry in 1937, the
Kisan Sabha thought thpt the ti come to force the issue of Bakasht. It launched
the Bakasht Movemenr during ts fought against eviction. There were
clashes between the lanhlords
In Bengal also the Kisaq Sabha the Burdwan district the Canal Tax was
imposed on the peasany after t n of the Damodar Canal. The Kisan
Sabha organised a satyqgraha he reduction of Canal Tax. The
Government partly accepted t d of the Kisan Sabha and the movement was
withdrawn. In north ~ e b ~ a l a movement was launched. The
landlords collected a ledy from t o sold rice, paddy, vegetables, cattle in
fairs and hats (weekly niarkets). ts refused to pay this levy. Sometimes the
landlords came to a conlpromise asants and exempted poor peasants from
paying the levy. I
~n 1939 there was a moJement o e croppers. They were poor peasants who
tilled the land of the lanblord an rtion of the produce to the landlord, but
they had no security of tdnure an icted by the landord. In 1939the tenants
took the crop from the field to t flour. Previously they had to carry the
crop to the landlord's grbary, was threshed and then divided between
the share cropper and tlje 1 movement became strong in Dinajpur district
in north Bengal. The G e m ompromise with the peasants. It was

$
decided that in future p ddy n a place to be decided by the landlord
and the share cropper. us s successful, and the peasants learnt the
power of organisation. imil asant struggles in Orissa and Andhra
Pradesh during this peribd. a vital role in organising the peasants
in Andhra Pradesh.

The questions that now dome t at was the Congress response to the
peasants movement? M a
movement? The Congre
their importance in stru
the peasant issues and t
observation, made in 1
All else is secondary". B
dominant social groups i y were afraid of the growing class
consciousness of the I
abolition of landlordism. They asants' support to strengthen the anti-
imperialist movement, but avo
Whenever the peasant rqse the Congress leadership tried to
restrain them. The right yi ation of the Kisan Sabha as a
challenge to the Congresp
" If a Kisan Sabha $ets up i feud as between Kisan and Zamindars it harms
the Congress caqse. The ess knows best how to deal with the different
elements compoqing the ..It is for the Congress to lay down the policies.
not for individuqs or fo to dictate them by a threat or show of force?

Kamesh Mechrocks I
 Growth of Trade Union and
-
Peasant Movement: 1920s 1930s

17. Excerpts from Ncw\prpers on progress of Peasant Movement

Kamesh Mechrocks
 and the peasant movements we find that at
the Congress. They had full faith on the
he country. But unlike the Congress right
e emancipation not only from British rule
amindars and Capitalists. This was the basic issue
Congress leadership and the peasant leadership.
The attitude of th s becomes clear from the speech of

" w e all cling t o the not for its magic or mystery, but because it
represents the nation, ot taken any false step at critical junctures.. .. All
engthen its hands in taking opportune decisions
f our national struggle for deliverance!'

started in U.P. during the 1920's? Answer in about

..................................................................

...........................................................
...........................................................
2 What wereathemajor dem the AIKS ? Answer in about five lines.
...........................................................
...........................................................
...........................................................
...........................................................
...........................................................

i Satyagraha of 1928?

28.12 LET U$ SUM da(

The hardship and m'
trade union movem
language, race and c
employers delayed
IPery of t
nt i
mm
e fo
kers created a favourable ground for the growth of
t the illiteracy of the workers, their differences of
above all these the anti-trade union attitude of the
f trade union in India.
Even so, trade unioq movem dually became very strong from the 1920's onwards.
The 'outsiders' hel&d the g f trade unions. The formation of All India Trade
Union Congress in 1920 wa ark. It should be remembered that Congressmen,
Communists, ~ocia$stsan ents worked together in the AITUC.
There was an expahion of nionism from 1937 onwards. The Congress formed
ministries in the pravinces. roused popular expectations and they joined trade
Kamesh Mechrocks
 unions and launched strikes. The Communists and Socialists played an active role in Crowlh of Trdc Union and
these strikes.
-
P a n t Movement: 19200 1930s

The excessive burden of taxation, fear of eviction, no occupancy righ: on land and the
rise in prices of essential commodities on the one hand and the passive attitude of the
Government to this injustice forced the peasantry to rise in revolt.
Different states of India witnessed a series of peasant uprisings during the 1920s and
1930s. The peasants organized themselves in Kisan Sabhas and a new type of movement
started. The movements were directed mainly against the landlords. All India Kisan
Sabha was formed as a central organisation of the peasants. This was one of the lasting
effects of the peasant movements during this period.

28.13 KEY WORDS

I Cess : Levy
Hat-Tola : Levy on the traders in the village market which was also called hat.
1 Jobber :Middleman who used to procure labour for factories.
Mahajan : The person who lends money.
May Day :1st May is observed throughout the World as Workers' Day in memory of
those workers who lost their lives in Police firing in America in 1861. These workers
were struggling for an eight hour working day.
Occupancy Right :This means that the peasants can not be evicted as their occupancy
on the land tilled by them is acknowledged. But they are not the owners of land.
Right Wing :A group of leaders within the Congress who were opposed to Socialism.
Strike :The refusal by the workers to work in order to attain certain demands.
The Royal Commission on Labour : The Commission set up by the British to enquire
about the condition of the Indian Labourers.
Trade Unionism :The system, practices and ideology of trade unions.

28.14 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1 The workers lived in miserable condition. They had no leave, no job security and no
provision for old age pension. See Section 28.2.
2 a) No, b) Yes, c) Yes, d) Yes, e) No, E) No.

Check Your Progress 2

1 Trade Union is an association of the workers.

See Sub-section 28.3.1.
2 Trade Union gives the workers the opportu\nity to fight unitedly against the
exploitation.
See Sub-section 28.3.1.
3 Some individuals seeing the miseries of the workers tried to organize them and
educate them to improve their condition. See Sub-section 28.3.2.
4 Gradually the idea of trade union was gaining popularity among the workers and .
finally the All India Trade Union Congress was set up as a central organisation of
the workers. See Sub-section 28.3.3.

Check Your Progress 3

1 Trade union movement became popular among the workers because of the
grievances that the workers had. The outsiders helped the workers by organising
meetings, writing petitionsand educating them about their rights. See Section 28.4
2 Rise in prices, closure, of factories, suspension of workers etc. See Section 28.5
3 'The improvement in country's economy, the restoration of unity in AITUC,
formation of Congress ministries in the provinces, etc. See Section 28.6.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Natidbm:
-
The Inter War Y e w 11

e oppression by the Taluqdars, initiative taken by

Baba Ram Chan'drato e the peasants and the progress of the movement.
See Section 29.8,

ents in India (O.U.P.,New Delhi, 1983).

dia: History of Emergence and Movement

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 29 CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS
1921-1935

Structure
29.0 Objectives
29.1 Introduction
29.2 Effects of the Constitutional Reforms of 1919
29.2.1 Failure of Dyarchy
29.2.2 Reform Proposals between 1920-1927
29.3 Simon Commission
29.3.1 Appointment
29.3.2 Boycoii
29.4 All Parties Conference and Nehru Report
29.5 The First Round Table Conference
29.6 Gandhi and the Second Round Table Conference
29.7 Communal Award and Poona Pact
29.8 The Government of India Act of 1935
29.9 Let Us Sum Up
29.10 Key Words
29.1 1 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

29.0 OBJECTIVES
The aim of this Unit is to give you a brief history of the constitutional reforms during the
period 1920-1935. After going through this unit you will be abIe to:
know how the basic character of the Constitution of Free India (the democratic
republic with a parliamentary system of government) has evolved gradually,
explain how the struggle for freedom and the constitutional reforms went together and
were complementary to each other, and
appreciate the efforts of Indian masses and their leaders in facing (he challenge of
communal and minority problems in relation to constitutional reforms.

29.1 INTRODUCTION I

In Unit-17, Block-4, you have read about the Constitutional developments during the
period 1892-1920. In this Unit an attempt is made to familiarise you with the
constitutional developments between the period 1920-1935. Here we analyse the effects of
1919 Reforms Act and the circumstances leading to the appointment of Simon
Commission. The Nationalist response to the appointment of Simon Commission as well as
the recommchdations of the Nehru Report are also discussed. It also takes into account the
British initiatives for a compromise with the nationalists through the Round Table
Conferences. It also explains the Nationalist overture in the form of Poona Pact to meet the
challenge posed by communal and minority representation guaranteed by the British.
Finally the main features and limitations of Government of India Act of 1935 are
enumerated.

29.2 EFFECTS OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS

OF 1919
Before discussing the effects of the Constitutional Reforms of 1919, let us briefly
recapitulate the main features of the Government of India Act of 1919.
Under the Government of India Act of 1919 the provincial governments were given more
powers under the system of Dyarchy. Some subjects such as finance and law and order
Kamesh Mechrocks
b.11 ionelism: Inter War
-
\ dn;tr$ 111

Kamesh Mechrocks
29.2.2 Reform Proposals between 1920-1927 Constitutional Reforms
1921-1935
The reforms introduced by the government of India Act of 1919 disillusioned the Indian
nationalists and contributed to a great extent to the growth of nationalist movement in
1920-1921. During the period after the withdrawal of Non-Cooperation movement a
political vacuum developed which the Swarajists attempted to fill up. The Gandhian No-
changers on the other hand concentrated on constructive work in villages.
In the period between 1920 and the formation of Simon Commission many reform
proposals were put forward by the Indians. A non-official resolution was introduced in the
Central Legislative Assembly in 1921. The resolution demanded establishment of full
responsible government in the provinces. Two other non-official resolutions were
introduced in 1923 but to no avail.
After entering the assembly the Swarajists introduced a non-official resolution. It
recommended to the Governor-General in Council the overhauling of Government of India
Act of 1919 to establish self-governing Dominion Status within the British Empire and
provincial autonomy in the provinces. The government rej~ctedthis proposal. Home
Member Sir Malcolm Hailey pointed out that responsible government as mentioned in the
Preamble of Act of 1919 in which executive would be responsible to the legislature with
limited powers was to be established. However, full Dominion self-government was to be a
further and final step.
Swarajists led by Motilal Nehru introduced an amendment in 1924. They demanded the
framing of an Indian Constitution by an Indian Constituent Assembly. As a response the
government appointed the Reforms Enquiry Committee under the chairmanship of Sir
Alexander Muddiman, the Home Member in the Executive Council. The Committee
published a majority and minority Report. Majority Report declared that Dyarchy had not
been established. Minority Report stated that Act of 1919 had failed. However, .the official
point of view stated that the Act of 1919 could be improved upon by adopting the
suggestions of the Majority Report. But Motilal Nehru stood by his earlier resolution. He
asked for the summoning of a Round Table Conference of all Indian (including minority),
European and Anglo-Indian interests.

Equal' in Rank but lnferior in Status.

D M o t k r Jndta :-Really. Happy. Venerable Mother India, to rea that Hi. Momt Ormcioum Majaaty hma #iron You l glorioum
.v:tneon~to
11, thim Hiatoric Empire Exhibition with us. the "Leer rsarinu Auatralianm. Wh,~atfulCanadians and Oltnch-featherd 8. Africaom.
BOLDDoodle :-Proud i d & tbr day when In rompoul mhora mad proud E r h t b i t i o ~Your BmcrdSelf i8 mccarddLguality.
But. Your Britannic M.irCy, it will ba the proudest day when Mother India rill have not oelr Equality with tho Domiiolr 1. dorm
but e h Equality in 8tatw. Of what mail ir Equality in mhora or L w u a ? Why not make Your R w a l Namr and R o b ~~~rirb.bk
In the Indian m i n b br nantio. m a t 7cur Promler bu heon bold mou#h t o p r o m l ~1 That would r a i n a m m o m mom . o d u r ~(h. you .
W o n m ID bronle or aIabu(rr.
baa Q w & . Q o r ~ ' . ~ o d * . '

2. A Cartoon on Reforms in Indian Review 1924.

Around this time the Muslim League under the Presidentship of M.A. Jinnah met at
Lahore. It demanded the establishment of full responsible government, a federal
constitution with full autonomy for provinces and adequate representation for minorities
through separate electorates. When a resolution was introduced in the Council of State for
the abolition of separate electorates Muslim members felt that the moment for doing away
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: Inter War
-
Years I11

Muslim League. A separate annual session of the

for the appointment of a Royal Commission at the

of the Act with the aim of enquiring into the

government.

o win, the Tory Government was apprehensive about

chance to make the appointment of the Statutory

Besides the To nted to send the delegation at a time when communal

situation had d the Commission should form a low opinion about the

All the seven m ission were Englishmen who were members of British
gave two arguments for excluding the Indians from
I.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 i) They pointed out that since the committee had to report its proceedings to the British Constitutional Reforms

I
1921-1935
Parliament so it was justified to appoint British members only. This argument did not
hold much weight because there were two Indian Members of British Parliament-
Lord Sinha and Mr. Saklatwala.
ii) Secondly, the British government declared that as there was, no unanimity of Indian
opinion on the problem of Constitutional development it was not possible to
I appoint any Indian as its member. Actually Birkenhead was afraid that in a mixed
commission there could be an alliance between the Indian and British Labour
representatives.
Irwin declared that Indians had been excluded from the membership of Commission
because they could not give an accurate picture of their capacity to govern to the
Parliament and their judgement was bound to be coloured. However, Prime Minister
Baldwin declared in May, 1927 "in the fulness of time we look forward to seeking her
(India) in equal partnership with the Dominions". Taking cognizance of Baldwin's
declaration Irwin made provisions for expression of Indian opinion on the problem of
constitutional development. In India joint committees consisting of non-official members
from centre and provinces were to make their views known to the commission. Indian
Legislature could send delegations to confer with the Joint British Parliamentary
Committee on the Commission's Report.

29.3.2 Boycott
The announcement of the all-white commission shocked almost all Indians. It was greeted
with strong protest by all parties, i.e., the Congress, a section C% t h e s u s l i m League,
Hindu Mahasabha, Liberals Federation, etc., proving that on the issue of Indian
representation there was unanimity amongst almost all sections of Indian public opinion.
They pointed out that what they had asked for was a Round Table ~ 6 n f e r e n c eof Indians
and British and not an exclusive English Commission. Through the boycott the Congress
tried to revive the Non-Cooperation spirit. However. Indian revolutionaries like Bhagat
Singh and others opposed the Simon Commission on the ground that only Indians should
have a say in framing the constitution of India.
The Muslim League led by Muhammed Shafi as also Justice Party in Madras, Central Sikh
Sangh and All India Achut Federation did not oppose the Commission.
The Simon Commission reached Bombay on February, 3, 1928 and was greeted with the
slogan of 'Go back, Simon'. A hartal call was given and thousands of people gathered to
shout slogans. The boycott turned into a protest movement and the scenes of Non-
cooperation days were revived. Crowds could not be held back even by bullets and lathis.
A procession led by Lala Lajpat Rai in Lahore was lathi charged and Lalaji succumbed to
his injuries. J. Nehru and G.B. Pant were lathi charged in Lucknow. A revolutionary group
led by Bhagat Singh avenged Lala Lajpat Rai's death by killing Assistant Police
Superintendent, Saunders.
The popular resentment against the Commission reflected the feeling that the future
constitution of India should be framed by the people themselves. The Congress called an
All Parties Conference in February, 1928 and on 19 May appointed a Committee under
Motilal Nehru to draft a Constitution.
The Commission paid two visits to India (February-March 1928, October 1928-April
1929). Each time it faced boycott. It made extensive tours and prepared a Report which
was published in May, 1930.

29.4 ALL PARTIES CONFERENCE AND NEHRU

REPORT
At the 1927 Madras Congress Session a resolution boycotting the Simon Commission was
passed. The Working Committee was authorised to prepare a constitution for India in
consultation with other organisations. Congress representatives as well as representatives of
other organisations such as Muslim League, Hindu Mahasabha, etc. met at a conferelice in
February, 1928. This came to be known as the Ail Parties Conference. This Conference
Kamesh Mechrocks
was presided over by Dr. M.A. Ansan. It was agreed that in framing the Constitution of
 Y
Nationalism: Inter War responsible self-government should be kept in mind.
-
Years I11
Session had adopted the goal of complete national

ir response to the appointment of Simon

Lord Birkenhead to Indians asking them to frame
on was united. The Committee's Report was
ongress Session it was stated that the Report had
g India's political and communal problems.

ent of full responsible government was not to be

ediate step. Apparently it was different from the

izenship and declare fundamental rights,

t with the King and bicameral parliament, and
by the Governor-General and the same
establishment of responsible governments in
and executive councils, and

f Princely states formed the State Peoples Conference

rning institutions. This move threatened the interests
itish in this matter. The result was the appointment of
of Sir Harcourt Butler which laid stress on
ramountcy. The Nehm Committee
d stated that the rights and obligations of
the government of Commonwealth of India and
ndia and Indian states were to be referred to the

atures. Inspite of the fact that the

he composition of the senate, the provinces were not

Decentralisation w
were vested in the

the fact that it was the first expression of the

the Indian leadership on the communal problem.
the frankest attempt yet made by the Indians to face
lism". The Report stated that the only method of
nority was to provide for safeguards and guarantees.
three distinct proposals:
Id provide for liberty of conscience and religion.
8

rates should be rejected and all elections should be

ele~toratessubject to reservations of seats for Muslims

Kamesh Mechrocks
 problem. Communal representation was to be reconsidered after ten years and Baluchistan - . Constitutional Reforms
1921-1935
was to be given full provincial status.
At the All Parties Convention held in Calcutta in December 1928 Jinnah demanded one
L third representation of the Muslims in the Central Legislature. As this was not accepted at
b the convention so he joined the groups led by Agha Khan and Muhammed Shafi. An All
India Muslim Conference was held in Delhi on 1 January, 1929 and it passed a resolution
emphasising two principles:
i) The first principle was that since India was a vast country, with a lot of diversity it
required a federal system of government in which the states would have complete
autonomy and residuary powers.
ii) The second principle was that the system of aeparate electorates should continue as long
as the rights and interests of Muslims were not safeguarded in the constitution.
In March 1929 Jinnah put forward before the Muslim League a detailed account of Muslim
demands known as fourteen points. These demands suggested a total rejection of Nehru
Report because of two reasons.
i) Firstly a unitary constitution was not acceptable because it would not ensure Muslim
domination in any part of India. A federal constitution consisting of a centre with
limited powers and autonomous provinces with residuary powers would enable the
Muslims to dominate in 5 provinces - NWFP, Baluchistan, Sind, Bengal and Punjab,
ii) Secondly the solution to the communal problem as suggested by Nehru Committee was
not acceptable to Muslims. Jinnah did not want to do away with separate electorates.
Within the Congress the younger section led by J. Nehru and S.C. Bose criticised the
Nehru Report because of its acceptance of Dominion Status. As has been stated earlier that,
although the Congress was pledged to the goal of complete independence, which meant
secession from the British Empire but it made a compromise and accepted Dominion
Status as its goal in order to rally all parties behind a common plan. However, due to the
opposition of the younger section the Calcutta Congress Resolution (1928) added that if the
British government did not accept the Nehru Report on or before 31 December, 1929, or
spumed it before that date, the Congress would start another mass movement. Lord Irwin
showed no signs of taking some concrete steps in the direction of establishing full
Dominion Self-Government, as he had announced, in his declaration of 31 October 1929.
Therefore, the Congress declared on 31 December, 1929, that the Nehru Report had ceased
to be valid.
In May 1930 the Simon Commission Report was published. It did not recommend the
establishment of either responsible government or Dyarchy at the centre. Separate
electorates were retained. It proposed reservation of seats for depressed classes. It
recommended scrapping of Dyarchy in the provinces and establishment of responsible
unitary government in provinces. It stated that in order to cope with the diversity of the
country the ultimate character of the Indian government had to be federal. It declared that
the establishment of responsible government at the centre was to wait indefinitely i.e., it
was to be established somewhere in the future. Simon Commission's observations
regarding Dominion status were not very clear. It recommended that a Greater India
consisting of British India and the Princely States as a federal association was to be
established in the future but the clause of British Paramountcy (with Viceroy as the agent
of Paramount power) was to remain. The report was rejected by almost all Indian Parties
and the Indian masses enthusiastically participated in Civil Disobedience Movement.

Check Your Progress 1

1 Discuss the background against which the Simon Commission was appointed in 1927.
Answer in about ten lines.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Nationalism: Inter War
-
Years 111

ce were underway, the Indian National Congress

dience Movement. The sections led by Sir Tej

s to secure participation of the Congress.

emment and persuasion of the liberals, the Congress
ing the Round Table Conferences which included

nference. Of these 16 represented British Political

3. M.R. Jayakar were:

leader, C.Y. Chintarnani and T.B. Sapm who

12 ..,
Kamesh Mechrocks
rulers, it was a gathering of men who could not be considered real representatives of the Constitutional Reforms
1921-1935
Indian people whose destiny the Conference had to decide. In spite of this handicap from
the point of view of constitutional reforms, the Conference took intitative in favour of
two positive points. It recommended the formation of an All India Federation of the
British Indian Provinces and the Indian States. It also proposed to establish a responsible
government at the centre with certain safeguards for the transitional period. However,
to the disappointment of the nationalists, the period of transition was not clearly
specified.
The Round Table Conference gave the impression of being a -gathering of communalists
and reactionaries. Anxious to secure the Congress participation, the British Prime Minister
Ramsay Macdonald and the Viceroy of India unconditionally released the Indian leaders so
that they could meet at the residence of the ailing leader Motilal Nehru and deliberate on
the conditions on which the Congress could agree to participate in the next session of the
Round Table Conference.

29.6 GANDHI AND THE SECOND ROUND TABLE

CONFERENCE
In spite of the fact that the government stand did not show much change, Gandhi agreed to
participate in the Second Round Table Conference after concluding a pact with the
Viceroy, known as the Gandhi-Irwin Pact of March 5, 193I . During this period
revolutionary terrorism was in full swing and the Communists were organising the labour
and strikes. Apprehensive of anarchy Gandhi concluded a pact with Irwin.
The Congress suspended the Civil Disobedience Movement and it was decided that Gandhi
would be the sole representative and spokesman of the Congress at the second session of
the Round Table Conference. The Congress reiterated Puma Swaraj as its ultimate political
goal.
In the intervening period the situation had, however, undergone a change. On 26 August
1931, MacDonald's Labour Cabinet resigned and a new coalition government dominated
by the Conservatives was formed under him. Wellingdon succeeded Lord Irwin in Delhi in
April 193 1. Sir Samuel Hoare a leading conservative became Secretary of State for India.
As a result of these changes official attitude hardened. Most of the prominent personalities
of the first session returned to attend the second session. There were, however, many new
faces. Besides Gandhi, there were Muhammed Iqbal, a great poet, Madan Mohan Malaviya,
Mrs. Sarojini Naidu and Ali Imam, great political leaders and nationalists, G.D. Birla, a
capitalist and S.K. Datta, a prominent Indian Christian. They were attending the
Conference for the first time. The second session ended on 1 December, 1931 and made
recommendations on the matters such as:
a the composition of the Indian federation
structure of the federal judiciary
the mode of accession of states to the federation, and
a distribution of financial resources.
The Congress scheme tabled by Gandhi was the same as had been suggested earlier by
the Nehru Committee Report. The proceedings of the conference were bogged down by
the communal issues. Gandhi was aware of the fact that the csornmunal problem was so
complex that is defied all immediate solutions. He suggested that the communal settlement
be kept pnding till the constitutional settlement had been arrived at. The suggestion not
only displeased the representatives of the minorities but even hardened their attitude. The
Muslim representatives insisted on separate electorates. The second session thus concluded
4. Dr B.R. Ambedkar
in an atmosphere of bitterness and anxiety.

29.7 COMMUNAL AWARD AND POONA PACT

AppEehending a fresh wave of national agitation, the government arrested Gandhi on 4th
January, 1932, that is, only a week after his arrival in India, and unleashed a reign of
Kamesh Mechrocks
terror. The co~nmunalproblem gripped the nation's attention. The Indian National
Nationalism: Inter War Congress had tormul on this issue which was based on a thinking
-
Years 111 opposed to that of th Congress .reiterated that the proposed constitution
would include in the tee to the minorities of protection of their
culture, religion and 1 te communal electorates, it insisted on the
principle of universal on 16 August, 1932 MacDonald
announced the prop n, known as the 'Communal Award'
which recommended: j
1
I

torate for the minorities,

provinces where they were in minority,
women in all provincial legislatures except in the

V) to recognize dep nority community and make them entitled to the

of granting the right of separate electorate to the

ssed Classes as an integral part of Hindu society.
in the firm belief that the Hindus would do full
om they had exploited for centuries and would
rsuade the recalcitrant Ambedkar to accept his
the Yarvada Jail, resorted to a fast unto death.
rms was concluded

the depressed classes in the provincial legislatures as

nerd non-Muslim

n would be given to the

by Ambedkar accepted the principle of joint

29.8 THE G ~ V E R FENT OF INDIA ACT OF 1935

I
I 1i
a White Paper on the new constitution of India,
by the British Government contained three major
Autonomy and safeguards which vested special
executives. As it fell far short of complete
independence, the criticised and rejected by all the political parties of
White Paper was submitted for consideration to the
e Houses, which submitted its report on 22
port was passed on 2 August 1935 and after
overnment of India Act of 1935.

li
Regarding the provi cial part,
I !most significant points were:
omy. For the first time the Act recognised
a1 entity. This was so designed as to give full freedom
the Central Government except in certain specific

by the Act of 1919 was to be abolished.

Act suggested the creation of two new provinces of
t were issued on 3 March, 1936.
ng responsible government in all the eleven provinces
ong them Bombay, Bengal, Madras, the United
have bicameral legislatures.

1 d
The franchise was sed on p
increased from 5 m lion in 1
rty ,qualifications. The number of voters, ho.wever,
to 30 million in 1935.
of seats. Separate electorates and the
Kamesh Mechrocks
The governors in provinces were invested with special executive powers. They could Constitutional Reforms
1921-1935
exercise discretion in matters like law and order, interests of minorities and the people of
backward areas, the protection of the British commercial interests and those of the rulers of
states.
The Act prescribed federal structure for the Government of India. It was to comprise
provinces and states, with federal central and provincial legislatures. Dyarchy was
introduced at the centre, and departments of Foreign Affairs and Defence were resewed
for the Governor-General and the subjects transferred to the elected ministers were
subjected to safeguards.
The central legislature was to consist of two houses. The Council of States i.e., the Upper
House, was to consist of 156 members from British India and 104 from the Indian States.
Dominion Status was not introduced by the Act of 1935. Therefore, the Act was an
arrangement for the interim period of transition from responsible government to ccmplete
independence. And the provisions regarding the safeguards and special responsibility were
also made for that period of transition.
The Act of 1935 was based on two basic principles, namely, federation and parliamentary
system. Although the federation principle was introduced with a built-in unitary bias yet
the provinces were invested with a coordinate and not a subordinate authority. No doubt,
the federal character was seriously distorted by the provisions of safeguards and special
responsibility which gave extraordinary powers to the executive head at the centre and the
provinces. An important point to be noted is that fully responsible government was not
introduced at the centre. The provincial autonomy envisaged under the Act was also placed
under serious limitations. The Dominion Status for India was still a distant dream. The
incorporation of safeguards was a clever constitutional device to delay the introduction of a
fully responsible government. Although these provisions were made for the transition
period, the extent of the period of transition was not defined.
The Indian National Congress rejected the provision of safeguards and repudiated the idea
of transition. It suspected that there were sinister motives behind them and they were found
to have an adverse effect on the national movement.
The Act was criticized and rejected by the Congress on the ground that in formulating it
the people of India were never consulted, and as such it did not represent their will.
Congress charged the government of formulating the Act in such a way as to stall the
introduction of responsible government, perpetuate their rule and exploit the Indian
masses. In spite of its recognition of the aspirations of the Indians to have a responsible
government, the Act of 1935 did not fulfil those aspirations. It did not concede the right to
vote to all the adults. The property qualifications, the system of separate electorates, the
provisions of safeguard were violative of democratic rights of the people. The Act was,
therefore, denounced as undemocratic in spirit, offensive to people's sovereignty and
institutionally unworkable. The Liberals criticised the Act but were willing to work the
reforms as a step towards responsible government. The Muslim League also criticised the
Act but was ready to give it a trial. On the whole the Congress condemned the Act but
hesitated that they might be prepared to work the provincial part under protest. Thus, the
Congress participated in the elections in 1937 and formed provincial ministries.

Check Your Progress 2

1 What were the main provisions of the Poona Pact? Answer in about five lines.

2 Mark ( \/ ) against the correct statement given below:

a) Mahatma Gandhi was the Congress nominee in the First Round Table Conference.
b) The Congress participated in the Third Round Table Conference.
C) Poona Pact was signed between Gandhi and Ambedkar.
Kamesh Mechrocks
d) Communal Award aimed at abolishing minority representation.
Nationalism: Inter War 3 Discuss the main features of the vernment of India Act of 1935. Answer in about ten
-
Years I11 lines.
....................................... .........................................................................................
I
.......................................
I
...................................... ..........................................................................................
1,
I

....................................................... .........................................................................................
1
.......................................................
.......................................................
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
1.. ............... .........................................................................................
......................................
......................................1.................
.......................................................
I

UI
I

29.9 LET US ~ U M

the reforms the way they were offered by the

arliamentary democracy.

ent according to which a country is granted self-

ntinues to owe allegiance to the colonial power.
. Dyarchy: A form
two parts. Here
h there is a division of the functions of state into
cation, health, etc. were transferred to elect
as finance, law and order, etc. were reserved for
the official bloc.
e Congiess who opposed council entry.
encies on the basis of religion, community etc.

29.11 A N S W E TO
~ ECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERC ES
Check Your Progress1
owing points: Dissatisfaction of the nationalists with
tivities of Swarajists, political situation in Britain

points: India should be given Dominion

titution should define citizenship and declare

1
Check Your Progres 2
1 Your answer shoul include t llowing points: Seats were to be allotted to the
depressed classes i provinci slatures, representation was to be given to the
depressed classes id civil se . See Section 29.7.
2 C
wing points: The act introduced provincial
autonomy, s abolished by this act, it prescribed federal
ia etc. See Section 29.8.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 30 ELECTIONS OF 1937 AND
CONGRESS MINISTRIES

Structure
30.0 Objectives
30.1 Introduction
30.2 Towards Constitutionalism
30.3 Towards Elections
30.3.1 Elections to Local Bodies
30.3.2 Lucknow Congress
30.3.3 Election Manifesto
30.3.4 Faizpur Congress
30.4 Elections of 1937
30.4.1 Selection of Candidates
30.4.2 Election Campaign
30.4.3 Election Results
30.5 Office Acceptance
30.6 Congress Ministries at Work
30.6.1 Political Prisoners and Civil Liberties
30.6.2 The Peasant's Question
30.6.3 Labour
30.6.4 Constructive Programme
30.6.5 Some Problems faced by Congress
30.7 Let Us Sum Up
30.8 Key Words
30.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exeicises

30.0 OBJECTIVES
In the previous Unit 29 we have seen how constitutional reforms were introduced by the
Act of 1935. There was a difference of opinion among the Congressmen in relation to
these reforms. After reading this unit you will:
be aware of the various opinions prevailing among the Congressmen in relation to the
question of constitutional reforms,
learn about the elections of 1937 and the various aspects related to them,
know about the functioning of the Congress ministries in various provinces during
1937-39,
be aware of the problems faced by the Congress ministries during this period, and
understand the reasons for the resignation of these ministries.

30.1 INTRODUCTION
This Unit deals with the political developments during the years 1936-39. This was the
period when the Congress gave up the path of confrontation and went for constitutional .
politics. However, unlike the e::rlier Swarajist phase, its prcsent aim was to give the
constitutional methods a trial and the Congressmen worked for their success. But this is not
to say that there were no differences among the Congressmen regarding the constitutional
r
methods. In fact every decision taken up by the Congress was strongly debated upon before
its adoption. Though there was an agreement on the basic issue of fighting British
imperialism, Congressmen disagreed on the methods to be adopted. It was during tbis
P period that the Left Wing was making its presence felt within the Congress. The Right
Wing and the Left Wing discussed and debated on various issues. After a hectic debate the
Congress decided to contest the elections in 1937 and was successful in forming
governments in seven provinces.
The Congress ministries functioned for a little more than two years. They had to sort out a
! number of problems during their short tenure in the office. Different social classes had
their own expectations from the Congress and accordingly their aspirations went up with
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: Inter War ngress succeeded in implementing certain
Years - 111 ere other issues on which the Congress was
divided from within.
Though the Congress eptember 1939, its 2,;ear period in office had
been of great struggle.

ar also sought Gandhi's support for the revival

Gandhi did not favour the idea of going back to

and Purshottamdas
Congress with each and tilt the Congress policy to its opinion

ach side by saying:

The section which sup at this time was not exactly following the
years earlier. As you have read in Unit 21, the
Swarajists had entered

with Socialist leanings who opposed council

ple the objectionable clauses of the Act of 1935

who advocated council entry differ from the views

held by the I

Kamesh Mechrocks
I j Elections of 1937 and
....................................................................................................................................................... Congress Ministries
1

I 2 Which of the following statements are rightlwrong? Mark \( or x.

I a) The second phase of Civil Disobedience Movement evoked as much response from
the people as the first phase.
b) Gandhi supported the idea of going back to constitutional methods in 1933.
C) There was difference of opinion in the Congress in relation to council entry.
d) When it came to take a position against the British the Congress had one voice.
e) Acharya Narendra Dev supported council entry.

TOWARDS ELECTIONS
Before we go on to analyse the elections of 1937 and the events related to them we shall
discuss briefly the general political situation and some of the earlier elections. After a lot
of discussion and debate the Congress decided in its Lucknow session of 1936 to contest
the forthcoming elections for provincial councils. But earlier in October 1934, Gandhi had
withdrawn from the Congress refusing Canna membership of the Congress. However, this
did not mean that his hold over the Congress had weakened or that he was not guiding the
Congress policy any longer. In fact whether a Canna member or not, his domination over
the Congress continued.

30.3.1 Elections to Local Bodies

As mentioned earlier Gandhi had given a free hand to all sections to pursue their methods
so long as they worked in one direction i.e., opposing the British. Thus from 1934 the
Congress contested elections to the Assembly and the local bodies as and when they were
held. These elections proved useful from the following points of view:
i) The Congress could test its popular base through election results.
ii) They gave the Congress tremendous experience in terms of organisation, planning, and
managing of elections.
iii) The Congress could test its allies for funds which were needed for electoral politics.
Here we can cite the elections held in the Madras Presidency. In May 1935 a Congress
Civic Board was formed for selecting party candidates for local elections. The candidates
had to pledge themselves to the programme offered by the Board (David Arnold, The
Congress in Tamil Nadu) and this included:
encouragement to Swadeshi
removing corruption
improvement in medical and educational facilities.
The results of local elections were encouraging for the Congress. In Madurai, the Congress
won 21 of the 36 seats in the Municipality (October 1935) and a year later (October 1936)
27 out of 49 seats in Madras. In the elections to the Central Legislative Assembly, the
Congress made the following appeals before the electorate in Madras:
i) They should vote for Congress and demonstrate their continued support on national
issues.
ii) Show to the government that in spite of repression the Congress was very much alive.
When the results were declared, the Congress wiped out the Justice Party by capturing all
the seven seats it contested in this Province. At the national level out of a total of 76
contested seats, the Congress candidates stood for 55 and won 44. The total polling was
6,50,000 and the Congress had secured 3,75,000 votes.
It took the Congress a long time to decide in favour of contesting the Provincial Council
elections. The Congress Working Committee in its meeting in August 1935 decided that
the election participation issue would be settled in the Lucknow session.

30.3.2 Lucknow Congress

The Congress session at Lucknow (April 1936) was presided over by Jawaharlal Nehru.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationralism: Inter War
Years -

':I " cOngrw

ocession During Lucknow Congress.

cialism which he regarded as "the only key to the

of India's problems". He lauded the role of the
of the Congress but as a note of self-criticism he said:
verned far more by ... middle class outlook than by the
the great majority of population.
rding to him was, that "the day to day struggle of
the masses might asis of their economic demands and other
Socialists into the Congress Working Committee,

erty" was to be carried out by the people of states

n this in Unit 32).
ess were asked to conduct agrarian enquiries, the
te the work of AICC to form an all India Agrarian
Programme.
I I

will be polluted and a new National Flag will have to

ons and postponing the question of office

mise between those who were for office acceptance and
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Elections of 1937 and
Congress Ministries

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wr mr%fk+i kur$r T? wr m ~ m ga;it 9 wrq
rl9? 3, W?T qrv rrrl 37 mi & wr3 fsnir me
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8. A Pamphlet of U.P. Kisan Enquiry Committee.

Still there was a section of leadership which believed that no ban should have been there
on office acceptance. Leaders like Mudliar and Satyamurti in Madras, Dr. Khare in Central
Provinces and many others thought that a declaration in relation to office acceptance would
have further brightened the electoral prospects. In certain quarters discussions were already
taking place iegarding office acceptance and would-be chief ministers. However, as
Rajagopalachari put it:
The Congress has once again shown its capacity for presenting a united front. The
majorities in the debates should not be misunderstood to be any kind of political
split. They are the normal machinery for collective thinking.

30.3.3 Election Manifesto

It was the task of the parliamentary committee to draft the Election Manifesto of the
Congress. The manifesto aimed at "explaining the political and economic policy and
programme of the Congress". We list for you the prominent features of the Election
Manifesto adopted by the AICC in August 1936:
i) The Manifesto made it clear that the purpose of sending Congressmen to the
legislatures was not to cooperate with the Government, but to combat the Act of 1935 9. Rajagopalachari
and to end it. British imperialism was to be resisted in its "attempts to strengthen its
hold on India". 2I
Kamesh Mechrocks
 .-
Fationaiisrn: Inter War ~ants,workers and artisans,
Years - I11 and stated that " s of our countrymen the problem of achieving
the power to solve our economic and social

e all possible steps to end the

6.Acts which oppress the Indian people". They would

would be to secure for

ures with employers, and

consequences of old age"
There were many Manifesto, such as:

llage indushies, and

?
The question of office cceptanc
was gearing itself for e ections,
candidates.
s to be decided after the elections. Thus, the Congress
ing to reach a decision for the selection of

The Lucknow session from another point of view as well. It was during this
session that the first m 11 India Kisan Sabha was held under the presidentship
of Swami Sahajanand

The next session of d at Faizpur in December 1936, again under the

presidentship of Ja ety of issues were raised in this session. These
the internal situation. Nehm attacked Fascism in
his presidential speech passed resolutions condemning Italian aggression
hina. The Congress warned the people against
in the case of a World War. On national issues

he Congress policy is to have nothing to do with the

iation from this would ... mean a kind of partnership
ploitation of the Indian people.
e formation of a Constituent Assembly to frame a
of office acceptance was deferred again. However,
gress resolved at Faizpur was the adoption of an
outlined in this programme included:

from rent and land tax,

taxation on agri

i
This programme was wever s n the issue of the abolition of Zamindari and
laluqdari systems. Th Kisan S aders, though welcoming the programme in general,
criticised it on this gro nd for t that these systems were the root cause of peasant
exploitation. They wer supp ocialist leaders like Jayaprakash Narayan. Here it is
Kamesh Mechrocks
worth mentioning that the Right Wing in the Congress was not in favour of Zamindari Elections of 1937 and
Congress Ministries
abolition. But there is no doubt that the Agrarian Programme was a progressive document,
and as we shall see later, went a long way in rallying the peasants behind the Congress.
By this time the Congress membership increased tremendously. For example there were
4,50,000 members in May 1936, by December 1936 the number stood at 6,36,000.

Check Your Progress 2

1 What were the benefits derived by Congress through participation in local bodies
elections? Answer in about five lines.

2 Discuss in about five lines the arguments in favour of office acceptance.

.......................................................................................................................................................

3 Discuss in about ten lines the main features of the Faizpur Agrarian Programme.
.......................................................................................................................................................

30.4 ELECTIONS OF 1937

Once the Congress decided to contest elections, every Congressman made an all out effort
to ensure the success of Congress candidates.

30.4.1 Selection of Candidates

Let us have a brief look at how the candidates were selected by the Congress. The general
procedure was that the Provincial Congress Committees would recommend names to the
Congress Parliamentary Board, and the latter would have the final say in the selection. For
doing so the PCC's adopted a criteria which included that the candidate should:
abide by Congress discipline,
follow and work for the Congress programme,
Besides these two basic qualifications, the PCC's also took into account the candidates':
services to the Congress,
popularity among the people. and
abil~tyto bear election expenses on their own.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: Inter War
-
Years 111 A+@---"*-~-.
1
r

10. Rajendra Prasad. 11. Vallabhbhai Patel.

conditions, in certai

opportunists having the Congress earlier. Similarly, in Bombay

differences arose be

o work for the peasants' cause inside and outside

tes signed the pledge but Vallabhbhai Pate1

ictory in elections by a vigorous campaigning.

that the Faizpur Agrarian Programme "should find

d villagers, he stated:
ia - those fighting for the cause of the people and
to the Councils to keep out Khan

round among the people that very soon Congress

emor of U.P. wrote to the Viceroy about the

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Congress Ministries

ALL I N D I A I i I S A N S U P P L E M E N T

ILisan hlovemant Ensures Congress Victory

ANDHRA RYOT ASSOCIA-SIONS' PLEDGE : SIRDAR'S WARNING: PLEZGL
CONTROVERSY & WITHDRAWAL : KISAN MOVEMENT ELECTIONS
On January 17th Prof. N G. Ranga, President of the Nation second to those of t h e peas:lnt:j.
of t h e All India Kisan Sabhn i:;sued the followln:: Peasants are never disloyal to the Congress a n d
statement to the press:-- they are always its loyal allies. Unlike t h e Trade
‘din pursuance of the resolution of the Union Corigress or the Congress Nationalist Party,
All India Kisan Congress, which has callcd upon t_he Kisan Sabha has not thought It At to Or-
al *<isan comrades to place all their organisational g a n i s a separate election campaign merely because
resources a t the disposal of those Congress candi- the present agrarian programme the 'Ongress
tl:itt?s, I V ~ Uplcdgt: themselve$; to do their bcsl to far s'iort Of the Demands Or be-

11:11:I~~i;11.!11Ll l : ~ !1 l l i l ! i ~ l l ~ 1 1(1I t ' t f ~ : t ~ ~ r l !oi f 111~';:;.;c:,;t!!t.!i, callstr the Cnn~:.rcssf:llled to state in unequivocal
L l l u iLlldlil.;LI,ruvii,cinl l,c ,,:; 111t:.:7 SOCj~,l,ioll I tcl.n.1~its :I ttitllilc towards the abolition of
I,rct,,:rrcd :, ,,ll.(ll:,: for,,,. 1L csl,ct:ts a c ~ ~ ~ , :Zlmindnri ~ ~ : ; : ~system or absentee landlordjsm- 111
fact, the Andhra Provillcial Ryols' Co~lfel'rrlc'(~
to vow to do his best to contantly ra-
dicalise and liberalise the Collgress atti.t,ude to- hel$ a t Nidubrole last May demanded Of its ""'-
wnrds peasants and to try to achieve the peasants* sident, Mr. Ranga, t o ~ % a n i s e a n indepcl.lticlLt
denlands (as formulated by Kfsan peasants' parliamentary yrogrumme. nut for
by suitably influencing the d:iy to day decisions of lucky interyention, things have taken an
the Congress Parl1ament;uy Party." altogether different turn."
SAlZDAR VALLABHBHAI PATEL'S WAItNING. After referring to t h e existence of the Pr!ns-
on J~~~~~~20th s ~vnllubllbllai ~ ~p;,tCl,~ ant$ : Gro~rp~ of nearly
~ 30 members of the Indian
president of the ~ 1 llldia 1 c ~~ ~ ~ ~ l ~ i ~~ ~ . ~ ~~ Dc Legislative Asselllbly with , Khan
~
~ ,Sahib
~~ as ~its ~
Committee wrott: a s roifows t o tile of Prc"c!ent, a n d to the agrarian programme adopt-
tilc various parliillne,i~,,,.y ~ ~ , in~the~ . .~ :d, ~~ led~ hy : ~ t~h s Intiinn National Congress a t Falzpur,
Presidellcy with refcrcncc to Ille I<isan Ijlcdl:c the S e c r e t a ~ yconcluded his reply as follows:--
mentioned above :- "I may inform Sardar Pate1 t h a t Mr. Flnngn
is not alone responsible for this pledge, but t h e
Prof' is a Of the A"1. C. C. whole Kisan Sabha, which pnssed their remlution,
your province and is member Of the and it h a s witllin its fold many Congressmen. So
lative Assembly elected on Congress ticket; t h a t a the Sardar has to take wholesale disciplinal.y ac-
responsible m a n of his 1)osition should have' tion. But before he launches upon that extreme
thought At to a which has step, h e would do well t o realise t h a t this piedge,
been approved by the A.1.C.C. amongst the candi- while blowing the winds the sails of Jus-
dates, who a r e Pledged t o contest elections 011 t h e tice Party, claims t~ have done so much
Congress Manifesto is very regrettable. In iny for.the last ten years wllerl they
Opinl~n,it is:an act of gross i:idisclpline, :md h e were in power, strengthens the Congress candi-
should be called upon to cxr~lninhis condrlct a n d dates, where the Congress has to encountl?r the
dfscip1in:lr.y action bc t.nkcr~ :q::linst h i n ~forth- Zamindari vrsted interest in this Presidency. If
with." the Sardar insists on his unwise a n d unjust dis-
ANDHRA RYOTS' ASSOCIATION SECRET.\RY'S ciplinnry action, t h e peasants will surely stick to
REPLY. their guns, which i s not safe either for t h e Con--
On January 22nd. t h e Joint Secretary of t h e gress or t h e Kisans."
Andhra Provincial Ryots' Association issuetl a PROF. RANGA WITHDRAWS THE PLEDGE.
spirited reply to t h e threat of Sardar Patel f o r On January 23rd. Prof. Ranga lssued tlle fol-
taking disciplinary action againsl Prof. Ranga. lowing statenlent: -
He stated:- I have seen Sardar Vallabhbhai's statdement
"Neither the Andhra Pr:lsnntsl Asc,ocii~tion regarding the peasants demand for n pledpe flom
nor Mr. Ranga callccl upon the Congress candi- the Congress candidates to continuously J i I j e r i ~ l ~
dates to disobey t h e Congres; or put the ii?tertlsts ise the Congress attitude towards t h e PCXS:,II~S

12 A Report in Congress Socialist (A Newspaper 5.2.1937) - 25

Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: Inter War isan versus Zarnindars". A popular election song
-
Years 111

lmost 9000 miles to canvass for Congress

ed ballot boxes. It was quite apparent that the

ous euthusiasm among the electors all over the

popular, and in a similar position was the

the chcllenge of the Muslim League and the

U.P. 134
Bihar 95
Madras 159
C.P. 70
Orissa 36

Bombay 87
Bengal 60
Sindh 8
Assam 35

18
98
12
11
13
2
21

175

8
87
10
12
17
6
2

13
-
175

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Table IV Elections of 1937 and
Legislative Council (Upper houses) Results Congress Ministries

Province Total Seats Seats won by Congress

Madras
Bombay
Bihar
U.P.
Bengal

As far as the reserved seats were concerned, we give few examples of Congress
performance (in all 11 provinces):
out of the 38 seats reserved for labour, the Congress had contested 20 and won 18.
482 seats were reserved as Muslim seats. The Congress constested 58 and could win
only 26 seats. Out of these 19 were in NWFP. The Congress could not get a single
Muslim seat in Bombay, U.P., C.P., Sindh and Bengal. However, it is worth
mentioning here that the performance of the Muslim League was no better. It could not
get a single seat in NWFP. In Punjab it got only 2 of the 84 reserved seats.
For commerce and industry 56 seats were reserved. The Congress contested 8 and
could win only 3.
For Landholders 37 seats were reserved. The Congress contested 8 and won 4.
Thus, the performance of Congress in reserved constituencies was not at all satisfactory
except in the labour seats. But it did well in general seats. The Congress Working
Committee gave to the people the following message on its electoral victory:
The Congress Working Committee congratulates the nation on its wonderful response
to the call of the Congress during the recent elections, demonstrating the adherence
of the masses to Congress policy.

Check Your Progress 3

1 Discuss in about five lines the criteria adopted for selecting Congress candidates.

2 Which of the following statements is right ( Y" ) or wrong (x).

i) Pate1 supported N.G. Ranga's pledge.
ii) Nehru wanted the Agrarian Programme to have a prominent place in election
campaign.
iii) The people believed that Congress Raj would replace British Raj.
iv) Congress performed very well in Muslim reserved seats.
v) The Congress did not perform well in elections to upper houses.

30.5 OFFICE ACCEPTANCE

As we have seen earlier, the decision of office acceptance had been left pending due to
differences within the Congress. The AICC met in March 1937 to decide over the issue.
Rajendra Prasad moved a resolution for 'conditional acceptance' of office which was
accepted. The condition attached was that the governors would not use their special powers
to intervene with the functioning of ministries. Here Jayprakash Narain moved an
amendment for total rejection of office but this was defeated when put to vote (78 in
favour and 135 against). This was considered as a major victory for the Right Wing within
the Congress. Gandhi himself was in favour of conditional acceptance of office.
At this time again there were arguments in favour of and against office acceptance. A
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: Inter War es was that through this Congress would be
-
Years I11 rkers. But leaders like N.G. Ranga, Sahajanand
ce acceptance as a retreat from the basic
rialism. Sahajanand felt that the advocates of
office acceptance felt e "trying to escape on the pretext of peasants".
And as Vallabhbhai Pa entary mentality had come to stay with the

Governors to give ass ut forward by the Congress. The next

tinue in office beyond six months. In

en felt that what genuinely belonged

ey made strenuous efforts to pressurise the
ceptance. A similar situation arose in Madras

Bihar the work of the ittee was revived, but what was being preached
.P. peasants were encouraged not to pay rents
rmed the ministry all arrears of rents would be
remitted.
legislatives (like Lord Eriskine, the
felt that the Congress would give
time he was aware that those

d permitted office acceptance.

The resignation of th
ministries. It was the

Prime Ministers

Govind Ballabh Pant

C. Rajagopalachari
Hare Krishna Mehtab
Dr. Khare
Sri Krishna Sinha
Dr. Khan Saheb

In Bengal Fazlu Huq{ni the to cooperate in forming a coalition government.

13. G.B. Pant. The Congress refused an Huq th hands with the Muslim League. In Sindh
Congress supported the inistry o Hussain Hidayatulla and in Assam of Bardoloi.
In Punjab the Congress s not in n to play a dominant role.
28
Kamesh Mechrocks
 The Congress had delayed the decision of office acceptance by about six months. Elections of 1937 and
Congress Ministries
According to Raini Dhawan Shanker Das ( The First Congress Raj] the Congress had
gained by this delay:
i) The delay had disproved the election time propaganda against the Congress that they
were office hungry and would jump at the first opportunity to form ministries.
ii) The Congress unity had been maintained and demonstrated.
iii) It had become clear to Governors and the ministers that the word of the Congress High
Command was supreme.
iv) Governors would think several times before intervening in the work of ministers.

30.6 CONGRESS MINISTRIES AT WORK

The task before the Congress was a tremendous one - particularly in the light of the kind
of expectations the people had from the Congress. Instead of giving you a day to day
functioning of Congress ministries we give you a brief thematic account of what the
Congress did during nearly 2'1, years in office.
I 30.6.1 Political Prisoners and Civil Liberties
b
'The Congress, through its election manifesto, was committed to release of political
prisoners and detenues. Many among them were in prison even without facing trials. The
Andaman prisoners had informed Gandhi that they no longer believed in the cult of
violence. The largest number of political prisoners were in Bengal - a non-Congress ruled
province. Gandhi went to Calcutta to personally negotiate for their release and after three
weeks of long talks he was able to secure the release of 1100 detenues. In U.P. many
I prisoners were released - prominent among them were the Kakori prisoners. There were
massive public demonstrations welcoming these prisoners. But the British Government
disliked this. Gandhi, Govind Ballabh Pant and Jawaharlal Nehru while welcoming their
release, condemned "welcome demonstrations". Pant felt that such a response from the
people could effect the release of other prisoners. And sure enough the Governors of
U.P. and Bihar stopped the release of prisoners. Just before the Haripura Session (March,
1938) the Prime Ministers of these provinces submitted their resignations over the
issue.
The Congress position was clearly stated at Haripura that it would not hesitate in taking
action in the "matter of violent crime" but as the prisoners had shed violence there was no
risk in releasing them. Ultimately the Government had to bow down.
The Congress also worked for lifting restrictions on the return to India of political exiles
like Rash Behari Gosh, Prithvi Singh, Maulvi Abdullah Khan, Abani Mukerjee., etc.
However, it could not do much in this regard.
The Congress was committed to civil liberties within the confines of non-violence. In
September 1938 the AICC resolved that:
.... the Congress warns the public that Civil Liberty does not cover acts of violence,
incitement to violence or promulgation of palpable falsehoods.
It was made clear that the "Congress will, consistently with its tradition, support measures
that may be undertaken by the Congress Governments for the defence of life and
property". The Left Wing in the Congress was opposed to such an approach and this
-esolution was termed as a defeat for them in the Congress.

30.6.2 The Peasants' Question

The peasant problem was a burning issue. Jawaharlal Nehru observed that: "The
outstanding problem of India is the peasant problem. All else is secondary". He believed
that the formation of Congress ministries had generated new hopes amongst the peasants,
whereas the big zamindars and taluqdars were "organising to resist this long deferred
justice to the peasantry". He stressed that "we must remain true to our pledges and give
satisfaction and fulfilment to the hopes of the peasantry". The Kisan Sabhas welcomed
such a statement from the Congress President in 1937.
Tenancy legislation was taken up in all the Congress ruled provinces. The Right Wing did
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: Inter War
-
Years 111
in Bihar the Congress signed a pact with the

ed not only by the Left Wing but also by those

easpts' cause. Prasad had written to the
come*infor a great deal of criticism from not only
rhaps the High Command". It was at
r participating in Kisan Sabha

Programme.
Bihar. The U.P. Congress was dominated more
by the Left Wing. hich was passed here was not given assent by the

1 in getting those lands restored to their original

qers as a result of the no-rent campaign during the

In all the provinces sant from moneylenders and

increase irrigation zamindars remained in a dominant
ssa paraded lorry lords of Reserve
powerful as ever in the Congress
period of tremendous awakening among the peasants,

30.6.3 Labour 1 1/11

The Congress had rking conditions to the working class. However, its
ations between the Right Wing and the Left Wing.
ons between the labourers and capitalists should be
rusteeship, but the Left Wing based them on class

r
ommittee appointed by the Congress, gave a
AICC. This included:
holidays with pay'
employment ins nce,
leave with pay d ;'ng sick
to devise way to x mini a q s , and
recognition of su h Trade s by the State which pursued a policy of peaceful and
I
legitimate mean etc.
ince to undertake Labour Legislation. The Ministry
introduced the 1 with the aim to prevent strikes and lockouts as far as
is only meant a ban on strikes as a lockout was the
ury of Capitalists for the exploitation of workers"
d do nothing. The workers went on strike which was
nt with the help of the police. About 20 workers were

kers strike in Kanpur where 24000 workers struck work

wages A d better living conditions. Here also the strike
ders. When the workers started picketting, Nehru

hot be expected that the government will not interfere

o t b e called. The workers should remember that the
aod will put down violence by violence and that the

4
Ultimately the dis e was
strike in Jute Mills1 March
Jute workers by th Huq
Kamesh Mechrocks
by the Ministry. In Bengal the Congress supported the
1937). The Bengal PCC condemned the repression of
which was a non-Congress government. During the
 Elections of 1937 and
Congress Ministries

(is-7%qsr b m 7 8 8a;rir 4 nil wqRf

mi adll?I mcir he~iiiitf rilqcii 6% f+ mi: I awq
Q a$$%?ifnw, P A d rile ic.irm ti kaa J
e~GiI wn it? ?T wrrs <I amail a i ae;lsi sri) 3 8
+
nw 9 R i gm qi4, iisn13d .ma srrilir w k
rnC~air. rcwr -13 ih 6s95 I ak'iqc fqqmii a jt
rR mm il~qrcirn rdflp eW* %R s f f i I
SF@ dc arnn gar%taraiqa $4 I
a m if ~ w

14. Statements by Congress Leaders on U.P. Tenancy Bill Propasals.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: Inter War TISCO w o a u a btrike ru and Rajendra Prasad acted as arbitrators
-
Years 111 between the Tatas and , the left increased its influence over labour
during this period.

30.6.4 Constructive I Progra

In all the Congress ruled ere efforts were made to introduce prohibition;
encourage education and s to village industries. These included:
A vigorous
spinning by the Madras Ministry

cation. An All India National Education

23 October, 1937). The Conference formulated a
scheme which included:
even years throughout the
country
Mother tongue

On the basis of these g ussain submitted a scheme of Basic education

es (2 December, 1937). This scheme included
of mother tongue; basic scientific knowledge,
e to put this scheme into action. As a result of
the Congress education of students as well as educational institutions
i r i reased.
~ For example the number of educational institutions was
14,609 in 1936-37 and ed to 18,729. Similarly, the number of pupils
1,556.44 1 by 1939-40.
The other major achie

Carrying Jail Refom

Repeal of Mop1

4
A very important feature f this p
officials. They had to wo under
I
30.6.5 Some ~robleibsfacedm Congress
as the change in the attitude of government
ery leaders who were earlier arrested by them.

There was a malicious d aut against the Congress by the communal

parties. They accused against the minorities, but such
propaganda was carried o cal land communal overtones, rather than on
factual basis.

F
At the same time, many o portunis d the Congress during this period in order to
seek advantages of office. I e Con as aware of such characters and Gandhi wrote
frankly about corruption i the'Co his paper Harijan. In many regions a drive was
made to free the Congress1from s
During this period the e Fifty First session was held at
Haripura in February, p of Subhas Chandra Bose. This session
passed a number of re nternational affairs as well as on the internal
xt session (Tripuri) that the Congress faced a
for the President and Bose defeated Pattabhi
Sitaramayya by 1580 rded as a victory of the Left Wing, as
mayya. Even Gandhi regarded this defeat as
formation of the working committee and
ultimately Bose res
The Congress Mini mber, 1939 on the ground that theyiceroy
on its own had ma perialist war without consulting the
Congress.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Elections of 1937 and
Congress Ministries

3 1R HARIJAN ( NOVEXIBER
19, 1933

IJ1IOGLtISSS Oh' WA1tL)liA SCHEME the principles of the Wardha Scheme bar h::,
succcssfully completed, and a training sclwl h u
[ T11c fallowing note has been prepared by been I quned to train te;~cI~<rs according to I n
Sl~rimati Ashalata Devi. M. K. G. 1 W ; ~ d l ~ Xhctnc
il of Education.
Bih;tr
A ttainirl~centre with sixty students and tight Mysore State
.t+xcIiers has been started in the Training School. A Wardha Education Committee lus bcc.1
P.tt1~3. for a six months' emergency training formed. T h e secretary has been invitcri to pit.
U I I I I ~ . i r t d 3 col~lpirct itrca 11.1s Ix.r.11 w I c c ~ ti)[
,~ side ov<r tlm first ~~nferctrce a d opcn tbc I:.:#
e ~ p ~ r i ~ ninr ~ the i t lkttiall cham of the Cham- experimental school on N o v c m b r 2nd. ar~d3rJ
p;lr.lu District. where W h s i c khools will be T R A I N I N G I N PALM-JAGGEHS
btal.t~d from March 1939.
O h Unller the auspices of thc A. I. V. I. A, tl:
A R.~sic Fducat'iun Committee consisting of -
class for rmparting training in palm j~ggeryrn.~h,ll
botlr otticial and non-official r n c n ~ b r s has been has been started for the current season frorn !,:
appointed by the Government. with Sjt. Gopa- November 1938, a t Segmn, near Wardha. T!.s
bi111dh11 a5 cliairman, to take the necessary steps course is for a month X p p i n g is not incluL.3
for the intrc~duction of Basic Education in the in it. Only the process of gur making is tauil,r
provi~rce. Eiglrt workers have been xlected by. The studcnts have to do practical work !:
the Government and sent t o Wardha to be about 7 I ~ o u na day. Theory is taught for 3.1
trained as training school teachers and supervisors. hour daily, for acquainting the students with t t z
One of the p.rny is Smt. Ancupurtu Chowdhuri. various aspects of the industry, includind I:,
t l ~ cdatrdl~trr of Sit. ChpalunJl~uCl~owdl~uri. botany, chemistry, commerce, history. ~ ~ I U I U I . ~

A training scllool with one year's course w'ill etc. T h e students must be strong enough to wr.1
be openLd in April 1939, and Basic Schools will the rigour of the practical work. A fee of W!
be opc.n~*din April 1940 in a w l c c t d conlpdct area. 5 is cllarged per student. The boarding chu;;r
will be about Rs. 8 and Re. 1 for l o d g i ~ .A
c P. deposit of Rs. 15 is required to cover the sr.J
160 pupil tzachers are receiving a further train- expenses and of R r 10 for ensurine rttu:;l
ing of two rnonths in the training school while journey expenses. The class will be closed on
tll,. dhool-building and equipment is being got 31st March 1939. Intending candidates s b ! J
ro.dy fix srnrtir~g Viclya Mandirs. It is hoped apply for admission to the Secretary. T &
tl~;ltone 1111nllred schcmls will be ready by t h e School Committee. A. I. V:T. A.. Maganyad:.
end, of December. and will s t a n work with Wardha ( C. P. ). and should not proceed hforc
the IICW yeir. 6br;rining a permision in writing.
A committee consisting of C. P. educational Segaon, 14-1 1 b G a j u m NJL
otiiccrs and lacrl members of the Hindustani Supervisor, G u t Department.
Tali~iriSangh has been formed by the Govern-
mcnt to guide the work of the training school.

Tho Cuvcr~rtnr?nt bas deputed three trained SUBSCRIPTION RATES

te;lchors, inclucling the headmaster of a training INLAND
school. to u~iJergo two months' training in
Ur;lrJha. Thc secretary is meetin& the Education
,
One Year. ~ 0 8 6IIII
Biz . Y 0 ~ 6 h e . Br 4
F&. a-8
Mi11i5r~rC J I I Nibv. 5th ;r~d6th. to Jixuss fr~rtlrer PORBIQN
One Year, poat I r w Ra. 5-0
ddtails rc&rrlli~rgt l ~ ci t ~ t r d t ~ t i oofn U~sic Educa- foreign Bh. 8 S
tion in tire province.
A private trsining school with forty students
hj b u n org.rniscd at Masulipatam attached to CONTENTS
the Andllra Jatiya Kalasala and is doing very CONGRESS
good work.
AND KH.~DI ...
TkrE I'EOPLE'S ED~~cATION
Bombay
T h e Education Minister hu accepted the plan ~~OVEMENT ...
submitted by t h e secretary for the introduction A CORRECTION ...
of Basic Education in the three linguistic provincesKHUDAIKHIDHATCARS AND
of M?harashtra. Karnatak and Gujarat and is BADJHAHWAN bf. K. C a d i ... 3J
rending the Education Secretary Sjt. Gandhi to .
Wardha towards the end of November to d i x u u
OCCAslONAL NOTES M. D. ... 3Ja
IN THEk'RONTIER PROVINCE-V PprJpl Jii
further detail.
Kruhmu S h b PROHIBI~ION IN SALEM ... 344
A short rcorganiution course organised for all PRCGRE~S OF WARDHA SCHEME . 341
teachers and inspectors to ecquabt them with TRAISINC IN PALMGUR Gajanan Naik ... 343
Printed and Published by Anant Vinayak Patwwdhan at the Ary~bhushno Press,
Hause Na 91511 Ferguam College Rcad, POOM 4

Kamesh Mechrocks
15. Rogrcso of Wasdha %hemas Reported in Harijan, 19.11.1938.
 Reg. No, I! 3092
To the Readers

VOL VI, NO.'33 ] I ONE h w ~ k

CORRUPTION I N THE CONGRESS

( &I M. K. Qandhi ) incinl. And for tbia purpose
It Is d i f f i c ~ ~ l tbo cope wlih t h e correnpondenoe
*at I a m h a v i n g f r o m several places a b o u t
rlnleooe, u n t r u t h e n d corruptlon In tho Congrenn.
TTbllnt I m u s t a o n t l n u e t o publinh typlcnl
oorrclrpondence &bout t h e w o n k n c ~ u e a:~ T o n ~ r e r n -
men, I m u r t lenue a s a r n l n g n s ~ l n n t bnatp
dodi~otlon bolng drown t h a t a l l la 111 w l t b t h e
Coogrees. I know i t ia not. R u t It is t r u e
t h a t violence, u n t r u t h a n d corruptlon h a v e m o d e
lnroeds enough to w e r r a n t d r ~ i n t i c monnurcn In
order t o prevent decay overtnklng tho groat
orgeninatlon.
Here a r e e x t r n o b f r o m t w o typical letters :

Qn oriaca LOW Lhu wcount of

diption by t i ~ u l'rimlrry, Sub-

nll CllHQR wlluro a group m

i in
and G,votod workors out of tlicir wnp. 8omo nrn
pnying tlio n i c ~ ~ t b c r r i lsi~hrrrlplion
~i~ nf nnlina 4
for o t l 1 4 ~~inele~r
~ Ll~eir ,:fmtrol f>t~t. o? t11pir
own ~ ~ o + . k , . l etncl
.a. no1110 nro j:a.in~: rn Y I F ~Iorwt1r4
nnd nro no1 l~nying a n l ~ ~ g lpci a~t 1.0 r . l l t ~ (:ongrvww
C o ~ n m i l l e c ~and instrnd nlnking tho l'rimnry of n , III:II a* 1rnve~lll1,g
Committcue under thoir clat*:hcr p r o p r e fnlse ~ s l ~ n n.nilowan~o
o, ~ : X P ( ~ L J O .o h .
~ ~ ~ t o u noft . n thoit apparent coiL:clio~~snnd thore- no1 ca1lw:t tho ~ubecriplion nod
by vvnding 'tho r u p r v i ~ i o g ogo of tho AubDivi.
eional as voU M Diatrlct Co~umittana. how all lhcse corruptions cm
Primary Committaes having lese t h m 25 mom-

mnny pnpr Cornmittcon nro . belng set . n p

q u o h of the membership sulscrlption as also to

reoure a larger proportion of representation in
those Committeee. " oeely nuppreseed t h e n n m e e
( 2 ) ( I I t is my duty to bring to your notice ne nleo of t h e province ID
the open and seandnlous corruption i n enrolling in sni11 t o oxiet.
Congress membors. Tho C'on6re.s n~~lboritirs

rteps are not taken, thingn will go from M to

worse and the whole Congrcsa fi~sl.itution will
be diegrrccd and tho hold on pcoplo will ho
loat.

16. Gandhi'b urilings on th

Kamesh Mechrocks
 17. Nehru and Bose at Haripura

Check Your Yrogress 4

1 What did the Congress gain by delaying the issue of office acceptance? Answer in about
five lines.

2 Which of the following statements is right ( ) or wrong ( x )?

i) The Capitalists were opposed to office acceptance.
ii) Gandhi was in favour of conditional office acceptance.
iii) Fazlul Huq made no efforts to enlist Congress support for ministry formation.
iv) Congress stood for the release of political prisoners.
V) In Bihar no ban was imposed on Congressmen for participating in Kisan Sabha.
g opposed the Industrial Disputes Bill.
vi) ~ 0 r n b a ~ ' w o r k i nclass

3 Discuss in about ten lines the Congress attitude towards peasants.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: Inter War
-
Years 111

In this Unit we hav r a long debate decided to contest the

elections and eme es. The victory of the Congress was
t of the cases the Zamindars and communal
was difference of opinion among the
ons and then for office acceptance, once a
decision was taken eve it. The Ministries functioned under
certain limitations, but give relief to the people. The constructive
rmation of Congress Ministries was
perceived by the pe d they firmly believed that the days of the
British Raj were nu Wing was very vocal it was the Right Wing

4
Civil Liberties: The f dom of
government.
Interim Ministries: SJ ce the C
others to form minis ' s. These
and were formed as a 4 mporary
ment and expression granted to the people by the

s refused to accept office the Government invited

did not enjoy majority support in the councils

Manifesto: A publishdb declaratahf aims and policies of a political party.

OIRce Acceptance: 4 this te#as
Prohibition: Here this word is
been used for agreeing to form ministries.
,to denote the ban on sale and consumption of liquor.

Check Your Progres 1

!i
1 The Swarajists ha entered
those who advoca d office
ouncils to wreck the Constitution from within whereas
anted to make the reforms a success. See Section

2 a) x b) x c) w
Check Your Prog
base; gained experience for elections and could test

3 See Sub-sec. 30. 4

I
ity; services to Congress, submission to
..I.

Kamesh Mechrocks
- - - - -

UNIT 31 THE GROWTH OF INDIAN

CAPITALISM, THE CAPITALIST
CLASS AND THE FREEDOM
STRUGGLE

Structure
3 1.0 Objectives
3 1.1 Introduction
31.2 Growth of Indian Economy and the Indian Capitalist Class
3 1.3 The Emergence of a Class Organisation
3 1.3.1 Role in the Economic Sphere
3 1.3.2 Role in the Political Sphere
3 1.4 Nature of Anti-imperialism: The Constitutional Path
3 1.5 Congress and the Capitalists
3 1.6 Capitalists' View of the Congress
3 1.6.1 Approaching the Congress
3 1.6.2 Capitalists' Strategy to Contain the Left
3 1.7 Let Us Sum Up
3 1.8 Key Words
3 1.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exerc~ses

31.0 OBJECTIVES

After reading this unit you will get to know about the:
growth of the Indian Capitalist Class in the context of colonialism and the colonial
economy,
attitude of the Indian Capitalists as a class towards colonialism,
attitude of the Indian Capitalists towards the mass movements and the left, and
relationship between the Capitalist Class and the Indian National Congress.

31.1 INTRODUCTION

The Indian National Movement was, in its initial stages during the second half of the
nineteenth century, mainly confined to the educated middle classes. However, in
course of time, it began to expand its social base and gradually other classes and sections
of society began to join it. The nature of the role played by various classes and social
groups and the timing of their joining the national struggle varied. In this unit, we will
discuss the role of the Indian capitalist class in the freedom struggle.
The modem capitalist class began to emerge in India in the second half of the
nineteenth century. Till about World War I, there were few Indian capitalists and the size
of their investments was also not substantial. Morever. they were as yet largely dependent
on the colonial government's support. At this stage of development, it was hardly possible
for the Indian capitalists as a class to take an open confrontationist position with
regard to the colonial state. The capitalists stayed away from the Swadeshi Movement of
1905-1908. At the time of the Non-Cooperation Movement (1920-22), while many
traders participated in the movement, several eminent capitalists like Purshottamdas
Thakurdas actually opposed the movement. Subsequently. however, the capitalists'
position changed. There were many Indian capitalists who extended their support to the
freedom struggle.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: Inter War
Years - III ONOMY AND INDIAN

during the colonial period, espe6ially in the

importantly, the gro

t Indian capital. In other words, the Indian
tal base and not as junior partners of foreign

ured goods in India's total imports declined

total exports increased. Conversely, the
total exports declined and the proportion of

ents (partially through the take over of foreign

in the course of the processes discussed above,

d by British imperialism especially

independence, Indian

While in 1914 Ind

share had increase

Kamesh Mechrocks
 However, this spectacular and independent growth of Indian capitalist class, quite unusual The Growth of Indian
Capitalism, the Capitalist
in a colonial situation, did not occur as is often argued, as a result of a conscious policy of Class and the Freedom
'decolonisation' initiated by the colonial state. It occurred inspite of and in opposition to Strug~le
colonialism either when imperialism was facing a crisis or as a result of waging a constant
struggle against the colonial interests. The lndian capitalists did not see their interests as
tied with colonialism.
Moreover. the capitalist class, on the whole. was not tied up in a subservient position either
economically or politically with pro-imperialist feudal interests in the country.
Another situation, where a colonial capitalist class may move towards collaborating with
imperialism is when, it sees a threat to its existence from radical anti-capitalist or left wing
popular movements in the colony. Such situations did arise in certain colonial or semi-
colonial countries, where the capitalist class sought to suppress the radical movement in ,

alliance with imperialism. We can cite the example of China. In India also, the capitalists
were concerned about the growth of the left. However, whenever the Indian capitalist class
felt that the threat from the left was growing, it responded not by seeking help from
imperialism but by attempting to strengthen, by various means, the right wing in the
national movement.
The fdiowing points then emerge from the above discussion:
i) The Indian capitalist class grew independently and in opposition to imperialism and
therefore did not see the long-term class interests as being tied up with imperialism.
ii) The rapid and independent growth of Indian capitalists enabled them to feel strong
enough to take anti-imperialist position.
iii) The threat of popular left movements did not lead the capitalist class to collaborate or
compromise with imperialism. The issue before the capitalist class was not, whether to
oppose imperialism or not, but that the path chosen to fight imperialism should not be
such that it would threaten capitalism itself.

Check Your Progress 1

1 Was the growth of the Capitalist class a by-product of Colonialism?

II 2 What was the attitude of the Indian Capitalist class towards the threat of the left?

31.3 THE EMERGENCE OF A CLASS ORGANISATION

1 It was in the process of figuring out its attitude towards imperialism and the national
movement that the capitalist class in India emerged as a political entity. Since the early
1920s, capitalists like G.D. Birla and Purshottamdas Thakurdas were making efforts to
I
establish a national Ievel organisation of Indian commercial, financial and industrial
interests. The initial idea was to establish an Indian business organisation which could
effectively lobby with the colonial government - a role which relatively more organised
non-Indian business interests were already performing. Thi j effort led to the formation of
the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) in 1927. The
FICCI soon acquired a large membership which increasingly became representative of
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: Inter War e country. Within a short period of its formation,
-
Years 111
es as well as the general Indian public as a body
within the Indian capitalist class.

31.3.1 Role in

list organisation. In pursuance of this goal

ve economic critique of imperialism in all
xposed the imperialist exploitation that was

ploitation through trade, foreign

mdas or G.D. Birla on complex economic

matters which relat

31.3.2 Role in the ipolitical#bhere

The role of the FIC ot .to be limited to making an economic critique of

ssion in 1928: "We can no more separate our

ment in politics for the capitalists meant allying with
the Indian National

ttamdas for he had earlier opposed the Non-

apitalists realised that even their economic aims

understanding in 1930:
1
"lt is impossible the pres
government to oq views. ..
strengthening the1 ands of C . political condition of our country to convert the
only solution ... lies in every Indian businessman
who are fighting for the freedom of our country".
the British Government that he

Check Your Progre

1 What was the initi nd the formation of the FICCI?
.................................. .........................................................................................

2 What role did the e economic sphere?

................................. ................ ..........................................................................................

31.4 N A T U R ~ AS-IMPERIALISM:
F THE
CONSTI UTIO LPATH

t Kamesh
. I Mechrocks
; R
The capitalist class wd concern to what kind of national struggle was to be supported
by them. The capitalists, while determining their attitude towards the British were, always The Growth of Indian
Capitalism, the Capitalist
in favour of not completely abandoning the constitutional path and the negotiating table. Class and the Freedom
They supported constitutional f o m s of struggle and were not in favour of agitation and Struggle
civil disobedience. There were several reasons for the capitalist class adopting this attitude:
i) Fears of a Mass Movement
First, the capitalists feared that mass civil disobedience, especially if it was prolonged,
could lead to the radicalisation of the masses and instead of just putting pressure against
imperialism it could begin to threaten capitalism itself. As Lalji Naranji a leader of the
Indian Merchant's Chamber, Bombay, clearly stated in 1930, "Private property", itself
could be threatened by a mass movement and "disregard for authority" created by it could
produce "disastrous after-effects" for the "government of.Swarajw. Not wishing the anti-
imperialist movement to turn anti-capitalist, the capitalists always tried to bring back the
national movement to a phase of constitutional opposition. Another reason why the
capitalists could not afford to support a prolonged and all out opposition to the colonial
government, was that in their normal day to day business they needed a minimum
cooperation of the government. And, as we all know that at this time it, was the colonial
Government. This dependence on the existing government for immediate needs, combined
with the fact that mass agitation disrupted normal business, led the capitalists to shy away
from any kind of mass action even under the aegis of the Indian National Congress.
ii) Constitutional Forums
The capitalists considered that a total or prolonged boycott of all constitutional avenues
such as councils and legislatures or the negotiations like the Round Table Conferences was
a "suicidal policy". They felt that if the nationalist forces completely abandoned these
forums then with the help of loyalist elements the government could easily get such
policies or measures passed in these forums which would seriously affect Indian economic
development. This again was linked with their own interests. Thus, keeping this in mind
the capitalists not only supported but at times actually participated in the various forums
offered by the colonial Government. For example, some of them even joined the Viceroys
Executive Council. In fact they wanted to extract to their benefit whatever reforms that
were possible within the system.
In certain cases the capitalists did not support participation in constitutional bodies
unconditionally. G.D. Birla and F'urshottarndas made it clear that they were to "participate
on (their) own terms", with "no compromise on fundamentals". It was on this ground, for
example, that the proposals of constitutional reforms put forward by the Joint
Parliamentary Committee in 1934 were rejected by the FICCI as being "reactionary".
Moreover, the capitalists generally refused to negotiate with the British government on
constitutional or economic questions without the participation of, or at least the approval
of, the leading organisations of the national movement. In 1930, for example, the
FICCI advised its members to boycott the Round Table Conference saying that "... no
conference ... convened for the purpose of discussing the problem of Indian
constitutional advance can come to a solution .... unless such a conference is attended by
Mahatma Gandhi, as a free man, or has at least his approval". Thus many leading
capitalists boycotted the first Round Table Conference but attended the second along 18. G.D. Birla
with Gandhi. When the Congress was absent for the third Round Table Conference,
Purshottamdas attended in his individual capacity. But he made it clear that the conference
could not settle the constitutional problems in Gandhi's absence. The capitalists had clearly
realised, that no progress could be made to safeguard their interests, unless support of the
Congress was secured. Ambalal Sarabhai a prominent capitalist of Ahmedabad summed up
this situation in 1929 when he said, "minus the support of the Congress the government
will not listen to you".
Thus, the capitalists were in favour of a constitutional approach and methodology due to
two reasons:
a) They could check the Left by strengthening the Right wing.
b) They could show it to the government that they were in no way a threat to the
continuity of British rule. For example, F'urshottamdas declared in December 1942, that
"the various demands put forward by the commercial community did not and could not
aim at the liquidation of the British Empire".
It was the faich in constitutionalism that G.D. Birla involved himself during 1935-37 with
Gandini regarding the question of elections and forming of ministries.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: Inter War
Years - 111
However, at times th
concessions for their
Birla in January 1931 Civil Disobedience Movement. He said: "there
g offered at present is entirely due to Gandhiji....if

Yet they would not lik nt to continue for long. They would attempt for
a compromise that cou rawal of the movement. Often they offerid their

e negotiations before the Gandhi-Irwin Pact in

nuing, or. launching the mass movement, again

ew: one is that we should jump in at the most

(i,e., the national movement), through whose

other words, through the capitalists argued for

okement as a whole.
The c.apitalists, even
never supported the colonial government in

Check Your Progress

i) in their individ

iv) none of the abov

between the Congress and the Government in getting

You would like to kn tianship between the Indian National Congress and
Capitalists. Generally ationship is analysed from two view points:

Indian shipping, etc.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 during late 1930s financing the right wing, etc. A major reason for their support to The Growth of Indian
Capitalism, the Capitalist
Gandhi was their firm belief that "he alone could check a class war" in this country. Class and the Freedom
And Gandhi on the other hand, sided with the capitalists. Hence Congress was a Struggle
Capitalistic organisation by nature.
ii) The second point of view is based on the assumption that the Congress was not at all
influenced by the capitalists rather it dictated its own terms.
According to this view point:
i ) A programme of economic nationalism with demands for protection, fiscal and
monetary autonomy vis-a-vis imperialism did not benefit the capitalist class alone.
These were national demands for independent economic development. Anyone who
was anti-imperialist, whether a capitalist or not, had to fight for these demands. In fact
the socialists and communists in India also fought for these demands. Besides, the
doctrine of economic nationalism was developed by the early nationalists in lndia
several decades before the Indian capitalist organised themselves politically, and began
to fight for these demands. As a matter of fact when these demands were first raised in
the nineteenth century, the capitalists class had barely come into existence and it did
not come out in support of them. Clearly, the Congress did not have to be bought,
manipulated or pressurised by the capitalists to put forward these demands.
ii) Secondly, the Congress dependence on the funds from businessmen, was not the
determining factor as far as the policy decisions were concerned. Nor was the financial
dependence on capitalists so strong as to effect its policies. The overwhelming majority
of Congressmen maintained themselves on their own account and the day to day
agitations were camed out with the voluntary hospitality and support of the common
people and the funds raised through membership fees and small donations. Even during
the constitutional phase, when the Congress went in for elections. its dependence on the
capitalists for funds was not such as to make it dependent on them. In reply to a query
from Linlithgow, the Viceroy : "whether the Congress can for long continue an
existence divorced from the Gandhian moneybags", the Director of Intelligence Bureau
submitted the following very significant report in March 1939;
,
"Congress has ... very important substitutes for regular finance. The 'appeal to
patriotism' saves a lot of cash expenditures ... Both for normal Congress activities
and for election purposes, the moneybags (capitalists) are less important than the
Gandhian superstition and the powerful influence of Congress ministries in office.
With these influences to 'support them, local Congress organisations can command so
much support from the public that they are in a position to fight elections without ;.
much money".
This is not to say that the Congress did not need or accept funds from the capitalists,
especially during the constitutional phases. However, through these funds the capitalist
class was not in any basic way able to influence the policy and ideology of the Congress
along lines which was not acceptable to it independently.
The attitude of the Congress leaders, even those who were supposed to be close to the
capitalists, is very revealing in this context. Gandhiji, as early as February, 1922, while
welcoming and even appealing for support from merchants and milliowners made it very
clear that:
whether they do so or not? the country's march to freedom cannot be made to depend
on any corporation or groups of men. This is a mass manifestation. The masses are
moving rapidly towards deliverance and they must move whether with the aid of the
organised capital or without. This must therefore be a movement independent of
capital and yet not antagonistic to it. Only if capital came to the aid of the masses, it
would redound to the credit of the capitalists and hasten the advent of the happy day.
Similarly, Motilal Nehru who, in the Swarajist phase, was in close contact with Bombay
and Ahmedabad capitalists and accepted significant sums of money from them for political
work, had no hesitation in severely castigating them in 1928 when he felt that they were
trying to retreat from their erstwhile commitments. He said,
the Congress should welcome this change in the attitude of the mill owners. An
alliance between the Congress and capitalists who are bent on profiting by the
sufferings of the nation is an impossible one. The more suitable fieid of work for the
Congress is among the workers and not the owners of the mills. But 1 was misled by
Kamesh Mechrocks
 --

i
I
ersonal friends among the mill owners-Mahatmaji
i Nationalism: Inter War
Years - 111
the latter, and I have now told him that he was

Kamesh Mechrocks
 But this did not mean that the Congress did not want their financial support. On The Growth of Indian
Capitalism, the Capitalist
many occasions it took donations. For example Dalmia contributed substantially for Class and the Freedom
election funds in 1937 and the constructive programme was always financed by -.
Strueele
Birla.

31.6 CAPITALISTS' VIEW OF THE CONGRESS

How did the Indian Capitalists view the Indian National Congress? In fact the Congress
was never percieved by them as their own class party. J.K. Mehta of the Indian Merchants
Chamber put it as a party, " with room in it for all shades of political opinion and
economic views". But at the same time, the Capitalists tried to ensure that the national
movement did not get radicalised, i.e., come under the influence of socialists or
communists. With this perspective they strengthened the right wing in the Congress. For
example G.D. Birla wrote to Purshottamdas (3rd August, 1934):
Vallabhhhai, Rajaji and Rajendra Babu are all fighting communism and
socialism. It is therefore, necessary that some of us who represent the healthy
Capitalism should help Gandhi as far as possible and work with a common
object.
In fact Birla and Thakurdas had earlier opposed the suggestion of Dorabji Tata for forming
a political party of the Capitalists. This was because they felt that the Congress itself could
'
take care of their interests provided the right wing dominated in the Congress. The
Gandhian principle of trusteeship (Unit 13) suited them well for it discouraged anti-
capitaIist struggle.

31.6.1 Approaching the Congress

Interestingly, the capitalist themselves showed remarkable maturity in never seeing the
Congress as their class party or even as a party amenable only to their influence. They
fully recognised that the Congress was a multi-class popular movement "with room in it"
as J.K. Mehta of the Indian Merchants' Chamber put it, "for all shades of political opinion
and economic views". Which shade or which class perspective would exercise greater
weight within the Congress, remained an open question and was partially linked to the
political maturity and farsightedness of each class.

31.6.2 Capitalists Strategy to Contain the Left

It is with this understanding that the capitalists moulded their politics, to try to ensure that
the national movement did not get too radicalised, i.e., it did not come under the
dominating influence of the socialists or communists. However, as pointed out earlier, the
capitalists did not respond to the growing threat of the left in Indian by allying themselves
with imperialism. For example, in 1928, they refused to support the colonial government
in passing the Public Safety Bill which was intended to contain the communists, on the
ground that such a Bill would result in an attack on the national movement. The fact that
the capitalists did not abandon the side of nationalism, even when threatened by the left
tendency within the national movement, went a long way in maintaining the influence of
the capitalist perspective within the movement.
Instead of abandoning the side of nationalism, the capitalists evolved a complex strategy to
combat the left in the nationalist stream. As a part of their strategy, they gave support to
the right wing of the national movement, and did extensive political and ideological
propaganda, arguing for rapid economic growth, equitable distribution, partial
nationalisation, land reforms and schemes for worker's welfare. By formulating what
FICCI President, G.L. Mehta called "a consistent programme of reforms (as the) most
effective remedy against social upheavals". They sought to combat the influence of the left
on the national movement.

It needs to be reiterated, however, that the capitalists' attempt to contain the national
movement within bourgeois limits did not involve any compromise with imperialism.
They remained anti-imperialist, though, their goal was to evolve or support a strategy of
overthrowing imperialism, which would simultaneously ensure the maintenance of the
capitalist system:
Kamesh Mechrocks
 -

Nationalism: Inter War Check Your Progress

-
Years 111
1 It may by said that
the Congress in anyway.
nancing the Congress.
Congress but the extent to which this determined
is a matter of controversy.

2 One of the most e capitalists evolved to contain the left in the

t n
iii) remain within t Congrc
iv) none of the abo e.
gress main stream

In this unit you got to1 now:

b
italism in the concrete conditions of the space
gn capital, import substitution forced by war, and
k place because of an internal crisis in imperialism

gle against colonial policies to

class under the Federation of

Industry (FICCI), helped to define in a concrete
itically imperialism was affecting its growth.
ique of colonialism that decided the Indian

ty of the mass movements to their

form that the Congress was, towards

its class interlsts.
I

national indigenous industries.

ose enterprise is completely subordinate to foreign
capital.
minant means of subsistence is control over land and
its tillers.
1 inovement: a term which indicates that the national

31.9 A N S ~ R TB/J~HEcK
S YOUR PROGRESS

e nature of Indian Capitalists

British Imperialism.
Kamesh Mechrocks
2 See Sub-sec. 31.2.7. Your answer should include (i) the capitalists' attitude towards the The Growth of Indian
Capitalism, the Capitalist
growth of left and (ii) the strength of the left. Class and the Freedom
Struggle
Check Your Progress 2
1 See Section 3 1.3, the first para. Your answer should include the efforts of Indian
business to build a national organisation to lobby for their interests.
2 See Sub-sec. 31.3.1. Your answer should include (i) its role of a national guardian of
trade and industry (ii) its role in developing a critique of imperialism.

Check Your Progress 3

1 (iii) 2 (ii) /

Check Your Progress 4

1 (iii) 2 (iii) \/

Kamesh Mechrocks
Structure
32.0 Objectives
32.1 Introduction

32.6.6 Lessons of

32.8 Let Us Sum

32.9 Key Words

broad survey of the popular struggles in the

assess the role

achieved through a long and complex process. It

uest, intimidation or accommodation of the pre-
existed in India. The result was direct British rule

'Paramountcy' over th
mled by Indian Princes. Princely India, or the

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Kamesh Mechrocks
pas!uef o alam suope!msse le~ndodla~al-~a:,ol lslg aql 'l:,ej U I .pas!praua%alom aure:,aq
saitrls ue!pu~jo a~doada q uo a:,uanUu! si! ' l a ~ e n q :ssem
, e parunsse 1uarua~orupuo!)t!u
aqi uaqM 1na .sa~asay] u! laqaqs %u!yaasw p u ~qsgua ruolj s1suo~~al waqi jo amos
's1syleuopeu @npyh!puy6q 1sly le pap23 slam seap! a s a u .alru :,pwmine jo sassa:,xa a v
palajjns ajq Lep 01 h p l!av u! Laql se may] 103 a:,uehaIaJ aierpamm! ue peq sisypuo!~eu
aql Lq pasynlndod sa!uaqyI I!A!:,pue iuawrua~08a~q!suodsar'L:,ermmap jo seap!
put! Inpamod t! pas!:,laxa ' q p u ~
. a u 'salss av J O a~doadaqi uo a:,uan~u!%U!MOJ% qsgua
u! SIOOL u a w peq i! laye 'luama~oru~euo!ieuav 'uaddoq 01 punoq som se 'ssaIaquahaN
'Iolrno:,
pue uo!s!~adnsi 3 y s pas!:,laxa s1uap!saX a q 10 s ~ u a s vatp 'sa~trlsaq1 u! sa~!isuasaidal
l!av q 8 n o q pue 'iuamahom Ieuo!iau aq) 0 1 puaixa lq8!w sa:,uw a q 1etp uoddns
6uo jo p a ~ o ~ d d e s61811~s
~p 6aq1 'asmo:, JO -1uamuaAoE)alq!suodsaX s p n m o ~sahom
6ue a:,ueuamno:, 01 ~utrl:,nlai=am pue uo!i:,ear jo synMInq se sa1trlg u e ~ p uu!trlu!am
~ I
01 iq8nos 'hmua:, va!iuami aql u! 1uama~om~euo!leua q jo qi8ua~ls8u!mo18 atp JO
1
ixaiuo:, aqi u! 611q:,adsa 'oqm qs!iug aqi jo loop aqi 1e 6 q uopenl!s srqlloj L1!l!q~suodsa1
aql jo ued leal8 v .aj!I jo salaqds Ile u! pnmq:,eq u!erualol panu!luo:, 61uo[em
I S B A a u '61uou!m 11erus e palmgsuo:, 'la~amoq 'salns q:,nS .iuamrua~o%u! uopedy:,ped 1
nlndod jo alnsoam e 1 w ~ uaha 8 pue uopa:,npa mapom pea~ds01 suojja snouas apem os@
A a q ~'iuarudo[a~ap pysnpu! alomold pue smojal ~v:,!l!~od pue a~pens!u!mpea:,nponu!
01 h p!p 'a:,utrlsysal qs!i!la JO a:,y aqi u! ualjo 'sla~rupaua)qS!lua alom av JO amos
'alru
1e~aua8a q a1a~-e!pu~ qspua %uunoqqS!auu! ueql laq8!q ua~a-saw q 8 r ~.sluel!qequy
ssald~aqaq1 uo IIaj 611ern1eusrq1 11" JO uaplnq a u .ma.xeq aqi uy uamom jo sqrunu aq1
01 ppe 01 panu!iuo:, osle L a u .sayled ,ny!qs, %uys!w8loJO suearu 6q s1san8 u9la~ojl!av
01 iuamupuaiua q s ! ~ eaha8~ 6 a q 's6qs
~ 8uol peq pue sauluno:, ueadolng 01 s d u ~iuanbaq
apem L a u .sapuej pue sm!qM Ieuoslad luo8e~e~lxa uo sanuahal a ~ e aqi
~ s palapuenbs
slalru a u 'sald!:,uud :,pw:,oine )no-pue-)no uo unl aJam sams 1sow .s~a[qnsi!aqi
jo 11!mpooS a q alnsua 01 sainseam jo mnm!u!m a v uaha ayepapun 0 1 paau ou I I ~ JsJaIru
aq1 'Lpuanbasuo3 .Ieruam! pue ~emalxa-a:,ua1s!xai!aq) 01 s1aaq1 I@ l s u ~ 8 eh p : , a s
sJaIru aql paa1ue~en8qsgua atp 'lamod ~unome~od j
a q st! pa8palmouy:,e %u!aq~ o umar
Nationalism: Inter War in the states under Non-Cooperation and Khilafat movement which lasted
-
Years 111
from 1920 to 1922.

I
32.3 THE FfiRST P ITICAL ORGANISATIONS
a Mandals or State People's Conferences were set up
Balloda, the Kathiawad Sjates, the Deccan States,
ong the leaders who emerged through this process,
of Balwantrai Mehta, Maniklal Kothari and C.R.
niliative that the first all-India gathering of the people
to the formation of the All India States People's
on itself being attended by about 700 political workers.

II
32.4 THE CDNGRI

the states in the name of the Congress. This they

qnd the Indian States the differences on this count

sation such as the Congress, which determined its
e basis of the conditions in British India, could not
political movements in the states at that initial stage.
he people in the States to rely on the more advanced

framework of thes s and Congressmen continued to extend

variety of ways. In his Presidential Address to

e right to determine the future of the

i
While the process o politi ening and political protest went ahead in many states in
1920s and early 193 s, th rt in the movements in the states came in the latter half
of the 1930s. This s la duct of two associated developments-the Federation
scheme proposed b the G nt of India Act of 1935 and, the assumption of office by
Congress ministries1 ' the of the provinces of British India in 1937.

4
32.4.1 Federati n Sche
a
,

Indian states were to be brought into a direct

ia, as distinct from the existing position in which
ith the British Crown. This was to be achieved by
6islature which would have representatives from
British India as tates. However, while the representatives from
y the people, the representatives from the Indian
of the total members, would be nominated by the
urpose of this scheme was to use the nominated
lid conservative block to counter the weight of the
The Federation scheme was, therefore, opposed by
d that the representatives of the States should also be
. Understandably, this imparted a great sense of urgency
emment in the Indian States, for there could be no
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Popular Struggles in the
Princely States

3GO 11AlLlJ A N b l 3, 1'338

[ 1 ) ~ ~ 1 <l3t;ll
- -
Iridrcd, it is a question whether responsibld ~ ~ r i l l ~ -
strrs iri the I ) ~ O V ~ I I C ' C . \ Iiave not a moral respun-
ribllity ill r r q ~ e c t uf the people ut' t t ~stdtcs In
lllslr resl~cctivc ~~roviiices. U11der tbe c011~1itu-
ti or^. the rniiii,ters liave IU power over them.
Tlic Cover~lt,r IS the 41gClit uf tlic Vicr.tr)y who
i s tlic rcl~rcr~litdlivd tllc P ~ C Y I I L ) I IPower. M~
,5'l'A'l'Iq:S ,\N 1 ) '1'1111: l ' ~ ~ ~ O ~ ' [IIUC~ t~l ~~eI I I ~ I ~ I S ~111
Z ~ S~ I I I ~ C I I ~ I I I U O ULSI ~ ~ V I I I C Cb~.: ~ w
slrlcly ;I 11ior.1l l,-slh~n>~lility redr1Ji11y uqlut h a p p t ~
( /ly hl. K . L ' ~ I I I) ~ ~ I ~ iu tlic states. % . long as the states and the
T h e a l n i ~ s t siili~iltar~eousa\\,~kcning ill tlit ik'ur)Ie itre satislir:J, i~lillistcrs Iiave nu worry.
variolls sr;it~.sIS n v~.rv -.l!!i~iti~.:tiitcvclit in tlic UUC II~IVI: tllcy I ~ U I I ~if there is. my, viru!ent
Jutional strucgle for ii~lie~)cn,lerice.It wlll be e~idclllic in the t i i t e s which, if neglected, nuy
wrcng to tilink tilac sucll awakelling can due easily overtake the province i n which tlley uc
lo ,lie illstigatiGn of one psr-n or a my of situated ? I-lave tlley none when tliere i s I
p e r s n s or aiiy orc.lni;atiu~l. It is lust possible t l ~ a t moral epidemic which seems to be raging in
the Haripura resolution of the Congress put tlie Dh~llkanal?
people of the states on tht:ir mettle and they I understand that the prrsccuted proplr ;rrc
realized as never before t l ~ t their ralvation taking refuge ill Uritirh O r i m . Can. the mild.
depended upon tlleir own l a b & s . nut above all sters rcfusc them sliclter,? How many can t h y
it is the time spirit that has brouglit a b u t take charge o f ? Whatever luppens in these states
the awitkening. I t is t o be h o w d that the Prin- affects for better or for worse the province as a
ces and their advisers will recognize it and meet whole. I do bclieve, tt~erefore, tbat the ministera
the lcgitirnate aspirations o f the people. Tliere by reamn of the hcrvy responsibility rdsting can
is .
I~ilIf-way tlouse bctwcert total crtinctioia their slioulriers have the moral riglit, witliinbtrict
of tlle states und ?he l'rinces making their limits. t o assert tlienlselves for the sake of intu-
people ~csponsiblefor the ad~ninistration of rksir nal peace and decency. They .cannot look on
states arid themselves bcoming trusteer for the with uncoirern while the people of the statu
people, tdcilig an a r n e d cornmission for their -an arbitrary creation of the Paramount Power-
labours. are bring ground t o dust as they in Dlienkansl
1 Ilopc, tl~ercfcrre. the rulriour is rlut true rhrt a" repofled to
the llririsl~Guvernment are likely. at the instance One reads in the papcrs that some conccu-
of wme Prilices or thcir Dcwa~is, t o announce ions Lave brcn given t o tlre people of DLen-
a clrange in the policy recently enunciritcd by kanal. I do. not know whether the r e p n u
E.irl Winterton, about tlie :ibility of the Princes true and whetllcr the relief ,answers the p u c p o ~
t o Rrnllt rcsponsible povcrnrlicnt t o their people. for wliicli the I>col~lcof Dhcr~kulal arr t i g b t i ~
U a117 i ~ ftlirrn 1i;ive ajkcd tlie Uritish Govern- and oufiring. I t is, howtver, irrelevant to the
mcnt to rcvcrre rhc policy, t \ ~ e yhave undoubt- i s ~ u er.iised by rue. I fccl that the nlinirterr in
cdly done u dissrrvice to thcmscleves. And the I'rovinces are nlorally bound t o take notice
if t l ~ eI\ritisli Govcrnrnelit rk.cpond to the un- of grots misrulc in the stater within tlieir bor-
wcprthy wivh. they will prcc;rtit.,te Crrt class dcrs und t o tclider advice t o tlie P ~ n m o u n t
cribis whose ~nagriitudc it is cliflicult t o foretell. l'awcr as t o wliat, in tlicir opinion, SIIOUW lz
I rr~ubt r c f ~ r ~toc believe tli;~t tlie Ijritish Govern- doi~c. T h e Paramount Power, if it is to enjoy
rllclit can colalnit such a blunder. Earl Winterton's fricndly rcbtionr, with the provincial ministen,
announccrncrit was but an rndorbemerlt of past il bound to give sympathetic ear to tLei
prxticc. Tliev ure not kriuwn t o lwva ever advice.
intcrfcred with the state3 givil~d powers t o their T/lere is one otller matter which demands the
people, however wid2 chcy ~ n i p l ~be. t urgent attention of the states and their adviserr
I go a step further. Hvclr as cl~eBritish Govern- Ttiey fight shy of the very name Congress.
rucnt, as the Paramount Power, are bound t o protect TIICYregard Congrcs~mcn as outsiders, foreigncn
the Princes ag;~inst harm from outside or within. and what not. They may be all that in law.
they are eqclally or a fortiori bound to ensure just Uut n ~ ~ n - m a dLIW,
e if it is in conflict with the
rule on the part of the Princes. Hence it is natural law. becomes a d u d letter when the Latter
their bounden duty, when they. supply the police operates in full force. T h e pmple of the starer
o r the milit- t o any state, t o see that there is look up t o the Congrew in all matten affectin4
a proper emergency justifying the request and tbat their interest. Many of them y e members d
the militarg or the police will be used with the Congreu. Some liko Sbri Jamylalji hold
becoming restraint. From D l ~ e r ~ k a r dhave come high offices in the Congress organization. In the
t o rue worirr of fiendish iruelty exercised by eye of the Congreu there ia no distinction bet-
the state myrmidonr under the shadow of the ween members from the atatea 4 from India
police rupplied by the Paramount Power. I asked culled British. It ic aureb detrimental ta tbe
for evidence in rupport of rome o f rho urmame. interests of the r a t e r to i a ~ r ath C9RPre.u or
able cruelities. And I have enough t o iwpir. Congressmen especially when it or, rbrl luk
kliet to tender friendly auirmcr. Tbel ~lrurtr r ; o y d u

21. Gandhi's Article in Harijan on State People's Movement.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Natlonnlism: Inter War
Years-m

sprung up in many states, and struggles broke out

bad, Patiala, Jaipur, Kashmir and the Orissa States.

is all-round awakening among the people of the

... The moment they became ready, the legal,

ndary was destroyed."

15139 and this led to a marked change in the

Princes became e was a lull in the movement which was, however,

broken with the India movement in August 1942. For the first time,

for responsible government was now added

for the States to become integral parts of the

to Indian hands we
importance at this j
departure and the la

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Popular Struggles in the
Princely States

I)c:.i~,~i..i~.!; t l i ~ !hope llrat T2u1.t1 ~ ~ ~ u I I ~ ~ad~licc I ~ ~ ~ ~ I I ' s

t.1 tile 1 1 1 d i a i ~I ' I , ~ I I c ~will
- s LC l ~ ~ l l ~ ~ vt11e
c t lC ,: U V ~ ~ I ~ ~ I ~ * : I I ~
of 11-idiaar:d t1ic A.I.S.P.C. hre drifting, unable either
l o sce the ovur~lllpicture !n +.true pcrsp~ctive or lay
l ' m ns to how^ the difliculties arising.out
d o w l ~~ ~ ' t ~ n i f o plsn
o i the Jur~t.:! Pla11 arc to.be, s u r m o t ~ ~ ~ t c d .
The Union Covrrntpent. fiecks to judge each state on in-
dividual merit.
1':C. ~llraugliits spokcslnan and now ck-
'l'tic A ,I .S.
President car, :;t* liirrlt urllv in ttlcisc: ilctisns of the Ststcs
l l ~ :Ire
t f ~ A ' ~ t i ~ \ : ' ; to [ ~ 111di;~iiJ~~ioi-..
i t l l111~
l'tru:: .':ardiir Vaiiolrllbllsi I'atcl c a n ~ r t i tscc tlic IICCL.S,IIIy
,of h o l t l i ~ ra~ 1;lcbi~citeis 1;a:;lilnil. ;;ltl~ou;:ll. hc thir~ls
111;it n pli.l~iscitcirr J U ~ ; L C ~ Iis~ Ie!:s~.atiul:
I

22. Editorial on State People's Movement in Free Press Journal 18.10. 1947

the sub-continent. The national leadership, and especially Sardar Patel, played a vital role
at this stage and succeeded in getting the vast majority of the States to accede to the Indian
Union through a combination of diplomatic pressure, arm-twisting and popular
movements. Many of the more sensible rulers had realised on their own that independence
of their territories as separate entities was not a realistic alternative. However, some of the
States, such as Travancore, Junaqadh, Hyderabad and Kashmir refused to join the Indian
Union till the last minute. Only Hyderabad made a serious bid for independence up to the
last moment.

Check Your Progress 1

1 What was the initial impact of national movement on the people of the Indian States?

Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: Inter War
-
Years I11 .................................................... ............................................................................
....................................., ..:........... ..........................................................................................

2 What was the policy of the In National Congress towards the popular movements in
the Indian States? ;
I

..................................... i.............
. ............................................................................
..................................... .4, ............
,
............................................................................
.....................................i.,............. ....................................................................................
.................................................... ............................................................................
..................................... ............................................................................

3 Write five lines on iie Feder

.................................................... ............................................................................
..................................................... ...........................................................................
....................................,',,............. ..........................................................................
.................................................... ..........................................................................
I
.................................................... ...........................................................................

I
4 Read the following/ ta mark right ( b -' ) or wrong (x).
'
i) The British exe is ontrol on the areas controlled by the Indian
princes.
ii) The Federation'! c ported by the nationalist leaders.
iii) The movement ;,n tes acquired an impetus in the 1930s.

at the pattern of the movements in two Indian

of detailed illustration of the movements in selected
spmmarising briefly the movements in all the States
ore helpful to us in understanding the complex
d political consciousness and political activity in
the Indian states states we have chosen are representative not only
rgest Indian state, and Rajkot among the smallest -
as ruled by the Nizarn, a Muslim, and Rajkot by a
n political workers who were in leadership whereas in

t
Hyderabad the Comq nists pla la major role in the populaf-movement against the
feudal ruler.

Rajkot was one of States that dotted the Kathiawad peninsula of Gujarat
and had a 14s importance, however, was considerable because
he Western India States Agency from where the
s dealings with an exercised supervision over all the
small States of the a

32.6.1 Reign of
g one of the first States in India where popular
dbced. This was largely due to the enlightened views
ajiraj, who ruled the State for twenty years till 1930.
k ~ Praja
t Pratinidhi Sabha, a representative assembly
e basis of universal adult franchise. The Thakore
Lakhajiraj rarely exercised this right. In effect the
power. Lakhajiraj promoted industrial and educational
development of the
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Popular Struggles in the
This enllgntened ruler actively encouraged the nationalist political activity in various ways. Princely States
He gave permission for the holding of the First Kathiawar Political Conference in Rajkot
in 1921, which was presided over by Vithalbhai Patel, the i!lustrious brother of Sardar
Pate1 who later went on became the first Indian President of :he Central Legislative
Assembly. Lakhajiraj was a great admirer of Gandhiji and very proud of the achievements
of this 'son of Rajkot'. He would often invite him to his durbar, and then make him sit on
the throne while he himself sat in his durbar. Jawaharlal Nehru was given a public
reception by him during a visit to the State. Lakhajiraj also attended sessions of the
Kathiawar Political Conference, wore khadi in defiance of the British, and donated land
for the setting up of a national school that was to become a centre of political activity.

32.6.2 Return to Despotism

The initiatives taken by Lakhajiraj were too good to last for long. His death in 1930
brought his son, Dharmendra Singhji to the throne and as a ruler he proved to be the exact
opposite of his father. Dharamendra Singhji was interested only in his own luxuries and
comforts and he was encouraged in this by tlie crafty Dewan Virawala who used the
opportunity to mncentrate all powers in his own hands. The State's wealth was wasted on
extravagant expenditure and the finances soon reached such a state that monopslies for the
sale of rice, matches, sugar and cereals were given for a price to individual merchants in
order to raise revenues. Taxes were increased, prices rose and the popular assembly was
1 allowed to lapse. All this produced a discontent and resentment among the people,
especially since the conhast with the reign of Lakhajiraj was so sharp.

I 32.6.3 Beginning of Protest

t The ground for struggle had also been prepared by different political groups who had been
active in the Kathiawar area for many years. The group that emerged in the leading
position during these yews, however, consisted of Gandhian constructive workers and their
main leader was U.N. Dhebar.
The first blow was struck in 1936 when a strike of 800 workers took place under the aegis
of a labour union organised by Jethalal Joshi, a Gandhian activist, in the state-owned
cotton mill. The strike lasted 21 days and the Durbar had to concede the union's demands
for better working conditions. Encouraged by this success, Jethalal Joshi and U.N. Dhebar
organised in March 1937 a meeting of the Kathiawar Rajakiya Parishad (Political
Conference), the first to be held in eight years. The fifteen thousand people who attended
this conference demanded responsible government and reduction in taxes and state
expenditure.
The ruler made no move either to negotiate or concede the demands. The Parishad,
therefore, launched the next phase of the struggle in August 1938 by organising a protest
against gambling, for which too a monopoly had been sold at the Gokulashtmi fair. The
administration had planned repression, and the protesters were beaten with lathis first by
the Agency police and then by the state police. The reaction was immediate: there was a
complete hartal and Sardar Pate1 presided over a session of the Parishad on 5 September.
Patel also met Dewan Virawala and presented the demands of the people which included a
committee to frame proposals for responsible government, a new election for the
Pratinidhi Sabha or the popular representative assembly, reduction of land revenue by 15
per cent, cancellation of all monopolies or ijaras, and a limit on the ruler's claim on the
State heasury. The Durbar, however, was in no mood to listen, and instead stepped up the
confrontation by asking the British Resident to depute a British Officer as Dewan in order
to effectively deal with the agitation. The British duly despatched Cadell to take over as
Dewan. Dewan Virawala, who planned the whole scheme, became Private Adviser to the
throne, and continued to operate from behind the scenes.

32.6.4 The Satyagraha

Seeing the rigid attitude of the administration, the resistance was stepped up to assume the
form of a full-scale satyagraha. There were workers' strikes in the cotton mill and students
also went on strike. All goods either produced by the State or products sold under
monopoly were boycotted. These included electricity and cloth. Land revenue was not paid
and deposits in the State Bank were withdrawn. In short, all sources of income of the State
were to be blocked. Volunteers flowed in from Bombay, British Gujarat and the other
parts of Kathiawar outside Rajkot. The organisation of the movement was highly
advanced. Every leader arrested was replaced by another according to a pre-arranged secret
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: Inter War informed of their date of arrival and arrangements
-
Years 111
in Rajkot were apers by means of code numbers. Sardar Patel,
most of the time, kept himself in regular touch by

er the possibility of what would be seen as a

want the P ~ r b a to
r come to any settlement with
that this wc-ld result in a further spread of the
movement and would ce. But, hard-pressed by the highly
settlement with Sardar Pate1 on 26
was withdrawn and prisoners were released. The
crucial part of the d tment to appoint a Committee of ten state
me of reforms designed to grant the widest possible
powers to the peopl at, of the 10 members of this Committee, seven
would be Sardar Pa
osed the agreement in the first place, now swung
est levels of the Viceroy and the Secretary of
take the stand that he would not accept Sardar
d instead have another one drawn up with the help
of the Resident. The icly for the refusal was also very significant, since it
to create caste and communal divisions: the list
, it was argued, because it contained the names only
, and the depressed classes were not represented

The Satyagraha was ry 1939 and it was met with heavy repression.
However, this repres stronger protest from all over the country.
own up in Rajkot, was so moved that she decided, in
spite of her advance to go to Rajkot. On anival, she and her
companion Manibe er, were detained in a village outside Rajkot city.
d to proceed to Rajkot. He had already taken
serious note of the ement by the Durbar. He now felt that his own
h the State and the Thakore Sahib's family called

the British, continued to be obdurate and finally

ing on an indefinite fast unless the Durbar agreed to
. No assurance was given by the Durbar and the fast
began:

32.6.5
Ibiji's fast became the signal for a nation-wide
dh telegrams demanding his intervention, Congress
ere called and legislatures adjourned. Gandhiji
amount Power, to persuade the Thakore to stick
roke his fast after the Viceroy asked the Chief
itrate and decide whether in fact the Thakore

The Chief Justice up sition in an award given on 3rd April 1939, but
to promote the communal and caste divide
by encouraging the lasses to put forward their claims and then
using these to refuse ment. The situation soon began to deteriorate,
epped in to demand separate representation for
were hostile demonstrations at Gandhiji's prayer
since it had nothing to gain and all to lose from a

o withdraw from the situation and announced that

he released the T qgreement. He apologised to the Viceroy and the
Chief Justice for also apologised to his opponents, and returned to
his failure to achieve a 'change of heart' in his
having tried to use the authority of the Paramount
ave relied only on the strength of his own suffering
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Popular Struggles in the
Princely States

460 HARIJAN [ FEBRUARY

4, 1939

1.111: Ilritisl~ RcriiJcnt is rcp*cltii~g tlie ~wrCL>r-

nla1Icc.s of the Br~tish otticinls in 'Ilr~tish Indir'
during t l ~ eCivil Disobedience days.
1 know that if the people of Rajkot con
s t m d all this nlndness w~tlrout tl~c.n~selvc.s
beconling mad, and meekly but resolutrly and
bravely suffer the inhumnn~ties heaped upon
lZXJKOT them, they w ~ l lcome out victorious and, what
( fly hf. K. Gantlhi ) is more, they w ~ l l set free the Thnkore Saheb.
The strugglc in Kajkot has a personal touch Tllcy wtll prove tliat tllcy are the real rulers
about it for me. It was the place where I of Rajkot under the paramountcy of t h e
rzceived all my education up t o the matricula- Congress. If, however, they go .mad and think
tion cxarnir~;~tion and where my father was of impotent retaliation and resort to acts of
Dewan for m;lriy years. My wife feels so much violence, their state will be worse than before
al>ouc t l ~ esullerings of t1;e people that thougb' and the paramountcj of the Congress will be of
she is as old as I am and much less able than no effect. The Congress paramountcy avails only
mysbrlf to brave such I~ardsl~ipsas may be those who accept the banner of non-violence, even
attendant upon jail life, shie feels she must go t o as the paramountcy of Br~tain avails only those
H:~jkor. And before this i s . in print slit might who subscribe to the doctrine of 'might is right'.
Itave go112 tl~cre. W l ~ ; l t then is the duty of thc Congress when
But I want to take a . dctaclictl view of the the pcoplr: of Rajkot have to face not the
struggle. Sardnr's statcnlent, reproduced elsewhere. Ruler and llis tiny police but the disciplined
is a Icgal document in the smse tliat it has not hordes nf the British Empire?
a superfluous word in it and contiiins nothicg T l ~ afirst and natural step is for the Congrtss
that cxnnot be supported by \lriit~lpe;~chdl,lerninlstry to make themselves responsible for the
evidence most of which is t : ~ s c d o n writtzn s a k t y and honour of the people of Rajkot. It
records which are attachcd to it as appendices. is true thac the Governnlent of India Act
I t furnisl~cscvidcnce of a cold-bloodt-d hrc;~chof gives the ministers no power over the States.
a .rolemn covcn.Int entcrcd into b$tuccn the Hailcot Dut they arc governc~rsof a mighty province
Rulcr and I ~ i s people. And the I)reiicl~ I1:ts Iwen in whirl1 Rajkot is but a speck. As such they have
C ~ bidtlitlg of the British rights and duties outside the Government of India
cornnritced at th* I , . ~ : J I . I and
Kcsldenc who is directly lir~kzd with the Viceroy: Act. And thcse are muctr the most important.
T o the covz~nnca British Dewan was party. Suppos~ngthat Rajkot became t h e place of refuge
H i s boast \;..IS thnt he rcli~ts:nrcli liritish autho- for all the gun& that India could produce.
rity. I l e had expected to rule rhc Ruler. He supposing further that from there they carried on
was therehrc no h o l to fall into the Sardar's operations throughout India, t h e nlinisters would
trap. Therefore the covcnlllt ws,; IIOC all extor. clearly Iiave the right and it would b e their
tion from an iml)cc~leruler. Thc Ilritihh Resident duty to i ~ the ~ k Paramount Power through t h e
Jetcsted tltc G X I ~ C E Sand S I l ~ e !irrti,ir for tlie BI-~tislrKc.l)rt*se~~rativc in Ik>ntb.~y to set thi~lgv
crime of s ; l v i ~ ~ gthe T l r l h o r e , S , ~ l ~ c b fr61n r i ~ : l ~in
t Kajkot. And it will be the duty of
bankruptcy and, prot;rl~ly, lttss d' Iris cadi. 'The tbc l!lrcln~c~urrtPower t o do so o r to lose t h e
Congress influence he cotrld r ~ o t L~cluk. And so rn~nisters. Every minister in his province is
before tlie Thakore Salrcb c o ~ ~ lpossibly d rccleem att:c.red by everything that happens in territo-
tiis promise t o his peoplc., he rrl.cJr him break ries wi~l1i11llis gcographicirl limit though out-
'

it. If the news tli;lt tlie s a r d ~ ris rccsiving from side his Icgal jurisdictiot~,especially ~f that thing
Rajkot is t o be believed, the Hcsident is showing t ~ u r t shis sense of decency. Respo~lsible govern-
the red claws ~f the British lion and says in ment in those parts may not be the ministers'
effect t o the people: "Your ruler is my creature. conccrn, but if there is plague in those parts
I have put him o n the gadi and 1 can depose o r butchery going on, it . is very much their
him. H e knew well enough t l ~ a t he had acted concern; o r else their rule is a s h m and a
against my wishes. I have therefore undone bis delusion. Thus the ministcrs in Orissa may not
action in, coming to terms with his people. sit conifortably in their chairs, if they d o
For your dealings with tha C;ongress and the not sucgeed in sending 26.000 refugees of Talcher
Sardar I stlall tdach you a lesson that you will to their home with an absolute assurance of
not forget for a generation." safe* and freedom of specch and social and
Having made the Ruler a virtual prisoner. Le political intercourse. I t is insufferable that the
has begun a reign of terrorism in Rajkot. Hera Ct. ,.*less. which is today in alliance with t h e
is what the Iatest telcgram received by the B r i t i ~ h Government, should be treated as on
SardG says : " lkcharhhci J a s ~ n i arld other enelliy a ~ ~an d outsider in the Stares which are
volunteers arrested. Twentysix volul~trqrstaken ac vas5.11~of the British.
night to a dtstnat place in the irdrocy llruits and This wanton breach, instigdted by the British
brutally. bepten. Volunteers in vi1lrgc.u are ~iniilurly Resident in Kajkot. of the charter of the liberty
treated. Agency polict contnrll~rid State agency of its people u a wrong wltich must be 6.a
;mJ searching private louse* in ci$il liurits." right a t tire earliest possible moment. It is Like

23. Candhi's Writeup on Rajkot.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 i
Nationalism: Inter War to bring about a 'chan of heart e Thakore Sahib and Virawala. The 'violence' or
-
Years 111
the coercion involved ' the meth adopted had been the cause of his failure.

monstrated the complexity of the

he Paramount Power always ready to interfere in its
nce of the Rulers as an excuse for
manded by those in opposition. In British India,
rontation was therefore of a different order. On
thods of struggle when used in
India and Indian States often produced dissimilar
ustified in showing hesitation for long years to

e Indian Union in 1947 was none other than Sardar

Patel, a veteran of the
states. Struggles such

1 Read the followin t ( ./ ) or wrong (x).

state had introduced the principle of

as undertaken by Gandhian activists.

ng the people of the state.

9 1
2 Write five lines on andhiji's lvement with the Rajkot Satyagraha.

There was one state

the largest Indian st

rising. He was used to governing in the style of

prised 10 per cent of the total area of the state.
tly to meet the royal expenses. He had obviously

s, high rents and exacted forced labour or vethi.

also suffered from religious and cultural
and Urdu promoted in a variety of ways.
share of the jobs in the government, especially at
h had began to acquire considerable popularity
hand and those who had come under its
ions without official permission. In the
moted the formation of Ittehad ul Muslimin, an
Kamesh Mechrocks
organisation based on loyalty to the Nizam on the basis of common religious faith. It was Popular Struggles in the
Princely States
this cultural, economic, political and religious suppression that prepared the ground for the
growth of people's movement in Hyderabad.

32.7.2 Beginning of Awakening

The beginning of political awakening came with the Non-cooperation and Khilafat
movements in 1920-22. National schools were set up, charkhas were popularised,
propaganda made against liquor-drinking and badges with pictures of Gandhiji and Ali
brothers were sold. Public demonstrations of Hindu-Muslim unity were popular and the
Knilafat movement was used as an effective forum for organising open political activity
such as in the form of mass public meetings since the Nizam hesitated to come out openly
against this movement.
Following upon this, a series of Hyderabad Political Conferences were held in British
Indian territory adjoining the state. Responsible government, civil liberties, reduction of
taxes, abolition of forced labour, freedom for religious and cultural expression were the
main demands put forward at these conferences. The Civi! disokdience Movemenr of
1930-32 further advanced political consciousness, for many nationalists from Hyderabad
crossed over to British India to participate in the struggle. They went to jails and mingled
with nationalists from other regions. These people returned to Hyderabad with a new sense
of urgency and militancy.
Meanwhile, the process of cultural awakening had also been under way. This took the form
of different linguistic-cultural zones fonning their own associations. The first to come up
was the Andhra Jana Sangham, later transformed into Andhra Mahasabha. This
organisation of the Telugu-speaking people of the Telengana area worked for the
advancement of Telugu language and literature, through the setting up of schools, journals,
newspapers, library associations and a research society. Despite the Mahasabha refraining
from any overt.politica1activity till the beginning of the 1940s, the Nizam's administration
would shut down its schools, libraries and newspapers started by it. In 1937, the other two
linguistic cultural zones also set up their organisations: the Maharashtra Parishad and the
Kannada Parishad.

32.7.3 The Satyagraha

In 1938 active workers of all.the three regions came together and decided to launch a state-
wide organisation named the Hyderabad State Congress. Even before it could actua!ly be
set up, the administration banned it on the ground that il did not have sufficient
representation of Muslims. Attempts at negotiations came to nought, and the decision was
taken to launch a satyagraha.
The satyagraha started in October 1938, and man who led it was Swami Ramanand Tirtha,
a Marathi-speaking nationalist, who was a Gandhian in his life-style and a Nehruite in his
ideology. As a part of this satyagraha, a group of five, in which all the regions of the state
would be represented, would defy the ban orders by proclaiming themselves members of
the State Congress. Large numbers of people would turn out to witness the satyagraha and
express support, and this continued for two months, thrice a week, at the two centres cr'
Hyderabad and Aurangabad.
At the same time, the Arya Samaj and Hindu Civil Liberties Union also launched a
satyagraha against the religious persecution of Arya Sarnaj. This satyagraha had religious
objectives and even began to take on communal overtones. There was a great danger of the
two satyagrahas being confused in the popular mind. The State administration was Lrying
precisely to work in that direction.
This was seen by the State Congress and Gandhiji. Accordingly, it was decided that in
order to keep the religious and political issues separate, the political satyagraha of the State
Congress be suspended.
There emerged during the same period the famous Bande Mataram movement, which led
to a ~argc-saleradicalisation of students. This movement began in Hyderabad colleges as a
protest strike against the authorities who refused to allow the students to sing Bande
Mataram, in their hostel prayer rooms. The strike socn spread to other parts of the State,
,tudents were expelled from colleges and many of them went to Nagpur University in the
'ongress-ruled Central Provinces where they were given admission. This movement
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: lntcr War proved to be very many of the active political workers of the time
Years - Ill emerged from this

32.7.4 World ~ 4 I1r 111

The second World ut in 1939. This provided an opportunity to the State
government to refu uestions of political reforms. The State Congress
other symbolic protest by Swamiji and
six others personal hiji in September 1940. This led to their arrest and
favour of any resumption of mass
s in the offing and all struggles should

regional cultural organisations emerging as

ame particularly true of the Andhra Mahasabha of
ised cadre flocked to the Sabha and gave it a
rtant development that occurred at this time
ged as a major leader of the younger radical
in the 1939 State Congress satyagraha, was

rtion of the younger cadre as well. The result was

of ~ahasabha'spolitics and its focus on peasant

air. I1

Ell effect as well: it sealed the rift that had taken place
-Communists. The Communist Party of India
's war line - which asked for support to Britain in

Communist elements walking out to form their own

Mahasabha in Communist hands.

ntage of their position as soon as the War came to

ly the latter half of 1946, were years of the growth
us pockets of the Nalgonda district, and to some
ssues around which the peasants were mobilized
ad to be paid to the state as a part of war-time
labour or vethi begar extracted by the
-wigs. especially landowners' illegal exactions and
between the peasants led by the Communists
the goondas of the landlords and later the armed
he fierce resistance, which included arrests,
rcing the peasants to lie low for a time but they had
themselves and in the leadership of the Sangham, as

Viceroy Mountbatten's announcement on 3

June 1947 that the India in a short time. The Nizam, on 12 June
reign after the British left. He had obviousIy

Kamesh Mechrocks
 1-he State Congress now decided to come into the open and take the lead. It had already Popular Struggles in the
Princely States
established its popularity a few months earlier when it had organised a very successful
boycott of the elections held in the State under a new undemocratic constitution that the
Nizam was trying to foist on the people. In response to the Nizam's refusal to accede to
the Union, the Congress now held its first open session from 16 to 18 June and
demanded accession to the Indian Union and responsible government. The state leaders
also begah to prepare, in consultation with the national leadership in Delhi, for a struggle
against the Nizam. The struggle was to include both mass satyagraha and armed
resistance.
To evade arrests, a Committee of Action was set up outside Hyderabad and offices were
established on the borders of the state in Sholapur, Bezwada and Gadag with a central
office at Bombay. Also funds were collected in which Jai Prakash Narain played a crucial
role. The day fixed for the launching of the movement, 7 August 1947, was to be
observed as 'Join Indian Union Day'. The movement took off with a flying start. Meetings
were held in defiance of bans in towns and villages all over the state, and workers and
students went on strike. Beatings and arrests followed, as also a ban on the ceremonial
hoisting of the national flag. In the subsequent days defying this ban by all means became
a major form of the struggle. Students played an important role in this struggle, as did
women.
The government intensified repression, aod on Independence Day, 15 August 1947,
Swamiji and his colleagues were arrested. The new development was an open
encouragement by the administration to the Razakars, who were the storm-troopers of the
communal organisation, the Ittihad ul Muslimin, to act as a para-military force. Razakars
were issued arms and let loose on unarmed crowds. They set up camps near rebellious
villages and regularly carried out armed raids. The Nizam signed a Standstill Agreement
with the Indian government in November 1947, but this did nothing to relieve the
repression.

32.7.7 Armed Resistance and the Intervention of Indian Army

The movement now took a different form, that of armed resistance. The State Congress set
up camps on the State's borders, and organised raids on custom's outposts, the police
stations and Razakar camps. But inside the State, and especially in the Nalgonda, Warangal
and Khammam districts of Telengana, it was the Communists who took the lead in
organising armed resistance. They organised the peasants into dalarns, gave the training in
wing arms, to attack the Razakars. They also attacked the landlords in many areas, killed a
few and chased away many to the towns, and distributed their illegally acquired land to the
original owners, and those with littlk or no land.
The next stage was reached when the Indian Army attacked Hyderabad on 13 September
1947, secured the surrender of the Nizam, and integrated the State with the lndian Union.
The lndian Army was welcomed by the people, including the peasants, as an army of
liberation. There was great jubiliation and the fiational flag was hoisted with great joy and
sense of freedom.

Check Your Progress 3

I Write five lines on the nature of oppression prevalent in the State of Hyderabad.

2 Read the following statements and mark right ( 'A ) or wrong (x).
i) The Non-Cooperation Movement had no impact on the people of Hyderabad.
ii) The Bande Mataram movement helped in radicalising the students of Hyderabad
state.
iii) The Quit India movement brought the Communists and non-Communists
together.
i v ) The Niram did not want to join the Indian Union.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: Inter War
-
Years 111 32.8 LET US PUM
1

~4 I

es of Hyderabad and Rajkot brings out the

ly India and British India. Many of the
example the curse of landlordism, high
these problems tended to be more acute
of the Rulers. In the political sphere as
nd had much less of civil liberties and

consciousness and political activity in the Princely

hind that in British India. And even when political
little scope for open expression of dissent and
hing the activity underground, and even forcing it
not only in Hyderabad, but notably also in
s gave an added advantage to Communists
g to pursue the oppressed masses in the face of strong
an other nationalists in taking recourse to violence. It
unists played an important role in the movement in
d Patiala, there was a move towards violent
means of action.
The history of the
:I the Indian states also shows that the policy of the
States was constantly changing in keeping with the
e movements gained in strength, the Congress was
by 1942, no distinction was maintained between
tish India. In 1947-48, the clear-cut position taken
dependence by the States and its willingness to use
ng the Balkanization of the country and the
t vestinges of feudalism preserved by British
colonialism. I I

II
0

Federation Schemel A British erne, espoused through the Government of India Act,
1935. It attempted t a make the cely States a part of the Indian Federation by
incorporating their r resentati nto the Central Legislature.
e British Government and the Indian Princes.
The Princes uhe Paramount power and the British in return

Reaction: Oppositi of progress and change.

32.10 A N S W ~ R ST HECK YOUR PROGRESS

neral politicisation of the people of the states as well

acracy and civil liberties among them. See Section

lexity of the Congress policy toward the princely

Kamesh Mechrocks
Check Your Progress 2 Popular Struggles in the
I i ) / ii) / iii) / Princely States
2 See Sub-sec. 32.6.5.

Check Your Progress 3

I You should refer to the oppression along economic as well as religious lines. See Sub-
set. 32.7.1.
2 i) x ii) l/ iii) x iv) /

Kamesh Mechrocks
Structure

Political Disorder

33.3.2 Invasion

World War, (1933-39)

33.5 Consequences

33.6 Let Us S

After reading this nily you will l#he to:

of the Second World War,

In this Unit our mai ou with the Second World War. The Versailles
Treaty (1919), whic First World War, could not calm down the
ropean powers. The Second World War was the
the European powers and the developments taking

1
India being a colony the Bri involved in this war against the wishes of her
people. It caused great suffering Indian people and at the same time influenced the
anti-imperialist move ent in unprecedented human-toll and material
destruction during thiq war stil he popular memory. Its consequences were far
reaching particularly om the iew of the process of decolonisation. The
liberation movement id many as influenced during the war and the imperialist

Kamesh Mechrocks
 World War 11: Causes, Course
33.2 CAUSES and Consequences

The Marxist historians had argued that had the Allied Powers accepted Lenin's proposed
general peace conference during the First World War and his formula of peace without
annexation and indemnities there would not have been any German expansionism. It is
generally agreed that the Versailles treaty's territorial reorganisations and the huge
reparations bill imposed on Germany became major factors for the Second World War.
This, however, is not to disregard the powerful effect of the other political, ideological and
economic factors. The political reaction to the pgst-war treaties should be considered in
relation to the effect of worldwide economic depression, rise of fascism and militarism in
Germany, Italy and Japan and the Western democracies appeasement policy rooted in their
anti-Soviet perspective.

33.2.1 Versailles Treaty and the Continued Political Disorder

The Treaty of Versailles made with Germans (28 June, 1919), was the outcome of the
series of bargains and compromises which resulted in a patchwork type of unstable peace.
Ultimately Germany suffered internal temtorial losses: Alasce-Lorraine to France,
Rhineland to Allied forces, minor border areas to Belgium and Denmark, and colonial
possessions to Britain and France. This, however, hardly hurt Germany economically as it
was proved by her remarkable recovery in the mid-1920s. Yet psychologically the
temtorial settlements caused greater public resentment in Germany than reparations which
was put at 132 milliad gold marks under the 'War-guilt' Clause 23 1. Even the League of
Nations was seen by Germany as a means to enforce the 'unjust' temtorial settlement.
The base of the post-Versailles intemational system was more fragile than the earlier
decades. The Peace Settlement lacked 'moral force'. Germans believed that the peace was
the violation of the fundamental beliefs enunciated in the Wilson's Fourteen Points. France
perceived it as a defeat.
The territorial settlements in Central and Eastern Europe became the source of future
conflict. The disintegration of Austria-Hungary left a political vacuum and desire for the
national self-determination generated new areas of conflict. Among the big powers, the
absence of Soviet Russia and United States from the League of Nations, left only Britain
and France to maintain the world peace. But neither Britain nor France had the will or the
strength to uphold the Peace Settlement. Their strength was weakened by the militant
national liberqtion struggles in the colonies. Moreover the inter-imperialist rivalries left the
Germanquestion unsolved. The moral consensus behind the pre- 19 14 balance of power
was thus never restored. Even the League of Nations, fell far short of being universal and
proved ineffective in resolving international conflicts.

33.2.2 Effect of Economic Depression

The post-war economic recovery of Europe plunged into darkness with the 'Wall Street
Crash' of October 1929. By 1932 the industrial production in Europe had come down to
half and trade had dwindled from $ 58 billion in 1928 to $ 20.8 billion in 1935. The
worldwide economic depression also created an unprecedented unemployment problem. By
1932 there were six million unemployed in Germany, three million in Britain and thirteen
million in America.
The crisis ridden international politics could not escape the effects of depression. The
fierce competition for survival between nation-states further strengthened the extreme
nationalist sentiments. The weak political systems in Germany, Italy, Japan, Spain and
Rumania gave in to the fascist and militarist regimes headed by aggressive right
'nationalist' fascist leadership and ideologies. The French effort to control German affairs
had intensified latter's nationalist sentiments. United States and France developed
bitterness over the "Hoover Moratorium" on German reparations. The competitive
devaluation of currencies and the emergence of a rival national currency block,
aggravated the politico-economic crisis. No wonder Adolf Hitler could easily get mass
consent for his programme of establishing a self-sufficient thousand-year Reich.

33.2.3 Germany and the Rise of Nazism

To millions of people in Europe during the 1920s and 30s the dominant image of life was
that of political instability, economic troubles, unemployment, the loss of faith and the
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: Inter War ttracted towards the ideas
Years-111 945), emerged out of this
em of their sufferings. Internally by 1932 "the
collapse of Weimar em, "had become inevitable; Hitler's triumph had
he was helped by a series
of events.
politics enabled the parliamentary system to survive
id depression in 1929 sealed the fate of Weimar
a precarious condition. The Nazis, who had gone
on this crisis and made a
Nazi movement used the grievances of small
classes in winning over large electoral support for

I er-nhe Fascist Ruler of Germany.

aned more towards the extreme right wing for support,

lly. So Hindenburg who was anti-Hitler initially now
as the Chancellor in January 1933. After this there was

The National grown out of one of the many small racialism and
r took its leadership from July 1921 onwards. In -
to capture power during Munich Putsch, between
vement alive and had become the German Chancellor
itler lay in his ability to play on the politics of
ent,'the end of unemployment and by suppressing
pers on the streets Hitler rose to power.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Ideologically the Nazi movement thrived on the backward-looking conservatism that World War 11: Causes, Course
and Consequences
flourished in Germany after the disillusionment of 1918 defeat. It was based on anti-
communism, anti-semitism, anti-democracy, and the discredited nineteenth century racism
and right-wing extremism. Hitlers' Nazism was associated with a defeated, but aggressive
militarism and imperialism. Most of the historians, however, argue that Hitler' was crucial
for the rise of Nazism. But the Marxist historians rightly emphasise the fact that Nazi
leader's authority was reinforced by the militarist structuring of the entire German society.
Ideologically, Nazism also stood for German racial supremacy and more "land and soil"
for them.

33.2.4 Mussolini and Italian Fascism

Fascism was not an economic system. It had no clear ideology. It was more of a
reactionary phenomenon which was aptly characterised as a "radicalism of the Right"
Fascism in Italy was a product of the post-war crisis of 1918-22: socio-economic unrest,
nationalist grievances and the failure of liberal politics to bind a society together. This was
the socio-economic environment and a political vacuum which helped fascism to take its
roots. Its emergence was generally located in the decline of liberalism, rise of 'emorphous'
masses, 'totalitarianism' or 'modernization' and the need of the stagnant capitalism to
control the workers. Economic collapse, outraged nationalism and anti-Marxism were
therefore the source of its success.
On 23 March 1919, Benito Mussolini (1883-1945), a journalist, ex-serviceman, and ex-
socialist started a new movement, the Fascio di Combattimento or the "Union for
Struggle". By killing communists, socialists and other opponents they rose to power. Their
leader Mussolini became the Prime Minister of Italy in 1922, who turned into fascist
dictator by 1925. In 1926 the government by decree began to function and the constitution
and elections were suspended. Between 1926 and 1939'Italian fascism's main claim was
the construction of a 'Corporate State', which in practice rarely achieved cohesion and
concealed its exploitation and oppression of labour. Mussolini's policy of 'autarky' or
economic self-sufficiency after 1936 hardly achieved results.

33.2.5 Japan and the Rise of Militarism

As in Germany and Italy, the post-war crisis of 1918-22 in Japan brought with it 'rice riot'
and industrial unrest. Politically the coming together of the Diet and the 'Big Business'
laid the foundation for Japanese Military fascism in the 1930s. The Taisho ('great
righteousness') era of 1912-1926 was only a period of transition from a liberal to an
authoritarian state:
Between 1927 and 1930 the internal mini-depression and the world-wide economic crash
hit both industry and banking very hard. The fall in exports, especially of raw silk to
America, badly affected half of Japanese farmers. The 1932 rice crop failure brought
famine conditions and unrest into rural areas. Unfortunately the liberal political leadership
failed to tackle the crisis. The crisis situation became conducive to the formation of
extreme political ideas among the junior army officers. This was reflected in the popularity
of 'Showa Restoration' articulated by Kita Ikki which meant state socialism administered
by a military dictatorship.
In the 1930s ultra-nationalism and reactionary conservatism thus struck roots in Japan
during its economic and political crisis. Ultra-nationalism and militarism with their
triumph in Manchuria and in their quest for 'Eastern Empire' drove Japan into the Second
World War.

33.2.6 Britain, France and the Policy of Appeasement

From 1937 while Hitler was busy annexing central European territories, the western
democracies were working for a detente through appeasement policy. The basic
philosophy behind appeasement was that "the man in possession when challenged must
eventually inevitably part with something." The British Prime Minister, Neville
Chamberlain practised this policy since 1937 to achieve the elusive Anglo-German
alliance.
The major factors behind Chamberlain's policy were: the fear of the combined strength of
Germany, Italy and Japan, France's political and military unreliability, suspicion of Soviet
Union, the financial cost and political repercussions of massive armaments and a long war
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: Inter War with Germany, wron rnational situation, and finally the gamble for time
Years-111
to strengthen British and political pressures, financial and military
constraints weighed
unity provided by the Soviet Union in 1938
nsider measures against aggression. They also
failed to interven on China, Italy's aggression on Abyssinia and
ler's invasion of France in 1940 could knock

aggressive military actions in Europe. The socio-

920s and 1930s, need not have culminated in the
s, had the liberal political forces shown the will and

1
33.3.1 Japan an the in Eastern Asia
The mounting conflic, in east a during 1928-37 led to the Sino-Japanese war in
July 1937. This is ge rally c
, ed to be the beginning of the slide towards the
world war. The west po to check Japan through the League of Nations but in
vain.
i~
, Japan needed capital and raw materials - coal,
Control over Manchuria became crucial,
nterestingly, four-fifths of Japanese overseas
also had her imperialist dream of developing an
Asian Empire for its
The rise of ultra-n sm in the 1930s was bound to express as
inate Kwantung army's seizure of
September 1931. In fact by February 1932 the army
u Kuo which the League refused to recognize.
h 1933 and set on an expansionist course. Neither
t a check on militarism. Military
a full-scale war on China in July 1937.
spreading elsewhere.

byssinidEthiopia 1935-36
'
in Africa either during the scramble for Africa in the
Peace Conference after the First World War. The
independent Ethiopi in 1896, had thus become Mussolini's target in
1935-36, which was s the colonial empire.
France, which was looking for his support
sympathy, assured to stand by Ethiopia. Yet
hiopia. Immediately the League of Nations declared
Italy an aggressor economic sanctions. But the sanctions remained
icy of Britain and France. They also proposed to
public resentment made them retreat.

I
By the spring of 193 the Itali
massacring thousands; f defen
May, they marched i o Addis
This war knocked
of Hitler. The
politics.
y by using poison gas in air attacks and by
ribals broke the Ethiopian heroic resistance. On 5th

ague of Nations and drove Mussolini into the arms

Axis which gravely disturbed international

Kamesh Mechrocks
 33.3.3 The Spanish Civil War, 1936-39 World War 11: Causes, Course
and Consequences
The revolutionary strings of working-class, the demand for provincial autonomy and anti-
clericalism were the three currents of popular discontent which affected Spain since 1900.
Neither the military dictatorship of Prime de Rivers, September 1923 to January 1930, nor
the elected Republicans after 1931 could redress these popular grievances. Even though,
after February 1936 elections the Left and left centre parties came to power. The extreme
left parties, not satisfied with the change, resorted to direct action: land seizures and
revolutionary strikes backed by mass revblutionary enthusiasm. The actual Civil War had
I started on 17 July, 1936 with the entry of counter-revolutionary forces against the
! revolution. *
The Spanish Civil War, which continued for three years, was both an internal struggle
between revolutionary and conservative f o r ~ e sand an international conflict involving the
i fascist and democratic governments. At a critical juncture it also became a battle of
ideologies - communism, fascism and liberalism. Indeed the developments in Spain
became a prelude to the World War.

I By December 1938, General Franco, actively helped by Hitler and Mussolini had imposed
a fascist government which was recognized by the Western democracies. This also marked
an end of the Soviet efforts for "collective security" with the western democracies, as the
later proved weak and vacillating in checking the fascist powers.

33.3.4 Germany's Move Towards the World War, 1933-39

During 1933-39, Hitler completely destroyed the democratic institutions at home and
started the process of nazifying Europe. The unfolding of events leading to war in 1939
was rather swift. The decisive point of momentum was Hitler's support to Mussolini's
Ethiopian adventure. The Spanish Civil War consolidated this friendship. During this
period Hitler also accomplished the German rearmament and remilitarization of Rhineland.
i Left free by Britain and France, Hitler then achieved Anschluss (unity) with Austria in
1938. Then followed the dismemberment of Czechoslovakia and her complete annexation
I by March 1939. Hitler got the tacit support of Britain to accomplish this mission.
The critical point, however. was the German expansion into slav lands. The 'Polish
corridor' was one issue upon which Hitler whipped up Germany's ultranationalist
sentiments. At this juncture, the Soviet Union entered the scene. Stalin, disillusioned by
the western democracies' inadequate response to his popular front proposal to resist fascist
aggression, went for a non-aggress!on pact with Germany in 1939 and even accepted
Polish partition. The actual world war had started with the German invasion of Poland on
1st .September 1939; two days later, Britain and France entered war in defence of Poland.
Once again the German ultranationalism had become the basic cause for world war.

Check Your Progress 1 L.

1 What was theeffect of the Treaty of Versailles on Germany? Answer in ten lines.

2 What was the major crisis in Eastern Asia during this period? Write in about one
hundred words.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: Inter War
Years-I11

3. Read the followi mhrk right ( V" ) or wrong (x) I

ssion led to the fierce competition for survival

f was based on anti-communism and anti-

anly because of Mussolini's leadership.

a battle of ideologies between communism. fascism

The entire course be divided into four broad stages. The initial
s, followed by a stage of intensification and
, USA, and Russia made it a global, protracted
otic war' and the popular resistance
movements in the their head, the Axis powers were pushed into a
after was the inevitable retreat and the disastrous

loops
33.4.1 Initial ~ t q k e: ~ h q r i u r n ~ h
During 1939-41, Ge any s a series of victories in Europe by adopting the
Blitzkrieg tactics, i.ell the ' ar' speedy penetration by tanks, followed by the
Luf'twaffe. Poland w s occu September 1939. The eastern Polish provinces were
occupied by Russian rerhainder was controlled by the German. The
Blitzkrieg tactics pr ed to tivle in all the initial wars of Fuhrer.
ay which could offer a valuable submarine base,
m a n army stormed through Denmark and delivered a
, Rance was threatened. The only Scandinavian
10th May Netherlands and a few days later

Surprisingly, the rdsponse proved ineffective and half-hearted. Their

ance of Blitzkrieg tactics. This cost them heavily.
into France at Sedan. Within a week the Nazi forces
ar' caught the French head on. On 25 May Belgium
also declared war on France and Paris fell
undefended. On 17 for an armistice. After conque6ng Yugoslavia and
turned towards Russia.

33.4.2 The sta~Jng~ t a g l ! Elitry

~ of Russia and USA

i
Stalin's 'appeaseme t' of Hi ed futile. On 22 June 1941, the Fuhrer opened his
attack on USSR. Th s the c ge of war on two fronts began. A total of 150
armoured divisions gan ong the line extending for nearly 2,000 miles. Until
September the fascis) forces qn unchecked, and laid the seige of Leningard which
continued for thirty , onths. r Ukraine was completely occupied. The Soviets
seemed to have ado ted a str f "trading space for time". During October and
Kamesh Mechrocks
 World War 11: Causes, Course
and Consequences

25. Newspaper Report on World War.

November the Russian winter weather compelled Hitler to slow down his march. On 2
December Stalin could defend Moscow. Now the Soviet offensive started: the Napoleonic
folly of 1812 had been repeated by Hitler which smashed his dreams.
The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour had brought America into the war on 7 December
1941, thus making it a global war. By April 1942, the whole of South-East Asia - Guam
and Wake islands and Singapore, Philippines, Burma and Netherlands East Indies, etc. fell
under the onslaught of Japan. Even though America kept the defeat of Germany as its first
priority, she successfully checked the Japanese expansion into Pacific by May 1942. The
Soviets won decisive victories during 1942-43 but suffered heavy losses. Meanwhile, the
British and American forces were engaged only in series of naval and air battles.

33.4.3 The Defensive Stage: Reversal of the Axis Fortunes

The Nazi rulers imposed their racial 'new order' in the occupied areas with barbarous
repression and massacres. Forced labour was imposed on people to strengthen the Reich
war machine. Spontaneous underground resistance organizations sprang up everywhere:
Marshal Tito and Charles de Gaulle were legends in organizing these movements. Even in
Germany the popular anti-Hitler movement raised its head.
. On the war front, the Axis armies had been forced into a defensive position by 1942. In
the battle for Stalingrad, the Red Army trapped a quarter million Nazi troops and when
they surrendered a year later only 80,000 of them remained alive.
In other areas the British broke out of Egypt. The Americans landed in French North
\ Africa. Thus began the Allied encircling operation of the Axis powers.
From now on the fortunes were reversed. The surrender of fascist forces was only a
question of time. On 24 January 1943, the Allies sieged Tripoli and then Tunisia by 13
May. Sicily crumbled in July followed by Mussolini's fall at home. The result was
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: Inter War
Years-I11

(a) Soviet Soldiers restoring th (b) Nazi Prisoners of War in Moscow 1944

(c)Muscovites Welcumine ~ernobiljLd~ o l d i e r s a l ( d ) Victorv Parade on Red Souare in Moscow 24.6.1945

- Fascist Banner being thrown down.
Kamesh Mechrocks
II occupation of parts of Italy by the Allies. On the Eastern front, the Red Army had
liberated major Ukraine areas by 1943. Then started the decisive cross-Channel invasion of
Europe.
World War 11: Causes, Course
and Consequences

33.4.4 Retreat and Defeat of Axis Powers

During 1942-45, the popular resistance movements played a crucial role in the defeat of
the Axis powers. The acts of sabotage became common. In many places in the USSR and
in Yugoslavia full-scale guerrilla warfare was carried on. The resistance work in all the
occupied countries infact strengthened the Allied army plans.
Meanwhile the Allied forces jiberated Rome during 4-6 June and landed in Normanday.
The total liberation of Italy however, took nearly a year. The main areas in France
I including Paris were liberated by September 1944 and completely by March 1945.
Belgium was also quickly liberated. From the Russian front the Red Army pushed through
Poland and the Baltic States and by September 1944 occupied Bulgaria: while Rumania
and Finland sued for peace in August 1944.
In Asia by May 1945 the Allies had captured Spain, Tinian, Guam, Philippines and
Burma. By capturing Okinawa Island in June 1945 they threatened Japan.
In Europe the Allies started closing on Germany from east and west starting from the
I beginning of 1945. By 22 April the Soviets had surrendered Berlin. While Mussolini was
killed on 28th. his country surrendered the next day. On the 30th, Hitler committed suicide
and Germany surrendered unconditionally on 7th May 1945.

33.5 CONSEQUENCES
Unlike the earlier wars the Second World War affected each and every aspect of human
life. The level of scientific and technological application to war, with disastrous effects
was unprecedented. Especially the application of atom for war posed a new danger to
human existence on earth.
In international relations the old notion of detente broke down. Colonialism was replaced
by a new method of world imperialist exploitation - neo-colonialism. The crumbling
down of colonialism also brought into existence several independent nations, now called
the 'third-world'. The birth of United Nations Organization brought hope for peace but the
origins of 'cold war' created new tensions.

33.5.1 Effect on Indian Political Scene

In India the political reaction to the 1938-39 fascist aggressions was very sharp. The anti-
British Congress nationalism and anti-imperialism and anti-fascist left internationalism
were together in condemning fascist aggression and Chamberlain's appeasement policy.
India was associated, without her consent, with Britain in war on 3 September 1939. But
the nationalists offered cooperation only if Britain responded positively to their demands
for an immediate genuine responsible government in the Centre and a post-war constituent
assembly for free India. The British response, however, was negative. Later nationalists
under Gandhi's leadership responded with passive civil disobedience, but left wing of the
Congress along with the communists propagated for a militant anti-war struggle.
The German attack on Russian and the Japanese occupation of South-east Asia dramatically
changed the Indian situation. The Communist party of India, after intensive debate came
up openly in January 1942 in support of the anti-fascist 'people's war' and the Allies war
efforts.
I But Gandhi's militant response in August 1942 was "Do or Die". The 'Quit 1ndia'
1
I
Movement thus engulfed India. The colonial bureaucracy however. crushed the movement
I by the end of 1942. Braving against the countrywide-wave of mass fury. the communists
worked in favour of the Britisli Ear efforts against fascism. This resulted in an open
ideological fissure in the Indian National Movement.

I
The disastrous economic consequences of the war in India were inflation, shortages, black
marketing and corruption and the famine in 1943 in which around three million people
Kamesh Mechrocks
perished in Bengal. The rise of communalism, Muslim League's demand for Pakistan and
. Nationalism: Inter War the Congress negot settlement with the colonial rulers marked the
Years-111
post-war political s militant anti-imperialist, anti-landlord and anti-
capitalist struggles d workers and R.I.N. Mutiny in"1945-46 stimulated

its birth during the wartime coalition against

d Churchill drafted the Atlantic Charter spelling out
nisation and the establishment of a "wider
bodying these principles a Declaration of
is powers on 1 January 1942. The
economic democracy, and national sovereignty were
aration which were later structured into various

ies to tackle the world economic and

ief and Rehabilitation Administration was
nd the International Bank for

problems. The Uni

ts preamble rightly declared that

s an expanding world economy, the

945. The United Nations gradually
1945 to 123 in 1963, but its effective functioning was

arked by impoverishment and the

sheltered and fed. The factors
destruction of industrial plants,
s and political uncertainties. By
uctivity and low capital
eadership of the western world
to America.
From June 1947 the me the chief basis for the recovery of Western
Programme (Marshall Plan) the United States aided

rest of Europe was. however, slow for the cold

between Russian a ion of Russia in the armistice negotiations with

ed Russian suspicions. Consequently Russia

Even the American

, SEAT0 and so on. Ever since the world has

Kamesh Mechrocks
been sitting on the brink of a Third World War, with stockpiles of nuclear weapons World War 11: Causes, Course
and Consequences
threatening the very existence of humanity on earth.

Check Your Progress 2

I Read the following statements and mark right ( 4 ) or wrong (x)
i) The popular resistance movements in the occupied areas played an important role in
the defeat of the Axis power.
ii) There was no popular movement in Germany against Hitler's war policy.
iii) The Second World War brought the end of imperialist exploitation.
iv) The basis for the 'cold war' was the resolve to resist the Russian expansibn and the
influence of communist ideas everywhere.

2 Describe in brief the effect of the World War on Indian Political scene.

3 Why was the United Nations Organization formed? Name the three important organs of
the U.N.O.

33.6 LET US SUM UP

In this unit you have seen that the peace settlement after the First World War could not
provide a stable political order. It left a dissatisfied world - particularly where the small
countries were concerned. Besides this, the economic crisis of 1929-33 accentuated the
political crisis. Rise of Nazism in Germany, Fascism in Italy and Militarism in Japan were
the turning points in international relations and they contributed towards the Second World
War. Japan's aggression over Manchuria, Italy's invasion of Abyssinia and the Spanish
Civil War, 1936-39 set the stage for a wider conflict. The policy of appeasement pursued
by Britain and France was to a great extent responsible for the aggression by the Nazi and
the Fascist forces.
The entry of USA and USSR into the war and popular resistance movements which
developed in the occupied areas pushed the Axis powers into a defensive position. Finally
the Axis power faced disastrous defeat in the War.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nationalism: Inter War
Years-111

isation, an association consisting of USA, Canada,

UK and other Eur
It aimed to check

demanded from a defeated country. For

had to pay a huge reparation bill.
ghisation, a military alliance of some free countries
initiative of the USA, to combat communism.
poor, do not have much power and are considered
to be underdev of Asia and Africa.
by the ~mericanPresident Truman which promised
all countries mil
was to resist the

Peace Settlement of 1919. According to this clause

1 Your answer

etc. See Sub-sec. 33.3.1

3 1) V i ~ )d

war by the Congress, non-acceptance of Congress

3 To establish

Sumit Sarkar: M illan, New Delhi, 1983).

Pattabhi Sitaram
Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 34 INDIAN NATIONALISM DURING
THE WORLD WAR 11: QUIT
INDIA MOVEMENT AND INA

Structure
34.0 Objectives
34.1 Introduction
34.2 1939 to 1941
34.2.1 Attitude Towards War
34.2.2 Indlvldual Satyagrah
34.3 Towards Quit India Movement
34.4 The Movement
34.4.1 Spread of the Movement
34.4.2 Responses and Trends
34.4.3 Repression
34.5 Indian National Army
34 5 . 1 Formation of INA
34.5 2 Actions of INA
34.5.3 Impact
34.6 Let Us Sum Up
34.7 Key Words
34.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

I
I 34.0 OBJECTIVES
1 After reading this Unit you will be able to:
know about the circumstances leading to the beginning of the Quit India Movement,
explain the attitude of the various sections of Indian people towards this movement,
learn about the response to this movement in different regions of the country,
know about the repressive methods adopted by the British to crush the movement,
understand the characteristics and the significance of this movement, and
learn about the formation of the Indian National Army and the role it played in India's
struggle for independence.

.34.1 INTRODUCTION

In this Unit an attempt is made to familiarise you with the main political currents in the
freedom struggle during 1939-1945. The emphasis in this Unit is on the Quit India
Movement (QIM) and the role played by the Indian National Army (INA) during the
struggle.
We discuss here the chain of events which led to the launching of the QIM. The
Congress had hardly planned for directing or organising the movement when the
Government unleashed repression to nip it in the bud. However, the calculations of the
Government were falsified because the people, after the arrest of the Congress leadership,
decided their own course of action and challenged the British in a way which to an extent
I'
could be compared to the struggle of 1857. New leadership emerged at local levels and
their role was at variance with the Gandhian form of struggle. Non-violence was no
more a guiding principle and all over there were attacks on Government property.
Though the Government was able to crush the movement, its intensity had made it clear
that the British would not be able to rule over India for much longer. This was also
demonstrated through the formation and actions of the Indian National Army under the
commandership of Subhas Chandra Bose. The Indians were not only capable of, but had
:ictually confronted the British in armed struggle and formed the Azad Hind
Government.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Towards A Sovereign State

"ti
1. "Re ove.dirt fro e country" - A Cartoon on.Quit India.

I
You would be uence of events and the circumstances durihg the

34.2.1 Attitude ~ # v a r d sg r
Generally speaking the towards the World War can be categorised as
follows:
i) Since Britain was i shbuld seize the opportunity to gain freedom. This
was to be done by:
iliie India's resources for the war.

The prime concern of

were not concerned ab
ii) India should not
t m the int
propon#
of this view was to achieve India's freedom and they
tiorlal situation.
qritaids problems. It should cooperate with the '
tipnally. Those who suppdrted this view hoped that
pt a lenient view towards India in the light of her

Fqscism as a greater threat to mankind, and wanted

s help was to be conditional. The conditions were
d i n interim government of Indians for the
moment.
e attitude changed according to the changing war
o maintained a neutral position.
tdation? Practically all of attitudes mentioned above
id was a difficult task to steer towards a definite line
of action. The Co rk, offered full cooperation in the war, provided
bas established at the centre immediately. As for
onstituent Assembly to frame the constitution of
n which was in favour of launching a movement
ard by the Gandhian leadership. Gandhi
ain have an unwilling India dragged into the War
Kamesh Mechrocks
 or a willing ally co-operating with her in the prosecution of a defence of true democracy?" Indian Nationalism During
World War-11: Quit India
He further stated, "The Congress support will mean the greatest morale asset in favour of Movement and INA
England and France".
I
.
Though Gandhi supported the Congress Working Committee Resolution of conditional
support he himself was not for it as he stated later '1 was sorry to find myself alone in
thinking that whatever support was to be given to the British should be given
unconditionally." Gandhi, in his personal capacity, was repeating his attitude towards the
British of the First World War days i.e. cvoperation. But now things were different and
one had to come above one's personal views. Gandhi realised that his silence might turn
out to be a "distinct disservice to both India and England" and he stated:
If the British are fighting for the freedom of all, then their representatives have to
state in the clearest possible terms that the freedom of India is necessarily included in
the war aim. The content of such freedom can only be decided by Indians and them
alone.
How did the Government react? Well, the British were not prepared either to make any
concessions immediately or make promises about the future - except a vague talk of
dominion status. Defence of India Rules were promulgated in order to check defiance of .
British authority and exploit Indian resources for the War effort.

34.2.2 Individual Satyagarh

There were two opinions in Congress about the launching of civil disobedience. Gandhi .
felt that the atmosphere was not in favour of civil disobedience as there were differences
and indiscipline within the Congress. Those advocating Civil disobedience were attempting
to convince Gandhi that once a movement was launched differences would disappear and
all would work for its success. But Gandhi would not agree. The Congress Socialists and
the All India Kisan Sabha were in favour of immediate struggle. N.G. Ranga even
suggested that the AIKS should sever links with Congress and launch and independent
movement. He was, however, checked by P. Sundarayya from doing so. It was in such an
atmosphere that the Congress met at Ramgarh in March 1940 under the presidentship of
Maulana Azad who declared:
India cannot endure the prospect of Nazism and Fascism,
but she is even more tired of British imperialism.
The Ramgarh Congress called upon the people to prepare themselves for participating in a
Satyagrah to be launched under Gandhi's leadership. But the Socialists, Communists,
I Kisan Sabhaites and those belonging to the Forward Bloc were not happy with the
i resolution. They held an anti-compromise conference at Ramgarh and Subhas Chandra
I Bose urged the people to resist compromise with imperialism and be ready for action.
t
In August 1940 the Viceroy announced an offer which proposed:
expansion of Governor-General's Council with representation of the Indians,
establishing a War Advisory Council.
In this offer he promised the Muslim League and other minorities that the British
Government would never agree to a constitution or government in India which did not
enjoy their support (we should remember here that the Muslim League had demanded
I
Pakistan in its Lahore session of 1940). The Congress rejected this offer because:
i) There was no suggestion for a national government.
ii) It encouraged anti-Congress forces like the Muslim League.
The government was systematically putting under preventive arrest many Congress
1 workers - particularly those with Socialist or Left leanings. All local leaders were under
observation, while many labour leaders and youngmen were taken into custody.
i
1 Convinced that the Brit~shwould not modify their policy in India (Gandhi had long
-
I1 meetings with the Viceroy at Simla in September 1940), dandhi decided to start the
Individual Satyagrah. The very reason for confining the movement to individual
participation was that neither Ganhhi nor the Congress wished to hamper the War effort
and this could not' have been the case in a mass movement. Even the aim of the Satyagrah
was a limited one i.e. to disprove the British claim of India supporting the War effort
whole hearted1y. Kamesh Mechrocks
Towards A Sovereign State
anti-war speech at gr Wardha. Bhave had been personally selected by
Gandhi for this. H Vallabhbhai and Nehru were arrested before they

suspend the movement. By this time the war had

taken a new turn. The defeat after defeat and the Japanese forces had

Government released rs. After the fall of Rangoan to the Japanese

Check Your Progress

only one who wanted to give unconditional

the British for the War effort.

3 Fill in the blanks:

pposing) ....................................the war effort.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 seek an amicable settlement with India and obtain her active support in the War. Sir Indian Nationalism During
World War-11: Quit India
Strafford Cripps landed in India with a set of proposals and negotiated with leaders of Movement and I N A
various political parties.

2. A cartoon by Shankar on Negotiations (1942).

34.3.1 Cripps Proposals

Some of the Cripps proposals, embodied in a Draft Declaration were:
Dominion Status would be granted to India immediately after the War with the right to
secede.
Immediately after the cessation of hostilities, a constitution - making body would be
set up. It will consist of members from British India as well as Native States.
The constitution so framed after the War would be accepted by the British Government
on the condition that any Indian province could, if so desired, remain outside the Indian
Union and negotiate directly with Britain.
The actual control of defence and military operations would be retained by the British
Government.
This Declaration was rejected by almost all the Indian parties. The Congress did not want
to rely on future promises. It wanted a responsible Government with full powers and also a
control over the country's defence. Gandhi termed the proposal "as a post-dated cheque on
a crashing bank." The Muslim League demanded a definite declaration by the British in
favour of the creation of a separate state for the Muslims, and also seats for the Muslim
League on a 5050 basis with the Congress in the Interim Government. The Depressed
Classes, the Sikhs, the Indian Christians and the ~ n ~ l o - ~ n ddemanded
iks more safeguards
for their communities.

I Thus, the Cripps Mission failed to pacify the Indians. The British had merely taken up this
exercise to demonstrate to the world that they cared about Indian sentiments, rather than to
actually do something concrete.

34.3.2 Background to the Quit India Movement

The Congress had to decide its course of action in the wake of:

I the failure of the Cripps Mission;

the arrival of Japanese armies on Indian borders;
the rising prices and shortages in food supplies, and
the different opinions within the Congress.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Towards A Sovereign State The Congress Worki ng for complete non-violent
non-cooperation wit invading India (in May 1942). Rajagopalachari
ras attempted to get a resolution passed which
rhent invited them the Congress should form a
ted, but the very proposal demonstrated that there
to cooperate with the government. Rajagop!achari
had favoured the Pakistan demand, and was urging

f congressmen at Bombay that he had made up his

an orderly. fashion. If they did not agree, he would

ations about the launching of a movement. Nehru

ipe between fighting imperialist Britain and

India demand did not tish and the allied anrties had to withdraw from

Committee adopted
y AICC meeting in

On 8 August 1942 th Quit India Resolution. After deliberating at great

length on the intemati situation the Congress appealed to the people of

I
le ce is the basis of this movement. A time may
to issue instructions or for instructions to reach
Committee can function. When this happens every
ng in this movement must function for himself or
the general instructions issued.
Gandhi told the British India in God's hand". He exhorted all sections to
participate in the Mov "every Indian who desires freedom and strives for
it must be his own gui as 'do or die.'. Thus, started Quit India
Movement.

Kamesh Mechrocks I 3. Gandhi

IRil
ftinp the Quit India Resolution.
 Indian Nationalism During
THE MOVEMENT World War-11: Quit India
Movement and INA

The Congress gave the call for ousting British but it did not give any concrete line of
action to be adopted by the people. The Government had been making preparations to
crush the Movement. On the morning of 9 August all prominent Congress leaders
including Gandhi were arrested. The news of leaders' arrest shook the people and they
came to streets protesting against it. K.G. Mashruwala, who had taken over as editor of
Harijan published his personal opinion as to the shape the protest should take:
In my opinion looting or burning of offices, bank, granaries etc., is not permissible.
Dislocation of traffic communications is permissible in a non-violent manner -
without endangering life. The organisation of strikes is best .... Cutting wires,
removing rails, destroying small bridges, cannot be objected to in a struggle like this
provided ample precautions are taken to safeguard life.
Mashruwala maintained that "Gandhiji and the Congress have not lost all hope of goodwill
being re-established between the British and the Indian nations, and so provided the effort
is strong enough to demonstrate the nations will, self-restraint will never go against us".
Let us have a look at the spread of the movement and the response it evoked from various
sections.

34.4.1 Spread of the Movement

Before his arrest on 9 August 1942 Gandhi had given the following message to the
country:
Every one is free to go the fullest length under Ahimisa to complete deadlock by
strikes and other non-violent means. Satyagrahis must go out to die not to live. They
must seek and face death. It is only when individuals go out to die that the nation
will survive, Karenge Ya/Marenge (do or die).
But while giving this call Gandhi had once again stressed on non-violence:
Let every non-violent soldier of freedom write out the slogan 'do or die' on a piece
of paper or cloth and stick it on his clothes, so that in case he died in the course of
offering, Satyagraha, he might be distinguished by that sign from other elements who
do not subscribe to non-violence.
The news of his arrest alongwith other Congress leaders led to unprecedented popular
outbursts in different parts of the country. There were, hartals, demonstrations and
processions in cities and towns. The Congress leadership gave the call, but it was the
people who launched the Movement. Since all the recognised leaders-central, provincial
or local-had been arrested, the young and more militant caders-particularly students-
with socialist leanings took over as leaders at local levels in their areas.
In the initial stages, the Movement was based on non-violent lines. It was the repressive
policy of the government which provoked the people to violence. The Gandhian message
of non-violent struggle was pushed into the background and people devised their own
methods of struggle. These included:
attacks on government buildings, police stations and post offices,
attacks on railway stations, and sabotaging rail lines,
cutting off the telegraph wires, telephones and electric power lines,
disrupting road traffic by destroying bridges, and
workers going on strike, etc.
Most of these attacks were to check the movement of the military and the police, which
were being used by the government to crush the Movement. .In many areas, the
government lost all control and the people established Swaraj. We cite a few such cases:
In Maharashtra, a parallel government was established in Satara which continued to
function for a long time.
In Bengal, Tamluk Jatiya Sarkar functioned for a long time in Midnapore district. This
national government had various departments like Law and Order, Health, Education,
Agriculture, etc., along with a postal system of its own and arbitration courts.
Kamesh Mechrocks
People established Swaraj in Talacher in Orissa.
Towards A Sovereign State rl(Azamgarh, Ballia, Ghazipur, Monghyr,

authority uprooted.

rural areas which kept oft for a longer time. The Movement got a
massive response from y, Andhra, U.P,, Bihar, Gujarat, Orissa,
nses in Punjab, Sindh, NWFP, etc. were ,

weak.

. .

glogans of the day, and yet there were varied

i ~ l gClass in many industrial centres went on strike.

about 3 moriths.
red of the areas as a result of mass actions and on the

. .
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Indian Nationalism During
World War-11: Quit India
Movement and INA

Kamesh Mechrocks
5. Pamphlets on Quit India in Maharashtra.
I Towards A Sovereign State

Station in Azamgar
by the rural people and the constraints of Gandhian
directing the Movement. A similar situation existed
Nibblet of what happened at Madhuban Police
fury of the revolt in that area. Nibblet has
mentioned how the ttacked in an organised manner from three sides.
r, waited at a distance for the people to reach
from the other sid 19 rounds to check the attack which lasted about
two hours.
ned to check the advance of peasant guerillas
the battles were long drawn in the Satara region.
Besides mass action ther trend in the movement. This was the trend of
underground rev01 9 November 1942, Jaiprakash Narain and
Ramnandan Misra bagh Jail. They organised an underground
movement and operate s bordering Nepal.

1 6. of Congress Radio.

establishment of Cong U ~ h aMehta as its announcer. This radio carried

eriilla campaign should be a two-fold one. Firstly, to

and, secondly, to paralyze the British administration
ects in view, every section of the community should

There was massive e students who spread to the countryside and played a
role in guiding the
The Movement did n nse from the merchant community. In fact most
ed heavily during the War. In certain cases, the
Capitalists did appe hrough FICCI) to release Gandhi and other
e could check attacks on government
continued they may get converted into
im League kept aloof from the Movement and no
indu Mahasabha condemned the Movement. The
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Indian Nationalism During
World War-11: Quit India
Movement and INA

7. Bose speaking over Berlin Radio.

Communist Party of India due to its "people's war" line did not support the movement.
The princes and the landlords were supporting the War effort and did not sympathise with
the movement. There were also Congress leaders like Rajagoplachari who didnot
participate in the movement and supported the War effort.
However, the intensity of the Movement can be gauged from the following figures:
In U.P. 104 railway stations were attacked and damaged according to a government
report. About 100 railway tracks were 'sabotaged' and the number in case of telephone
and telegraph wires was 425. The number of post offices damaged was 119.
In Midnapore 43 government buildings were burnt.
In Bihar 72 police stations were attacked; 332 railway stations and 945 post offices
damaged.
Throughout the country there had been 664 bomb explosions.
How did the government react to this massive upsurge? This is the question which we shall
deal in the following section.

34.4.3 Repression
The Government had geared all its forces to suppress the popular upsurage. .Arrests,
I detentions, police firings, burning of Congress offices, etc. were the methods adopted by
the Government. .

By the end of 1942 in U.P. alone 16,089 persons were arrested. Throughout India the
Kamesh Mechrocks
official figures for arrests stood at 91,836 by end of 1943.
 Towards A Sovereign State The number of firings was 658 till September 1942, and by 1943
, dres. Many more had died and innumerable I
1
wounded.
ices had burnt 31 Congress camps and 164
, out of which 46 were committed by the

The Government

1 dmount involved in such fines was Rs.

It was through such rep Give act e British were able to re-establish themselves.
The War situation help$em in
i) They had at their disp $a1 a mas ilitary force which was stationed here to face the
Japanese, but was proit6tly use sh the Movement.
d the upsurge in a ruthless manner. They did
ntemal criticism of their methods, or
s were busy fighting the Axis powers, and had
the British were doing in India.

Kameshif AMechrocks
Pamphe
# ing people to Boycott Traitors.
The ,QIM collapsed, but not without demonstrating the determination of the masses to do Indian Nationalism During
World War-11: Quit India
away with British rule. The Congress leadership did not condemn the deviation by the Movement and INA
people from the principle of non-violence, but at the same time disowned any
responsibility for the violent acts of the people.

Check Your Progress 2

1 Which of the following statements are right ( v" ) or wrong (x).
i) Gandhi wanted only a limited section of the people to participate in the QIM.
ii) The leadership of the QIM was taken over by militant youth and socialists.
iii) No parallel governments were formed during the QIM.
iv) The sober section of the Congress attempted to control the movement, but failed.
V) There was no underground activity during the QIM.
vi) Capitalists and merchants participated in great numbers in the QIM.

2 Discuss in about ten lines the measures adopted by the people to uproot the British
authority during the QIM.

3 Discuss in about ten lines the measures adopted by the British to crush the popular
upsurge.

34.5 INDIAN NATIONAL ARMY

The QIM was a struggle fought against the British in India. B i t equally important is the
role of the Indian National Army which waged battles against the British from foreign
soil.

30.5.1 Formation of INA

There were many Indian revolutionaries working abroad for the country's cause. Among
these was Rasbehari Bose, living as a fugitive from the British since 1915 in Japan. He
Kamesh Mechrocks
Towards A Sovereign State

9jphari flp Yohan Singh Inspecting INA.

seized the opportunit

against the British.

Fujiwara a Japanese army Officer persuaded

of War) - to work in collaboration with the

and they formed the I e k a g u e . This was followed by a conference in

Bangkok (June 1942) Bose was elected president of the League and a
decision was taken
the Commander of had about 40,000 Indian soldiers. This conference

Kamesh Mechrocks f t
10. he House i cut@ from where Bose Escaped.
Bose had escaped from India in 1941 to Berlin. In June, 1943 he came to Tokyo and then Indian Nationalism During
World War-11: Quit India
joined the INA at Singapore in July. Rashbehari Bose handed over the leadership to Subhas Movement and INA
Bose, and an Azad Hind Sarkar was formed. In November, 1943 the Japanese announced
their decision to hand over the administration of Andamans and Nicobar islands to the INA
Thus, started the heroic struggle of the INA for India's independence.

11. INA in Action.

34.5.2 Actions of INA

The INA in a few months time had three fighting brigades named after Gandhi, Azad and
Nehru. Soon other brigades were raised, namely the Subhas brigade and the Rani Jhansi
brigade. The overseas Indians contributed heavily in terms of money and material for the
army. The slogans of the INA were 'Jai Hind' and 'Delhi Chalo'. The most famous was
Subhas's declaration that "Tum Mujhe Khoon Do Mein Tumhe Azadi Dunga" (you give
me blood I will give you freedom).

12. Bose Inspecting Rani Jhansi Rrigade.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 I

Towards A Sovereign State Fighting side by side with d forces the INA crossed the Indian frontier
on 18th March, 1944. The ted on Indian soil. However the INA failed to
capture Imphal due to two
i) The Japanese failed to sary material and air cover to the INA.
ii) The Monsoon
In the meantime the Brit p their forces and made counter attacks.
The INA fought heroically loss of manpower, but the course of war was
changing. With the collaps set backs to the Japanese armies, the INA too
could not stand on its own. eared. Some belleved he died in an air
crash, while others refus

34.5.3 Impact

struggle:
could no longer depend on the loyalty of Indian
soldiers and treat th
ii) The struggles o f t

g armed struggle against the British.

iv) The INA had als iasm and concern of overseas Indians for the
freedom of their

4
In dealing with the role of bhas Bo
that what he did was not du to his su
for India's freedom. He wa determin
ring this period, we have to take note of the fact
to Fascist Germany or expansionist Japan, but
maintain the independent existence of INA

o
l
.,
.
* - . _-:r 35).
t
from the Japanese, and whil in Berli
use of Indian Legion again USSR.
officers asd ssldiers and put lthem on
problems with the Gernlans regarding the
sh Government court martialed the INA
r conspiring against the King (you will read

Check Your Progress 3

1 Discuss in about five of the formation of the INA.

.....................................
.....................................
.....................................
.....................................

ii) Subhas Bose compl

iii) The British could n onthe loyalty of Indian troops.

3 What was the impact of lia'$ freedom struggle? Answer in about ten
lines.

.....................................
....................................................................................
...................................................................................

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Indian Nationalism Durinec,
....................................................................................................................................................... World War-11: Quit India
Movement and INA

34.6 LET US SUM UP

The various sections of Indian people had different attitude towards the War, and these
were reflected within the Congress. The Individual Satyagraha launched by Galidhi? due to
its limited nature of participation, did not get widespread response. It took the Congress
almost three years after India was dragged into the War to reach a decision about launching
the Quit India Movement. With the declaration for starting the Movement, the British
adopted a policy of ruthless repression. All prominent Congress leaders were arrested
overnight and the Congress could get no time to plan the line of action to be adopted.
However, the Movement took its own course with the people.directing their own actions.
The youth and Socialists were at the forefront in directing the Movement. In its initial
phase it were the people in the urban centres who were involved but soon the Movement
spread to the country side. In many regions the Brilish authority was uprooted and parallel
governments established. The methods of strugglz adopted by the people surpassed the
confines of Gandhian non-violence and the "sober sections" among Congressmen could not
control them.
The British were able to crush the Movement, but underground activities continued for a
long time. The Movement had made it clear to the British that it will be difficult for them
to retain their hold on India for a long time, and the heroic struggles waged by the INA
further demonstrated this.

13. INA Soldiers.

34.7 KEY WORDS

Collecting Punitive Fines: Fines imposed by the government on the residents of an area
where 'riots' etc. have taken place.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Towards A Sovereign State

attacked USSR.

Check Your Progress 1

r views mentioned in Sub-sec. 34.2.1.

d France, iii) felt, Civil Disobedience, iv) unhappy,

Sub-secs. 34.4.1 and 34.4.2. It should take into

governments, etc.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 35 TOWARDS INDEPENDENCE

Structure
35.0 Objectives
35.1 Introduction
35.2 Background: India and the Raj
35.2.1 Second World War: Impact on the Indians
35.2.2 Second World War: Impact on the British Government
35.2.3 End of the War: The British Policy
35.2.4 Congress and the Muslim League
35.3 Attempts at a Negotiated Settlement
35.3.1 The Simla Conference
35.3.2 The Labour in Power
35.3.3 Elections and the Cabinet Mission
35.3.4 The Communal Carnage and Interim Government
35.4 The Popular Urges
35.4.1 Direct Confrontations
35.4.2 Indirect Confrontations

I
35.5 Let Us Sum Up
35.6 Key Words
35.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

35.0 OBJECTIVES

This Unit deals with a brief but a very crucial period of Indian Nationalism. After reading
this unit you will:
become familiar with the impact of the World War on the British rulers and the Indian
. people,
be able to link up the various kinds of political activities undertaken during this period,
to narrate the popular struggles which break out in this period , and
evaluate their role in weakening and ultimately throwing out the Raj.

INTRODUCTION
In the earlier unit you have been familiarised with the various constitutional processes at
r work, political developments and their crystallization, the political maturing of certain
sections of Indian society and finally the break out of the second World War and its
consequences. As a result of all this the 1940s witnessed a vastly different political
scenario. New tensions and conflicts emerged. The relationship, mainly conflictual,
between the rulers and the ruled acquired new dimensions, and the range of political
i activities became much wider as the possibility of independence began taking shape. 'lhere
I were now on the one hand, new attempts being made for a negotiated settlement, for a
peaceful transfer of power-a politics of the negotiating chamber. On the other hand, the
popular urges for freedom, dissatisfied with the methods of negotiation, looked for
different outlets. These outlets were found in various confrontations with the British and
were different from the politics of the negotating chamber. During this period the
separatist politics also raised its head and the movement for Pakistan gathered greater
momentum.
The situation thus, was very complex. All streams of politics - nationalist as well as
communalist-were attempting for a peaceful transfer of power. But the popular
struggles, direct anti-British fights as well as the anti-feudal struggles challenged the
British authority on a different plank. In this unit we attempt to unfold some of the
complex characteristics and the different dimensions of India's struggle for freedom during
1945-47.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Towards A Sovereign State

litical events of the preceding decades. It

the background to the developments which took
r it was the Second World War and its impact on
ch shaped the course of some of the
the Government, its policies and various
sections of the India

35.2.1 Second Wo att on the Indians

Popular distress was d

products (agricultural,

Year 1 Wheat Cotton Manufactures Kerosene

1939 100 100
1941 196 140

large scale hoarding ket" at very exorbitant prices. Artificial,

qilitary - "the war contractors" - the hoarders

the climate turned

nndent bungled their work and those for the army

vements of food grains from one place to another;

As the cumulative disorders, a gruesome tragedy in fact took place

in Bengal in the la devastating famine-suspected largely to be
"man-made" or th etic officialdom-starved more than 3 million
ed by famines, the condition of the rest of India
1 and presented more or less a uniform picture of
n centres. Clearly, the suffering people had
and the so-called all powerful Raj could do

35.2.2 Second W pact on the British Government

Qere also not really in a position to deal efficiently
fig fixed wholly on the prosecution of the fight,
to bother about the plight of the Indians, or to
the war came to a close, the Raj was too
Kamesh Mechrocks
r exhausted, too much in need for a respite, to start setting its Tndian house in order afresh. Towards Independence
I
! The situation had changed considerably:
@ The European element in its armed forces was already hankering for demobilisatiori -
for an opportunity to go home - rather than staying on indefinitely in India;
@ To many Britons. India did no more appear to be an ideal place for their civil and
military careers or an easy field for their protected expatriate entrepreneurship.
@ It was no longer convenient, even possible - in the face of obvious Indian hostility -
to make use of India's economy for furthering Britain's global trade interests, except by
forcibly silencing all opposition.
@ The extent of force that Britain had to use upon India in its desperate bid tor survival in
1942 was extremely difficult to repeat at the end of the war in 1945, and that, too, on
an anticipated massive scale. The Raj was not as conditioned mentally and materially
for bulldozing another "Quit India" movement - lurking in the horizon - as it had
been in 1942.
Financially, India was no more a debtor to Britain for meeting the expenses of her
t "governance". and Britain - on the contrary-had become indebted to India to the tune
of above f 3,3000 million (the Sterling Balance).
@ Administratively, the Indian Civil Service - the famed "steel frame" of the empire -
was reduced during the war to a wholly run-down state.
Harassed by such crisis-management duties as holding the prices. ensuring the supplies,
tackling the famines or famine-like conditions, hunting the "fifth-columnists", sounding
air-raid signals, enforcing "black-outs", and burdened with the ever increasing weight of
the daily executive and judicial chores, the capabilities of a meagre number of men in the
ICS were stretched so further that they did not seem to be able to carry on for long without
being broken down completely. To make matters worse, the enlistment of the Britons for
the war took precedence over their recruitment in the ICS, and the British entry into the
cadre practically stopped at the height of the war in 1943. Irrespective of its putting up a
brave face, the Raj, had little reason to feel very secure with a minority of loyal Europeans
in the ranks in the mid-1940 (587 in number) along side an Indian majority (614 in total)
of uncertain proclivities in a rapidly changing circumstance. The days of classical
imperialism had come apparently to an end with the termination of the World War. No
body could sum up the British predicament in India better than the penultimate Viceroy,
Lord Wavell eventually did : "Our time in India is limited, and our power to control
events almost gone".

35.2.3 End of the War : The British Policy

Evidently after the war. it was no longer convenient for a metropolitan country - and far
less profitable - to rule directly over a colony for the systematised reaping of all the
economic advantages from it. However, the Second World War by no stretch of
imagination marked the collapse of imperialism, rather it had heralded its survival, and
opened up the possibility of rejuvenation on new lines - neo-colonialism.
A land and its people could still be effectively colonised, satellecticalIy placed,
economically subjugated and militarily utilised, even after conceding to them
political independence, if their integrity and solidarity were disrupted and their
weaknesses perpetrated through the setting up of separate, ineffectual, puppet
regimes.
That the Indian nationalists would not be willing to play into the hands of the puppeteers,
and that a battle-weary and an internally wrecked Britain could not again be in a position
to dominate the world market, did hardly discourage the British to dream on the wild neo-
colonialist lines. After all, Britain had little alternative but to hope against all hopes, and to
try to ensure its future of some kind in India by diverting the Indians from their goal of
sub-continental liberation, at any rate, and by disuniting and dividing them if at all
possible. The road for diversion it may be recalled, had already been painstakingly laid,
only the traffic had now to be successfully guided into it.
Playing up the divergences of a pluralist people was expected by the British to be as useful
in their tactical retreat from India as it certainly had been throughout in fostering the Raj's
advance. Of all the distinctions among Indians that the imperial authorities tried to
magnify, and make use of (such as between the British Indians and the states' peoples, the
Kamesh Mechrocks
"martials" and the "non-martials", the urbanites and the non-urbanities and the brahmins
Towards A sovereign State and the non Brahmins llowers of two co-existing religions, Hinduism
and Islam, or betwee d the substantial Muslim minority, proved to

gainst the other, by acknowledging the

Muslim League as t y of the Indian Muslims, by casting doubts
on the nationalist c dian National Congress, and by using the

ress from the legislative scene on

r some of the provincial ministries. and
1s noted the spreading of the League's sphere of
of intrigues and dispersal of official patronages

us little to counter the Pakistan

do away with communalism merely through

lim masses for wining them away from

ande Martram, Ramrajya, etc. were used by the

view point - and contrary to all their great

hdd been benefiting from the exercise of some
y way in North West Frontier

ad gradually been attracting a

the Muslim business interests started welcoming

ub-Continent where they would not suffer from
-standing and overbearing Hindu business houses

y over jobs and business in a region, was being

s in Punjab and Bengal for freedom in a future

dnstrating sporadically the urges the Indian masses

and their indigenous collaborators.
26 Kamesh Mechrocks
 Although the two lines did hardly ever converge, they nevertheless attracted and distracted Towards Independence
each other and constituted together the history of the three fateful years that culminated in
the partition and independence of India.

Check Yopr Progress 1

I Read the following statements and mark right ( \/ ) or wrong (x).
i) The World War was followed by a rapid increase in the prices of various
commodities.
ii) Owing to the World War, the British could not deal w ~ t hthe Indian political
situation very effectively.
iii) The proportion of British officers in the ICS increased after 1940.
iv) The British tried to bridge the gap between the Hindus and the Muslims.
v) Muslim business groups supported the demand for Pakistan.
vi) In Punjab and Bengal the Muslim peasants were exploited by hatiios and zumin~/aar..

2 How did the British perpetuate the political hostility between the Hindus and the
Muslims? Answer in five lines.

35.3 ATTEMPTS AT A NEGOTIATED SETTLEMENTS

Once the tide of the war turned in their favour, the British started realising by the end of
1944 generally that the Indian situation should not be allowed to remain where it stood
after the Quit India Movement. They realised that it would be impossible to hold India by
force for long. A dialogue therefore, had to begin with the imprisoned Congress leaders, if
not for anything else, at least for preventing them in future from taking advantage bf an
explosive post-war situation of economic hardships and unemployment. According to
Wavell the energies of the Congress and its fellow-travellers were required to be directed
from the path of agitation into "some more profitable channel, i.e. into dealing with the
I
administrative problems of India and into trying to solve the constitutional problems".
Churchill and his men stubbornly-resisted this line of thinking till the termination of the
war came in full view (With the surrender of Germany in May 1945) and the war-t,ime
Coalition Government in Britain was scheduled to make room for a freshly elected one.

35.3.1 The Simla Conference

Eventually permitted by the home authorities to set the ball of negotiations rolling, the
Viceroy, Wavell, ordered on 14 June 1945 the release of all the Congress Working
Committee members, and invited them along with others, notably the League leaders, to
join in a Conference in Simla (24 June - 14 July 1945) for setting up a new Execur~ve
Council at the Centre - practically Indian in cornposition+rcepting the Commander in
Chief and of course, the Viceroy, presiding over its deliberations. 'The Council would have
equal representation from the so-called (jointly by the British and the League) "Caste
Hindus" and Muslims, and it should function within the existingconstitutional arrangement
without its being responsible to the legislature.
The British in fact were lukewarmly agreeable to discuss the making of a new constitution
only at the actual end of the war. While attending the confereflce, the Congress naturally
I
I refused to be treated as a "Caste Hindu" body, and, asserting its secular nationalist
character staked the right to select the representatives of any community, including
I
Muslims (of whom Abul Kalam Azad and Abuda! Ghaffar Khan presented themselves in
! Simla in the capacities of the leaders and distinguished members respectively, of the
Congress delegation), as the Congress nominees to the council. The league, which insisted
1 -more obdurately than with reason - on its.having the sole agency to speak for every
Kamesh Mechrocks
/
Towards A Sovereign State

I
Indian Muslim, objected t the Co
choosing all the Muslim embers

deserved some rep

anidhi at Sirnla.

d claimed an absolute jurisdiction for

ceroy who felt that the loyal Unionist Muslims, or

ompromising themselves with the League,
' I

Not satisfied with this, demanded a communal veto by asking for a

two-third majority in t il, instead of a simple one, on any decision I

opposed by the Musli own nominees) and related to the Muslim

interests. In his anxie the League's intransigent postire, and brushing
aside the Congress o 1 by keeping it open for the League to step in
d to abandon the British proposals and dissolve
ent developments, his action implied not
e's monopoly to speak for all Muslims, and
eyes, but he also seemed to have conceded to the
future Negotiation that did not suit its own
e League became a pre-requisite to any major
settlement.

35.3.2 The Labour i

Following a massive vi 1 elections, the British Labour Party came into
thereby hopes for an early settlement of the
hies with the nationalist cause in India, the Labour
freeing India,'if and when they were voted to
Labour Party leaders (including Clement
Attlee, Aneurin Bev and Harold Laski) met Jawaharlal Nehru and V.K.
Krishna Menon at F d agreed - in the case of their forming a C

Government in Britain ture constitution of India as decided by an Indian

1 suffrage". They had also agreed to grant India ,
e British to the Indian hands. So unequivocal
appeared to be the rty on the issue of Indian independence, and
n the Viceroy of India shuddered at the
Kamesh Mechrocks
 possibility of the new British rulers' handing over India "to their Congress friends as soon Towards Independence,
as possible". What Wavell did not know initially, but came to understand soon with some
satisfaction, was that the Labourite enthusiasm for making a promise, without being in
orfice, could not be the same for keeping it when in office. If the Whigs and the Tories in
Britain, or for that matter the Tories an the Liberals there, did not drastically differ in the
past in their attitudes towards the maintenance of the Indian Empire, despite the difference
in ideology. why should the Labours not agree - in spite of their socialist affectation -,

with many of the Conservatives, bureaucrats and vested interests on the most advantageous
ways of dismantling it? After ail, the act of freeing an uncontrollable colony would by no
stretch of imagination be termed as imperialistic, howsoever much the disuniting and
dividing of its people in the process exposed it ever so weakeningly to fresh neo-colonialist
exploitations. Apparently, the Labours had no particular qualms about it, for they were as
willing as the conservatives and the British officials to :
let the Communalists, holding all others in India to ransom,
silence popular out-bursts in the country by the use of brute force,
become obsessed with the defence of British overseas interests, and
actually employ British-Indian troops in Indo-China and Java to prop up the French
and the Dutch imperialists, respectively.
Consistent with the tenor of its over-all approach, the first moves that the Attlee
Government made in India were hardly path-breaking, or which a non-Labour
Government could not make. It asked the Viceroy to announce on 21 August 1945, the
holding of new elections for the Indian Legislatures in the approaching winter of 1945-46.
The elections were not only overdue for the centre (last elected in 1934), as well as for the
provinces (last elected in 1937), but also essential for reopening the constitutional game -
the wrangles and squabbles in the name of negotiations. Viceroy was prompted further to
renew on 19 September 1945 the promises of "early full self government" for India
(refusing carefully to use the term "independence"), discussions with the elected legislators
and the representatives of the Indian princes on the formation of a Constituent Assembly
for undertaking fresh constitutional arrangements (by-passing conveniently the previous
Labourite assurance to elect a Constitutent Assembly on "universal suffrage") and efforts
to be made once again for setting up the Viceroy's Executive Council with nominees from
the main Indian parties. No body observed the Attlee Ministry's reactionary Indian policy
better, and more ruefully, than its own ideologue, Harold Laski:
"In all British policy, whether it is the policy of the Coalition Government (.under
Attlee), there is still a marked and notable absence of a real will to help in making
~ndia'freein the full sense of the term. There is too much exploitation of a partly
real and partly unreal communal difference in India, partly made and partly
exploited by ourselves .... there is the immensely overrated hero-worship of princes,
for whom we are supposed to have sacred responsibility".

35.3.3 Elections and the Cabinet Mission

The elections were duly held in the winter of 1945-46. By the time the elections took
place, the League - following the congenial aftermath of the Simla Conference. and
dangling the carrot of Pakistan - was in a favourable situation to deal with its separate
Muqlim electorate. To the Muslim traders and middle classes the dream of Musalmanon-ki-
Hukumat and the Indian Muslim's special right of self-determination was added the fervent
religious cry of "Islam in danger". Although the Congress was at the crest of its popularity,
especially wlth the people's anticipations of the coming of independence, it was
nevertheless not in a position in such religiously frenzied atmosphere to carry the bulk of
the Muslim voters with it. The outcome of the elections, particularly the respective
positions of the Congress and the League, clearly brough! all these out.
The Congress won overwhelmingly in the General (non-Muslim) constituencies, securing
91.3 per cent votes, winning 57 out of 102 seats in the Central Legislative Assembly and
obtaining majorities in all the provinces except Sind, Punjab and Bengal. The spectacular
, Congress victories, however, could not diminish the significance that the Government had
already thrust upon the Muslim electorate. From the British point of view, and at the
negotiation table to be presided by them what mattered more in 1946 than the massive
national mandate for the Congress was the League's ability to goad the Muslim voters to
its side -- by hook or by crook. Apparently in this the League attained remarkable
successes by polling 86.6 per cent of the Muslim votes, winning all the 30 Muslim seats in
Kamesh Mechrocks
Towards A Sovereign State the Central Legislati g 442 out of 509 Muslim seats in the

s demanding for Pakistan. It lost NWFP and

/.
the Unionists from Punjab. Even the League
ministries that were set hinged precariously on official and

separate electorates, w keep the Muslims away from the national

erely restricted franchise - barely 10 per cent
een contested on the adult franchise, it is

Lawrence, Secretar Cripps, President of the Board of Trade;

and A.V. Alexander, F
means of a negotiated,
the British circles, itish hands for all practical purposes, and
India had reached
intermittent expres
the disquietude of
of the Congress to start, and which, the Viceroy
rol". The Cabinet Mission, therefore, arrived in
India to wrest the ~niti
leaders till June 194
an interim Indian G

innah's brinkmanship over Pakistan and the

on eventua!ly came up with a complicated,

er) had been sympathetic towards Jinnah, the

s demand for a full-fledged Pakistan (comprising

surmountable economic and administrative

League (for Jinnah at this stage was unequivocally
moth-eaten Pakistan"). Having thus rejected

existing provincial le incial legislatures would then elect a Constituent

ctions" - Section A for the non-Muslim majority

ces, Bihar, the Central Provinces, Orissa and

vincial constitutions and, if necessary,

cia1 and sectional legislatures and

ort of the major political parties, and

autonomous MusIim n some proximity. At the outset, therefore, both the

Congress and the Le ed to accept the plan. But soon a difficulty surfaced
Kamesh Mechrocks
 over the,provisions for forming sections or groups of provinces. The League interpreted TowardsIndependence
the groupings to be compulsory, for that might brighten up the possibility of a future full-
fledged Pakistan by bulldozing the Congress-administered Muslim-majority provinces of
NWFP (in section B) and Assam (in section C) into it (intheir respective sections the
Congress majorities from NWFP and Assam would be reduced to helpless minorities). It
was precisely because of the opposition of NWF'P and Assam to their being dragged into
Sections B and C that the Congress wanted the grouping to be optional. The Congress was
also critical of the absence of any provision for the elected members from the princely
states in the proposed Constituent Assembly, though it appeared to be willing to swallow
the limited and indirect nature of electing the Constituent Assembly - blatantly contrary
to its past demand for such an election on adult franchise. By the end of July 1946, the
Congress and the League decided against trying out the Cabinet Mission plan any further,
mainly on account of their difference over the grouping system, but partly because of the
Mission's inability to clarify its intensions. In its anxiety for putting up a disarranged India
under some nominal centre, and with the communally segregated autonomous units almost
+T
as a prelude to "Balkanisation" (on the sole plea, of course, of pampered Indian
disunity)the Mission failed to take note of all the important details. Still, the Cabinet
Mission plan was the most that the British - in their haste to leave the ground to the neo-
, colonialists--could really offer. After July 1946, they had not even talked seriously of the
necessity for maintaining the pretence of a weak Indian Union.

35.3.4 The Communal Carnage and Interim Government

The set back over the Cabinet Mission plan so exaspereated the League that it wanted forth
with to force the situation through "Direct Action", or give concrete expression to its post-
election slogan, Ladke Lenge Pakistan ("we shall have Pakistan by force"). The outcome
was the communal carnage that began first on the Direct Action Day (16 August 1946) in
Calcutta, and then in a chain of reactions spread over other areas of the country, notably in
Bombay, eastern Bengal and Bihar, a certain part of the U.P., NWFP and Punjab. In
Culcutta the League rowdies, encouraged by the League Premier of Bengal, Suhrawardy,
had a field day on 16 August by suddenly resorting to large scale violent attacks on the
non-Muslims. Once the element of surprise was over, the Hindus and Sikh toughs also hit
back. The army, stationed at the very heart of the city, took its own time to react, and
when it did sluggishly move to restore order 4,000 had already been killed in three days,
and 10,000 injured.
Riots erupted in Bombay in September 1946, but not so frenziedly as in Calcutta. Even
then, more than 300 persons lost their lives in stray incidents there. In October 1946,
communal riots broke out furiously in Noakhali and Tippera, leaving 400 dead and
resulting in widspread violation of women, loot and arson. Noakhali was promptly
avenged in Bihar towards the end of October with unsurpassed brutality, massacring more
than 7,000. U.P. was not lagging far behind, and at Garhamukhteswar alone approximately
1,000 people were slaughtered. The Bihar and the U.P. butchery called for retaliatory
actions in NWFP (Hazara district mainly) and led eventually to furious communal riots,
encompassing the Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs of Punjab, especially in Lahore, Amritsar,
Multan, Attock and Rawalpindi, and killing about 5,000 by the middle of 1947. These
were, however, the mere beginnings, for the communal riots continued to blaze very high
throughout 1947 and the earlier part of 1948, resulting in deaths and injuries to several
lakhs of people, abduction and rape of countless women, immense destruction of personal
properties and innumerable desecration of religious placess. Millions had to become
refugees, and whereas in some localities (like Punjab) a wholesale exchange of population
took place, in others (like Bengal) people continued to leave their places in waves for a
long time to come. In the sheer extent of human suffering and dehumanization, and in the
total upsetting of the country's social and economic fabric, the fratricide in the Indian sub
continent between 1946 and 1948, and intermittently always thereafter, perhaps had only a
few parallels in the annals of civilisation.
It was coinciding practically with the outbreak of the communal carnage that an Interim
Government at the centre - the one which ?he Cabinet Mission proposed as a short-term
measure in its plan - came into existence in September 1946. To begin with, the
Viceroy's attempts at its formation met almost with the same difficulty they faced in the
Simla Coaference, namely Jinnah's insistence on a parity between 5 Hindu nominees of the
Congress and 5 Muslim nominees of the League in such.a Government, apart from 1 Sikh
Kamesh Mechrocks
and one Scheduled Caste in it. As anticipated, the Congress rejected such a proposal of
xards A Sovereign State umber of Hindus, Muslims and others in its,list.
mment to function like a cabinet, and not like a
11 would have called off his endeavours on the

1945, had he not been thoroughly alarmed by

iately before and soon after the sojourn of the

ahead with the plan of

by the Congress - the the greatest influence over the public mind.
11 realise that firm control of unruly elements
is necessary, and they ma munists and try to end their own left-wing",
hem (the Congress leaders) so busy with

re of giving them precedence over their League

of the Interim Government to be to their

leaders opted on 2nd Se of a cabinet under the leadership of

Jawaharlal Nehru. As th r on. the Congress-dominated functioning
whole an exercise in misadventures. Despite all
n the face of the communal holocaust - to move
ander in Chief, into the riot-afflicted areas. Being

"Direct Action", and by ongress-nominated scheduled Caste

League camps, backed up by their warring

dced for all practical purposes to a figure head.
If the Government of a hus tom asunder, and the major

1947-were no longer too keen to come out of the labyrinth at

The alternative for

to refuse to Government,
o the, saner sentiments,
hind the rioters,

communalists, and

The alternative, of c
difficult, but not imp
of the people.
4
to make an effort to rganis

to simultaneously g all out

to attempt at achiev' g pop
nce against both the Muslim and the Hindu

nching the final anti-imperialist mass movement and

on the battle lines.
to be long-drawn, hazardous and, indeed, very
w h could
~ rely ultimately on the urges and uqsurges
-
Check Your Progress
1 Read the following right ( 4 ) or wrong (x).
i) Simla Conferen Congress did not want to represent the

proposal of an interim government.

the Muslim League led to communal rioting at a

iv) The position o emment improved after the Muslim League joined
Kamesh Mechrocks
2 Why did the British make attempts for a settlement !' Write in ten lines. Towards Independence

3 What was the impact of the victory of the Labour Party in England, on the Indian
political situation ? Write in five lines.

35.4 THE POPULAR URGES

The symptomatic expressions of the popular urges between 1945 and 1947 were broadly of
two varieties:
i) those which led to direct confrontations with the colonial administration,
ii) and those which indirectly underminded colonialism through their opposition to its
indigenous u-pholders4ertain capitalists and princelings, most landlords and mahajans.
The occurrences on both these lines had on the whole been so numerous that one is left
with little alternative but to highlight only the major ones.

35.4.1 Direct Confrontations

Here we discuss some of the major direct confrontations with the colonial administration:
i) INA Trials: The initial explosion took place over the INA trials, or the prosecutions
against the imprisoned members of the Indian National Army (you have read about the
role of INA in Unit 34). By the time first trials began in November 1945, the heroic
exploits of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and his army had already been revealed to the
Indian public, catching their imagination and swaying their emotions. There was
countrywide protest when the three INA heroes (Sehgal, Shah Nawaz and Dhillon)
belonging to the Hindu, Muslim and Sikh communities, and symbolizing the unity of the
people, were put on the docks in the historic Red Fort of Delhi. There were meetings and
processions, angry outbursts and agitated speeches almost everywhere, calling for the
immediate release of the INA prisoners.
The developments in Calcutta, however, surpassed all other places and turned the city into
a storm centre. On 21 November, 1945 students marched at the call of the Forward Bloc,
towards the administrative quarters in Dalhousie Square. The processionists were joined on
the way by the members of the Students Federation (Communist student wing) and the ,
League students' organisation. Combined, these students tied the nationalist, the League
and the red flags together to symbolise the need for anti-imperialist people's solidarity.
The demonstrators were halted by the a m i d police on Dharamtolla Street for the night
and fired upon the following day, killing a Hindu and a Muslim student. The firing
Kamesh Mechrocks
h~
; " c t ~ n t l s r ; n f l a m . o A the . o n t i r e ritv and the npnnle nf r a l r ~ ~ t twent
a intn artinn dicnintino
Towards A Sover State

1
1 15. News
3
Report on INA Trials.

arricades on the streets. The Sikh taxi-

23 November, the enraged groups of

ice in different parts of the city, faced firings

7
The Calcutta turmoil in pa ular, a
issue, did not go altogetheri n vain.

I I
nation-wide agitation in general over the INA
thorities decided to climb down, first by

Kamesh1 Mechrocks
on INA Trials.
I
16.
 announcing in December 1945 to try only those INA members who could be accused of Towards Independence
murder and brutalities, and then by remitting in January 1946, the sentences passed against
the first batch of the accused. After some initial insensitivity, the Government in fact was
quick to read the significance of the INA agitation, in relation to Indian nationalism. It
understood that the agitation "cuts across communal barriers" that the civil disturbances
accompanying it could produce disastrous results for the Raj.
Curiously enough, the Indian publicmen, whether of nationalist or of communa!ist type,
refused to see in the agitation what the British had already seen, and they decided to brand
mass actions as "frittering away" of energies in "trifling quarrels" with the police. As an
antidote to the unified enthusiasm of the people, the Congress Working Committee chose
(in its meeting of 7-1 1 December 1945) to remind everyone of the need for observing
strict non-violence. The Congress and the League leaders' restraint over popular outbursts
could only be explained by their pre-determination in favour of a negotiated settlement
with the British, or by their opting for political bargaining rather than for fighting to the
finish. They were willing to take up the INA question, or any such issue, only so far as to
derive advantages from it in the coming elections, and no further. For example the
Congressmen made a promise during Punjab elections that all INA personnel will be
absorbed in the army of free India. Mentally they had already preferred at that point the
electoral politics of the ten per cent of Indians to the desperations of the rest - the ninety
per cent.
The INA agitation was by no means over by the end of 1945, it stnlck again in February
1946, and at the same epicentre-the volatile Calcutta. The league students of the city gave
a strike call to protest on 11 February 1946 against the sentence of 7 years' imprisohment,
passed on A. Rashid Ali of the INA. Other students organisations including the
Communist-led students Federation, joined in amidst spontaneous display of inter-
communal solidarity. The protestations were transformed into fierce fights when the
militant working class youth united with the students. A massite rally (addressed by the
League. the nationalist and Communist spokesmen) and general strike on 12 February
paralysed Calcutta and its industrial suburbs, leading eventually to clashes with the police
and the army, the erection of barricades on the roads and street skirmishes in various parts.
After two days of bloody encounters, resulting in the deaths of 84 and injuries to 300, the
authorities were able' finally to restore "order". The tension, however, continued to linger
on, not only in Calcutta and Bengal, but also in other parts.

. ., . . . . . .

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17. Newspaper Report on RIN 'Revolt7.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Towards A Sovereign State d Calcutta outburst in February 1946 came the
ist confrontations of the post war phase - the
revolt of the Royal lnd p e d abroad, and being familiar with the ways
of the world outside, t e resentful of the racist behaviour of their
English superiors. Besi gregation from the people at large, they were
aware on the whole of up in the country, especially over the H\IA trials.
over the poor quality of food, they were served
"Talwar" in Bombay harbour went into hunger-
a1 arrongance. Others in 22 ships in the
ay, and it soon spread to the Castle and the

Y
The strikers raised t e Nationa
They elected a Naval
i~i
e League and the Red flags together.
headed by M.S. Khan and drew up their
demands, ones as their own. They elected:
release of the LNA
freedom of all other
withdrawal of Indian
better food,
more civilised trea
equal' pay for Euro
On 20 Felbruary the ratin$ in the s were surrounded by armed guards, while their

i
Comrades in the ships foy d Briti ers threatening them with destruction. Figlhting
started nt:xt day when the1 eleagu s tried to break out of the Barracks and SIome o
the ships (already taken o er by t from their European superiors) preferredI gun-
battles to surrenders. The were frontations, too, in Karachi, spearheaded by th

Kamesh 1 Mechrocks
Indian Revolt -cenes i" Bombay.
18. #I
rebels in "Hindusthan". By 22 February, the revolt had spread to all the naval bases in the Towards Independence
country, involving 78 ships, 20 shore establishments and 20,000 ratings.
As natural in the electrifying circumstances of 1946, the mutineers evoked unprecedented
popular response. In Karachi, the Hindu and Muslim students and workers demonstrated in
support of the ratings, and engaged the army and police in violent clashes. Bombay
witnessed emotional expressions of public sympathy-people hailing the ratings, rushing in
food for them and shopkeepers insisting on their taking whatever articles they liked. The
Communists, with the support of the Congress Socialists, gave a call for a general strike on
22 February. Defying the Congress and the League directives to the contrary, 300,000
workers came out of the factories and mills and took to the streets on that day. Thereafter
it was Calcutta all the way in Bombay w i t h clenched fists, barricades and street
fightings. but with more suffering, bloodshed, and greater - almost exclusive
involvement of the working class. Several hundreds died in the delirious two days, and
thousand suffered injuries. The r j h g in Bombay, however, could not make any further
headway on account of two reasons:
The overwhelming military might of the Raj which was put in action.
Vallabhbhai Pate1 and Jinnah jointly persuaded the ratings to surrender on 23rd
February. An undertaking was given by the Congress and the League that they would
prevent any victimisation of the ratings. But soon this assurance was forgotten. Thus,
ended the Revolt of the RIN.
Others: Similar direct anti-imperialist confrontations though not of the same magnitude
and significance as those of the INA ad the RIN agitations-also continued to take
place contemporaneously in different parts of the country. Some of these were:
The popular outcry against the government decision to cut down the rational supplies
to the civilian population was one such example, over which 80,000 demonstrated in
Allahabad in mid-~ebruary1946.
Another was the widespread police strike in April 1946 under the aegis of the gftists in
Malabar, Bihar, eastern Bengal (in Dacca in particular), the Andamans and even in
Delhi.
In July 1946 the postal employees decided to defy the authorities and actually struck
work for a time. Sympathising with their cause, and at the call of the Communists, the
people in Calcutta observed a total and peaceful general strike on 29 July 1946.
Excitement also ran very high in July 1946 throughout the country over the threat of
an all-India Railway employees' strike.
Strikes and industrial actions had in fact become in 1946 the order of the day.

35.4.2 Indirect Confrontations

The strike wave of 1940 created problems not only for the governmental authorities4ut
also for the capitalists and planters of all hues-European as well as Indian. Surpassirfg all
previous records, it resulted in 1,629 stoppages of work, affecting 1,941,948 workers and
leading to the loss of 12,717,762 man-days. Committed basically to their economic
demands, the strikes nevertheless generated a defiant and self-confident mood all around,
and created an environment for secular, collective action in most of the cities and towns. If
the prospect for a popular liberation movement against colonialism seemed good in the
urban centres, its possibility appeared to be even better in the rural sector-where startling
developments.were taking place between 1945 and 1947. The way the peasantry, more
specifically the poor section of it, stood up to resist its immediate exploiters, and thereby
weaken the hands of their colonial masters, should be apparent if some of the major
happenings in the countryside are briefly recounted here.
i) Worlis
One of the earliest, and most intense, of the post-war peasant agitations was that of the
Worlis in Thana district, Bombay. The Worlis - the tribal or adivasi peasants-were in
majority in the villages of Umbergaon, Dananu, Palghar and Jawahar Taluks of Thana.
Being poverty-stricken, most of their lands had passed into the hands of moneylenders and.
landlords for their failure to re-pay loans (usually in grains) they had incurred at exorbitant
rates of interest (50 to 200 per cent). Some of them were eventually. reduced to the status
of tenants-at-will who were settled in their previously held lands on paying half the
produce as rent. Others had to become landless agricultural labourers, working either as
f m - h a n d s in the landlords' cultivable lands, or as wage-earners cutting grass on their
Kamesh Mechrocks
fallow lands, or as workers for the contractors on the forest lands on paltry payments. In
Towards A Sovereign State e Khwari or grain loans from the money
lenders and landlords, to pay back, they were forced to give Veth-
Bigar, or to labour for payment. Consequently, many of the Worlis
rs-had to turn life-long serfs for all
practical purposes.
It was in 1945 that th ganised by the Maharashtra Kisan Sabha, and
L
led subsequently by davari Purulekar to refuse to give Veth-Bigar.
In the autumn of 19 emanded a wage increase for cutting grass,
and struck work. terrorising them with the help of hirelings and
October 1945 on an assembly of the strikers
. The sufferings, however, bolstered up the spirit
in course of time the landlords had
gitation continued in 1946 for an
landing logs for the forest
r months, and in the face of
eded in forcing the Maharashtra Timber
e. Their success so enraged the local
externing all their leaders, arresting a large
I cases against many of them. The worst
ts died in the police firing in Palghar
taluk. The Worli move tered out thereafter, though many of the
agitators-who fled to heroically to re-group themselves.

the Bakasht peasants' agitation of 1946-47 in

more desperate. the agitation had grown for a
were managed, directly by the Zamindars.

lands which they kept got cultivated by agricultural labourers, the

Zamindars rented the tenants-at-will at varying rates. Having no legal
sgd to continuous ejectments, firstly because it
w incumbent had invariably to pay fresh salami

nancy Act of 1885 which gave the Bakasht

n in that position for 12 years at a stretch on
spun in ejectments in the latter half of the
1930s when the auth conferring some tenancy rights to the helpless

banner of the Kisan Sabha, and fought furiously

' agents, the Government officials and the
police.
Hostilities, however, onset of the second world war, and
tained between the battle lines through unreliable
arbitrations and un came to the forefront in 1946 when
sing to abolish the Zamindari
ing their Zamindaris, the Zamindars thought that
r personal lands if they clear the Bakasht lands of

abad districts. Armed with court

r the leadership of the Kisan Sabha, refused to

Bhagalpur. The conflict became

e effect on the ensuing battle," .

Kamesh Mechrocks
iii) Travancore Agitation Towards Independence
Unlike the occurrences in Maharashtra and Bihar, those in the state of Travancore in the
south were neither wholly rural nor exclusively agrarian in their content. Nevertheless the
agrarian issues (like the economic exploitation and social oppression of the Jenmis or
landlords) and the agricultural classes (like the exploited and oppressed poor peasants,
village artisans and agricultural labourers) contributed richly to what had happened there in
1946. The scene of happenings was the Shertalai-Aleppy region of north-western
Travancore, where a strong trade-union-cum agrarian movement developed under the
leadership of the Communists. The movement criss-crossed between the overlapping
villages and small towns, and included in its fold poor peasants, agricultural labourers,
fishermen, tody-tappers, and coir factory workers-most of whom came from the
depressed agricultural ranks and flocked around towns to eke out precarious existence.
The coir factory workers had already won through their trade-union not only some
economic gains, but also such important concessions as having their say in the recruitment
in the factories, and a right to run their own ration shops. Being politically articulate, they
and their mentors-the Communists-launched a massive campaign against the "American
model" constitution which C.P. Ramaswamy Iyer, the Dewan, wanted to impose upon the
state people. Through this device the Dewan and the Maharaja were in fact preparing
clandestinely for the establishment of an independent Travancore state at the time of the
foreseeable British departure from India. It was to provide for an irresponsible government
in Travancore, with a legislature elected on universal suffrage, but without having any
effective control over the executive, under a Dewan to be appointed by the Maharaja. The
Communist furore against the plan so enraged the state authorities that they unleashed the
forces of terror on their opponents in the Aleppy region. Police camps were set up, and
indiscriminate arrests, detentions and tortures began. Persecutions eventually forced the
workers to take shelter in places protected by their own volunteer force. To counteract the
state violence, they called a general strike on 22 October 1946 in the Aleppy-Shertalai
area, and initiated a rising by attacking the police camp at Punnapra (near Aleppy). The
authorities promptly clamped martial law on 25 October and ordered the army to attack the
workers' sheltered position at Vayalar (near Shertalai) on 27th. What followed was a
ghastly massacre of 800, whose martyrdom not only swayed the public opinion against the
state's independence move, and thereby in favour of its integration with the nationalist
India, but also inspired a local tradition of anti-fedual radicalism.
iv) Tebhaga Movement
The most extensive of all the post-war agrarian agitations, however, was the Tebhaga
movement, which swept 19 districts of Bengal and drew about 6 million peasants into it,
including a high percentage of Muslims. The tumult originated in the sharecropping system
that prevailed in most parts of Bengal and the exploitative pattern that it sustained. In
course of time in the Bengal countryside, especially in those areas where large hilly,
marshy and forest tracts were brought under cultivation, a relatively new class of rural
exploiters emerged between the landlords (Zamindars) and the tenants (rayats), known as
the Jotedars. The Jotedars (owners of jotes or considerable chunks of land) accumulated
big estates for which they paid rent in cash, and which they-in their turn-rented out to
landless peasants on the basis of sharing the crops in equal halves, or 50 per cent produce
rent. In actual practice, the tillers' share of crops used to be much less than one-half as he
had initially to take advance from the Jotedar for procuring implements, seeds and cattle,
and then pay it back at the time of sharing the crops. The sharecropper (Adhiar or
Bhagchashi) had also to meet from his share a number of Jotedars' illegal exactions,
including nazarana (Presentation) and salami (charges for contract) and perform begar in
Jotedars' own land. The sharecropping its arrangement being renewable orally every year,
the Jotedar could, and invariably did, throw out one sharecropper for another on
consideration for higher nazarana and salami. Sharecropping was found in course of time
to be practised not only by the Jotedars, but also by those absentee landholders who lived
in towns as professionals and white collar employees. The rank of the sharecroppers
swelled by the mid- 1930s when many poor peasants lost their lands in the depressionary
economic conditions, and were forced to take to sharecropping. Within a span of another 5
years, the sharecroppers were struck again by the inflationary war-time situation of the
early 1940s, and then devastatingly by the great famine.
Visibly tense by the end of the war, the sharecroppers started viewing the customary
division of crop to be wholly disadvantageous to their well-being. They, therefore, had no
hesitation in responding to the call of the Bengal Provincial Kisan Sabha in September
1946, demanding three-fourth of the produce for the tillers instead of the one-half. The
Kamesh Mechrocks
*
Towards A Sovereign State slogan "Tebhaga rth share) rent the sky, while the sharecroppers
i
wn yards in place of depositing these with the
offered one-third crop share to the Jotedars,
se cases where the Jotedars managed some how

nsingh, Medinipur and 24-Parganas were also not

a1 carnage in Calcutta and Noakhali, the Muslim
p militant leaders of the movement. Peasant
often came to its forefront. The movement,

in Calcutta towards the end of March 1947 and

to the suspension of the movement.
v) Telengana Moveme
he Tebhaga movement, the outburst in the
Telugu-speaking Telen
the most militant of all the most enduring and militant movement
because:

sants-the destitute, the poor and not as

lands (sarf-e-khas), but they behaved

ttichakiri) from the peoplev9

ntrolled lands (Diwani) where new
dars or the so called peasant
ukhs) and tax-collectors (Patel-

as revenue officials, by
g settlement operations, the Deshmukhs and Patel-
Patwaris went on

Vettichakiri and illegal levies in the districts of

By 1945 the opposition to the landed maghates'

ionp and peaceful marches were foiled by the

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Towards Independence
landlords' hired goons and the pro-landlord state police, the peasants of Telengana,
particularly of Nalgonda, were forced to resort to arms. Although skirmishes of some sort C,

were already taking place between the peasants and the landlords' men from the beginning
of 1946, actual fighting really commenced on 4 July 1946 when the armed retainers of the
Visunuri Deshmukh of Janagaon (Nalgonda) fired upon a protesting mob of peasants and
killed Doddi Komaryya. Komaryya's martyrdom was a signal for widespread armed
peasants' resistance, which the police could not cope with.
The Nizam's Government declared the Communist Party and the Andhra Sabha unlawful
in Hyderabad state, and undertook ful-scale military operations against the rising
peasantry. Following some bloodshed, and a lot of torture and destruction, the military
seemed at the beginning of 1947 to have gained an upper-hand over the rebels. But the
escalation of the rebellion in the middle of 1947, and the full-fledged peasant's guerilla
actions thereafter, wholly belied the impression. The Telengana peasants' armed struggle
continued unabated till 1951, involving at its height about 300 villages, over 16,000 square
miles, and covering a population of nearly 3 million - a saga essentially of the post-
independence Indian history.

Check Your Progress 3

1 List the various demands put forward by the ratings of the RIN.

.......................................................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................................................
2 What was the major difference between the direct and indirect confrontations?

Read the following statements and mark right ( '-") or wrong (x).
i ) The agitation over INA trials got divided between the Hindus and the Muslims.
i i ) The peasant agitation in Bihar was related to the question of tenancy.
iii) The Travancore agitation was purely agrarian in nature.
iv) The Telangana Movement continued even after independence.
v) Patel and Jinnah urged the ratings to surrender.
vi) Communists organised the Telangana Movement.

- - -

35.5 LET US SUM UP

The survey of the popular actions between 1945 and 1947 does reveal on the whole the
anti-colonial consciousness of the common men and women in India-a requisite inner
strength to match any neo-colonial design. They also displayed, and more importantly so
in the communally devised, divisive circumstances, the enormous capacity of the Indian
people to rise above their differences, and stand and act unitedly. These were the silver
linings in the clouds over India-the rare rays of hope in an otherwise gloomy, over cast
condition. The Muslim League leaders were too engrossed in playing the power-game, as
conducted by the British, and too involved in their own demand to observe these positive
traits. It was left only to the nationalists, es'becially those who had sworn all their lives by
mass mobilisation and an united India, to take note of the possibilities that the turbulent
days offered. However, given to despair, and therefore, to anxiety for a negotiated
settlement, even if it meant a religiously based partition of India, they had neither the
Kamesh Mechrocks
Towards A Sovereign State
utbursts of 1945-47, and to obstruct and condemn
lines. What it also overlooked in its obsession for a

activities.

became 'Non-Martial'.

Check Your Progress 1

constitutional negotiations among the Indian;

Check Your Progress

ss; a desire to start a dialogue with the

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 36 COMMUNALISM AND THE
PARTITION OF INDIA

Structure
36.0 Objectives
36.1 Introduction
36.2 Background to Pakistan
36.2.1 Transformation of the Muslim League
36.2.2 Extremist Phase of Hindu Communalism
36.2.3 The Brit~shPolicy
36.3 Post-War Developments
36.3.1 Simla Conference and Elections
36.3.2 The Cahinet Mission
36.3.3 Formation of Interim Government
36.3.4 Fixing of a Time Limit for British Withdrawal
36.3.5 The Third June Plan and its Outcome
36.4 Congress and Partition
36.5 Congress's Handling of the Communal Problems
36.5.1 Pitfalls of Conciliation
36.5.2 The Basic Failure
36.6 Let Us Sum Up
36.7 Key Words
36.8 Answer to Check Your Progress Exercises

36.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you will be able to:
explain the nature of communalism in the last decade of British rule,
get an idea of the background to the demand for Pakistan,
trace the political developments leading upto the partition of India,
assess the role played by Muslim League, the British and the Congress in the creation of
Pakistan.

36.1 INTRODUCTION
In Unit 14 of Block IV you learnt about the various forces which led to the emergence and
growth of communalism in modem India. You have already become familiar with the
major developments related to communalism upto 1940. However, the 1940s represent the
most crucial and decisive phase of communalism. It was in this period that the biggest
communal demand - the demand for Pakistan-was put forward, and popularised by the
Muslim League. This period also witnessed the actual coming into being of Pakistan in
1947. This Unit attempts to explain the process of the formation of Pakistan, and gives you
a summary of the major events which led to it.

36.2 BACKGROUND TO PAKISTAN

The demand for Pakistan did not arise in a vacuum. It was a product of certain political
developments which took place after 1937. The period after 1937 witnessed serious
changes in the politics of both the Hindu communal and the Muslim communal forces. In
the popularisation of the Pakistan demand the British Policy also played a very active role,
by giving it acknowledgement and credibility. Let us look at their role separately.

36.2.1 Transformation of the Muslim League

The year 1937 was a turning point in the history of Muslim communalism. In the elections
Kamesh Mechrocks
held for the Provincial Legislative Assemblies that year, the League won only 109 out of
Towards A Sovereign State 492 reserved Muslim s pf the total Muslim votes. The poor ekction
results showed the Lea d its popular base among different sections of
g the urban lower middle classes. A radical

in danger" and threat from the impending

' "Hindu Raj". T o a from the threats being forced upon it soon
turned into a cam llowers of other religions. According to
full of "fervour. fear, contempt and bitter
hatred". Jinnah and othe t the real aim of the Congress was not
ble them to fulfil their basic motive - the
ir faith. Once the prospect of a Hindu Raj

ign state for the Muslims on the ground that

36.2.2 Extremist P H of~ a d u Communalism

sanhe choice faced them, they had either to obtain
ction. Their predicament was aggravated in 1938
sts from working withill the Congress organisation.
ogramme and resorted to appeals to religion a ~ tile~ d
t. Muslim League llad done

wtaken by leaders who were willing to take their

Mahasabha, and M.S.
vak Sangh. Golwalkar's book. We, became the
Muslims were vilified and Congressmen were
Aerate enemies". The Muslims were told that they
y ceased to be foreigners. i.e:become Hindus.
any privileges or special
nly nation living in India
itizens was the Hindu
communalists' version n qheory and the demand for a "separate
homeland".
The language of Hi came extremely vicious by 1946-47. As communal
itall them, or stem the drift towards ~ a k i s t a n ,
saviours of Hindus. They

tetaliate and teach a lesson to the Muslims. Their

partition as the communalised atmosphere
demand was raised that since Pakistan was an
Hindu Raj. When their hope of overthrowing the

at R.S.S. and Mahasabha meetings and Mahatma

1948. The killing of Gandhi clearly showed that

le rlirnate for the creation of Pakistan.

at that particular juncture. Earlier the colonial

the backward and schedule castes against the
e Congress into Right and Left wings, but without
Kamesh Mechrocks
success. The elections of 1937 showed that the only weapon left in the armoury of the Communalism and the
Partition of India
British to devide Indian nationalism was communalism.
After the outbreak of the Second World War the Muslim League was assiduously fostered
by Viceroy Linlithgow. The Pakistan demand was used to counter the demand of the
Congress that the British should promise that India would be free after the War and as
proof of their sincerity, transfer actual control of the government to Indians immediately.
The British pointed out that Hindus and Muslims must come to an agreement on how
polver was to be transferred before the process could begin. The League was officially
recognised as the representative voice of Muslims (even though its performance in the last
elections hardly substantiated this claim) arid promised that no political settlement would
be made unless it was acceptable to the League. This was a blanket power of veto, which
Jinnah was to use to good effect after the War had ended.
T h e Cripps Mission: March-April 1942
In March 1942 Stafford Cripps, (a Labour Party leader with friendly links with many
leaders of the Congress) headed a mission to India whose declared intention was "the
earliest possible realisation of self-government in India". However, the actual provisions of
the offer belied this declaration by Cripps. Dominion status, not full independence was
promised and that too after the War, and the people of the princely states were to be
represented in the proposed Constituent Assembly by nominees of the princes.
It was clear that the British would retain control over defence in the new Executive
Council. The Congress could hardly have accepted what was, according to the Secretary of
State, Amery, a conservative, reactionary and limited offer. But above all the Cripps;
proposals brought in 'Pakistan' through the backdoor via the "local option" clause.
Provinces were given the right to sign individual agreements with Britain about their
future status should they choose to reject the new constitution that would be framed.
Though the Cripps Mission failed, Cripps' proposals gave a fillip to the activities of the
Muslim League and provided legitimacy to the Pakistan demand by accommodating it in
their provision for provincial autonomy. At a time when the demand had hardly been taken
seriously by Indians, its sympathetic consideration by officialdom was a great service to
the cause of Pakistan.

Check Your Progress 1

1) Why did the Muslim League raise the cry of Islam in danger? Answer in ten lines.

2) Read the following statements and mark right ( 4 ) or wrong (x)

i) Hindu communalism took a 'fascist' turn after 1937-38.
ii) The Cripps proposals were a milestone on the pathway to Pakistan.
....
111) The British Government tried to check the growth of Muslim communalism after
1940.

36.3 POST-WAR DEVELOPMENTS

In this section we will give you a sequence of events from the end of the war till the
Kamesh Mechrocks
Towards A Sovereign State rtition and the ultimate shape of Pakistan
in these two years.

Viceroy, Wavell, the Congress leaders

and invited to Simla to work out an interim
political agreemen

government as this deni ta the Muslims of the Unionist Party of Punjab,

i! 19. M u add Jinaah at Simla.

i
Elections - The water4 ed
The elections held in the inter of 6 to the Central and Provincial Legislative
Assemblies were fought the Le a straight forward communal slogan- "A
vote for the League and kistan for Islam". Mosques were used for election
ssue farwas (directives) that Muslims must vote

i
meetings and pirs (holy n) per
for the League. The choi betwee s and the League was portrayed as a choice
between the Gita and the oran. It 811 wonder then, that the League made a clean
Kamesh Mechrocks
sweep of the Muslim seat .
36.3.2 The Cabinet Mission Communalism and the
Partition of India
By early 1946 the British authorities had come to the conclusion that a graceful withdrawal
from India was the best option for them. The Cabinet Mission was sent to India in March
1946 to establish a national government and work out a constitutional arrangement for
transfer of power. Now when the British had decided to leave it was believed that the old
policy of divide and rule would no longer be suitable. British strategies in the Indian
subcontinent after independence, it could be argued, would be better served if India was
united. It was believed that a united India, which was friendly with Britain, could be an
active partner in the defence of the Commonwealth, whereas a divided India's defence
potential would be weak and conflict between India and Pakistan would frustrate the joint
defence plans.
The change, in the British attitude towards the Congress and the League around this time
reflects this understanding. The British Prime Minister, Attlee, declared on 15th March
1946 that "a minority will not be allowed to place a veto on the progress of the majority".
This was in sharp contrast to the Viceroy Wavell's attitude during the Simla Conference in
June-July 1945 when Jinnah had been allowed to wreck the Conference by his insistence on
nominating all Muslims. The Cabinet Mission also believed that Pakistan would not be
viable as a separate entity. Therefore the plan that was drawn up by the Mission was to
safeguard the interests of the Muslim minority within the overall framework of unity of
the country. Three sections were planned which would have separate meetings to work out
their constitutions. The Congress provinces like Madras, Bombay, U.P., Bihar, Central
Provinces and Orissa, would form group A; Punjab, N.W.F.P and Sind would go into
Group B and Bengal and Assam would make up Group C. The common centre would look
after defence, foreign affairs and communications. A province could leave the group to
which it was assigned after the first general elections and after ten years it could demand
modification of both the group and union constitutions.
Ambivalence over Grouping
Disagreement arose between the Congress and the League over the issue of grouping. The
Congress demand was that provinces should have the option not to join a group at a very
beginning, rather than wait till general elections were held. The. Congress raised this
objection keeping in mind the Congress ruled provinces of Assam and N.W.F.P., which
had been placed in sections C and B. The League demanded that provinces be given the
right to modify the Union Constitution immediately and not wait for ten years. Thus, the
basic problem was that the Cabinet Mission Plan was not clear about whether grouping was
compulsory or optional. In fact the Cabinet Mission deliberately refused to clarify its
stand, even when asked to do so. This was because of the hope that their ambivalence
might reconcile the irreconcilable position of the Congress and the League, but in effect, it
only complicated matters.
Soon it was obvious that the League and the Congress were at cross-purposes in their
interpretation of the Mission Plan. Both parties saw it as a confirmation of their stand.
Sardar Pate1 drew satisfaction from the fact that Pakistan was now out of the picture and
the League's power of veto had been withdrawn. The League made it clear (in the 6th June
1946 statement) that it accepted the Plan in so far as the basis of Pakistan was implied by
the clause of compulsory grouping. Nehru explained in his speech to the A.I.C.C. (on 7th
June 1946) that the Congress Working Committee had only decided that the Congress
would participate in the Constituent Assembly. Since the Assembly was a sovereign body,
it would formulate the rules of procedure. The implication was that the rules laid down by
the Mission could be amended. The League, whose acceptance of the Plan had in any case,
been qualified, quickly took advantage of Nehru's speech to withdraw its acceptance of the
Mission Plan on 29th July 1946.

36.3.3 Formation of Interim Government

The British Government was now placed in a dilemma - should it wait till the League
came around or should it implement the short-term aspect of the plan, and set up an
Interim Government with the Congress alone? Wavell's preference was for the first oition
but His Majesty's Covernment was of the opinion that Congress cooperation was
absolutely necessary for their long-term interests. Accordingly the Congress was invited to
form an Interim Government which came into being on 2nd September 1946 with
Jawaharlal Nehru functioning as its de facto head. This was a sharp departure from earlier
British practice, as, for this first time, the British were willing to defy Jinnah's stand that
no constitutional settlement be made unless it was acceptable to the League.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Towards A Sovereign State

,) 20. ~ e of Interim
w Government.

He warned the British

British would compel
league had already ac
and the new slogan was Larke Lenge Pakistan

dements retaliated, perhaps with equal brutality,

and 5000 people we
The trouble broke o st Bengal in early October 1946 and Noakhali
sparked off widespread in Bihar in late October 1946. The following
months saw riots every ay, Punjab and N.W.F.P. The tide could not be
stemmed.

placating the Musli ugh the league was their creation, it had now
assumed the shape hich could not tamed". Wave11 had kept up

Interim Governme

Government witho e plan of Direct Action.

Furthermore, it di

s not in the League's interest and

e had no intention to share with Congress the

Kamesh Mechrocks
 responsibility for running the Government. On the other hand, the intention apparently was Communalism and the
Partition of India
to demonstrate that cooperation between the two was impossible. The League ministers
made it a point to disagree with actions taken by their Congress colleagues. They refused
to attend the parties at which Congress members would arrive at decisions before the
formal meeting of the Executive Council so as to sideline Wavell.
Interim Government-Threat of Breakdown
The Congress leaders had raised the objection (right after the League members were sworn
in) that the League could not join the Interim Government without accepting the Cabinet
Mission Plan.
Later, when non-cooperation of the League both inside and outside the Government
became clear, the Congress members demanded that the League either give up Direct
Action or leave the government. Further, the League refused to participate in the
Constituent Assembly which met on 9th December 1946 even though the statement made
by His Majesty's Government (on 6th December 1946) upheld the League's stand on
grouping. The breaking point came when the League demanded that the Constituent
Assembly be dissolved because it was unrepresentative. On 5th February 1947 the
Congress members of the Interiin Government sent a letter to Wa:lell with the demand that
the League members should be asked to resign. A crisis was imminent.

36.3.4 Fixing of a Time-Limit for British Withdrawal

The situation was saved by Attlee's announcement in Parliament on 20the February 1947
that the British would withdraw from India by 30th June 1948 and that lord Mountbatten
would replace Wavell as Viceroy. This was no answer to the constitutional crisis that was
at hand but it showed that the British decision about leaving India remained unchanged.
The Congress responded with a gesture of cooperation to the League. Nehru appealed to
Liaqat Ali Khan:
The British are fading out of the picture and the burden of this decision must rest on
all of us here. It seems desirable that we shouid face this question squarely and not
speak to each other from a distance.
But Jinnah's reaction to Attlee's statement was entirely different. He was confident that
now he oiily needed to stick firmly to his position in order to achieve his goal of Pakistan.
After all, the declaration made it clear that power would be transferred to more than one
authority if the Constituent Assembly did not become a fully representative body, i.e. if
the Muslim majority provinces did not join it.

i The Governor of Punjab had warned in this regard that "the statement will be regarded as
the prelude to the final showdown", with every one out to "seize as such power as they
can, if necessary by force". He was soon proved right. The League began a civil
disobedience campaign in Punjab which brought about the collapse of the coalition
ministry headed by Khizr Hayat Khan of the Unionist Party.

I Thus the situation which Mountbatten found on his amval in India was a fairly intractable
one. The League was on the war path, as Punjab showed, and Jinnah was obdurate that he
would accept nothing less than a sovereign Pakistan. The Cabinet Mission Plan had clearly
become defunct and there was no point in persisting with it. The only way the British
could maintain unity was by throwing all their weight behind it. The role of mediators
i between the Congress and League had to be discarded. Those who opposed unity had to be
put down firmly and those who wanted unity had to be openly supported. Despite Attlee's
claim years later - we would have preferred a united India. We couldn't get it, though
"

we tried hard", the truth was that the British chose to play safe and take both sides along
1 without exercising any check or restraint even when the situation demanded this type of
assertion of authority.

36.3.5 The 3rd June Plan and its Outcome

This was done by making concessions to both the Congress and the League. India would be
d i v i d ~ dbut in a manner that maximum unity was retained. The League's demand would be
~ ~ c o m r n o d a t ebyd creating Pakistan, but it would be made as small as possible in order to
accomnlodate the Congress stand on unity. Since Congress was making the bigger
concession i.e. it was giving up its ideal of a united India, all its other stands were to be
j upheld by the British. For example, Mountbatlen supported the Congress stand that

I princely states must not be given the option of independence. Mountbatten realised that it
Kamesh Mechrocks
Towards A Sovereign State

was vital to retain th ngress if he hoped to persuade India to remain in

the Commonwealth. red a chance of keeping India in the
Commonwealth, even hence the 3rd June Plan declared that power
would be handed over 47 on the basis of dominion status to India and
Pakistan.

nd taking the communally explosive situation in

about preventing the communal situation from
p the situation in his statement to the Viceroy:
't let us govern". The British had abdicated
e for withdrawal to 15th August 1947 made this
more apparent.

raflsfer of power and division of the country, equally

eneral of India and Pakistan. There was no

g from division could be referred and even
wn in December 1947 as a fall-out of the hostilities in
Kashmir.

y in announcing the awards of the

e trbgedy of partition. These were Mountbatten's
Kamesh Mechrocks
 decisions. Mountbatten delayed the announcement of the Boundary Commission Award Communalism and the
Partition of India
(even though it was ready by 12th August 1947) to disown responsibility for further
complications. This created confusion for ordinary citizens as well as the officials. People
living in the villages between Lahore and Amritsar stayed on in their homes in the belief
I that they were on the right side of the border. Migrations necessarily became a frenzied
I
affair. often culminating in massacres.
i

I
The officials were busy arranging their own transfers rather than using their authority to
maintain law and order. This was conceded by none other than Lackhart, who was
Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army from 15th August to 3rd December 1947:
Had officials in every grade in the civil services, and all the personnel of the armed
services, been in position in their respective new countries before independence Day,
1 it seems there would have been a better chance of preventing widespread disorder.

!
Check Your progress 2
1 ) Read the following statements and mark right ( 4)
or wrong (x).
j ,
i) Muslim League contested the elections on the basis of a socio-economic programme.
ii) The Interim Government could not work because the Congress workers were
unwilling to cooperate.
iii) Jinnah wanted Mountbatten to became the Common Governor Genera1 of India and
Pakistan.

I 2) What were the basic merits and flaws in the Cabinet Mission Plan? Write in five lines.

36.4 CONGRESS AND PARTITION

I
Why did the Congress accept Partition? It was one thing for the League to demand
1 Pakistan and the British to concede it because it was in harmony with the politics they had

1 pursued in the part. But why did the Congress, which had fought for unity for long years,
-
give uo its ideal of an united India. One view is that the
~ -~ -Coneress
~. .--
- " - - -
- ~ ~leaders succumbed to the
- ~ ~

temptation of power and struck a deal with the British by which they got quick power
~
~~ - - - --
- ~ ~ ~ - -

while the nation paid the price of partition. This view is both simplistic and incorrect.
What was involved was not the personal failings - of the top leaders but a basic failbre of the
entire organisation.
The Congress acceptance of Partition was the consequence of its failure over the years to
I
bring the Muslim masses into the nationalist mainstream and since 1937, to stem the
I advancing tide of Muslim communalism. By 1946 it was dear to the Congress leaders that
the Muslims were behind the League as it had won 80 per cent Muslim seats in the
elections. However, the point of no return was reached a year later when the battle for
Pakistan was no longer confined to the ballot box but came to be fought on the streets.
I
communal riots engulfed the country and the Congress leaders concluded that Partition was
1 a lesser evil than a civil war.
I
1 The breakdown of the Interim Government only confirmed the inevitability of Pakistan.

1
1
I
Nehru remarked that the Interim Government was an arena of struggle and Sardar Patel, in
his speech at the AICC meeting on 14th June 1947. drew attention to the fact that Pakistan
was actually fucctioning not only in Punjab and Bengal but also in the Interim
i Government! Mureover, the Interim Government had no power to intervene in the
i provinces (even when the League ministry in Bengal was guilty not only of inaction but
complicity in the riots in Calcutta and Noakhali ). Nehru realised that there was no point in
1 holding office when "murder stalks the streets and the most amazing cruelties are indulged
in by both the individual and the mob." Immediate transfer of power would at least bring
I about a government that would have the power to fulfil its responsibilities.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Towards A Sovereign State

52 Kamesh Mechrocks
22. Millions, Upr{ed--Pbotog#s od Partition days.
 Another consideration in accepting partition was that it firmly ruled out the specter of the Communalism and the
Partition of India '
'balkanisation' of the country. The Congress had the support of the Viceroy, and behind
him His Majesty's Government, in refusing the option of independence to the princely
states. Through persuasion or force, they were made to join either the Union of India or
Pakistan.
I Gandhi and Partition
It is common knowledge that Gandhi was so distressed when partition became an imminent
reality that he no longer wished to live for 125 years, as he had stated earlier. One popular
I interpretation is that Gandhi's advice was ignored by his disciples, Nehru and Patel, who
L
I
wanted power at any cost and though he felt this betrayal acutely, he did not wish to
condemn them publicly because they had been his faithful followers.
Gandhi's own statements, however, suggest that the main reason for his helplessness lay in
the communalisation of the masses. The Muslims began distrusting the Hindus and then the
Hindu and Sikhs also got convinced that mutual co-existence was impossible. It was the
HIndus' and Sikhs' desire for Partition that made him a mass leader without any masses
behind him in his struggle for unity. The Muslims had already declared him to be their
I
enemy. When different segments of people wanted partition, what could be or the
Congress do but to accept it? At his daily prayer meeting on 4th June 1947 Gandhi said:
I
"The demand has been granted because you asked for it. The Congress never asked
for it .... But the Congress can feel the pulse of the people. It realised that the Khalsa
as also the Hindus desired it".
Socialists and Gandhians appealed to Gandhi to launch a struggle for unity bypassing the
Congress leaders. Gandhi pointed out that the problem was not that he was unwilling to go
ahead without the Congress leaders. After all, few had agreed with his assessment in 1942
that the time was right for a struggle of the Quit India type, and yet he had defied their
counsels and he had been proved right. The crucial lacuna in 1947 was that there were no
"forces of good" upon which he could "build up a programme". He confessed - "Today I
see no sign of such a healthy feeling. And, therefore, I shall have to wait until the time
conies".
The time never came, for political developments were moving at too fast a pace. Partition
was announced on 3rd June and implemented on 15th August 1947. Gandhi's advice to
Congressmen, conveyed in his speech to the AICC meeting on 14th June 1947, was to
accept Partition as an unavoidable necessity for the present, but not accept it in their hearts
a i ~ afight to reverse it later, when passions would subside.

36.5 CONGRESS' HANDLING OF THE COMMUNAL

PROBLEMS
It is often argued that partition could have been avoided if the Congress had been willing
to conciliate Jinnah, not only before he came up with the demand for a separate state in
1940, but also in 1942 at the time of the Cripps Mission or even in 1946 when the Cabinet
Mission Plan was put forward. Maulana Azad in his autobiography Indla Wins Freedom
has supported this position. This view ignores the fact that Jinnah laid down the impossible
condition that he was willing to negotiate with the Congress only if it declared itself a
Hindu body and accepted the Muslim League as the sole representative of the Muslims.
Had the Congress accepted this demand, it would have had to give up its secular character.
This would not only have meant betrayal of the nationalist Muslims who had resolutely
stood behind the Congress at great personal cost, but betrayal of the Indian people and
their future. The logical culmination of accepting Jinnah's demand would have been the
; creation of a Hindu fascist state, from a Hindu body to a Hindu state being a logical next
1 step. In Rajendra Prasad's words, the Congress "would be denying its own past, falsifying
its history, and betraying its future".

36.5.1 Pitfalls of Conciliation

In fact, though the Congress refused to negotiate with Jinnah on his terms, it made
unilateral concessions to Muslim demands despite Jinnah's intransigence. The Congress
accepted the autonomy of Muslim majority provinces during the negotiations with the
Kamesh Mechrocks
Towards A Sovereign State

nnah in 1944 Gandhi recognised that Muslim

self-determination. When the Cabinet Mission
Plan proposed that Musli es (groups B and C) would set up a separate
Constituent Assembly if ongress did not oppose this. Congress opposed

not wish to join) but by ehru declared that his party would accept the
interpretation of the Fe

quitely accepted the><w interpretation. As

1947. So when the

e's demand. It was the culmination of a process

Muslim majority state.

assertive "Muslims nat

every round of conc

was betraying in th

This lack of under ism in the 1940s was only

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Communalism and the
Though the Congress was committed to securalism and though Gandhi staked his life for Partition of India
Hindu Muslim unity, the Congress was not able to formulate a long term strategy to fight
communalism in its different forms at the level of both politics and ideology. The
Congress leaders naively believed that reassurances, generous concessions and willingness
to reach a compromise would solve the communal problem. As Prof. Bipan Chandra has
said:
"The fact is that communalism is basically an ideology which could not have been,
and cannot be, appeared; it had to be confronted and opposed ... The failure to do so
was the real weakness of the Congress and the national movement. (India's Struggle
for Independence).

Cneck Your Progress 3

1) Read the following statements and mark right ( d ) or wrong (X).
i) Congress accepted partition because the congress leaders succumbed to the
temptation of power.
ii) British Government accepted partition because it was in keeping with its policies
pursued. in the past.
iii) The Congress policies of concessions and concilations contributed in the making of
Pakistan.
iv) The real failure of the Congress lay in not being able to evolve a long term strategy
to fight communalism.

- 2) Why did Gandhi feel so helpless regarding the partition of India'? Write in five lines.

LET US SUM UP
The partition of India was primarily the result of the persistent efforts o i the Muslim
League from 1940 onwards to obtain a separate homeland for the Muslims. Through an
astute combination of constitutional methods and direct actions, the League, under Jinnah's
stewardship, consolidated its position and forced the political situation into a deadlock,
from which partition was the only escape. But Pakistan could not have been created
without the help given by the British. British authorities used the communal card in their
moves to counter the national movement which was growing from strength to strength.
They gave credibility to the Pakistan demand, recognised the League as the sole
representative of Muslims and gave the League the power to veto progress in political
settlements. Even when their own interests inclined them towards leaving behind a United
India, they proved incapable of standing up to Jinnah and tamely surrendered to the
blackmail of direct action. Official inaction in checking the rapidly deteriorating
communal situation reached a point from which partition appeared preferable to civil war.
The Congress for its part, failed to prevent the partition despite its long-standing
commitment to a United India. Its weakness lay on two fronts. It failed to draw the
Muslim masses into the national movement and was not able to evolve a strategy to
successfully fight communalism.

36.7 KEY WORDS

Divide and Rule : a term which refers to the British policy of creating divisions in the
Indian society so as to perpetuate their rule in India.
'Local Option' Clause: a clause in the Cripps Proposal, which recognised the right of any
part of the Indian Dominion, to refuse to join it. This clause provided the much needed
legitimacy to the demand for Pakistan.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Towards A Sovereign State

1 24. ~ e h r w w l i Partition
n ~ Victims.
I

36.8 ANSWERS f 0 CH K YOUR PROGRESS

of 1937, ii) the need the utility of religious slogans in

unds and turning them against Hindus; and
iv) to drive home t meland for Muslims.
See Sub-sec. 36.2.1
2 i ) ( v ' ) ii) ( v '

Check Your Progress 2 ~

36.3.2

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 37 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF
DEMOCRATIC POLITY IN INDIA

Structure
37.0 objectives
37.1 Introduction
37.2 The Concept of Democracy: A History
37.2.1 The Early Liberals
37.2.2 Limits of Liberal Democracy
37.3 The Evolution of Democratic Ideas and Institutions in India
37.3.1 The Impact of the British Rule
37.3.2 The Perception of the Constituent Assembly
37.4 The Question of Fundamental'Rights and Directive Principles
37.5 Towards a Democratic State Structure
37.5.1 Parliamentary System at the Centre
37.5.2 The State
37.6 The Electoral System
37.6.1 Towaids a Democratic Representation
37.6.2 Limits -
37.7 Federal Polity Vs. Centralism: Options of a Democratic State
37.7.1 Historical Background to Federalism
37.7.2 The Partition and Federalism
37.7:3 The Constraints of the Administrative and Financial Structure
37.8 Let Us Sum Up
--37.9 Keywords
37.10 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

37.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you will learn about:
the evolution of the concept of democracy, .
the evolution of democratic ideas and institutions in India,
the limits within which these ideas and institutions function.

37.1 INTRODUCTION
Democracy is the watchword of the developing nations today. All shades of political
opinions equally proclaim their adherence to it. However, in practice, it might mean quite
different things to different classes, groups and parties. Thus, there is no one agreed
definition of democracy. In .India too the ideas and institutions of democracy grew up in
the context of different perceptions of different classes, groups and parties. The context of
anti-colonial struggle and the post-independence developments gave these perceptions a
definite direction.

37.2 THE CONCEPT OF DEMOCRACY: A HISTORY

As a concept, the word democracy originated probably in the fifth century B.C. to describe
the system of government found among few of the Greek City States. The translation of
Greek word provides us with a basic definition of democracy as 'rule by' or 'of the
people'.
In the modem context, these views were first revived and articulated in the early modem
Europe as a critique of precapitalist ideology and rule. Seventeenth and eighteenth century
Europe witnessed the emergence of capitalism and the erosion of the existing feudal order.
It was during this period that revived democratic ideas acquired their conceptual apparatus
and practical social meaning in the principles of liberalism.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Towards A Sovereign State

n Locke and later Rousseau, Mill and others,

society constituted natural hierarchy. They
nd government based on the principle of the
ated the ultimate source of authority in the consent
and property were considered fundamental for
vide any blue-print for a society in which these
. The right to equality was to be only an abstract
of formal equality before law. Most liberals,
the right to estate and property was of
of the individual personality and social prosperity.
phy, consent based authority could be interpreted as
Rousseau's thought it implied the Utopian notion of
popular sovereignty der a small state system.

37.2.2 Limits of
Liberal democracy in ations. It does not provide us with a
democratic model w e equally the right to vote. One of the
staunch protagonists Mill, for example, advocated the system of
'
plural voting for les his was intended to maintain a proper

a house-hold word to be defined (or actua1ized)in

s essentially identified today with a
free and fair elections.

is context, when we study the

g), we find that their actual operation

in modem politics is p ed by the nature of the prevalent party-
system. The growth of the last two hundred years or so has been the
of modem democracies. It is only
for political power by the mechanism

ased on the principle of

power. This inevitably breeds

Joseph Schumpeter d
political decisions in uire the power to decide by means of
e people's vote takes place not

alternately or regularly &e actual nature of democracy or its

Kamesh Mechrocks
 According to them, the real essence of democracy can be captured only if there exists an The Establishment of
Democratic Polity in India
institutional arrangement of decision-making, based upon various levels of people's
participation. Such political framework of democracy is possible, only if the people realize
that they are equally enjoying the fruit of socio-economic development. In other words the
actual democracy can exist only under a participatory socialist polity, where people
become their own political master or genuine sovereign voters.

Check Your Progress 1

1 ) Liberal democracy's theorists (Locke, Rousseau etc.) said that:
i) society was divided into various classes and groups because one group or class was
biologically more fit than the others.
ii) authority to rule came from the consent of the people.
iii) authority to rule was given by God
iv) none of these

2) Politics in majority of the modem day democratic states

i) is determined by the nature of the prevalent party-system
ii) is determined by 'participatory democracy'
iii) is determined by divine right of the king
iv) None of the above

I
37.3 THE EVOLUTION OF DEMOCRATIC IDEAS AND
INSTITUTIONS IN INDIA
Democratic ideas and institutions grew up in the context of the impact of British rule, the
national movement and the development of post independence polity.

37.3.1 The Impact of the British Rule

In the evolution of the modem democratic ideas and institutions in India, the experience of
British Colonial rule and of the anti-colonial freedom struggle was decisive. It was only
when the pre-Colonial Indian Society was put into the melting pot of colonial rule that the
ideas of democracy ahd nationalism started to take shape, in the beginning of nineteenth
century. Colonial exploitation required a new economic and administrative infrastructurz,
which in turn set new social forces of production into motion. Out of these came a new
social mobility, which allowed the growth of reformist, nationalist, liberal and democratic
ideas.
Indian Renaissance and Democracy
The demand for the introduction of democratic and representative institutions in India
dates back to the days of Raja Ram Mohan Roy and Indian Renaissance. However
renaissance in India marked only a half-hearted advance towards a liberal democracy. It
lacked a radical self-critical appraisal of India's social structure and its value system. .
1
Even this half-hearted advance through Renaissance the movement lacked the support of
any prominent socik class. It was confined to a tiny section of educated people. Thus it
lacked a revolutionary will and the power for the social and ideological transformation of
Indian society. Unlike the social movements of antifeudal revolution in the west, and
transition to capitalism the democratic movement in India took place without any break
twith pre-capitalist ideologies. Thus democracy and capitalism in India always remained.
impregnated with a strong sense of revivalism and with local parochial traditions of caste,
language, region and religion.
The introduction of Western education in India was the most significant development in
the growth of liberalism, democracy and nationibuilding in the modern Indian context. It
provided the educated manpower to organise business and industry along scientific lines. It
produced the leadership of the national movement. The organization of the Congress-
nationalist platform was. achieved with the initiative of the educated elite. In fact,
according to the early nationalists, the unity of the educated elite signified Indian national
unity (Surendranath Banerjee).
Kamesh Mechrocks
Towards A Sovereign State The Early. Nationali
d of the message'of democracy and
nationalism among e , they demanded the introduction of
representative institu tish overlordship over India.
Even the political m and 'Swadeshi' did not go beyond

In the beginning, th gress lacked the militancy and

e and democracy in India. The
of the colonial ethos and its
value-system to se brelak with the British rule. In the process, early
e era, were hampered by its incapacity to seek mass
support for its pol tside the narrow circle of the English educated elite.
This limitation w ome by the extremist leadership.' They tried to
specific socio-economic policy of mass-mobilization
the help of the religious ideology of Hindu
ocratic consenses of all communities on the basis of
of nationalism, Hindu revivalism led to communal
tremists therefore strengthened the
ntially Hindu party. Thus the alienation of Muslims
f the movement of democracy and nationalism in

ionalism and democracy registered significant

9 permitted a minority of indirectly elected
cil and majority of directly elected members to
Act introduced the system of dyarchy in India. The
hilafat, the Non-cooperation and the Civil
ents large section of Indian people were
. This included a section of capitalist
asantry. The pafticipation of the working
e stature and strehgth ?f the nationalist
the Quit India Movement and post-
transferred to the Indians. ow ever, the
t communal holocaust and the partition of the
country.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 37.3.2 The Perception of the Constituent Assembly The Establishment of
Democratic Polity in India
The establishment of the 385 members Constituent Assembly by the colonial government
in 1946 was the culmination of the struggle for democratic government and independence
in India. It represented various shades of opinion including Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs.
' But this body of Constitution-makers was not fully representative in character. 292
members of it were chosen by the legislative assemblies of I I provinces (ruled directly by
British) elected on a restricted franchise of about one-fifth of the adult population. 93
members were nominated by the rulers of the native states under the overall hegemony of
the British. The partition of the country in August 1947 reduced the size of this body to
298 of which 208 owed their loyalty to the Congress party.
The Constituent Assembly gave direction to the establishment of democratic institutions in
India. It functioned, both as the Parliament as well as the Constitution making body until
January 1950. The Congress Party being the most influential section, naturally had a direct
impact on the philosophy of the Indian Constitution. 'The real shape of the Indian
Constitution was determined not by an autonomous body of legal experts, but by the
liberal creed of the Congress party. The Constitution was, above all, a legal form of the
political philosophy upheld by the Congress party. And, all the decisions about the
establishment of liberal-democratic institutions in India: The form of government,
federalism, securalism and democratic rights were taken at the level of the Congress party
and its high command. This was confessed in the floor of the Assembly by the Chairman
of the Drafting Committee of the Indian Constitution Dr. Ambedkar himself by saying
that: "They had to go to another place to obtain a decision and come to Assembly".
However, there was nothing wrong in such an overwhelming influence of the Congress per
se in the making of the Constitution. Constitutions are never made entirely within a
legalistic framework. Both the Philadelphia convention of 1787 and French National
Assembly of 1778-91 also went far beyond the legalistic terms and references. However,
there was a major difference between them and the Indian Constituent Assembly. They
marked a radical liberal revolutionary break in their social situation while this was not the
case in India. The independence of India highlights a compromise with the social situation
that has imposed the reality of Partition . This historical situation appeared beyond the
control of the Congress party and its leadership. The division of the country, however,
gave a free hand to the Congress party in the Constituent Assembly to evolve a
constitutional framework of its own choice. Earlier it had lacked this freedom while
negotiating with the Muslim League.

I 26. Nehru Signing the Constitution (24.1.1950).

Kamesh Mechrocks
i Towards A Sovereign State

individual citizens epitomized the liberal democratic

creed. The Congress ouhd to incorporate these promises in the Indian

background of a highly communal stnlcture

local-parochial particularistic ties and an inward-
t step forward in the direction .of bourgeois justice
and equality.
Further, the right to sion, religion and faith, assembly
isition, holding or disposing off property were
. In this context the process of judicial
regarded as sacred. A hierarchical ,

the Supreme Court of India standing at its

independence of judiciary was to
zens. The courts were vested with
absolute powers to i is context of bourgeois democracy in

es of the Constitution (as enunciated in the Part IV

d to be fundamental, but not enforceable by my
. Therefore, these directives have not been realized
y and programme of the Indian state point towards

Check Your Progress 1

Tick ( V ) the c 0 r r e c 4 ~ [
1) The early nationalil
i) were able to 4
democraH))deals and values to the people.
c ideals and values to the people.
to the people through the vehicle of religious

f Indian democracy in the post independence period

regarded as the basic legal units.

ized as the basic legal unit.
iii) both (i) & (ii) &e correct.^^^
iv) None of the a?.

The evolution of li y has a long history in India. It was not

nstituent Assembly. From the period of the
, the Indian political elite had become
governance. The influence of this
experience with the w el was naturallyoverwhelming in the choice
in the future. Therefore, when the Constituent
creating a formal institutional network of state-
the Parliamentary system of government p a t t e d

Kamesh Mechrocks
 The Establishment of
37.5.1 Parliamentary System at the Centre Democratic Polity in India
The Parliamentary system of governance envisages the collective responsibility of the
executive (i.e. the Council of Ministers) to the Legislature. The decision-making authority
here rests with the Council of ministers led by the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister is
not only the leader of the majority party or coalition of parties in the Parliament, but he is
also the spokesman of the nation and the state. His influence is overwhelming in shaping
the policy of the state and government. Therefore, it is argued by some that it is neither the
Parliamentary nor the Cabinet form of government that is in operation in the contemporary
period. According to many political scientists and commentators (in India and Britain),
what exists in reality is the Prime Ministerial form of Government. The institution of
presidency is merely nominal. It is created for five years by an electoral college consisting
of the members of both houses of the Union Parliament and the legislative assemblies of
the states. The President of India acts on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers led
by the Prime Minister.

37.5.2 The State

Like the Centre, at the state level also the real executive power is vested in the Chief
Minister by virtue of his position as the leader of the majority party in the state
legislature. The role of the Governor has been the major bone of contention from the .
beginning. It has become very controversial, as on the one hand he acts as the nominee of
the Centre by virtue of his being appointed by it, and on the other hand according to the
Constitution he is supposed to act in accordance with the will of the majority party and its
leadership in the state legislature. Thus, there always exists a conflict in his role as centre's
loyal nominee vis-a-vis his loyalty to the Constitution. This conflict becomes far more
prominent if the ruling party at the state level happens to be in political opposition to the
ruling party at the Centre.

37.6 THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM

The introduction of the representative system of government based on universal adult
franchise was one of the most significant advances towards the democratization of the
Indian political system. For this purpose, the Election Commission (Article 324) was
created to supervise the entire procedure and machinery for national and state elections.

37.6.1 Towards a democratic representation

India's experience with elections on the whole has been positive. They have become the
chief system by which the strength of any leadership or a party is tested. Although, the
introduction of universal suffrage strengthened the already established caste-class authority
in terms of economic power, social position and political authority, but it also gave a voice
to the hitherto disenfranchised sections of society. In this way the elections have become
central to the legitimacy of political authority in India. In case they cease to be the key
instruments of political legitimation the political system of India itself might be threatened.
Whenever electoral choices were seen as being critically important in the health of
democracy, the Indian voters have utilized their right to franchise with wisdom.
Elections, in this way, have become a part and parcel of India's political life. They are
more or less taken for granted for the solution of any crisis. This is evident in case of
Jammu and Kashmir, Assam, and Tamil Nadu. The functioning of the electoral system in ,
India then has been central for the continued health of its democratic system. According to
Moms Jones, therefore, miraculously the elections are "one of the things Indians - do
well".

37.6.2 Limits
However, within the context of Indian politics, we find that elections have not
revolurionized the situation. They were not introduced with any revolutionary aim either.
They were utilised as a vehicle for legitimizing the existent social and economic power of
the dominant castes and classes. Therefore, with few exceptions, they have not been
helpful to the toiling people as a weapon to diminish the socio-economic and political hold
of vested interests. For example a Survey of the Panchayat Samitis Andhra Pradesh in
the mid-1960s, for instance showed that "high caste, more land, more money and more
education" continued to be "the requisite for political shccess".
1
Kamesh Mechrocks
Towards A Sovereign State

h to the mass of the voters without adequate

ce mobilization and its allocation. This is a

ltural aspirations of its distinct communities. The

character of the future Indian state. However,

In the conflict between t

debated. While the Con

subsequent negotiatio
India between 1942- the Congress made compromise after
Muslim League stood finally for the

federal polity a strong case of a unitary

akers. Yet the need to organize India
along federal principles , what we have in India is a federal form
ution itself provided innumerable
g party at the centre could easily infringe
, the Constitution empowers the
dismiss the elected state governments.
The power of the cen te and its power to declare emergency

i
37.7.3 The Constrai s of ~loinistrativeand Financial Structure
The administrative and fin c of Indian state, its economy and its organization
also leads to the strengthe g of lized political structure in India. The resources
for various development p ns in re, industry, education and health had to come
through arrangements with the mission established in March 1950. In the
process the Planning Corn issio iased in favour of centralization and the
activities of socio-econom d ame central subjects.
Finally, bureaucracy in legacy of the colonial state. Of approximately,
independence, 453 were Indians and became the
policy makers of ne in the Constituent Assembly was convinced
Kamesh Mechrocks
about their overwhelming importance to the independent Indian state. Many democrats, The Establishment of
nemocratic Polity in India
reformers and the nationalists even wanted to get rid of them. But, the votaries of the
centralized state prevailed ultimately. Patel, for example, defended their utility by saying
that:
"I have worked with them during difficult period ... Remove them and I see nothing
but a picture of chaos all over the country". Even the radical Nehru concurred in
their continuance by saying that: "the old distinction and differences have gone... In
the difficult days ahead our service and experts have a vital role to play and we invite
them to do so as comrades in the service of India".
In addition to the bureaucracy, the role of para-military forces like the Central Reserve
Police Force (CRPF), the Border Security Force (BSF) and the Central Industrial Security
Force (CISF) is also instrumental in strengthening the centralized political power structure
in India.

Check Your Progress 3

Tick ( V' ) the correct statement:
1) The weakness of the electoral system in India is that
i) it has come to be manipulated by national and regional elite by using caste,
communal and regional chauvinism.
ii) it has no weakness at all.
iii) it has given effective representation to the toiling poor and depressed classes.
iv) None of the above.

2) What are the constraints in making India a truly federal structure?

37.8 LET US SUM UP

After reading this unit you were able to know:
8 about a brief history of the concept of democracy.
about the way in which the idea of democracy and its institutions have shaped up in
India.
about the limits of both the concept of liberal democracy as well its practise, mainly
through the Indian experience.

37.9 KEY WORDS

Plural Voting : A system of voting in which one person gets more than one vote.
Disenfranchised sections: Those sections of a society who do not have the franchise i.e.
right to vote and elect a representative.
Consensus: Complete agreement on an issue.
Universal Suffrage: right to vote and elect representative for every individual.
Political legitimation: Political recognisation that certain art or idea is legal.
Paternalistic theory of authority: a theory that gave the king, the authority to rule since
he had to look after his subjects as a father looks after his son.
Pre-capitalist ideologies: ideologies i.e. world views which existed prominently before
capitalism. In Indian context they can be identified as religion or caste. These world views
Kamesh Mechrocks
in contrast to capitalism's global spread were local in nature.
Towards A Sovereign State

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 38 PLANNING AND
INDUSTRIALIZATION IN INDIA
Structure
38.0 Objectives
38.1 Introduction
38.2 Industrial Structure at Independence
38.2.1 Three Phases of Colonial Rule
38.2.2 Marginal Growth
38.2.3 Weaknesses and Constraints
38.3 Early Perceptions on the Role of Planning
38.4 Home Market and Industrial Development
38.4.1 Limits of the Home Market
38.4.2 The Bombay Plan
38.5 Post-Independence Initiatives
38.5.1 The IPR 1948
38.5.2 The IPR 1956
38.5.3 Ao Assessment of Early Initiatives
38.6 Understanding the Stimulus for Industrial Growth
38.7 Objectives of Planning and Implementation
38.7.1 Role of Control and Regulation
38.7.2 The Second Plan Model
38.8 Changes in Industrial Structure, Growth and Policy
38.8.1 Decline in the Rate of Growth
38.8.2 Why this Decline?
38.8.3 The Policy Constraints Argument
38.8.4 The Structural Constraints Arguments
38.9 The Ownership and Control of Industry
38.9.1 The Early Monopolies
38.9.2 Attempts to Control Monopoly
38.9.3 Attempts to Restrict Foreign Capital
38.9.4 Development of Small Scale Enterprise
38.10 Industry and Planning: An Assessment
38.11 Let Us Sum Up
38.12 Key Words
38.13 Answers to Check-Your Progress Exercises

OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit you will get to know:
briefly about the background of economic and industrial development in India;
about some early perceptions of planning in India;
about some basic concepts which went into the understanding of planning;
about the post-independence initiatives in planning;
about the developmelpt of plan models;
about the constraints economic planning has faced in India and the different viewpoints
regarding these constraints.

INTRODUCTION
In the earlier Units you read about the way Indian economy suffered underdevelopment
during the British rule. As we saw that economic development that took place was inspite
of the British rule. The overall constraints placed by the colonial rule were removed by the
Indian independence in 1947. How to tackle the problems of an underdeveloped economy
was the next, question. For this a remarkable coincidence of Views between the progressive
nationalists and the Indian industrialists emerged. Both agreed that the path of planned
economic development would be helpful both to repair the damages to the ex-colonial
Indian economy and help Indian economy to chart out its new course of development. Jn
this unit we will attempt to assess this new path of development with the historical
background in mind.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Independent India: Towards
Development 1947-1964

act of the colonial rule on the Indian economy. It is

neven both across time and space. That is, during
1 or beneficial effect of colonialism, in economic
. Similarly, some parts of India felt the adverse
impact of colonial rule parts. For example, to illustrate the difference over
English cloth caused great h m to the Indian
sector, mainly in the 19th century. But the
18th century when European traders were infact
an example of spatial variation, it is a fact that
damaged by the policies of the British
is one reason why Gujarat and Maharashtra are
Assam, Bihar, Orissa and even Bengal. This is
in Western India during colonial rule.

38.2.1 Three Phas

It is possible to identify

i
i) Phase one: This is e period the East India Company operated essentially as
a trading company ing Ind , including manufactured goods to European
markets. This trade nriched nt more than the direct producer. This phase
lasted from the earl part of ntury till the early part of the 19th century.
constitutes the second phase which witnessed the
cheap English goods. This resulted in the ruin
d artisans. Historians have noted a process of
en the proportion of persons working in
e increased. This is also a phase in which India
als and labour for English capital world-wide.
20th Century witnessed changes in !Imperial

a1 movement, and external developments like the

USA and Germany as industrial powers. These

Protection to a nu dustries like steel, sugar, textiles, paper and

cement.
ic market, marked a new phase in
most of the manufacturing
coffee, rubber, mica and
export-oriented products. The grant of protection
th of import-substituting industries like textiles,

38.2.2 Marginal Growth 111

Despite such erall impact of industrialization on national
ng the period of British rule. Assessing the
century preceding Independence A. Vaidyanathan,

period was L. period of near stagnation for the

ggregate rer utput during the first half of the
an 2 per cent a year, and per capita output by half
as hardly any change in the structure of production
wth of modem manufacturing was probably
traditional crafts, and in any case was too small to

Another aspect of the a1 development in pre-independence India, is the

fact that much of the controlled mainlv the foreigners, and Indian
h-1

Kamesh Mechrocks
businessmen were able to enter this field in a significant way only during the inter-war Planning and Industrialization
in India
period. This means much of the export-oriented manufacturing activity of the second phase
was controlled largely by European and English business groups, and it was only in the
third phase that Indian entrepreneurs and business houses emerged. The picture of
ownership of manufacturing industry that this leaves us with is illustrated in Table - I.
Table I: Foreign Capital in Manufacturing Industry

Shares held by Cly1

Foreigners as Before 1949 -
1950 60
per cent of total Number Per cent Number Per cent
shares

Total 811 100.0 28 1 100.0

Source: From G . K. Shirokor. Industrialization of India, Peoples Publishing House, New Delhi. 1980, p.95
Table2.
The above table shows how foreign capital dominated the manufacturing industry at the
time of independence and continued to remain important part of the industrial sector even
after independence.
This brief description makes it clear that:
the English business enjoyed a dominant position in India;
the policies pursued by the British government in India, did not encourage Indian
enterprise.
In the case of most industrial economies of Europe the national governments of those
countries played an important role in supporting the growth of their business class. This
did not happen in India, at least before the inter-war period. The colonial government was
only interested in protecting the English business groups with no intention of prompting
the industrial development of the country as such.

38.2.3 Weaknesses and Constraints

What is interesting is that despite such a hostile attitude of the government, there was some
growth of Indian enterprise and when the British government became supportive (to Indian
enterprise) in the 1930s and 1940s, the Indian enterprise responded with ready enthusiasm.
However, much of this investment in industry during the Inter-war period, encouraged by
the policy of 'protection' to some industries, was confined to agro-based and consumer-
goods industries. It did not facilitate the growth of capital goods industry. The growth of a
capital goods industry was discouraged because England was a major exporter of capital
goods to India and did not want rival Indian producers to emerge.
Apart from the absence of the capital goods sector, there was another weakness that acted
as a constraint on a better record of industrial production. This was the constraint imposed
by poor technical skills, inadequate infrastructural development - particularly in the areas
of power, transport and communication.
These were the major constraints on industrial development before independence. The
post - independence government tried, through planning and state intervention to remove
these hurdles. It was not the absence of raw materials or finance that prevented the growth
of industries in British India, but, their wasteful and improper use from India's point of
view. The state tried to correct this through planned industrialization after independence.
This constituted the background for the planning of industrialization in post-independence
India. The salient features of this background were;
i) Low level of scientific and technological development,
ii) Larger role for consumer goods industries like textiles and sugar and relative absence
of capital goods industries,
iii) dominant position of foreign capital in manufacturing activity,
Kamesh Mechrocks
Inderendent India: Towards iv) inadequate devel cilities like transport, power, industrial
Development 1947-1964

uate size of the home market for industry.

vercome. It was felt by the nationalist
uirement for rapid industrialization in India
was:

the channelling o into the hands of the entrepreneurs and,

the generation of manufactured goods.
But this was-not devoted some attention to each of these
was seen as the basis for
'industrialization'.

38.3 EAREY IONS ON THE ROLE OF

PLANNI

the Congress Party in by the emergence of a vocal left-wing group,

planned industrialization in the Soviet Uniop
e independent it would have to adopt s o d u c h
industrialization. Thi's recognition was more or less
s of the radical Congressmen as well as of the

yment, of national defence and of economic

ed without industrialization. As a step towards
eniive scheme of national planning should be
ravide for the development of heavy key industries,

ument, popularly known as the

by leading businessmen, including, J.R.D.Tata,

kind proposed by us would be possible except on

financial burdens involved in

The two quotations very different sources:

Committee, reflects the views of people who had
ize only if it adopted

reflects the views of some of the most eminent

two centuries of undertake the gigantic task of providing the

infrastructure for r, the leading businessmen recognised that the
he home market for manufactured goods and unless
y through public expenditure and investment

modem industry to grqrr. t!

on of agriculture, it would not be possible for

38.4 HOME M ~ R (ND INDUSTRIAL

DEVELOI'M
As stated earlier inade of the home market was a major constraint on the
rapid growth of time of independence. This statement raises two
questions:
Kamesh Mechrocks
I
i) Why was the home market not big enough? and, Planning and Industrialization
in India
ii) What is the precise link between the home market and growth of industries?
The second questibn is easy to answer. unless there is assured demand for any commodity
entrepreneurs would not be induced to invest in its production. There are times when
producers may manufacture a commodity for the external market or export alone. Such
export-led production, could not have been the basis for rapid industrialization in a
large and backward econbmy like India, specially since much of foreign trade was
controlled by Europeans. The best bet for industrialization was the expansion of the home
market.

38.4.1 Limits of the Home Market

But the home market for manufactured goods was limited in India by the poverty of the
mass of the people. British rule had impoverished the Indian peasantry and forced them to.
live at low levels of subsistence. When people live at subsistence levels they spend most of
their money on food. The demand for non-food items increases only when income -
increases. Hence a pre-requisite for the growth of industry in India was the growth of rural
*
and urban incomes so that a bulk of the people could increase their consumption of
manufactured goods and thereby expand the home market for industry.

38.4.2 The Bombay Plan

Indian political and business leaders and economists therefore emphasised the growth of
agricultural incomes and output as a way of boosting the demand for industrial output. The
Bombay Plan explicitly recognised this and called for land reforms and government
investment in agriculture specially in inigation and public investment in other sectors like
industry and services, as a way of generating domestic demand. It was in this context that
state intervention and planning were seen as essential for sustained industrialization.
Agricultural growth also contributes to industrialization by generating raw materials for
industry and wage goods for workers. Agricultural prosperity is the key to
industrialization in an agrarian society like India, with a bulk of the population dependent
on agriculture, and this would play a major role in creating the home market for
industry.

Check Your Progress 1

1 Tick ( L/ ) the correct statement(s):
i) The nationalist leaders and the Indian industrialists called for the free market economy
as opposed to a planned economy in the 1940s. ( )
ii) The nationalist leaders wanted a planned economy but the Indian industrialists wanted a
free market economy in the 1940s. ( )
iii) Both the nationalist leaders and the Indian industrialists wanted a planned economy for
India since the 1940s. ( )
iv) Both the nationalist leaders and the Indian industrialists were not sure of the kind of
approach to adopt towards Indian economy in the 1940s. ( )

2 The home market:

i) should expand to enable the growth of industry ( )
ii) should contract to enable the growth of industry ( )
iii) should remain the same to enable the growth of industry ( )
:v) both (ii) and (iii). ( )

3 Give two reasons as to why the Indian industry was not able to expand during the
colonial rule?

Kamesh Mechrocks
Independent India: Towards
Development 1947-1964

38.5.1 The IPR 1

35, industrial development was a provincial
1945 Policy statement, the Government of India

aircraft,
electrical machinery
heavy machinery,
machine tools,
heavy chemicals,
fertilisers,

cement,
sugar,
rubber manufacture
coal and,
electric power, etc.
sbme more under central purview. The IPR 1948

lutiorl also indicated that industrial location in

soluti'ons (1948 and 1956) started with the

nd Regulation) Act, 1951 or the Second Five

iied was the power to sanction licenses for the

govemment to fix pro

Second Plan however
10
Kamesh Mechrocks
38.5.3 An Assessment of Early Initiatives Planning and ~ndustrialization
in India
In sum the aim of industrial policy in the immediate post-independence period, was to
ensure a central role for the public sector or what is often referred to as the state capitalist
sector because here the state invests in enterprises. This sector occupies the pivotal position
within the over all industrial development of the country. In addition to this attempts were
also made to ensure that adequate protection was offered to the private Indian enterprise
and foreign capital was kept under strict supervision. In fact, the policy statement on the
role of foreign capital was very strong.+The IPR 1948 and 1956 wanted no foreign
participation in several areas but this was diluted in practice and soon foreign capital was
allowed in the 'national interest'. Nevertheless, these two constituted the guiding principles
of industrial policy.
A public sector occupying the commanding heights of the economy and functioning
in unison with the private sector which was to be 'regulated' but also 'protected'
[ from external competition.
Under this protective umbrella of state support and regulation, the industrial sector was
encouraged to attain self-reliance through import-substituting industrialization.
T'kus the twin objectives of industrial policy were:
i the establishment of a mixed economy (mixed here meaning the co-existence of a
public and private sector)
ii) the growth of a self-reliant industrial economy. (Self-reliant here implying no
dependence on foreign capital, technology or inputs at least in essential and core sectors
of the economy.)

38.6 UNDERSTANDING THE STIMULUS FOR

INDUSTRIAL GROWTH

We have already seen how the growth of a home market on the basis of increasing incomes
of the domestic population, is the most important stimulus for industrial growth in the
long-run. In an agrarian society like India such a home market can grow mainly through
the growth of rural incomes and agricultural surpluses. Another sources of demand for
manufactured goods would be import-substitution.
If a country was to stop the import of a commodity, it would encourage its domestic
production and thereby stimulate industrial activity. To prevent new industries from losing
out to well established ones, the Government may offer protection. This is based on the
infant-industry argument which suggests that industries require protection in their infancy
(initial period) so that they can compete with their rivals in more developed economies.
Import-substituting industrialisation is often contrasted with export-led industrialisation. In
the latter instances, the stimulus for industrial growth does not come from the home
market but comes from the external or export market.
Economists in India believed that in a large economy like India, with a large and as
yet untapped home market, the stimulus for industrial growth must come from
import-substituting industrial growth based on an expanding homemarket rather than
from export-led industrialisation based on external markets.

38.7 OBJECTIVES OF PLANNING AND

IMPLEMENTATION
Other objectives of industrial policy have included the following: (and these have been
restated in subsequent Industrial Policy Resolutions adopted in 1973, 1978 and 1980).
to increase industrial production and productivity, especially in key sectors,
to bring about balanced regional development,
to encourage small-scale industries,
to prevent the concentration of economic power through the control of monopolies,
to limit and regulate foreign investment in domestic industry,
to generate employment and maintain price stability, and
to restrict imports to essential inputs and commodities.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Independent hdia: Towards '
Development 1947-1964

was the licensing s

orkers were protected.

To what extent these o

issued. Similarly, it was

bulk of the licenses
ns like Western India,
-
continued to r~maindev tern India continued to
be industrially backwar
on - to what extent has government regulations
actually altered the s lbcation and ownership? Had it made it any way
it had been allowed to develop without such a
hps government intervention been in realising the
i& of the government who oppose controls,
regulation of industry.
lid in controls per se but in their implementation.

The First Five Year Plan ation. The plan itself

was humedly put togeth

Kamesh Mechrocks
The Second Plan however, had a rigorously developed perspective. Under the guidance of Planning and Industrialization
in India
the eminent statistician Professor P.C. Mahalanobis, a long-term perspective plan was
developed, which gave primacy to the development of heavy industries. Since India had
abundant resources of raw materials like metals and minerals it was suggested that India
should concentrate on 'Basic' industries like steel, coal, heavy machinery, petroleum
refineries, cement etc. so that, the basis for rapid industrial development could be laid.
Rather than allow consumer goods industries to lead industrialisation, it was suggested that
capital and basic goods industries should do so. The demand generated through such
industrial growth would, after a period of time, provide the stimulus for the growth of
consumer goods industries, and, by such time the industrial sector would be in a position to
generate adequate intermediate inputs and machinery.
This strategy required that a large volume of investment be made in the basic and capital
goods sectors. The private sector was not capable of undertaking such investment on this
side, nor was it interested in doing so since this investment would yield low returns and
that too only after a long time. This underscored the role of the public sector - the state
capitalist sector - which took on this responsibility. With support from countries like
West Germany and the Soviet Union, India was able to develop its steel industry and heavy
engineering, heavy chemicals and other basic industries.

2. A cartoonist's view of the relationship between private and public sector. RK Laxman in Times of India,
9th March 1955
The investment made on this count and the incomes and employment generated by this
investment, which in actual practice remained below the original targets, sustained an
impressive rate of growth. The rate of growth of industrial output increased rapidly, as a
consequence, from 5.7 per cent in the First Plan period to 7.2% during the ~ e c d n dPlan
and to 9.0 per cent durinj the Third Plan. The most impressive record was established by
the capital goods indukes. This was the basis of the industrial development of India upto
the mid- 1960.

Check Your Progress 2

1 Import-substituting industrialisation means:
(Tick ( / ) the correct statement)
i) the same gs export led industrialisation ( )
I!

ii) that thost goods which were previously imported are now produced in the country with
ent stopping their import. This helps in stimulating domestic industrial

goods for industrial goods ( ) -

iv) none #/the above ( )

\i Kamesh Mechrocks
-

Independent India: Toward5 2 The Second Plan mo

Development 1947-1964

textile etc.

ivj none of the above.

structure of industrial

goods has increased th

of traditional industries

while the share of syn e fibre) textiles has increased, Such changes
in the products point to esin Indian industry which cannot be

what we have referred

ncrease in the Index Numbers of

record established
maintained in the

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Plannlng and Industrialization
in India

3. A cartoonist's view of decline of growth R.K. Laxman in Times of India, 26 August 1960

Table 2: Annual Compound Growth Rates in Index Number of Industrial Production (Percentage)

Type of 1951-55 1955-60 1960-65 1965-76

Industries 1st IInd IIIrd Annual Plans
Plan Plan Plan and IVth Plan

Basic
Industries 4.7 12.1 10.4 6.5
Capital Goods
Industries 9.8 13.1 19.6 2.6
Intermediate
Goods Industries 7.8 6.3 6.9 3.0
Consumer Goods
Industries 4.8 4.4 4.9 3.4
(a) Consumer
Durables 11.0 6.2
(b) Consumer
Non-Durables 2.8

General Index 5.7 7.2 9.0 4.1

Source: S.L. Shetty, Srructurol Retrogression in the Indian Economy since the Mid-Sixties, Economic and
Poliricol Weekly, 1978, Bombay.

38.8.3 The Policy Constraints Argument

It is argued by the first group that the large number of controls introduced by the
government during the post-independence period, like licensing controls, price and
distribution controls, etc. have constrained private enterprise and have made investment
less attractive. Removal of such controls, it is suggested, will help step up the rate of
investment and thereby the rate of growth of output.
The recent liberalisation of controls by the government of India is seen as aimed at
stimulating investment. The critics of this view, believe that decontrol cannot be the
answer to a bad implementation of controls, that decontrol will result in a further
Kamesh Mechrocks
1ndependentIndia:Towards concentration of econo
Development 1947-1964 objectives of industrial
and encouraging growth
of luxury goods industrie

38.8.4 The Struc

There is no single hypoth ists, who reject the 'policy
&ants of the structural constraint hypothesis:
industrial growth in India cannot be sustained,

th in agriculture is
ensured, then indu e total size of population, m d
the fact that India with which it could import
in the 1950s and early 1960s.
However, the inability pulation growth, is seen as a

t
ii) Another variant of thi prgume a s that when agricultural output does not keep
pace with demand, th agricul aes rise, and since food constitutes an essential
component of househ ti expen people spend more on food and less on non-food
items. This imposes a nstrai demand for industrial goods.
iii) The structural also been seen as arising out of an increasing
q d income. Since the share of the poor in total
population is increasi inglpower of the population is seen to be

en put forward linking the decline in industrial

and expenditure. In the first three Han
wth was provided by public investment'and
tbe 1960s and 1970s because the state was not
to secure the resources for investment and was
investment. It could, and it did, resort to deficit
nvestment but this had the effect of pushing up
ment had to limit deficit financing and this limited

A common element t 'codstraint arguments is that they view the

constraint on industrial ti* from the DEMAND side, that is, as a result of
inadequate demand m e solutions offered are, therefore, aimed at
si& agricultural incomes and incomes in the

the cause for industrial deceleration after

e, nor were raw materials scarce. Labour,
short supply. The only scarcity on the supply side,
pose a constraint, since Indian industry
y in crucial areas and necessary foreign
exchange reserves we largely on account of inadequate exports and
the government in ote exports on the one hand and curtail imports
on the other.

38.9 THE OW*ERSH~JJ AWD CONTROL OF INDUSTRY

d the impact it has had on industrial growth.
role of the state in promoting
industrial policy, has been the concern of the
government to prevent t lies, and to encourage the growth of small-
scale entrepreneurs. /
38.9.1 The Early hooopol
It is an important aspect1 of Indian business, that at fairly early stages in the
Kamesh Mechrocks i
growth of industrial activity a few prodlrcers emerged as dominant business groups. The Planningand Industrialition
in India
house of Tatas, Birlas, Shrirams etc. are good examples. They acquired such a dominant
status because of the small size of home market, which did not offer much scope for too
many producers, so that those who were the pioneers in a line of production almost became
monopolists. The position of Tatas acquired in the steel industry by the time of the Second
World War is a good example of this. Another factor that contributed to what may be
termed as the "premature growth of monopolies", was the system of managing agency that
both British and Indian businessman had developed. This allowed a business group to
exercise effective control on the management of a firm, even when, that particular group
did not own a majority of the shares. For all these reasons, at the time of independence a
small number of Parsi, Marwari, Punjabi and, to a lesser extent, Chettiar business groups
operating in Bombay, Bengal and Madras dominated the industrial sector. On the other end
of the spectrum were the cottage and village industries, the small scale industries which
had little influence in govemment or on the market.

38.9.2 Attempts to Control Monopoly

One of the aims of the industries (Development and Regulation) Act 1951 was, therefore,
to alter this picture and regulate and control the big business groups. The need of securing
an industrial licence to produce a good, if this is produced in a large-scale industrial
establishment, was seen as a one way of regulating the Idcation, ownership, technology and
output of industries.
However, in practice the govemment was not always able to do this. Infact the Industrial
Licensing Policy Inquiry Committee Report (1969) has shown that some of the big
business houses, like Birlas, used the licensing system to their advantage, and cornered
industrial licenses, and thereby increased their monopoly control over several industries.

38.9.3 Attempts to Restrict Foreign Capital

Another aspect of ownership which the government planned control was the participation
of foreign capital. The government tried to control foreign business groups and multi-
national corporations:
by imposing restrictions on the extent to which foreign companies could own equity in
Indian companies, and
by regulating the activities of the subsidiaries of foreign companies.
However, these business groups succeeded in maintaining their presence in the Indian
economy, and in recent times, in increasing this presence through the import of foreign
technology. That is, since Indian companies went in for foreign collaboration to acquire
technology, they were also forced to accept foreign participation in Indian business. Apart
from those who came in through technology collaboration agreements, several foreign
groups had remained in India after Independence. As a result, the presence of foreign
capital was significant despite the fact that the state supported and sponsored the growth of
Indian business groups.
The government saw the role of p l ~ i n and g state regulation in industry as also involving
a regulation of ownership. The a i a of government policy was to prevent the growth of
monopolies and restrict the role of foreign capital. But the reports of several govemment
committees themselves pointed out that this aim was not achieved. This was because both,
monopoly houses and foreign business groups, continue to grow in the Indian industrial
sector. Of course, it is true that despite this, the government has helped to some extent in
the growth of non-monopoly indigenous entrepreneurial groups.

38.9.4 Development of Small Scale Enterpqise

As already stated, the development of small-scale enterprise was one of the objectives of
industrial policy in India. For attaining this objective, the government introduced several
laws and regulatbns to protect small scale industries and encourage new entrepreneurial
groups. While the growth of such groups has been restricted to certain regions of the
country, the phenomenon is by no means an insignificant one.
In states like Punjab and Haryana and coastal Andhra Pradesh or Western Maharashtra, the
green revolution has contributed to the growth of the large number of small-scale
industrial establishments. Similarly, around major industrial centres like Bombay, Delhi
and Madras, new satellite towns are coming up with Indian and Non-Resident Indian small
Kamesh Mechrocks
Independent India: Towards entrepreneurs. Most come up due to financial and infrastructural
Development 1947-1964
support from the go and state. There is no doubt that this is one

manufacturing activity,
supportive role of the s

become 'sick' and clo + competition from larger establishments. The

ot be as significant as the number of units

recent changes in the industrial policy that have

ting a consumption goods sector-led growth of

like jute and sugar, they sophisticated goods. There is also no doubt
that India is a major ind ng the post-colonial Thiid World countries,

the context of in
concentration of

incurred in the establis

.
Check Your Progress 3
in the post-independence period: (Tick ( \/ )
the correct answer)

India increases ( )

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Planning ana Industrialization
in India
.......................................................................................................................................................

LET US S U M UP
In this unit you got to know:
that under the colonial rule industrialization could only marginally impact on the
national growth;
that the differing growth in different sectors and regions of economy with most areas
having been left backward, led the Indian industrialists and the nationalists to think in
terms of planned economic development;
that to ~"onterthe influx of foreign goods and to protect the infant Indian industry, the
planners adopted a strategy of protecting the Indian manufacture, encouraging home
grown products (import substitution) to replace foreign goods and of creating more
market for Indian manufacture;
that in the post-independence period, the Indian planning emphasised on control and
regulation of industry to promote heavy and core industry so as to give an
%frastq$ture to private sector manufacture, restriction on ownership and control and
encouragement of small scale industries;
that after an initial period of rapid growth the Indian economy has faced decline in the
speed of growth,
that, basically there are two main view points on this decline in growth - one view
point says that this is because of lack of free play of market forces due to government
control, whereas, the other viewpoint points to the structural constraint on the economy
on the demand side. For the latter, the lack of development of home market is pointed
out.

38.12 KEY W O R D S
Tariff Protection: The protection offered to producers of any product within the country
from competition from abrohd by imposing import duties or levies (tariff). This makes
imports costlier than the goods in the country. For example India till 1985 used to charge
heavy duty on electronic goods and so tried to encourage Indian electronic industj.
Infrastructural facilities: basic facilities for building an industrial plant. This includes
basic machinery, energy resources etc.
State-sponsored: fully aided or helped by the state.
Home market: also W m e s t i c market, is the market for any commodity provided
within the country in which the commodity is manufactured.
Output: the product which is finally produced in any industrial or agricultural enterprise.
Monopoly: one man's or industrial house's control over seveial industries.
Deregulation of industry: i.e. having no less regulations or control of the government
over industry.
Investment: investment is the act of putting money, capital or labour in to an enterprise
for increasing its productivity.
Demand: the extent of want in a market that is the extent to which particular goods are
wanted by the market.
Supply: the g o d s a n d services available in a market.
Multi-national corporations: corporations having business interests cutting across
pational boundaries.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Independent Id&: Towards
Development 1947-1964 example Faridabad ne
facilities to main the i

Wage goods: Comm

iries and conventional luxuries only which are real
equivalent of wages.
the government where expenditure in the budget
cit is sought to be made up by strategies to cover

Your answer shoul

1) (ii) 2) (i)

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 39 PLANNING AND LAND REFORMS
IN INDIA
'

Structure
39.0 Objectives
39.1 Introduction
39.2 Agrarian Policy and Freedom Movement
39.3 Land System Before Independence Z

39.4 The Planning for Land Reforms

39.4.1 Abolition of Intermediaries
39.4.2 Ceiling on Land Holdings
39.4.3 Other Measures
39.5 Social Implications of Land Reforms
39.6 Let Us Sum Up
39.7 Key Words
39.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

39.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you will :
become familiar with the British Policy towards Indian agriculture;
get an idea of the land settlements which existed in various parts of India on the eve of
Independence;
be able to list a series of measures undertaken by the Indian Govt. to develop
agriculture since 1947 onwards; and
learn the impact of these agrarian measures on the rural society.

39.1 INTRODUCTION
In this Unit we will attempt understanding how the planning process initiated after India
gained freedom was used by our country to bring about economic and social change in the
countryside. The measures adopted in this regard were land reforms such as abolition of
intermediary rights and giving security of tenures to cultivators. Another feature was
administrative and physical reorganisation of the quality of land management for
agricultural development. Land reforms should be seem in two ways in the context of
planning:
the institutional changes in land ownership structure and its productive uses for social
and economic development, and '

changes in administrative and technological processes of agrarian economy enabling

fuller uses of the institutional measures of land reforms to enhance social well being of
peasants and agricultural workers in villages.
The t y o measures were inter-related but the institutional aspects of land reforms occupied
a position of pre-eminence in the process. This itself was a product of the historical forces
that were released during the Freedom Movement. This Movement, over a period of
several decades contributed to the evolution of an agrarian policy and also the policy of
rural social and economic development in India. The Indian National Congress both as a
political party and as a national movement contributed centrally to the evolution of this
policy.

39.2 AGRARIAN POLICY AND FREEDOM MOVEMENT

The British rule in India, for whose extermination the Indian National Congress launched
the freedom movement had brought about serious disruption in the Indian economy both in
the fields of industry and agriculture. The British policies contributed to India's de-
industrialisation. It also created titles in land which were exploitative and non-productive
Kamesh Mechrocks
 . -

Independent India: Towards in nature. No doubt, the systematic studies of Indian agarian
Development 1947-1964
interest was for the purpose of collection
F o r example, Baden Powell gives a
comprehensive account and growth of village communities in India
and System of British India (1892) and Henry
S. Maine offers a com of dillage social structure, land relationships and
land tenures in the En nteitts in his book The Village Communities in the
East and West ( 1876) anglyses and historical comparisons were not
motivated by impulse rm. Even the "Report of the Royal Commission
on Agriculture" set u nded making "recommendations for
e welfare and prosperity of the rural population"
ause the Commission was directed "not to
make recommendati g system of land ownership and tenancy or
assessment of land cliarges". The welfare of people of the village
could not be attem in revenues to the colonial regime.
The British policy o ectly intended to maximise land revenue
collection which oft 1 and recognised rights of the landlords,
particularly the tillers licly led to artificial creation of new classes of
land owners with v to land. The aim here was purely to enhance the
efficiency of the la get a comprehensive account of this process
qrt (1948) of the Uttar Pradesh Government
statistically and historically how the British
le with titles to land as intermediaries
tenants known as Zamindars for the
itution of Zamindari under its various regional

e study of Eric Stokes who quoted D.T.

Robersts:
and litigious interest whether a given individual is
, of an occupancy tenant. The material point is
le dr unfavourable rates, and whether he has got

various regions of the country created a

s to the British empire. They indulged in
peasantry and agricultural labourers as they
tomary taxes on tenants without serious
untry this triggered peasant movements against
oitation (you have read about these in
ress, despite being political in nature took note
ted itself for their abolition and reform. Behind
iew point of Gandhi:
ecdnomic administration and planning in India;

land should cease.

icrelationships in a reciprocal and symbiotic
loitkion. The policies of the Indian National
oint as evident from its official

ional Congress set up a "Congress

to work out a detailed strategy for land reforms in

gnd Jagirdari etc., this Committee also

d be adoption of the peasant fanning through
ado a lower and upper limit to peasant holdings in
and rural prosperity. This was to be backed by
mjnistrative and developmental institutions of the

untry related to the viability of the cooperative

ages. The opinion was divided among thda-ders, of
Kamesh Mechrocks
 the Congress Party between those who supported cooperative farming on a general pattern Planning anh Land Reforms in
India
and those who were in favour of individual or family peasant farming. Behind this debate
one may witness a cleavage between two outlooks on land reforms in India:
i ) one, based on communitarian philosophy which derived its justification from the
assumption that land was a communal and not individual property,
ii) and the other a capitalist outlook that land was an individual or family property.
The records of land reforms in India reveal that the philosophy of individual or family
proprietorship has triumphed despite some communitarian pulls in land reform policies.
The communitarian philosophy was however, carried on as a nationwide movement by the
followers of Sarvodaya Movement under the leadership of Acharya Binoba Bhave, a
follower of Gandhi. Sarvodaya is a voluntary and non-official movement. It was launched
at about the same time (during early fifties) as official policy of land reforms was being
formulated and set into motion.

39.3 LAND SYSTEM BEFORE INDEPENDENCE

/

In order to understand the nature of land reforms that were introduced through planning in
India it will be useful for us to understand the nature of land systems that existed on the
eve of Independence. At this point the land system in India was governed by two types of
land tenures - the Zamindari and Ryotwari - with several variations of each in different
regions of the country. These systems determined the relationship between the tenure
holder and the government on the one hand and on the other teiure holder's relationship
with other parties such as the tenarlt cultivators and agricultural labourers. The mutual
obligations and rights were elaborately institutionalised both by law and custom. The
tenure holders had to pay revenue to the government as a proportion of their collection of
rent from tenants. The tenants were bound by law and custom to pay rent as determined by
the tenure holder and in addition render various services such as free work on his farm
(begar) and pay other customary taxes in kind from time to time.
The Zamindari system was prevalent in most north Indian states and Ryotwari in southern
and western parts of India. Zamindari system was the product of conferment of property
right in land on a group of people, generally non-cultivators but with influence in their
region to collect rent from cultivating peasantry through a process of "land settlement".
Land settlement was'conducted by British revenue administrators either on a temporary
basis (revisable after an interval of generally 30 years) or on a permanent basis. This
institutional device helped an alien regime to collect revenue without directly coming into
contact with the masses of India's cultivating peasantry. It brought into being a new class
of Zamindars although in some cases affirmed earlier tenurial relationships. In this system
three types of interests co-existed:
the government which obtained land revenue;
, the Zamindar who obtained land rent from tenant cultivators and,
the tenant who paid land rent and other services to the Zamindar in lieu of the tenancy
relationship and its obligations.
I

Besides these a typical Zamindari system was prevalent in the former state of Uii?ted
Provinces presently known as Uttar Pradesh.
A variant of the Zamindari form of tenure was the ~agirdarisystem. In many parts of the Rince
L
country land was handed over by ruling princes to their courtiers and nobles. Rajasthan and
Hyderabad as states are such examples although the system existed in other parts of the
country as well. In the Jagirdari system in addition to the payment of revenue and gifts
some administrative and military services were obligatory. The Jagirdars were not owners
of land but only its administrators for collection of revenue from owners of land. The land,
relationship in this system existed as: Revenue
payers ro
i) First, the princely state granting Jagirdari right to jagirdar for his services and Jagirdars
obligations.
ii) Secondly, the Jagirdar granting ownership right to a person or group of people who ,

paid him revenue. Tenants

iii) Thirdly, the owners leasing out land tcr tenants for collection of rent.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Independent Indla: Towards The tenant was in is owner landlord as in the Zamindari system,
Development 1947-1964

rbd from the Zarnindari system since it was

ot intermediaries. Ownership right was vested in
irwtly to the government. However, in course of
as (expansionof roads and railways and

of the northern states. The Ryotwari system was

nbies and some parts of Hyderabad. .

steb of Zarnindari and Roytwari land tenures there

n terms of exploitative social relationships that these
ilidu that it created in the rural economy;
ip/ to the net-output value of the land per acre;
ue to insecurity of tenure of tenant-cultivators on

ation of land rent; and

with the rise in and these rentals were increased
Id be invested into land.
ality of land management thus suffered. This led to
oper several centuries in India which only

cuiture-became increasingly exploitative and

/

1nbia touched nea? bottom.

t&al and eqonomic that planning and land .'

Check Your Progre

which existed in India prior to independence.

........................,..,............................

on the pattern-of farming after

24
Kamesh Mechrocks
 ii) The British policies created a class of intermedraries between the government and the Planning and Land Refdrms in
Indin
cultivators.
iii) The "Congress Agrarian Reforms Committee" was set up to evolve a strategy for
affective land reforms in India.
iv) The various land settlements before 1947 resulted in an increase in the productivity of
land.

39.4 THE PLANNING FOR LAND REFORMS

The planning process initiated after Independence took into consideration the agrarian
policy evolved over the years by the leadership of the Indian National Congress and also
the! structural problems of the Indian economy in general. The decline in Indian agriculture
no doubt owed much to the growth of intermediary rights in land such as the Zamindari
and Jagirdari tenures or its equivalents in the Ryotwari systems. But other structural factors
of our society and economy also contributed to the decline in agriculture like the pressure
of population of land due to closure of other avenues of employment. This led to adverse
land-man ratio and decline in average size of land holdings by fragmentation and sale. The
first Agricultural Labour Enquiry (1951) revealed that:
One fifth of the agricultural families were of landless workers, among families who
had land to cultivate, about 38 per cent had holdings of less than 2.5 acres each and
clustered on only 6 per cent of the cultivated area. As many as 59 per cent of
cultivating families had holdings of less than 5 acres each and operated only 16 per
cent of cultivated area.
The fragementation of holdings also presented a chaotic picture of holdings. The Farm
Management Studies of the Government of India reveal that in U.P.and West Bengal the
holdings of less than %acres had on an average 3.6 fragments. The situation of larger
holdings between 20 and 25 acres was also not good with on an average 17 fragments.
These structural problems of land holding needed attention through land consolidation
operations. Other structural problems of agriculture were related to issues of modernization
through rational land use and cropping patterns, facilities of assured irrigation, fertilizers
and protection of land from physical deterioration.. These modernization issues were
organically related to the institutional aspect of land reforms.

I The Planning Commission, the Central Government and the State ~ o v e m h e n t ssoon after
Independence launched a comprehensive programme of land reforms. It included structural
I and institutional changes in the ownership pattern, land tenure system, modernization of
I
agricultural operations and changes in the supportive institutions at the level of the village
i community. These programmes were launched during the 1950s soon after the process of
I
planned development began. The programme of land reforms comprised of:
abolition of intermediaries;
tenancy reforms and;
LF
ceiling on land holdings for land acquisition.
These measures were intended to release the Indian peasantry from the shackles of
parasitical rentier class of intermediaries such as the Zamindars and Jagirdars etc. and give
them security of tenure for prolonged investment towards agricultural modernization.

39:4.1 Abolition of Intermediaries

A major step in land reforms was the abolition of the intermediaries. This category of
people as we have mentioned already collected exorbitant rent from their tenants without
making any investment for the improvement of l&-They often also collected additional
taxes to meet their conspicuous style of life, such as for purchases of horses, elephants, for
ceremonial rituals in their families such as birth, marriage and festivities. Some times taxes
were imposed to meet whimsical needs of the Zamhdars or Jagirdars. The collection of
rent and tax was done through Zamindar's employees in a ruthless, often brutal manner
and for non-payment or delay, eviction of tenant from land was common. Most tenancy
rights of peasants were that of "tenant at-will" through which eviction was a matter of the
pleasure of Qe Zamindar or Jagirdar. Only later a category of "occupancy tenant" was
recognised in some parts of the country who could be evicted only through a process of
law and under certain conditions. But the tenure of the occupancy tenant was also
Kamesh Mechrocks
precarious as the Zamindars could easily manipulate eviction.
Independent India: Towards The first measure this category of intermediaries (like the
Development 1947-1964
of wealth, power an rm in addition to being land
reform since for the sans, labourers and peasants were
e rights of intermediaries, whether
d cultivated by tenants were
rectly made responsible to pay revenue
the village which constituted formerly
the property of the 1 y exercised control, such as the land for

the village panchayats.

electoral principal of universal
er with the measure of land reforms.
rces passed to the village
ident. This too was a measure ~f great social,
uction of village panchayats together with

psychological chan Socially, the abolition of landlordism

meant freedom for nants, artisans, labourers, etc. from the
it prepared the ground for village panchayat
pective of status or privilege and without
discrimination on the , gender and ~eligion.It reinforced the process
e country based on the principles

aid compensation for the tenancy rights and

ent. They were, however, allowed tenancy
ir Khudkashr (self-cultivated land).
nts to the landlords were after the reforms given
right to-cultivate the land but without the right of
securing the full ownership right (with right to sell
y flaying ten times the annual rental value to the
ght initially by payment, but later on some states
re was, however, heated debate on
, as also whether government should
without requiring them to purchase Bhumidhari
a s k . Finally, compensation was paid to the
landlords, taluqdars and\jagirdars, I

nt of compensation payable tdthe intermediaries

4

relationship. All ten

revenue directly to the government. Former

landlords got Bhum

Those tenurial re ianship in the villages but did not entirely,

ce the landlords could still keep a large
. F many parts', landlords anticipating ,

inequity. Also there w

and grass land as in m right on this land passing to the
unde~khudkhshr land tenure.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Despite these anamolies the abolition of the intermediary rights in land contributed to a Planning and Land Reforms in
India
massive institutional and psychological change in the life of the villagers.

39.4.2 Ceiling on Land Holdings

An important aspect of land reforms was to bring about an equitable social order in rural
society. This was in harmony with the ideology of the Indian National Congress and other
political parties which led the freedom movement. That there should be no iniquitous
' concentration of wealth and power in any particular section of people in our society has

been laid down in our Constitution. Hence, the emphasis on socialism through democratic
path of development in our society. For rural society, this objective was enunciated by the
Planning Commission through its policy on ceiling on land holdings and also on the
acquisition of land. An important issue was that of the level at which ceiling on
landholdings could be imposed. The land value in terms of productivity varies from region
to region and from plot to plot. Hence, a universal principle that could also be rational has
to be evolved for defining the exact limit of the ceiling on land holdings. Planning
Commission in early 1950s defined it in terms of what it called the 'family holding' that
yielded an income of Rs. 1200 per annum. It suggested the level of ceiling on land
holdings to be the land size that yielded three times the income of a family holding or
which yielded the income of Rs. 3600 per annum for a family of five persons. This was to
be determined taking into consideration the quality of land, the technique of cultivation
and other related factors as existent at that particular time.
The legislation on the Ceiling on land holdings came into existence during the fifties itself
but it varied a great deal from state to state. For example, the Telengana region in Andhara
Pradesh, the Marathwada in Maharashtra and Kamataka part of Mysore proposed ceiling
on a land holding yielding net income of Rs. 3000 per annum which in terms of size
worked out between 18 to 27 acres. In Punjab ceiling was imposed at the level of 30
standard acres (with irrigation facilities) and 60 dry acres. For the displaced persons the
limit was of 50 irrigated and 100 dry acres. Kerala imposed ceiling at the level ranging
between 15 to 3Xacres depending upon the quality of land. In Uttar Pradesh the range of
ceiling was between 40 to 80 acres once again based on the variety of land. This position
of the ceilings during the fifties was further revised and in most states the level was further
reduced.
The policy behind imposition of ceiling on land holding was mainly distributive in nature.
The surplus land acquired through this measure was to be distributed among the members
of weaker sections of the rural society such as the landless and the scheduled castes, etc.
But not much land could be acquired through this measure as the big land holders
transferred the surplus land with them to their relatives, friends and other acquaintances.
This is known as benami transfer. It is called benami because even though land is
transferred to a person, that person is not the actual cultivator. The actual cultivator is the
original owner of that land who took recourse to such fictitious transfer in order to avoid
the laws of ceiling. This has posed a major problem in agrarian transformation of rural
India which remains as yet to be resolved.

39.4.3 Other Measures

The planning policy on land reforms has not only been oriented to institutional reforms
such as through abolition of intermediaries, tenurial reforms and ceiling on lahd holdings.
It also visualised massive investment in improvement of the quality of land, its operational
conditions and management of its physical conditions. One important area in this
connection has been the consolidation of land holdings. The pressure on land being acute
and our inheritance laws being such that land could be divided in equal measure after the
death of the father, even a large holding could be easily divided into small pieces in a
generation or two. In addition, at the time of land reforms in early fifties, the
fragmentation of holdings was indeed acute. Indian agriculture has suffered since a long
time from small size of land holdings and its fragmentation. A study undertaken by the
Planning Commission in 1953-54 revealed that:
82.8 per cent of the owner's holdings in Andhra Pradesh, 66 per cent in Gujrat and
Maharashtya, 77.2 per cent in Madhya Pradesh. 70 per cent in Mysore, 83.9 per cent
in Panjab, 98.4 per cent in Kerala, 62.4 per cent in Rajasthan and 94.9 per cent in
Uttar Pradesh were below ten acres in size.

Kamesh Mechrocks
The picture of fragmentation was still more depressing. For example the survey of a
Independent India: Tow& 898 plots of less than one fifth of an acre and
Development 1947-1964
cqttered over 25 pieces. The picture was no

could be done through cooperative societies.

is could r@t be repeated in other states despite
there being legislation Provinces (now Madhya Pradesh) and in
ntly, consolidation of land holdings
the inception of the First Five Year
Plan.
It involved many steps, suc
the survey of land
classification of a1 rade of its quality;

disposal of litigati s on land ownership and,

d being either forest

Having conducted this surv& the cons&tion process was taken up to reduce the number
of pieces on which a cultivhr could IW
conduct farming. Presumption is that with
fragmentation having been of operable holding would increase making it
possible for cultivators to i technology of farming. Also, this could enable

was proceeding on additi of land. This process is even today going on

lehislation on fractionalization of land is not
gmentation. Some states have passed
hnits below a certain size. But our land
inheritance laws and pre land make rationalisation on this account
most difficult. It tends a1 process of land reform.

-r.r .-+*cu.-.
4. A Cartoon on Land
I
p m a n in the Times of In& 14 January 1959
I

The measures of land reform you have

Kamesh Mechrocks i k
t +bout so far have over the years contributed
to major social and economic chan~tbin our village society. Economically. productivity.of Planning and Land Reforms in
agriculture has increased through \\hat is known as 'green revolution'. The new class of India
pea3ants. who were formerly the tehants of landlords coming generally from "middle
caste" background took maximum benefit from land reforms and agricultural development
prosrammes launched by the Planning Commission. They had inherited an old tradition of
cultivation and were skilled in hard agricultural work as well as uses of agricultural
technology. They contributed to modernization of agriculture leading to increase in
productivity. From the acute shortages of food grain in the country during the fifties and
sixties it was possible for the country to achieve a measure of food self-sufficiencyby the
late seventies and eighties. It has been one of the most outstanding achievements of land
reforms in our countiy through planned development. Apart from land reforms. the
Community Development Projects, increase in irrigation and fertilizers capacities together
with innovation of modem seeds etc. contributed to the green revolution. This change has
had many social implications. In positive terms it increased rural prosperity of a much
larger section of peasantry than was the case during the period of landlordism. It
broadened the base of economic activities in the village. Socially it also enlarged the extent
of political participation and grass roots linkages of the processes of democratization.
But green revolution and agricultural prosperity brought about through planning and land
reforms has had many negative consequences.
it has increased the level of economic inequalities between the peasants and landless
workers as the former have become more prosperous in a relative sense than the latter;
it has increased social tensions in villages in many pans of the country because the rich
peasants have exploited the nual poor;
Moreover, modem agriculture being dependent on technologies, such as irrigation,
modem seeds, chemical fertilizers and pesticides etc.. the small and marginal peasants
have not been able to adopt it due to their poverty and lack of resources. This has
funher augmented social inequalities.
It has also led to leasing out of land by small or marginal farmers to more substantial
ones for cultivation on unfavourable contractual terms.
In many pans sharecropping and oral tenancies have emerged once again. Also the
investment in agriculture suffers due to the economic weaknesses of the smaller and
marginal farmers. This could be solved by cooperative methods of cultivation. but this
practice has not succeeded in the country largely due to social reasons such as caste and
class diversities and factionalism in the countryside. All this process is further aggravated
by pressure of population in the villages and lack of gainful employment.
To overcome these difficulties many measures would be necessary. The measures of land
refoms would have to be linked with agro-industrialization which could generate
employment. The cooperative movement in farming on voluntary basis, wherever possible.
will have to be encouraged through administrative and qonomic incentives. n e tenurial
weaknesses in the system of land reforms would have to be removed with the help of
stricter administration. Finally, a rational and just basis of relationship between industrial
and agricultural policies in respect of capital. resources, pricing pdicy, marketing and
processing of products would have to be eventualIy evolved so that those dependent on
agriculture and living in the villages an assured a &nt livelihood.

Check Your Progress 2

1 Read the following statements and mark right ( \/) or wrong (x)
i) The measures taken by the Indian Govement were intended to liberate the p e m t r y
from the class of intermediaries.
ii) The tenurial reforms completely did away H ith social and economic inequalities in the
lndian society.
iii) The purpose behind the ilnposition of la:itl cciline was to acquirc land and distribute ii
among the landless sections of thc rural wcisry.
iv) Consolidation of land holding>5t.irtirt~df~rsl111 Punjab.
2 Write ten lines on the social implication, of'thr l i d reforms undertaken since
independence.
......................................................... .............................................................*........*..............
a,.......

....*...............................,...........................,.....
.................................................................................

Kamesh Mechrocks
 f agricultural reforms in India both
&nee the newly formed I d a n

rtnd money W r s ) who

were interested
The ultimate suffers cultivators and the agriculture itself. This was the
legacy of the colonial
After the In&pendenc(( a two fol
On the one hand
+P was undertaken by the Indian Govemment:
rid Indian agriculture of the long standing
evils, which had included doing away with the old land
d of the inanndiaries.
to make space for an over all development
.This could be done by making agricd&a part
.In this scheme, various reform measures. like
cwsolidation were taken up.
te profound. They brought a b u t rapid changes
it. However, along with the positive and desired
changes, there also
of h e land reforms in India is that they
n a path which contains imumerous

Dry land: land with

Ceiling: a legal an individual could possess.
ed economic development (with each plan getting
five years to reach t) undertaken by the Indian Government in 1951-52.
This pattern of as based on the Russian model.
Tenuri* Reforms: i/casures u to provide security and protection to the tenants.

39.8 ANSW YOUR PROGRESS

Kamesh Mechrocks
2 The debate centred around the two models for land reform-cooperative farming based Planning and Land Reforms in
lrrdia
on a communitarian outlook and individual or family fanning based on a capitalist
outlook towards agriculture.
See sec. 39.2
3 (i) x (ii) / (iii) / (iv) X

Check Ywr Progress 2

1 (i)/(ii)x (iii)/(iv)/
2 In your answer you should elaborate both the Positir-c*(increased rural prosperity,
broadening of the economic activities in the village. increasing political participation
in rural areas and greater democratisation) and the nc,qutir-c. implications (economic
inequality, increasing strial tension in the villages etc.)

Kamesh Mechrocks
Structure
1 I
10.0
10.1
40.2
Objectives
Introduction
Principles of Ind n Foreig
I'
40.3 Evolution of Ind d Foreig
40.4 Non-aligned Mo arnent I/
40.5 Disarmament
40.6 Pakistan
40.6. I Karhnur
40.6.1 Indur Rncr 'drcr lhpr

40.7 Chino d
40.6.3 M~litaryAI to Pakr\tan 4

l
40.9 West Asia

40.10.2 Thc Sov~ct

40.10.3 Br~tain
40.10.4 Fmcc
40.10.5 japan

40.12 Let Us Suln Up

40.13 Key Words
40.14 Answers to

After reading this unit

learn about the

discuss the Pakistan and China.

of India during the period 1947-64. It starts with

ialh Foreign Policy, and how did they evolve since
aligned Movement and India's efforts for
Certain other specific issues concerning Indo-Pak
tiltude towards other countries of the world have
also been discussed. ~1
I

-
403 PRINCIP~ESO ~ # ~ ~ I AFOREIGN
N POLICY -

The basic principles of I y can be described as follows:

i) India has never be ation in any military alliance either bi-
laterally or multi-lat een opposed to any military approach to
world problems. Si cold war the United States and the Soviet
Union have been e e, including the building up of nuclear

Kamesh Mechrocks
 weapons and in forging military alliances against each other. India believed that this Fwclgn P d q of I d i s
(1947-64)
only helped accentuating tension between nations resulting into armed conflicts. Hence,
India opted out of the alliance system, bi-lateral or multi-lateral, in order to create
conditions favourable to peace.
ii) Indian foreign policy has been an independent foreign policy not tied to any of the two
contending power blocs. It was, however, not a neutral foreign policy. In fact, India
has never been 'neutral' on international issues. It has judged every issue on its merits
and expressed its opinion in clear terms in the various international forums. This policy
at times, has earned for India the displeasure of some great powers but many countries
of the Third World appreciated India's stand.
iii) India has pursued a policy of friendship with every country, whether of the American
bloc (capitalist,system) or of the Soviet bloc (communist system). Its declared policy is
not have prefe&nce for the one against the other. India has adopted a democratic
system of government. This, however,has not drawn India closer to those countries of
the wdit, who have a similar system nor has this distanced it from the communist
countries.
iv) India, being an ex-colonial country ruled by the British, has been pursuing an active
anti-colonial policy during its independent existence. India's emergence as an
independent power on the world map, had accelerated the process of de-colonisation
throughoucthe Asian-African-Latin American countries. Following India's
independence, Ceylon, Burma and Indonesia became free. Subsequently, India has
contributed towards the independence of the African countries by speaking for them in
various international forums.
v) Another persistent stand in Indian foreign policy has been the policy of anti-apartheid.
As mentioned earlier (in Unit 16) Gandhi fought against apartheid in South Africa,
during the turn of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century. But it is a
matter of great shame for the mankind, that apartheid is still being practised in a brutal
form in South Africa. This is in utter disregard of world opinion and every norm of
civilised behaviour. India had raised this issue for the first time in the United Nations
in 1946. Ever since, it has been taking an active part in the worldwide movement
against apartheid.
vi) India believes that the objectives of world peace could not be achieved, if the countries
are engaged in the pursuit of arms build up and military alliances. India consi&rs
disarmament as the key to world peace. Moreover, through disarmament a huge
expenditure on arms could be saved and that money could be used for the development
of the poorer nations.

40.3 EVOLUTION OF INDIAN FOREIGN POLICY

In the early years of independence the Indian Foreign Policy was described as 'neutral'
foreign policy by some people, because India wanted to keep herself away from the two
blocs, i.e., the Western and the Soviet blocs. But neutrality is a legal concept, and India
has never been 'neutral' in that sense. In fact, it expressed its opinion on all important
international issues, judging each on its merits. Hence, the foreign policy of India should
be called an independent foreign policy, not neutral. The term 'non-alignment' got
currency in the post- an dun^ Conference (1955) phase, and the first conference of the
non-aligned group of countries was held in 1961 in Belgrade. It was a bi-polar world when
the principles of Indian foreign policy were first enunicated. The two camps, led
by the United States and the Sbviet Union, vied with each other for influence
all over the orld. In fifties and sixties, on several international issues-much to the
respectivefx
dislike of the super powers-India sought to take a position not always similar to that of
the either blocs.
However, things began to change with the passage of time, and there was greater
appreciation of Indian policies in later years, particularly after de'tente between the two
super powers. Unhindered and unlimited nuclear and conventional arms race between the
two super powers brought about a new situation in the world. The power equations were
qualitatively changed due to:
the Sino-Soviet dispute,
the American intervention in Vietnam,
Kamesh Mechrocks
Independent India: Towards
Development 1947-1964 *:e French dent nuclear capability, and

i
Th9 power configurati ,thus, fqm a bi-polar to a multipolar world. Over a
period of time, India t ac degree the status of a military power that
could not be easily ign ed. Indi licy had to change its postures accordingly,
though the basic postul tes kame. The Indian foreign policy is very much
conditioned by:

The non-aligned mo s largely a product of India's efforts. This effort

was aimed at organi swer to 'bloc politics' of the great powers in
international affairs. *lop friendly relations among the countries who
were trying to ~ r e eth ldnial domination. Another related aim was to
promote peace in the
conference in 1961 in iigndr. tbok a concrete shape with the holding of its first

gned conference formulated'the following

hdent policy based on peaceful coexistence and

d in favour of such a policy.
ii) It should consiste#tly have && movements for national independence.
iii) It should not be uld-lateral military alliances concluded in the context
Kamesh Mechrocks
 iv) If it has conceded military bases these concessions should not have been made in the Foreign Polky of Indh
, (1947-64)
context of C :at-Power conflicts.
J) If it is a member of a bi-lateral or regional defence arrangements, this should not be in
the context of Great Power politics.
Ordinarily the non-aligned conference takes place every third year .and the second
confe~ncewas held in Cairo in 1964.

40.5 DJSARMAMENT
I
India has always worked for disarmament at the international level. When the Charter of
I the United Nations was beiig framed, India kept itself closely associated with that process.
! In order to achieve international disarmament, Article 11 of the Charter said, that the
Geneial Assembly "may consider the general principles of cooperation in the maintenance
of international peace and sechrity, including the principles governing disarmament and the
regulation of armaments and may make recommendations with regard to such principles to
the members or the Security Council or both". India supported the formation of Atomit
Energy Commission in 1947 and sponsored Eighteen Nations Disarmament Conference in
1962. The United States and the Soviet Union differed on the process of complete or
partial disarmameneand thereby, the issue remained unresolved. India was a great critic of
nuclear ~roliferationand s ~ o k eagainst it at the UN and other world forums.

6. A cartoon on disarmament by RK Laxman in the Times of India (25th November, 1950)

e.

- -
Check Your Progress 1
1 List the three important principles of Indian foreign policy. (Answer in about 5 lines)

2 What do you understand by non-alignment? What are the principles that a non-align-4
country has to follow? (Answer in about 10 lines)

Kamesh Mechrocks
Independent Indin: Towards
Development 1947-1964

......................................

on international issues. ( )
policy is the promotion of world peace. ( )
ions created by 'bloc

Pakistan has been one es of India. The causes of discord between

of Pakistan itself. Partition of India in
ther than solving any. Both the
countriys have been eng lting in wars. This has caused a
vqrely disrupting development of both the
countries. Pakistan, si piration for achieving parity with India in all
identity. Unnaturalness and
n Pakistan to establish its identity
independent of India, o 4947 a part by geography, history, tradition and
culture. Thus, Pakistan \kith India at all international forum and used all
stan began to emphasis its
m Asia. But in spite of this India's relations

In Pakistan's security ulation, resources and capabilities posed

a serious challenge. It constant efforts at the strengthening of its
military power. This ng military aid from different countries in the
y when Pakistan chose the western blocs for
this purpose. India, uirements, had to strengthen its m e d
forces. However, licy of settling issues at the negotiating
table.

40.6.1 Kashmir
India and Pakistan. Pakistan refused to
October 1947 and sponsored a tribal
action, supported by the local population led by
Sqikh Abdullah, to
odged by India with the Security Council
1948,resulting into a cease-fmon 1
offer to hold plebiscite in
finally withdrew in 1955 because of the
diplomatic battles for Kashmir were fought in
ms, no hot war took place between India and
s to defy any solution and remains a

40.6.2 Indus ~ i v e 4Water Wsphte

Among the many p r o b l p =reate4
thh partition, equitable sharing of the waters of the
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Indus and some of its tributaries had been the most vexed one. Both India and Pakistan Foreign Policy of India
(1947-64)
wanted to attain self-sufficiency in food by utilising the. waters of the Indus.
The partition gave India only five million of the 28 million acres of land irrigated by the
Indus system. Most of the waters of the western rivers went into the sea while some
Pakistani canals depended on the eastern rivers flowing through the East Punjab for their
supplies. India's hopes for agricultural development were based on the utilization of these
eastern rivers, i.e. the Ravi, the Beas and the Sutlej. The fact, that the headworks of some
vital canals in Pakistan fell within the temtory of India created tension between the two
countries. India was blamed by successive governments for any calamity created by natural
factors like droughts and floods in Pakistan. They held India responsible for water
problems and pressed for equitable distribution of river waters. India, on the other hand,
was keen to resolve this crisis. Under the auspices of the World Bank, an interim
agreement on canal waters was signed in Washington on 17 April 1959. Subsequently, it
was followed by a comprehensive agreement between the two countries. The canal waters
Treaty was signed on 19 September 1969 in Karachi.

40.6.3 Military Aid to Pakistan

i Pakistan signed the Mutual Defence Assistance Agreement with the United States and
became a member of the South-East Asian Treaty Organisation (S.E.A.T.O.) in September
1954. Pakistan also joined the Central Treaty Organisation (Baghdad Pact) in 19%. In
1959, Pakistan concluded a bilateral agreement of cooperation with the United States,
following which the latter provided large scale economic and military assistance to
Pakistan. This increased Pakistan's military capabilities, which in turn created a security
concern for India. Despite this, India did not align itself with k y of the major powers.

40.7 CHINA /

After India became independent, one of the first countries with which it established
diplomatic relations was the Nationalist Government of China led by Chiang Kai Shek. But
when the Nationalist Government was overthrown by the Communists in 1949, India
recognised the new government led by Mao Tse Tung on 30 December 1949. India
thereafter tied consistently to get the People's Republic of China admitted to the United
Nations. India sought to pursue a policy of friendship with China since independence, but
the results were frustrating. In order to understand the genesis of strains in Sino-Indian
ties, it is useful to know the differing perceptions on the question of developments in
Tibet, border conflicts and the Chinese aggression of 1962.

40.7.1 Developments in Tibet

The Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) entered Tibet in 1950 and brought it under
occupation - an event which shocked India. India shared about 2000 miles of frontier in
the Tibet region and had inherited certain rights and obligations over Tibet from the
I British rule. However, India decided not to confront China on that issue and continued to
cultivate friendly relations. In 1954 India concluded an agreement with China by which
I Chinese occupation of Tibet was formalised. This agreement contained five principles
popularly known as PANCHSHEEL which became the guiding principles in the
relationship between India and China. The five principles were:
1 Mutual respect for each other's temtorial integrity and sovereignty,
I Mutual non-aggression,
Mutual non-interference in each other's internal affairs,
Equality and mutual benefit, and
Peaceful co-existence.
By this treaty of 1954 India recognised the right of China to set up its commercial agencies
in New Delhi, Calcutta and Kalimpong. India in return was allowed to establish its own
trade centre in Tibet.
In 1959 a popular uprising took place in Tibet which was promptly suppressed by China.
There was dcep indignation in India over this and when the Dalai Lama fled from Tibet,
he was given political asylum in India much to the dislike of China. In 1959 China
occupied Longju and 12,000 square miles of Indian temtory in Ladakh. Subsequently,

Kamesh Mechrocks
Independgnt India: T'owards
Developr,.. . ~ t1947-1964

40.7.2 Tension on
The developments in T td indulge in border violations on the Indian
frontiers. China laid cl n territories which India firmly
m-En-Lai came to New Delhi in April 1960
d to any settlement. Official teams of the two

pressures on the Indians.

40.7.3 Chinese
In October 1962 Ch on India in N.E.F.A. (new Aiunachal)
and Ladakh. Thus, a war started, which ended in, a military
debacle for India.

supported India's cause. #s occupation of a large chunk of Ladakh

c link between Sin Kiang and southern
China.
Doubts were expressed in hcy of its foreign policy. India tried to
to return the territories, but it did not have
Kamesh Mechrocks
 the desired success. The Afro-Asian mediation by Indonesia, Cambodia, Burma, UAR, Foreign Policy of India
(1947-64)
Ghana and Ceylon to find a peaceful solution of Sino-Indian border dispute at Colombo in
1962 failed to get a favourable response from China. Thus, the relations between India and
China continue to remain tense due to the border dispute.
!
I
After 1962 China took significant steps to boost its image in the South and South-East
Asian region. It tried to contain Indian influence wherever possible and cultivated intimate
relations with Pakistan and Burma. India on the other hand was faced to direct its resources
for defence production.

i Check Your Progress 2

1 What were the main causes of discord between India and Pakistan? (Answer in about
ten lines)
.......................................................................................................................................................
L

2 What was India's attitude to the Chinese occupation of Tibet in 1950? (Answer in about
five lines)

3 Which of the following statements are right ( \( ) or wrong (x).

i) There was no tension between India and Pakistan over the sharing of Indus
waters. ( )
ii) Pakistan joined SEATO. ( )
iii) After 1954 Tibet became an independent country. ( )
iv) After 1962 there was a tremendous increase in India's defence budget. ( )

40.8 SOUTH AND SOUTH-EAST ASIA

India attached great importance to improving relations with all South and south-East Asian
countries and played an active role to promote peace and progress in that region. The cold
war between the two super powers, however, limited the role of India as the harbinger of
peace in that region. But India still tried to maintain friendly ties and cooperation with all
these countries. It accepted the role, offered by the Geneva Conference, of peace maker in
the region and became Chairman of the International Control Commission. We discuss
here the relations between various South and South-East Asian countries and India.
Nepal
~ h geographical
k location of Nepal, between the southern slopes of the Himalaya
mountains and the northern borders of India, made it inseparable from India from the
point of view of latter's security. India was conscious of this factor when it signed a Treaty
with Nepal in July 1950. Where as India recognised Nepal's sovereignty, territorial
integrity and independence, the two countries undertook to inform each other of any
serious friction or misunderstanding arising on any problem.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 - .

Independent India: Towards Bhutan

Development 1947-1964
Situated in the Himalay a common border with China, Bhutan is
es signed a treaty for perpetual peace and
ent of India undertook to exercise non-
Bhutan and on the other hand Bhutan agreed
to be guided by the ment of India in regard to its external relations.
Ceylon (Sri Lanka)
nt in Sri Lanka is very important for Indian
ited by the two communities, i.e., Shinhalese
and Tamils. There h
communities. Tamil-

Lanka to be the internal affairs of that country. It

as forged mutually benificient economic
d has not joined any military alliances.
Burma
ia and the two countries played pivotal
olidarity. But the overthrow of U Nu

Thailand
Thailand, which was in b e past, became a member of SEAT0 in
September 1954. The
of these factors India

Cambodia
e Norodom Sihanouk was very friendly to India
to avoid being parties to the cold war. India as
Commission worked satisfactorily to demarcate
the boundaries of th ar Indo-Chinese countries. Both the countries were
very active at the B in 1955. Nehm and Sihanouk were admirers of
each other and this fadilitated th{#mbtion of cordial relations between the two countries.
I

Laos
India had close dih supported the Laotian policy of neutrality. Laos
also followed the and the two countries had identity of views on
international affairs.

India had been conc light of the Viet Minh A d the conflict between the
with the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the
e level. India wanted to work for peace and
on-cooperation of the Ngo Dinh Diem regime in
erican influence, came in the way. India welcomed
ahi Minh t o ' ~ e wDelhi in 1957, and 1958
unattached on the question of unity of the two
ralion struggle in Indo-China had received tremendous

Philippines as a me militarily aligned to the western bloc. India had

diplomatic relation d it pursued a policy calculated to strengthen
meet with success. India wanted Afro-Asian
alignments with the western powers. But the
t also gave Clarke Air Base and Subic Bay

Malaysia

b
Malaysia, inhabited y the Ma
Kamesh Mechrocks 1
,Chinese and the'1ndian communities, has had a
democratic polity. It supported India to strengthen Afro-Asian solidarity. It too was Foreign Policy of India
(1947-64)
apprehensive of the intentions of the People's Republic of China towards South and South-
East Asia. Malaysia supported India at the international forums and forged closer economic
ties. Malaysia welcomed the largest number of L-.dian joint ventures. As Nehru and Tunku
Abdul Rahrnan were educated in Britain, both of them had similar perception on several
international issues. Thus the relations were forged on a sound footing of mutual trust and
cooperation. India was opposed to Indonesia's "Crush Malaysia Plan" and gave support to
Malaysia in nation building.
Indonesia
Indonesia is the largest country in the South-East Asian region. The leader of Indonesian
independence movement, Sukarno, was friendly to Nehru. India and Indonesia signed a
Treaty of Friendship in March 1951 to promote "perpetual peace and unalterable
friendship". Indonesia initially supported India to forge Afro-Asian unity, to accelerate the
pace of decolonization. It hosted the Afro-Asian Conference at Baridung in 1955. But
Indonesia under Sukarno began to advocate the concepts of New Emerging Forces
(NEFOS) against the Old Established Forces (OLDEFOS). It started a crusade against
colonialism, neo-colonialism and imperialism. India did not share these militant ideas in
international relations. India's refusal to join NEFOS offended Indonesia to a great extent.
When China invaded India, Indonesia was cool and did not express sympathy for India.
Sukarno even supported the formation of Jakarta - Pindi - Peking - Pyongyang Axis
against the Western bloc. In September 1964, Ayub-Sukamo Communique supported
Pakistan's stand on Kashmir and in the following year Indonesia urged NEFOS to help
Pakistan in its war with India. However, the diplomatic, cultural and economic relations
between the two countries continued. India, however, did not take sides with the foes of
Indonesia.

8. A Cartoon by R.K. Laxinan showing Pakistan's stand on the proposed Bandung Conference,
April 1955. (Timesof Indh, 24 March 1955)

40.9 WEST ASIA

India strove to forge friendly ties with the various countries in West Asia, i.e., Egypt, Iran,
Saudi Arabia, Iraq,Jordan, Turkey, Sudan, Yeman, Kuwait, etc. West Asia holds about 60
per cent of the world's oil deposits. This area connects two strategically important
waterways-the straits connecting the Black Sea with the Mediterranean and the Suez
connecting the Red Sea with the Mediterranean. India has taken important initiatives to end
the conflict in this area. A close look at the Palestine question, Arab-Israel dispute or Suez
crisis, proves that India took a definite stand to side with the countries in the Arab world to
promote peace and development of the region.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Independent India: Towards
Development 1947-1964 tions from West Asia probably the Palestine
question of Palestine was first brought before
it wanted the General Assembly to take up
Ip accordance with the British requests, the
Palestine. The Committee submitted its
Palestine should be divided into an Arab
Jerusalem should remain under
s of the Committee were accepted by the
nerd Assembly formed a Commission on
ns. Israel emerged as a state on the
western powers, but the Arabs were not ready
m of the homeland of the Palestinians was
problem became more and more complicated: At
stinian cause inside and outside the United
Nations.
ii) Suez Crisis
Suez crisis was one ive questions which threatened the peace of the
world. In July 1956 $gypt announced the nationalisation of the Suez
Canal and froze the funds in Egypt. Great Britain and France took a
serious view of the jr view the action taken by the government of
maitional Charter of the Suez Canal established by
al claims were made and charges were levelled
enunents. India and the United States offered their
erb not acceptable to Egypt. India suggested that the
iotegral part of Egypt. It supported the Egyptian
curity Council took up this issue for discussion.

(1 Mechrocks
Kamesh I
1; 9. Nehru and Nasser
I
 In October 1956, ~srkel,France and Britain attacked Egyptian positions in the Suez Canal
area. India and the Afro-Asian group expressed their sympathy for Egypt and urged
immediate ceasefire. Finally, in November there was a ceasefire and thus a plan was
mooted for an Emergency Force of the United Nations to supervise the end of hostilities
and protect Egypt. Egypt agreed to the stationing of the UN Forces and once again to
respect the obligations unde~the Treaty of Constantinople. India played an active role in
the resolution of the Suez Crisis.

Check Your ,Progress3

, I Discuss India's relations with Sri Lanka in about ten lines.

......................................................................................................................................................
2 Explain the relations between India and Indonesia? Answer in about ten lines.
.......................................................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................................................
,

......................................................................................................................................... u............

3 What do you understand by Suez Crisis? What was India's attitude towards it? Answer
in about ten lines.

4 Mark ( \/ ) for correct, or ( x') for incorrect statements.

i) India pursues a policy of peaceful co-existence in relation to all its neighbow. ( )
Kamesh Mechrocks
independent India: Towards hutan can not establish relations with a third
Development 1947-1964

se Thailand is a member of

ggle in Indo-China had received full support

I.

40.10 SUPER POWE% AND OTHER MAJOR POWERS

1

India tried to balance it he Super Powers and other Major Powers right
from its independence. shall examine how these relations developed over
the years.

40.10.1 The U
his support during the independence struggle,
gion, till the rise of communism in China.
During the initial ye nce, the US supported Pakistan on Kashmir
India to join military alliances sponsored by
eptions became widespread. On many

nts were not dominated by Communist

n the two. In spite of these differences,

US in economic and technical fields. During the
military assistance. EisenHower and
during this period. Despite all these
gestures, India did not ontainment policy" of the US and remained
non-aligned.

ehm and EisenHower

s dtruggle for independence. After 1947 the

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Foreign Policy of India
(1947-64)

11. Nehru and Kennedy

developments in the international scene brought the two countries, further closer to each
other. The Soviet leaders were impressed due to:
I
India's decision to recognise PRC, (People's Republic of China)
,
its support to anti-colonial struggles at the United Nations
its efforts to establish ceasefire in Korea and refusal to brand PRC as an aggressor,
its refusal to be a part of alliances against USSR.
The Soviet Union on its part supported India on the Kashmir issue. The Soviet leaders,
Bulganin and Khurshchev, visited India in 1955 and the two countries signed trade
agreements. Later the Soviet Union supported India on the Goa issue. During the Suez
Crisis, the Soviet Union and India took up a similar stand to condemn aggression. The
I
Soviet Union provided $ 500 million for the Third Five Year Plan and supplied oil when
the western companies were unwilling to do so.

12. Nehru in USSR

Kamesh Mechrocks
 r -

I
I Independent Indla: Towards In 1962 when the Chind the Soviet Union not only expressed sympathy
I1.' Development 1947-1964
for India but helped
expressed their
MIG Fighter Planes. The Soviet leaders
of non-alignment and peaceful coexistence.

1 1111
I
40.10.3 Britain
1
bi led Commonwealth, India was ever cautious of
bra. Britain's attitude also gave grounds for such
t mir issue and the two countries became allies by
I a became naturally unhappy with these
developments. Mo t approve Britain's West Asian Policy. The most
condemnable Britis intervene militarily to occu@ySuez Canal and to
,Iqdia along with the Soviet Union, protested
@is annoyed Britain but it had to stop its
4
to the diplomatic solution of the crisis. Though
I British, the latter showed sympathy on
e clear at the time of the Chinese aggression of
i message of sympathy and support to India on
j
I

j:i France is another to forge friendly relations. France

II..,
while dealing with the issues relating
to the Afro-Asian c t initiatives to influence France to
decolonise Indo-Ch of the transfer of power to Vietnam, Laos and
spect. But France felt unhappy with the Indian
i opposition to its interv z Crisis. Later on France made efforts to improve

t Indo-French relations. sympathetic to India at the time of the Chinese

ic weapon to India.

i1 40.10.5 Japan
As far as Japan is ia did not share the allied powers' views of the
Id War. India refused to ask for war reparations
e Peace Treaty was signed, which paved the way'
I' for greater economic
further accelerated
relations. The process of Indo-Japan relations was

;1' ;>
the Civil Aviation
1 Cultural agreemen
First Yen Lo
IndoJapanese
Some joint ventures tance to develop small scale industries in India and
cooperation in other strengthened our bilateral relations.

40.10.6 Australia
India desired to dev ia also. The nearness and proximity to
the Pacific and the Ind very important strategically for
a neutralising role vis-a-visChina
and promote the sec the region. India and Australia
belonged to the same ons'. When Australia joined SEAT0
outh-East Asian countries, India toot
er economic and cultural ties with
ver took the side of Pakistan or
dia's interests.

India gave its support ovements in the African countries. It tried to

qssociate Asian stru th that of Africa and worked effectively to
create world opinion emergence of the Afro-Asian Group at the
United hations after 19)49 was an ression of common aspirations of the Asian and
Kamesh Mechrocks I
African people. Later, when India, Egypt and others sponsored the non-aligned movement, Foreign Pdicy of lndla
(1947-64)
many African countries joined it to strengthen Afro-Asian solidarity.
India had opposed the South African policy of apartheid even before its independence. In
the post-independence era, it worked for the elimination of racial discrimination and
apartheid in South Africa at all the international forums. India imposed a total ban on all
imports from, and exports to South Africa.
India had forgaclose relations with Zambia, Tanzania, Kenya and Sudan initially and
later it extended a hand of friendship and cooperation to Algeria, Libya, Morocco, Unisia
and others. India exported cotton piece goods, jute, tea, tobacco, spice, sugar, and light
engineering goods, etc., to Africa and imported raw cotton, metallic cooper, rock
phosphates, and tanning materials etc. The bilateral'relations with v k o u s African
countries have been cordial.

Check Your Progress 4

1 Discuss India's relations with Soviet Union in about ten lines?

2 Explain in about five lines India's policy towards the independence movements in the
African countries?

3 What are the basic differences in approach to international relations between India and
U.S.A.? Answer in about five lines.

40.12 LET US SUM UP

We have briefly covered almost the whole spectrum of India's foreign policy during
1947-64. A description of various kinds of inter-action and inter-relation between India
and the world community has been given. As there was very little scope during the period
to strengthen relations with the countries in the south Pacific and Latin America, they have
not been highlighted in this Unit. The main aim of Indian foreign policy during 1947-64>
was to assert its independence and promote its own national interests. But the promotion of
interests of the developing and underdeveloped countries too were given priority by India
a' various international forums. It abhorred the idea to forge military alliance with the
Kamesh Mechrocks
Independent India: Towards Western or Communist dmld ad the non-alignment movement. It supported the
Development 1947-1%4
policy of peaceful co-er' tence

i
pment which was India's great contribution to
international politics. Th ugh it setback in 1962 because of the Chinese
aggression the main fou ations o 's foreign policy were laid during 1947-64.
I i

t
Apartheid: A political stem us
kept apart by law. By th system
been perpetuated. 11
Sohth Africa in which people of different races are
mhnation of the Whites on the Blacks of Africa has

untries for building up of weapons.

an and African nations who have general identity of
nce at Bandung, in Indonesia in 1955. This
new force in world affairs.
Bi-Polar: Division s and division between more than two is called
multi-polar.
Bloc Politics: Two or qore c o u n a fortning a group act or judge political question.
Containment policy: eping other country's power or area of control
within acceptable
Disarmament: ~ e d u c t i bof the r of weapons, especially nuclear weapons, that a

L
country has.
Geneva Conference: I 1954 ni nations met at Geneva to resolve the crisis of Korea
and Indo-China. One o the sign r~sultsof this conference was the division of
Vietnam into North Vi am an Vietnam. The communists formed the government
in North Vietnam and h e non- its in South Vietnam.
Independent rmulated by a country without any reservation or
bias to other country.
was established by the Geneva Conference to
in Indo-China and establish peace
s and India was its Chairman.
y, Nationalism, Socialism and Communism.
Non-alignment: ~ a k i &indepe decisions on international issues by a country
without being tied to qy or group of countries.
OLDEFOS (Old ~ ~ t d b l i s h eI?#):d Imperialism, Colonialism, Aristocracy.

TTECK
I

40.14 A N S W ~ S YOUR PROGRESS

EXER SES

i
Check Your Progres 1
1 The three impo t princip mdian foreign policy are, non-participation in any
military alliance, ndepende bach to international issues and to work for world
peace through di ament explain these principles in two or three sentences.
See sec. 40.2
2 Non-alignment &ant inde nt decision making by a country on any international
y ~ t h e country.
r With this you have to add the
nqn-participation in any military alliance, supporting
her countries, etc. See Sec. 40.4

's anxiety for India's size, population, resources

m of indentity, Kashmir issue, dispute over the
aid to Pakistan by other major powers.
See Sec. 40.6
Kamesh Mechrocks
 India was shocked by the Chinese occupation of Tibet. But in order to avoid any Foreign Policy of India
2. (1947-64)
confrontation with China India did not protest this Chinese action.
For details See Sec. 40.7
3 i) x ii) d iii) x iv) d
Check Your Progress 3
1 Sri Lanka's importance to India from security view point, India's attitude to ethnic
dispute in Sri Lanka, economic and trade relations between India and Sri Lanka, all
these points should be covered.
See Sec. 40.8
2 Indonesia's support to India's efforts for decolonisation and peace in the Asia region,
later Indonesia changed her stand to India, Indonesia did not support India during the
Chinese aggression of 1962, Indonesia supported Pakistan's stabdi~bnKashmir, still
India's diplomatic, contact with Indonesia, all these points you have to cover.
See Sec. 40.8
3 The nationalisation of the Suez Canal by the Egyptian president, reaction of Great
Britain and France to it. India supported the Egyptian, government and tried to pursue
the conflicting powers towards peace. See Sec.40.9
4 i) d ii) d iii) x iv) d v)
Check Your Progress 4
1 Friendly relations with Soviet Union, Soviet Union supported India's policy of non-
alignment and peace, helped India during the Indo-China and the Indo-Pak war,
diplomatic and economic contacts between the two countries.
See Sec. 40.10
2 India's'stand against colonial rule and apartheid, India's sympathly and support for the
liberation movement in Africa, India's attempt to draw the world opinion in favour of
the struggling Africans.
See Sec. 40.1 1
3 On the issue of forming military alliances, unconditional support to anti-colonial
movement, issue of Kashmir, etc. See Sec. 40.10

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 41 RY AND PRACTICE OF
IN INDIA, 1947-1964
iI
Structure 1
I
41.0 Objectives
4 1.1 Introduction
41.2 The Evolution

4 1.4

4 1.7.2 Nationalism
.-4 1.7.3 Limitations

dependent India (1947-64)

41.10 Let Us Sum

41.11 Key Words
41.12 Answers To

After reading this U

f the term Secularism;

National Movement;
in the post- independence phase;

d currents during the Indian National Movement.

the national movement were to find their own
direction in the post- In this unit we are going to look at one such
important theme i.e. ction which secularism is taking has become a

Keeping this t , this unit attempts to trace the conception of

World. How did secularism develop in the post-
i$ taking in India are the other aspects dealt w'ith in
the unit.
1 N
41.2 THE E ~ O L U T ~OF
N SECULAR CONCEPTION
Secularism is a mod
4 B outlook ife. It was the product of a large scale social
organisation of produ and consumption in the industrial market societies
of the modem West.
To begin with, this i d by some (individual) rationalists. The new
emerging bourgeoisi ported and advocated it during its ascendent phase of
Kamesh Mechrocks
 anti-feudal revolts in Europe. They realized that like the modem industrial and agricultural The Theory and Practice of
Secularism in India,
economy, no social and political institutions of the modem nation state could be governed 1947-1964
by backward principles of social organisation. Religion, as the cultural bastion of the pre-
capitalist society was the obvious target of bourgeois rationalist criticism.
In this way, the necessity of secularism as a legal ideologyl acquired new significance.
Once the bourgeoisie had more or less captured the statcpower, it was given an
institutional legitimacy as the state policy and the constitutional philosophy of the modem
state. It was also done, because secularism became a necessary qualification for any state to
be identified and known as liberal and democratic. In those circumstances of modem state
building there was, of necessity, a tendency towards mutual tolerance of various upcoming
groups, classes, and stratas within the society irrespective of their religious affiliations.
This historical necessity was later on institutionalized as a public and political virtue of the
state policy and administration. This required an avoidance of religious conflict. Thus,
most of the philosophers of nineteenth century Europe argued against the enforcement of
any religion by the state on any section or class of the people. The separation of religion
(or church) and the state became a basic principle of modem government. For example, it
was turned into a basic constitutional-legal virtue in the United States when it was included
as the First Amendment into the U.S. Constitution. "Congress shall make no law respecting
an establishment qf religion, or prohibiting the free exercises thereof."
The process of secularisation was also necessary to reform the socio-cultural basis of civil
society according to the scientific spirit of the new historical times. Similarly, the
organisation of the secular state became an important criterion for the legal-ideological
basis of the bourgeois state power. The new class, and not religion, provided strength to
the need of secular ideology. Further, modernity and modernisation was an all-
encompassing phenomenon. In the sphere of ideology and politics it advocated democratic
1 change. Being modem in the post-renaissance West European context of anti-feudal revolts

i I
meant the acceleration of the tendencies of secularisation. It also, implied an enlargement
of human freedom. It made an individual and a people as a sovereign master. That is, the
master of his (or their) own destiny, whether it was in the sphere of production, or social
change, or that of state-craft and political institutions. The individual or the people, and
not God, were recognized as the makers of their history and political institutions. In this
way modernity became the hall-mark of anti-feudal and anti-traditional outlook.
Secularism became an appropriate ideological weapon of new modem rationality. That is,
even in the realm of private life of an individual, science and reason started gaining
primacy over religion and superstition.

1 41.3 THE ORIGIN OF SECULARISM

The word 'secular' and 'secularisation' gained intellectual and ideological currency when
it came into use for the first time in 1648, at the end of Thirty Years War in Europe. It
referred to the transfer of Church properties to the exclusive control of the princes. After
the French Revolution, on November 2, 1798 Talleyrand (a veteran French statesman)
announced to the French National Assembly that all ecclesiastical goods were at the
disposal of the nation. Still later in 1851 George Jacaob Holvoake coined the term
'secularism'.
It was in 1850s that secularism took the form of political philosophy and a movement. It
was declared as the only rational basis of political and social organisation. Most of the
radical intelligentsia and reformers of Europe regarded it as the movement of progress.
The secular current of the movement began on 13th April 1853, when at a public meeting
held in the honour of Robespierre many firebrands of Europe like Louis Blanc, Nadaud,
Kussuli and others were present. This gathering also included peers, priests, politicians and
the social workers. It was in this phase of the po1,itical movement that Holyoake defined
secularism as a means of "promoting human welfare by material means, and making the
service of the others a duty of life". Further, Holyoake questioned religious basis of civil
society when he asked:
"What has the poor man got to do with orthodox religion, which begins by
proclaiming him as a miserable sinner, and ends by leaving him as a miserable slave
The poor man finds himself in an armed world where might is God and poverty is
fettered."
Kamesh Mechrocks
Independent India: Towards
Development 1947-1964
olyoake himself, a secularist need not
, who exercised greater influence over

also similar to many later days Marxists, socialists

and communists.

The terminology of 's ecdlarization9were coined as post-facto conceptual

determination of w hpppening in the civil societies of Europe and
. North America for with it was an ideological expression for the
political reordering ocieties. It was an outcome of the
industrialisation, ur ification of these societies. However, the drive
of secularisation al letie and fragmentary in the western liberal
societies.

41.5 NEED 0lfTHE ~ C U L A R

STATE AND IDEOLOGY
The establishment of state and ideology was the necessity of modem
nation state. Bodin,
it was useless and worse than useless
uniformity. To do so would merely lead to

But, the secular sta not imposed overnight. It was essentially an end

t existed in the sphere of industry, science and

This private p r o p s meaning of modernity, secularization and secularism

survives to this

It is clear from on that the term 'secular', 'secular state' and

of state and society where there is complete
blic social lifefrom religion. The dictionary
things not spiritual or a policy having no
re of a state, its policy and the overall political
being liberated from the hold of religious
cultural web. Sim of the society can be measured by the irrelevance of
g the private life, of the people. For example, if the
country cannot be activated and mobilized as a major
nd religious ideology, it can be safely argued
re. Similarly, if the state in any country seeks
the socio-economic cesis that grips their state and
o(be termed as secular.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 However, the process of secularization is determined by many factors. The specificity of The Theory andpractice of
! Secularism in India,
the historical period, of the nature of the emergence .of modem nation state, and the level 1947-1964
of its scientific and technological development, for example, plays a crucial role in
defeating a feudal way of life. Thus, the early development of capitalism in Europe and
North America, was far more successful in overthrowing the feudal order than the late
capitalist development in the third world countries.
Further, the role of secular education, secular literature and secular historiography also
I helps in defining the nation and national development in non-religious terms. In this way
the "secularization", therefore, can be defined as "the process by which sectors of society
i
I
and culture are removed from the domination of religious institutions and symbols."

Check Your Progress 1

1 1 Tick ( d ) the correct answer:
Modernity recognized
i) God as the sovereign master
iI ii) Machine as the sovereign master
iii) individual or the people as the sovereign master
iv) none of the above.

2 Tick ( j/ ) the correct answer:

Industrialization, urbanisation, and the establishment of the modem state:
i) can be linked to the emergence of secularism
ii) have no link with the emergence of secularism
iii) can be linked to the beginning of ecclesiastic societies
iv) none of the above.

3 Explain in 50 words as to what you understand by the term secular?

41.7 THE EVOLUTION OF INDIAN SECULARISM

The evolution of Indian secularism, took place, in the context of a twin struggle against
colonialism and oppressive institutions of the traditional order.

41.7.1 Obstacles of a Traditional Society

In the context of India the process of modernisation was preceded and followed up by that
of traditionalism. The process of secularization and modernization, was also undermined
by the dominant mainstream of the traditional forces of religion and revivalism in Indian
social life. Modernity could never become the major social force capable of transforming
the social life in rural and urban India. On the whole, India continues to be a traditional
society. In most of the cases religion still dominates in totality the life of its people. In the
words of the French Scholar Louis Dumont, "religion in India is constitutive of society".
Politics and economics are neither autonomous domains nor are they in conflict with
religion in India. In fact, they are simply encompassed and swamped by religion. The
politics and sociology of caste in India is the glaring example of it. So far religion, culture,
and dominant politics of India have never witnessed any major rupture or divorce. Without
this historical break, the religious culture in India could never be privatised in any
meaningful sense in the mainstream of Indian social life. So, the secularization of the civil
society could never really take off an actual start in India. Thus, in spite of the voices
raised against it, the mamage of religion and politics has been the dominant feature of the
Indian political culture.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Independent India: Towards
Development 1947-1964

i
of nationalist feeling in arious r
compartmentalist culturd and soc
commenting on its uniquk syste
All the traditional institutions of India's
against any spirit of national solidarity. While
te, Raja Ram Mohan Roy, for example said:

s among them has deprived them of patriotic

nhtional feeling in India's traditional institutions

litical developments. From the later half of the
an to germinate in the minds of Indians they

rates or liberals, though not atheist or agnostic

itional society. This encounter in practical politics

41.7.3 Limitations /(of ~arl&#vlobilisation

project of nationalist politics and nation-

unal and sectarian ideologies. The moderates and
y the ilk of Hindu revivalist leaders like Bal

national mobilisat

anglicized secular leadership of moderates did

ir upper-class secular outlook itself became the

opment. So, the dilemma before Congress was

41.7.4 The Gand

"Those who say that to do with politics do not know what religion
tiniest activity is governed by what I consider to

countrymen.
In opposition to the earl liberal s r dredo of nationbuilding, Gandhi upheld the role of
popular religion in the A e r a t i o n E t i o n a l consciousness. He wanted to widen the
pqlitical base of the nat$nal move## ~ i t the
h help of the religious sensibility of the
masses.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Although deeply rooted in Hindu popular ethos, Gandhian paradigm of national movement The Theory andhartice of
Secularism in India,
was based on religious pluralism, an equal respect towards all religions of India and world. 1947-1964
His religious sensibility was based on a genuine democratic temper. His support to Khilafat
movement and its transformation into India's national movement can be cited in this
respect. That is why. the Gandhian model of secularism (or nationalism) also has been
referred as 'composite secularism' or the goodwill towards all religions ( s a r v a d h m a
Sudbhava.)
The Gandhian version of secularism became .immediately popular both among the poor as
well as the rich. This success was partly because it relied heavily upon the traditional
mainstream of religious value system of India. Gandhi's reIigious background was
Vaishnava tradition. It provided him with an intimate knowledge of the legends and
symbolisms of the folkheros of India. For example, the ideal state of independent India
was termed as 'Ram Rajya' by him. The Gandhian reliance on masses did not frighten the
propertied classes also, partly because he drew upon the theory of the trusteeship of wealth
and non-violence, and opposed any idea of class-struggle and socialization of private
property. In this way, the Gandhian model of secularism acquired hegemony over the
national movement. It became the basis of pluralistic national identity of various
communities and regions. But, its excessive dependence on symbols of Hinduism (like
Ram Rajya) only helped in the process of the alienation of Muslims. The greatest
limitation of the Gandhian model of religious and political harmony, is that, it rules out
the differences between various religions. If religions are sought to be made as the
constitutive of society, the religious differences are bound to become political differences.
Those who religiously differ cannot unite on those very political principles which are
based on religion itself. In practice it has always led to more conflicts deriving their
strength from differing religious outlooks.

41.7.5 Radical Secularism

In opposition to the early moderate secular credo and Gandhian model, therefore, another
variety of secular model was evolved during the national movement. It can be described as
'radical secularism'. This school while accepting some of the beliefs of early nationalists
(who had ~nitiatedthe growth of national consciousness in India and formed Indian
National Congress), rejected their elitist upper class approach to India's socio-economic
problems. The radical secularists had an alternative economic and political programme of
national renewal. They upheld that the language of popular religion and moral
regeneration should be replaced by the language of class struggle and social equality. They
spoke of a socialist, democratic and secular India. They also advocated that religion ought
to be confined only to the private life of Indian citizens. Jawaharlal Nehru became the
champion of this school within the Indian National Congress. From outside the Congress,
the Communists lend their full support to this school of secularism.

Check Your Progress 2

1 Tick ( \/ ) the correct answer.
The main difference between Gandhi and the radical secularist can be said to be:
i) It is not possible to talk of differences between the two
ii) Gandhi emphasised separation of religion and politics, while the radical secularists
stressed upon unity of religion and politics
iii) Gandhi stressed upon unity of religion and politics, while the radical secularists
talked of separation of religions and politics
iv) none of the above

2 Write in 100 words about the way Gandhi defined the relationship between religion and
politics? Was he different from the early nationalists on this matter?

Kamesh Mechrocks
Independent India: Toward
Development 1947-1964

The genius of Gand

asad) he chose Jawaharlal Nehru as his successor

the affairs when India got independence. But on

mining the Congress party, the Indian state and the
y. Secularism was, for example, one such issue
on which he could n . He could not mobilize enough support for
adopting a model of ht: advocated from the beginning, i.e., a legal

ut failures due to the political limitations.

Further, the commu p~lecededand followed the independence and

partition of India, h e position of orthodox communalists. Even the father
always upheld the validity of popular religion
(and eventually murdered by a Hindu fanatic) in
the face of the ri &ticorthodox Hindu onslaught. The Hindu
would give primacy only to Hindu religion, Hindu
culture and Hindi la sed the slogan of 'Hindi, Hindu, Hindustan'. The
pragmatic orthodox Hindu nation in India along the same model that

I 13. Nehru, h ahd Mountbatten discussing Partition.

Kamesh Mechrocks 1 tl
Jinnah had provided to the Muslims of Pakistan. The Pakistan phobia,thus,hindered the The Theory and Practice of
Secularism in IndIa,
path of democratic - secular institution building in India because the realization of 1947-1964
Pakistan became a great inspiration to the Hindu communal movement. The leadership of
both Nehru and Gandhi stood isolated and weakened in the face of Hindu communal
pressure within and outside the Congress party. Leaders like Patel and his ilk, openly
espoused the cause of Hindus. For example, Patel openly vowed that unless Somnath
temple would be restored to its glory, he would not rest. The attitude of such leaders made
Nehru compromise on his model of radical secularism.

41.8.2 Towards an Indian Model of Secularism

Under these circumstances the model of secularism that was adopted for free India can at
best be called a compromise. This compromise was arrived at by avoiding the two extreme
poles of orthodox Hindu communalism and radical secularism as its counterpart. Again,
the choice naturally fell on the Gandhian alternative. Thus, the secular model of
independent India was also patterned after Gandhian philosophy which seeks to harbour
religious plurality as opposed to the orthodox Hindu monolithicity and the religious
impositions. However, the proposal of so-called Indianization of minorities by seeking a
Hinduised polity was rejected. With the effort of Jawaharlal Nehru and Dr. Ambedkar
(who shared Nehru's vision of secularism) even this compromise was also transformed
into a defensive strategy of secularism known as 'religious neutrality' (or 'Dhanna
~irpekshdta').As opposed to 'religious pluralism', which seeks more and more use of
diverse religious values in politics. The 'religious neutrality' implies distancing from direct
religious propaganda and its use in politics and state policy.
In his personal capacity, Nehru tried his best to develop the institution of democracy in
India. From 1947 to 1964, he initiated steps that would commit independent India to the
tasks of modernizing and secularization. He realized that only by modernizing its
economy, politics and society could India emerge in future as a self-reliant country. He,
therefore, gave primacy to science and technology by rejecting theology and the theocratic
model. For him, the issues of health and poverty, were of far more real concern than the
modes of religious worship. He confessed that the religiosity had already done enough
harm to the cause of India. But the trying circumstances of post-partition political
pressures had weakened the position of secularists in India. Nehru knew that the retreat was
inevitable. Therefore though religion was partially dissociated from the state, it could not
be barred from the public and political life of the country. The political culture of India
therefore continued to be soaked by the religious communal conflicts. The hub of the
communal problem in India, however, was not religion as a faith (or religion for religions
sake), but religion as a political instrument. It was the use of religion as a political tool that
has caused havoc to the process of modernization and nation-building in India.

41.8.3 The Persistence of Religion in Politics: A Limitation

The shortcoming in purging religion from the political life of the country, was a big
failure of Indian secularism after independence. Only by creating the legal provision for
confining religion to an individual private domain could an unambiguous secular
institution building be proceeded in India. From such beginning along, the process of
modernization and secularization could have proceeded. On this basis, the
institutionalisation of secular principles and conventions could have exercised their
-.
hegemony over the general social life and the political culture of the country. Ultimately,
it could have diminished the role of religion even in the private life of the citizens. Instead
of popular religion, then the nation could be built by popularising science and rationalist
education.
The influence of popular science and reason can along radically change the outlooks of its
individual citizens. The use of science and reason provides the mechanism to utilize
elemental force of nature by explaining the natural phenomenon. The victory over disease,
a clean and decent habitat, production of basic necessities of life, etc. are all achievable by
using existing science and technology. The belief, that people at large, are incapable of
understanding the use of science and technology is a myth fostered by vested interests in
order to preserve their own control. This control alienates science from the people. If
secularism in India could have become a movement of science fo_rthe people, knowledge
for people and the science for self-reliance and national integration, then alone
communalism could be defeated at the,roots of its bastion itself. Efforts were made in'this
direction but the retreat of Indian secularism from science and reason towards the goodwill
Kamesh Mechrocks
 II
Independent India: Towards to all religions, have m d the basis of its positive development. However,
Development 1947-1964
it can still be argued th 'for the model of 'religious neutrality' (Dharma
nirpekshata), in those ndent India was a step forward towards the road
to secularism.

The secular state accor+g to ~ . ~ # i t h is:

A state which gu
t tees in
individual as a citi en irres
a particular religic/b nor d
a1and corporate freedom of religion, deals with
af his religion, is not constitutionally connected to
& either to promote or interfere with it.

util as a citizen and not as a member of a particular

entirely irrelevant in defining the terms of
s are not affected by the individuals's religious
\

btate policy is that the holding of public of&e

should not be dependent on the religious affiliation
on the basis of various clauses of Indian
constitution, that India d line with the liberal democratic tradition of the
west.
I
41.9.1 Freedom oil Religio Fundamental Right

resolve to secure to a status and opportunity'. We find that the Indian

Constitution specifica ciple of religious non-discrimination in general
le 15 (1) of the Indian Constitution for example

itizens in matters relating to

m of conscience and the free profession and

a does not make any provision for barring

41.9.2 The St
in India acquires a supreme position vis-a-vis
the Drafting Committee of the Indian
Constitution, Dr. B.R le. stated: "let no community be a state of
n authority of the Parliament". Although the
Indian Constitution ptlinciple of religious discrimination,but it cannot
prevent the state to of any oppressed community (e.g. the Scheduled
ation is based on the Philosophy of 'positive
the scientific spirit of secularism. That is why
V.P. Luthra regards ionalist'. The Indian st&e according to him
s equal liberty of conscience and worship, but
towards religion. It excercises vigilant
n ihtervene when necessary. This Legal-
ed more.of less satisfactorily in the Nehruvian
eligious neutrality' in the state policy vis-a-vis
I
various religious corn

Kamesh11 Mechrocks 11
 Check Your Progress 3 The Theory and F'ractice o!
Secularism in India,
1 The model of secularism adopted in the post independence phase was: 1947-1964
i) basically the Nehru (radical - secularist) model
ii) basically the Gandhian model
iii) basically a compromise between the Nehru and Gandhi model.
iv) None of the above.

2 Mention two main features of the Indian Constitution which ensure legally the spirit of
secularism.

3 Comment in about 50 words as to the role popular science can play in spreading the
understanding of secularism.

LET US SUM UP
In this Unit you got to know:
,that secularism emerged as the modem outlook of the Western Society which was
adopting large scale social organisation. There in the older and most backward
principles of social organisation e.g. religion had increasingly a .smaller role.
that the word secularism gained ideological currency as reason and rationality asserted
itself in Europe.
increasingly secularism was identified as separation of state from religion.
that secularism in India developed with the increasing needs of the modem national
movement. Ways and means were found by the nationalists to overcome baniers of
religion and caste for an all India movement. The Gandhian and radical secularist
model of secularism were two of the prominent attempts.
that India adopted the secular legacy of the national movement after independence. The
practice of secularism which came to be adopted was essentially a compromise of
Gandhian and radical secular mode.
that the constitution of India in the post- independence phase emphasised freedom of
religion and separation of state from religion as fundamental right to give a legal base
to Indian secularism.

41.11 KEY WORDS

New revolutionary bourgeoisie: historically referred to as the class in Europe which

emerged fighting tlie pre-capitalist interests. It included the entrepreneurs i.e. men of
industry, traders and middle class engaged in v a o u s professions.
Rationalists: people who believed reason to be the basis of human existence.
Ideological: i.e. refemng to a particular world view. Secularism e.g. became a new part of
the modem world view which emerged with the emergence of'large scale social formation
, of capitalism.
Constitutional philosophy: set of principles around which the constitution of a country is
based.
Instittitional legitimacy: legal recognition given by an institution.
Anti-feudal revolts: In Europe during the phase of emergence of the modem large scale
capitalist system, a number of rebellions against the existing feudal order took pla e. These
7
Kamesh Mechrocks
Independent India: Towards
Development 1947-1964
order some tended
of the biggest anti-

t.i professionally deals with study and development

of ideas.

1) (iii) 2) (i) 3) se

Check Your Progress

ttadition itself to be effective in mass mobilisation.

Check Your Progress

2 See section 41.9

3 SeeSub-sec.41.8.

and activities in s
around your own

Private Ltd.

rn India, 1987. Vikas, Delhi.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT ~'INDIA:PHYSICALFEATURES

Structure
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Physical Geography and History
1.2.1 Environment and Human Settlements
1.2.2 Arguing Against Geographical Determinism
1.3 Basic Physiographical Divisions
1.4 Regional Physical Features
1.4.1 The Himalayas and the Western Frontier
1.4.2 The Indus Plains
1.4.3 Gangetic Northern India
1.4.4 Eastern, Western and Central India
1.4.5 Peninsular India
1.4.6 The Extreme South
1.5 Let Us Sum Up
1.6 Key Words
1.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

1.0 OBJECTIVES

After reading this Unit you should be able to explain :

Why in the study of the history of a country an understanding of its physical features is
n-ry,
how we look at the physical features as students of history,
the relationship between environment, geography and history, and
the uneven pattern of historical growth in the Indian sub-continent.

1.1 INTRODUCTION

History without geography is largely incomplete and devoid of its vital substance for it loses
focus in the absence of the concept of space. That is why history is regarded both as the
history of mankind and the history of environment. It is difficult to separate the two. The
history of humans and the history of environment mutually influence one another. Soil,
rainfall, vegetation, climate and environment exercise considerable influence on the evolution
of human cultures. In fact, the essence of human progress is the increasing emancipation of
human beings from the clutches of nature or control of the vagaries of nature. In this regard
technological progress helps human beings in conquering their environment. However, not
until a very late stage in history were human beings able to control their environment
effectively. Naturally, thus as we move back in time it becomes necessary to appreciate and
understand the geography, environment and physical regions that had a bearing on Indian
history.

In this Unit, we shall try to acquaint you with the physical features of the Indian sub-
continent, which have had an important bearing on historical developments.

1.2 PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORY

Variations of soils, topography, rainfall and climate have created a number of distinctly
different regions, with their separate characteristics and identities. Physical regions often

Kamesh Mechrocks
 /
Environment and Early Patterns of
Adaptation

PHYSICAL REGIONS

AREAS OF ATTRACTION ' S R

NUCLEAR REGDNS

AREAS OF ISOLATION OR
C U L DE SACS
200 0 2w UD PENETRATED IN RECENT T I M E S
L

-
- - -
Map 1. Physical Regions of India.
Kamesh Mechrocks
correspond to culture zones or regions i.e., they tend to differ from one another at the level of Indla : Physical Features
language, food, dress, crop pattern, population density, caste structure, etc. For example, in
some areas like Uttar Pradesh and northern Bihar-the fertile plains of the Ganga
Valley-population concentration is very high, while the mountainous tribal central India is
sparsely populated. Similarlv, certain areas like Magadha, Kosala, Avanti. Maharashtra.
Andhra, Kalinga and the Chola country emerged earlier as developed pockets while others
lagged behind. Historically, the emergence of regions has therefore been uneven, and different
regions have been characterised by differential characteristics, which are largely related to and
influenced by geography and environment. To give another example, we find that wheat is the
staple food of people in Punjab, Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh, while rice is the principal
crop and main component in the diet of people in eastern India viz. Bengal, Bihar and Orissa.
Why is this so? This is so because :

different crops have different natural habitat zones,

they tend to grow in specific natural environments., and
in course of time they influence the dietary habits of people there.
Similarly, forms of irrigation differ from region to region :
rivers and canals have been the m'ost important form of ifrigation in northern India,
ponds have been very useful in eastern India, and
tank irrigation has played a significant role in SouthIndian agriculture.

These variations do not mean that rivers are not important in eastern and southern regions.
But what they reflect is that people take recourse to different methods to augment additional
water sources in different regions, depending on what method is most suitable for a particular
region.

Geography and environment play a major role in the pattern of dresses also. For example, we
can compare and contrast the dress styles of the people of Kashmir, Rajasthan and those living
along the coasts. This again reflects the climatic and environmental effects.

While the riverine plains and deltas have given birth to and sustained advanced cultures
through the ages, the mountainous intermediate zone of central India has retained heavy
concentration of tribal 8populqtion in various pockets. Thus, while the riverine plains are
liberally endowed by nature and have lives of their own the isolated regions remained
unaffected by advances made in other regions. The co-existence of different forms of dress, .
food-habits and cultures in the sub-continent, therefore, can be largely explained with reference
to physical geography.

Regional differences and related separate regional identities, greatly fostered bjr geography,
have stood in the way of the rise of durable, pan-Indian states in Indian histdry. Never was the
whole sub-continent a single political unit. This holds true for the Mauryan impire, the Delhi
sultanate, the Moghul empire as well as British India. At the same time, it needs to be
emphasised that though these differences between regions, which are geographically structured,
have prevented the rise of pan-Indian states in our history, yet at no period have they created
separate nationalities.

1.2.1. Environment and Human Settlements

The relationship between physical geography, human settlements and settlement patterns is yet
another important theme which deserves attention. For example, the Sind region today is
relatively warm and dry because rainfall in the region is very low. However, we know that the
Harappan Civilization flourished over large parts of the same region in the past. Some scholars
opine that the region in the past had wetter climate with possibly higher rainfall and this
enabled the civilization to give itself a high standard of living. It has also been argued by some
scholars that over utilisation of the natural resources, leading to depletion of the natural
vegetation cover, together with the onset of a drier climate led to the collapse of the
civilization by adversely affecting its subsistence basis. (for a detailed discussion on this see
Block-2, Unit-9).

The inhospitable topography together with a possible population pressure on land and
resources, forced people to migrate out of the core area of the civilization. The civilization,
thus, faded out.

Kamesh Mechrocks
On the other hand, one is struck by the success of the Magadhan Empire and by the kind of
 ,l\ironment and F a r l Pattcbrnl political ascendancy it achieved. How do we account for it? It can be argued that it was a
\(laplation product of the convergence of a number of factors :
highly fertile soils,
sufficientrainfall ensuring a rich annual paddy crop;
proximity to iron ore mines and sources of stone and timber of Chotanagpur Plateau wbk
is towards the south of Magadha;
the rivers provided for comfortable communication and trade;
the closeness and continuity of settlements, facilitated in no small way by these natural
advantages, indicating great population density.

A combination of these factors helped the comfortable conquest of the northern Gangetic
plain. In fact, it was due to these reasons that the Indo-Gangetic plains as a region was way
ahead of others in terms of agricultural productivity or population base. The territorial
expansion over the northern plains then provided the basis for the exercise of unquestionable
Indian supremacy. All this fits into a neat sequence-one deriving itself from the other. The
supremacy achieved by Magadha was based on the conquest of the northern plains which wa
blessed by the tavourable convergence of necessary variables such as soil, rainfall, vegetation,
easy communication lines and availability of natural resources.

With the political ascendency of Magadha, its capital Pataliputra became the capital of
northern India or the imperial capital and it continued to remain important for many
centuries. Geographical reasons have been put forward to explain both the rise and fall of
pataliputra. While in its early history the surrounding rivers like the Ganga, Son and Gandak
provided for natural defence and easy trade and transport, by the middle of the first
millennium A.D. they had become positive liabilities owing to perennial floods. It is known
that the Gupta and post-Gupta period was characterised by the decline of trade and the decay
of towns. With the decline of north Indian trade and commerce, in the Gupta and post-Gupta
periods, the curtailed human movements and the shifting away of the course of
the river Ganga, the usefulness of the rivers was reduced. One may add that to explain the
decay of towns in Gangetic northern India in the same period geographical explanations such
as the deforestation of the hinterland and consequent reduction of rainfall have also been
suggested. These explanations may not always be correct but the examples definitely suggest
that the interrelationship between historical processes and geographical features and/or factors
was always close.

1.2.2 Arguing Against Geographical Determinism

At this point it is important to remember that it is one thing to see or appreciate the
interrelationship between physical features and the unfolding of historical processes in a region
but it is an entirely different matter to perceive history in terms of geographical determinism.
Recognition of geographical factors helps in a better understanding of cultural developments.
This also largely explains the different patterns of growth and development in divergent
regions. However, a geography and environment cannot be taken as some kind of prime-
movers, for after all natural regions are only areas of possibilities and these possibilities are
actualised through human intervention at the stage of their technological attainments. It has
been argued that "Nature determines the route of development, while man determines the rate
and the state." Thus, neither is the influence of nature fixed nor is the man and environment
relationship static. The limits set by nature are conquered by human experience and by human
being, with their tools. This is an ongoing process which continuously enriches the realm of
human experience and expands the frontier of man's control of environment. Physical features
and environmental conditions that may appear unfavourable or difficult at one stage may
prove to be potentially rich at another stage. For example, the hunter-gatherers preferred to
live on the edge of the forests or what we have today as frontier zones, while incipient farmers
had to come down to the riverine plains. Here again early farmers in the absence of an iron
ploughshare preferred to restrict themselves to lighter soils to the west of the Ganga-Yamuna
doab. Only with the coming of iron could the peasantry venture to open up the rich alluvial
plains of Gangetic northern India and conquer the thick vegetation and heavier, fertile soil.

1.3 BASIC PHYSIOGRAPHICAL DIVISIONS

Kamesh Mechrocks
Let us now define the ~hvsicalfeatures of the subcontinent and the characteristics of the
I rwons created by them. The basic physiographic divisions are three :
i) Himalayan uplands,
ii) Indo-Gangetic plains and,
iii) Peninsular India.

Each one of these can Bc W e r subdivided. The Himalayas are considered to be still rising.
Large quantities of alluviuin are continuously carried down into the plains from these
mountains owing to weathering and erosion. Fed by the Himalayan snows the three great river
systems-Indus, Ganga and Brahmaputra-tend to flow perennially. The alluvial plains of
India : Phydcnl Features

northern India extend in the form of an arc for about 3200 kms from the mouth of the ~ndus'
to the mouth of the Ganga. This stretch of land, about 320 kms wide, is full of potentialities.
The Indus plains threw up the first civilization of the subcontinent while the Ganga plains
have sustained and nurtured city life, state, society and imperial fabrics from the first
millennium B.C.

The northern plains and the Peninsular India are separated by a large intermediate zone, which
in the absence of a better terminology, may be called central India, extending from Gujarat to
western Orissa over a stretch of about 1600 kms. The Aravali hills in Rajasthan separate the
Indus plain from the peninsula. The intermediate zone is characterised by the presence of the
Vindhyan and Satpura ranges and the Chotanagpur plateau covering portions of Bihar, Bengal
and Orissa. This region can be subdivided into four sub-regions :
i) the land of the Rajputs between Udaipur and Jaipur,
ii) the Malwa plateau around Uijain which was more popularly known as Avanti in ancient
times,
iii) Vidarbha or the sub-region around Nagpur and,
iv) the Chattisgarh plains in eastern Madhya Pradesh which bore the name Dakshina Kosala
in the ancient period.
Although, generally speaking, communication and movement across the intermediate zone
were never easy, there have been contacts between these four apparently isolated pockets, and
between this region and other physiographic divisions.
On the southern edge of the intermediate zone or central India begins the formation called
Peninsular India. It is an old land mass with every sign of stability. The rocky formation gently
slopes from west to east, and four major rivers flow into the bay of Bengal. These four rivers-
Mahanadi, Godavari, Krishna and Kaveri have produced alluvial plains and helped the
creation of nuclear areas in the plains and deltas enabling the sustenance of cultural growth for
prolonged period continuously through ancient, medieval and modem times.
The Narmada and the Tapti, however, have a westward flow and run into the Arabian sea in
Gujarat after traversing a long distance in hilly central India. The well known feature of the
region is the Deccan plateau.
It extends from the Vindhyas in the north to the southern limits of Karnataka. The black soil
in Maharashtra and in the adjoining parts of central India is especially rich for it retains
moisture and is considered to be "self ploughing". Therefore, it helps in overcoming other
kinds of limitations imposed by less annual rainfall and irrigational difficulties. The soil yields
good crops of cotton, millets, peanuts and oil seeds. Not surprisingly therefore the early
farming cultures (Chalcolithic) in western and central India emerged in this area. In the west
the plateau terminates with the Western Ghats and in the east its contours are marked by the
Eastern Ghats which separate it from the eastern coastal plains which are wider compared to
the narrow plains in the west. The Nilgiris and the Cardamom hills are considered to be off-
shoots of the basic peninsular formation.
e.

Check Your Progress 1

1 Mark ( \! ) the correct statements. The knowledge of physical Geography:
i) helps in understanding the life patterns of the people who resided in those regions
ii) is of no help in determining the nature of cultural developments in the past
iii) is not at all relevant for students of history
iv) confines you only to the study of the regions.
2 Discuss the physical features responsible for the rise of Magadha. Amwer in about ten
lines.
........................................................................
. . . * - . - - - . . . - m . - - - - - - - - . . . . . . . . . . .
Kamesh Mechrocks
..--.
-- . . . ~
-

Environment bnd Early Patterns of

STRUCTURAL OUTLINES

NORTHERN MOST ARAVALLI OUTCROPS

+ +++++ BOUNDARY OF INDO-6ANGETIC TROUGH

c**o~*oo**oo*
BAY OF BENGAL-ARABIAN SEA WATERSHED
- SlWALlK HILLS
NARMADA AND TAPTl TROUGHS
PENINSULAR BLOCK
CONCEALED EXTENSIONS
GONDWANA TROUGHS

DECCAN LAVAS
200 la,
PIR PANJAL

Kamesh Mechrocks
3 PiUinIbebhnls:
i) Geographical factom ...................................... (help us/do not help us) in daerminhg
the factors behind tbe ........................... (rise and dacline/flooding) of Mqdba.
ii) Human be@ ..................(attempt to/sucoessfully) controt nature.
iii) The basic physiographic divisions in Iodia are ..................(five/two/thrse).
iv) The intermediary zone may &of ..................(basic physiognpbic/mb-qkn@.

1.4 REGIONAL PHYSICAL'FEATURES

So far we have oonsidmd fcaturu of the b r d geographic divisions at a geacnl pLne. Let un
not take up the specific major geographical units, which at instances confonn to lilylistic
divisions, and look into heir physical traits from a historical perspective.

1.4.1 Tbe Himahyaa .ndtbe Western Frontier

Tbe Himalayas can be divided into three b r d units :
eastern,
western, and
antnl.
The eastern mountains run to the east of the Brahmrputn in the north-south extcndhg from
Assam to south China. Although, the routes through the erstern mountains are dimcuh, c h t
has not prevented the 5ow of cultural influma from Southerst Asia and South Chim in t&
prehistoric and historic times.
The central Himalayan region, extending from Bhutan to Chitnl, I
h at the fringe of the grnr
taMGLad of Tibet. There have been tnde and other confacts between India and T k t rarr
this frontier.
The nurow Hindu Kush range extends South-westward from the Himalayas deep into
A@aniatan, covering ancient Gandhara. G&mphicrlly a d culturally western Af-n
has affinities with eastern Iran but southcast Afghanistan has been culturally close with tbe
Indian subcontinent right since tbe neolithic stage. The Khybcr prus and other pamca .adIb
Kabul river link it with the Indus pbins. It is no surprise therefore that the site of S w in
this part of A@adaan was a trading out-post of the Huappan civilization. Ancient t om
like Kabul a d Kandahar are situated on mdc routes between Iran and India.
Tbe damt conditions of south-western Afghanistan a n noticed in a mom intense form UJom
moves into 6aluchist.n. Prutomlbm has been a more profitable adnptationrl atratcgy sim (be
neolithic the in the region.,The coast of Baluchistan, which is called MaLna, is not very
inviting for human #ttkmcnta. For example, when Alewder on his way back fnnn the
Iadirnaunprignsledaseaionofhisumy~~~~theWrancourtbeJutimdberq~ia
men because of the paucity of food and water. The region has been some kind of a nodal
point, for routes to Central Asia and China on the one hand and Persia and farther w a t on
other cut through it.
td
The p t routes cdnnecting the Indian plains with Iran and CeDtnl Asia tbrougb
run through the Gomal, Bolan a d Khybtr passes. These routes have brought in tnders,
inviders and varied cultunl in£lua.umdl through the historic times and even before. Tbe
Kamesh Mechrocks
~ n v i r o n m e n ~ a nEarly
d Patterns of Gree4 Sakas, Kushanas, Hunas and others made their entry into India through these routes.
Adaptation
Buddhism and other aspects of Indian civilization entered Afghanistan and Central Asia '

through these pa&s. Historically thus the Afghan and Baluchistan hills have an important
frontier zone.

1.4.2 The Indus Plains

The passes lead to the rich plains of the Indus, which can be divided into two regions :
Punjab, and
Sind
Punjab (today divided betwen India and Pakistan) literally means the land of the five rivers.
These five tributaries of the Ldus flowing across a vast alluvial plain have made the region the
bread-et of the sub-continent. The eastern part of these plains merges into the Ganga
basin. Punjab has been a mating place and melting pot of cultures. Reexisting and intrusive
elements of cultures have fused here. The praperity and strategic location of Punjab has
always invited invaders.

The lower Indus valley and the delta constitute Sind. Geographically between the Baluchistan
hills on the north-west and the Thar desert on the southcast. However, there have been
hhtoridlinks with Gujarat. Rainfall in the region is extremely low but the alluvial soil is Lery
fertile. Sind is situated by the Indus and produces large quantities of rice and wheat. As
* mentioned earlier the Indus plain had nurtured the sub-mntiaent's first urban culture during
the 2nd millennium B.C. Two of its major cities Harappa and Mohenjodaro are located in
Punjab and Sind respectively.

1.43 Gangetic Norhem India

The Ganga basin climatically is more humid than the Indus region and the annual rainfall
starting with 50 cms in the Indo-Gangetic divide steadily rises to 200 cms by the time it
reaches Bengal. The Ganga plains can be divided into three sub-regions :
upper1
Middle, and
lower
The Upper plains in western and central Uttar Pradesh largely include the Doab. This has
been an area of contlict and cultural synthesis. There is increasing evidence of the extension of
the Harappan culture into this zone. This was also the centre of the Painted Grey Ware
Culture and the scene of pulsating activity in the Later Vedic Period.
At the confluence of the Ganga and Yamuna at the terminal point of the Doab is AUahabad
(andent Prayaga). The Middle Ganga plains correspond to eastern Uttar Radesh and Bihar.
This is where ancient Kosala, Kasi and Magadha were situated. It was the centre of city life,
money economy and trade since the 6th century B.C. This region provided the basis for
Mauryan imperial expansion and it continued to be politically important till the Gupta period
(5th century A.D.).
The Upper and Middle Ganga plains are geographically defined by the Himalayas on the
north and the Central Indian bills on the south. The Iawer plains are t m terminus with the
province of Be@. The wide plains of Bengal are formed by the alluvium brought by the
Ganga and the Brahmaputra. High rainfall in low-lying plains created forest and marshy
conditions which made early settlements in Bengal a difficult proposition. The fertility of the
heavy alluvial soil could be erploited only with greater utilization and control of iron
technology. Urban culture spread into this region from the Middle plains relatively late. Given
the kind of environment, ponds have been an observable feature from ancient times in Bengal
and 6sh has become a part of the diet of all sections of people.
The Ganga plains have nurtuh-l greater number of settlements and have sustained a higher
population density than other similar-regions. It has been the heartland of Indian civilization
from the first millennium B.C., through the classical phase, up to the present. Adjoining the
Be@ plains is the long Assap valley produced by the Brahmaputra. It spreads over more
than 6 @ h . Culturally Assun is close to Be@ but in terms of historical development it
emerges as a Late starter like Orissa.
Kamesh Mechrocks
1.4.4 Eastern, Western and Central India
Central India, as we have noticed earlier, is an entirely different region and does not have a
central focal point. It is a hilly region where the hills do not rise to any great height but are
broken by steep slopes and intersected by valleys. The hills normally run in an east-west
ohtation. However, the Aravalis in the north-western part of this physiographic division
extend from south-west to north-east. The Aravalis almost bisect Rajasthan, the desert state.
The southeastern part of the state to the east of the Aravalis is part of a subregion called
Malwa. Because of the fertility of the soil the e o n yields good crops even in the absence of
irrigation. Chaloolithic settlements are distributed in good numbers in the region. Given its
geographical location it must have acted as a bridge between the Harappans and the other
Chalcolithic communities in Central India and the northern Deccan. Culturally it emerged as
an extension of the northern plains in later periods. In the east the Chattisgarh plains on the
Upper Mahanadi is a fertile minor region with good rainfall and paddy yield. From the 4th-
5th century historical developments there were akin to those in the rolling uplands of western
Orissa. There have been cultural and political interactions between the areas due to
geographical contiguity.
Most of what we have designated as Central India constitutes the present Madhya Pradesh.
Movement from the north to the south is impeded by the Vindhya and Satpura ranges and by
the Narmada and Tapti rivers. The Central Indian belt, especially southern Bihar, western
Olissa and eastern Madhya Pradesh, has been an area of tribal concentration. Nevertheless, it
has also been a zone of slow and steady penetration. Cultural influences from adjoining
regions have influenced and integrated the tribals into the dominant caste-peasant base of
Indian &ty from early historic times and more so from the Gupta period.
Gujarat is situated on the western fringe of the Central Indian belt. It consists of three natural
divisions: Saurashtra, Anarta (N. Gujarat) and Lata (S. Gujarat). Semiarid wind blown-soils
characterise Anarta and the fertile area on the western coast constitutes Lata. The central
peninsula of Gujarat is called Kathiawar. The low-lying Rann of Kutch is another feature
which during the monsoons turns into a swamp. In spite of these physical sub-divisions
Gjarat has a cultural identity and unity because it is broadly bounded by the Vindhyas and
Western Ghats in the east and by the desert on the north. Although it appears to have been a
zone of isolation actually it is a region of continuous ancient settlements dating back'from the
Harappan period. Saurashtra, on account of its geographical closeness to the Indus,
experienced an extension of the Harappan civilization. It has often been a transition zone
between Sind and lands farther west and India. The plain here is enriched by the alluvium
brought from the Central Indian hills by the Narmada, Tapti, Sabarmati and Mahi rivers.
Because of its protected position and the lengthy coast line Gujarat has been the focus of
coastal and external trade for more than four thousand years.
To the south-west of the delta of the Ganga at the eastern end of the hills of Central India are
the coastal plains of Orissa. The coastal plains are centred largely on the Mahanadi delta
though there are some other rivers too joining the Bay of Bengal on the same littoral. Western
Orissa is an extension of the Central Indian hills and as mentioned earlier in the context of the
Chattisgarh plain it shares some of the same features. Thus, there are two physiographic
divisions in Orissa exhibiting uneven patterns of growth. The fertile coastal plain with a richer
agrarian base has provided a focal point and has been the centre of soci~ultural
development. Orissa began to develop her linguistic and cultural identity late in the first
millennium A.D.
1.4.5 Peninsular India
The Deccan Plateau and the surrounding coastal plains define the contours of Peninsular
India. The coastal plaips in the east and extreme south are broad while those in the west are
narrow. They are at their narrowest between Bombay and Palghat. The plateau is divided into
three major regions which largely correspond to the states of Maharashtra, Andhra and
Karnataka. Maharashtra, in addition to other areas, includes the northern Deccan plateau.
Cultural influences have been diffused to the south from the Deccan and this must have been
possible because bamng the Western Ghats there are no other dense forests there. Maharashtra
seems to have a natural boundary with Andhra for the boundary line coincides with the
distribution of the fertile black soil. Across the boundary one encounters the red soil of
Telangana, which fails to retain moisture. Therefore, Telangana has become a land of tanks
and other forms of artificial irrigation. The environmental Merence with a bearing on the
growth of early settlements and cultures could not have been more striking. While the early
Kamesh Mechrocks
Environment and Early Patterns of Neolithic settlers in south-western Andhra based themselves on pastoralism as an adaptational
Adaptation strategy,tbe ckleolithic communities of the northern Deccan increasingly relied on agriculture.
Kamtaka includes the southwestern Deccan which except for small areas is not covered by
the Deccan lava. In addition a part of the Western Ghats and the western coastal plain are
included in the state. The southern part of the state is better watered and more hospitable for
human settlement than the north. The dividing line between Maharashtra and Kamataka is not
marked by any natural features. The limitations imposed by environment are amply borne out
by the comparatively poor cultural remains of the Neolithic folks of the region.

Among the four south Indian states Andhra is the largest. It includes a number of sub-regions
like Telangana, the rich coastal plains, Rayalaseema etc. The northwestern part of the state on
the Deccan plateau, as already mentioned, is called Telangana. The reddish soils are not rich
and the main crops are millets, pulses and oil seeds. In the east a part of the Eastern Ghats and
the W r n coastal plain, from near about Mahendragiri on the borders of M s
sa in the north
to Tamil Nadu in the south, with the combined Krishm-Godavari delta as its epicentre are
included in Andhra. It is essentially a rice growing area. The area between the two rivers on
the coast, known in early times as Vengi, is considered a ricebowl. Jike the Raichur doab,
between the Krishna and Tungabhadra, it was fought over frequently all through ancient 4
history.

1.4.6 The Extreme South

I

The Deccan plateau fragments into isolated blocks like the Nilgiri and the Cardamom hills in
the extreme south. They roughly divide the western and eastern coastal plains. The wide
Eastern coastal plain in the south and its adjoining hinterland constitute Tamil Nadu. The
littoral districts produce an abundance of rice and the Kaveri plain and its delta constitute its
epicentre. The rivers in the region being seasonal, the peasants of the region have relied on
tank irrigation since the Pallava-Chola times. The unirrigated pockets produce millets, pulses
and oils seeds. Interestingly, these ecological variations which supported alternative, at times
interrelated, ways of life are attested to in the earliest literature of the land, the Sangam
literature. Geographically,linguistically and culturally the region has evolved an individuality
of its own. The western coastal plain too broadens in the estreme south and corresponds to the
region known as Malabar ctr the present state of Kerala. In addition to rice and other crops
Kerala produces pepper and spices which have been traded with the west since the post-
Mauryan times. From Tamil Nadu the littoral is accessible through the Patghat gap and the
southern end of the Western Ghats. Relatively isolated by land, Kerala has been open to the
sea and interestingly first the Christian and then the Muslim influence here came by sea. It
may be noted that both Kerala and Tamil Nadu are densely populated like the plains of the
GwP.
Cbeck Your Progress 2
1 Which of the following statements arkright ( d ) or wrong ( X ).
i) The eastern Himalayan region was not affected by cultural influences from China.
ii) Harappa is located in Punjab.
iii) Ganga plain has nurtured greatest number of human settlements.
iv) Coastal plains of Deccan plateau are very broad between Bombay and Palghat.
2 Fill in the blanks.
i) Himalayas can be divided into .................... (five/three) broad ....................
(regions/units).
ii) Rann of Kutch turns into a ....................(sea/swamp) during the ....................
(Monsoon/Autumn) season.
iii) The unimgated lands in the extreme south produce ....................
(Wheat/Barely/Millets) and ....................(oilseeds/rice).
iv) Telangana has become a land of ....................(rivers/tanks) and forms of artificial
\
1
.................... (cultivation/imgation).

1.5 LET US SUM UP

The physical divisions in the subcontinent are often rorighly -terminus with the linguistic
re.gions. The latter in turn have developed and asserted their cultural identities. The people of
the W a n t physical divisions have varied tastes. food-habits, and dress sense. This is derived
Kamesh Mechrocks
 INDIA
RAINFALL

Kamesh Mechrocks
Environment and Early Patterns or
Adaptation

FOREST TYPES

EVERGREEN FOREST
MONSOON DECIOUOUS

TROPICAL SAVANNAH

DRY FOREST

zoo o 100 LDO HIMALAYAN FOREST

Map 4. Types of Forests in India.

Kamesh Mechrocks
from the environmental setting and the mode of life and the manner of resource utilisation that India :Phydal
has evolved within their frontiers. The uneven pattern of growth both between and within the
macroregions may be explained with reference to the availability or non-availability of
resource potentialities and the fonn of human and technological intervention. The major river
basins of the country which have an annual rainfall between 50 and 100 cms. and are capable
of sustaining agricultural communities on a large scale have been fully colonized through the
ages (for raio'fall see map 3). Areas with lesser or greater Mnfall s e e r from problems of
aridity and thick jungle vegetation respectively and are not best suited ftx agriculture. There is
a striking correlation between the optimal rainfall zone and the areas cleared for cultivation in
the s h n t i n e n t (see map 4D.The unfolding of the historical procea thenfore has neither
beet even nor uniform all over.

The Himalayas in the north and the ocean in the south, south-west and southeast mate a
superficial view of the isolation of the sub- continent. Cultural influence8 have been exchanged
across these frontiers and there have been maritime contacts with the West, West Asia and
Southeast Asia. Internally, even the rugged, difficult terrain of Central India has not really
impeded the movement of ideas and iduences between the varied regions of the country.
Admittedly, geography and environment influence historical developments considerably, even
if they do not determine it entirely.

1.6 KEY WORDS

Adaptatiod Strrtegy : The manner in which adjustments are made to a new environment
or culture by human beings.
Alluvial h i m: Plains formed by deposition of silt, sand etc. by the river.
Caste-pensant Base : Referring to early settled agricultural societv whose members were
socially classified along caste lines. These memben were dependent on the produce of those of
their counter parts engaged in cultivation.
ChnlcoWMc Settlements: Settlements which represent an age when both stone and copper
artehds were used.
Frontier Zone : Area at the outskirts of an agricultural settlement. Normally such an area has
some socio-economic links with the main settlement. For example, nomads moving, around
such an area will supply milk, sheep skin, wool etc. to the main settlement.
Ceogmph&al Contigtdty : Areas physically adjacent or side by side.
Ltnguistic Division : Division of physical area according to respective languages spoken in
the area.
LWod: Ontheseacoast.
Painted Grey Ware Culture : The culture associated with grey coloured pottery found in
Ganga Doab region.
Pnstoraii8m: It relates to the occupation in which animals are reared.
Physiograph&al Diddons : Refers to physical/geog~phicaldivisions of India.
Technological Intewention: The impact of new techniques and knowledge in developing the
resource potential of a region.

1.7 ANSWER TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EX ERCISES

Check Your Progress 1

1 i)
2 Your answer should include high fertile soils, irrigation facilities, proximity to various
resources like stone, timber eto. See Sub-sec. 1.2.1
3 i) helps us, rise and decline
ii) attempt to
iii) three
iv) sub-regions
Kamesh Mechrocks
2 i) thm, units
ii) swamp, momoon
iii) mibe, oilteds
iv) baks, -tion

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 2 REGIONS IN INDIAN HISTORY :
FORMATION AND
CHARACTERISTICS

Structure
2.0 Objectives
2.1 Introduction
2.2 The Dynamics of Regional Transformation
2.2.1 Uneven Patterns of the emergence of Historical Regions
2.2.2 The Ceramic Evidence
2.2.3 The Literary Evidence
2.3 Force of Regions in Indian History
2.3.1 The Chakravatia Conapt
2.4 The Hierarchy of Regions
2.4.1 Major Geographical Influences
2.4.2 Nuclear Regions
2.4.3 Settlement Structure in Time and S p c e
2.5 Formation of Some Regions in Early India
2.5.1 The Gangetic Basin
2.5.2 The Tamil Country
2.5.3 The Deccan: Andhra and Maharashtra
2.5.4 Kalinga and Ancient Orissa
2.5.5 The North-West
2.6 Let Us Sum Up
2.7 Key Words
2.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

- -

2.0 OBJECTIVES

After reading this Unit you should be able to explain :

Why it is necessary to know about regions if one has to understand different stages of
Indian history,
How regions emerged, and
In what way the nature of a region could differ from that of the other.

2.1 INTRODUCTION

In Unit I we have seen that the Indian subcontinent is constituted by a number of regions and
that each region has some special characieristics of its own. In the course of the historical
evolution of the country, the regions came to acquire special cultural features as well and in
many ways-in the sense of shared historical tradit~on,in language, in social organization, in art
fonns-it is possible to recognize differences between one region and another. In Indian
history, therefore, there have been dual processes of the evol~ltionof common social and
cultural norms and institutions as well as consolidation of the structures of recognizable
regions.

It has also to be remembered that in history the processes of the emergence of regions have
been uneven. Therefore, in the past, as induced even today, great dissimilarities in pattern of
historical change, existed between different regions, although no region has ever remained
completely isolated. This unit is concerned with elucidating the processes of the formtion of
regions in Indian history and with showing how they differed from one another. An
understanding of the nature of regions constituting the Indian sub-continent is necessary t~
understand how the stages of the evolution of Indian society varied in space and time.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Environment and Early Yrttw 4,:
Adaptation 2.2 THE DYNAMICS OF REGIONAL
TRANSFORMATION

The differences between regions and regional cultures go back in time and can possibly be
dated to the beginnings of adaptive subsistence strategies, that is, food production. The
beginnings of agriculture and agrarian economy in the main river basins of the sub-continent,
being essentially a process and not an event, were spread over several millennia. While
Mehrgarh in the Kachhi plain (now in Pakistan) experienced early agricultural activities before
6,000 B.C. and the Indus region experienced it in the 4th-3rd millennia the Gangetic valley
+
saw the advent of agriculture at Koldihwa (U.P) in 5000 B.C., at Chirand (Bihar) in the
second half of the 3rd millennium B.C. and at Atranjikhera (in the Doab) in the first half of
the 2nd millennium B.C. In the Ganga valley, however, the beginning of full-fledged, settled
agricultural activity, farming villages and the other associated traits like the emergence of
towns, trade and the state system go back to the middle of the first millennium B.C.

There were various pockets in Central and Peninsular India where this transition took place
only in the concluding centuries of the first millennium B.C. Similarly in the river basins of the
Ganga, Godavari, Krishna and Kaveri agricultural communities flourished and camed forward
the civilizational process. At the same time, however, large pockets in areas such as Assam,
Bengal, Orissa, Gujarat and Central India, being relatively isolated or isolated regions,
remained for a long time in a stage of primitive economy, largely untouched by any such
development. Finally, when the transition to the historical period took place in some of the
relatively isolated regions there was not only a time gap but also perceptible differences in the
nature and formation of the regions. Cultural influences from the already developed regional
epicentres had a formative bearing on the development processes in these isolated areas. It is
no surprise therefore, that some regions have advanced more rapidly than others and there are
still others wljich have lagged behind.

2.2.1 Uneven Patterns of the emergence of Historical Regions

The uneven pattern of cultural growth and the differential configuration of historical forces in
the numerous regions were, as we have seen in Unit-1, greatly influenced by geography. The
uneven development of regions can be demonstrated through interesting historical situations.
For example in the second half of the third millennium B.C. one encounters mesolithic
cultures in Gujarat and at the same time neolithic cattle-keepers were traversing the landscape
of the Deccan. What is striking is that the mature, advanced Harappan civilization coexisted
with these cultures in other regions. Consequently there is evidence for interactian between
cultures and regions at different levels of growth. Such tendencies have persisted all through
Indian history. To put it differently, while the Indus and Saraswati basins were colonized in
the third millennium B.C., the first large scale agricultural communities of the Deccan,
Andhra, Tamil Nadu, Orissa and Gujarat belong essentially to the Iron Age, and can be placed
in the second half of the first millennium B.C.
With the advent of iron we see rapid horizontal spread of material culture based on settled
agriculture. By the third century B.C. we see a certain homogeneity in the material culture of
Gangetic northern India and the fringes of Central India. Although on the basis of the
geographical distribution of the Ashokan inscriptions (details in Block 5) a certain measure of
cultural uniformity is normally assumed for the sub-continent, the process of the emergence of
early historical, literate period with a complex social structure in the area south of the
Vindhyas acquired momentum during and after the Mauryas.

In fact, the post-h4auryan period i.e., 200 B.C.-A.D. 300 was the formative period for most of
the Deccan and South'India. The archaeologcal date excavated from historic settlements in
these regions support this line of argument. It may be added that vast areas of the intermediate
zone or forested hills of Central India were never thoroughly colonized and, therefore, they
continue to provide shelter and isolation to tribes at differentstages of primitive economy. In
the sub-continent civilization and a more complex culture with hierarchical social organisation
reached different regions in different periods and the regional spread of a more advanced
material culture was unevenly balanced.

2.2.2 The Ceramic Evidence

Pottery, because of its indestructible quality, is a reliable identifying mark of a culture and an
Kamesh Mechrocks
important means of archaeological classification. Different cultures are identified by their ~ ~ h f d b s f l ~ e q :
Pom&JnrlQrr(a#fli
chammktic pottery. We have the Ochre-Coloured Pottery Ware (OCP) which is dated
earlier than 1000 B.C., the Painted Grey Ware (PGW) which roughly dated between 800-400
B.C., the Black and Red Ware (BRW) which lies in between the two and the Northern Black
Polished (NBP) Ware which is dated between 500-100 B.C. The first three pottery types are
basically encountered in the Indo-Gangetic divide and the upper Ganga valley, including the
Doab. The Northern Black Polished Ware (NBP) has its centre of origin in the middle
Gangetic plain and spread out into Central India and the Deccan during the Mauryan period.
The distribution of pottery types gives us some idea of the territorial limits of a culture and the
stages of its expansion. The Indo-Gangetic divide and upper Ganga basin experienced, the
emergence of a new cultural pattern first in the second half of the second millennium B.C. and
then there was a gradual eastward spread which, during the Mauryan period, seems to have
gone beyond the Gangetic hean land.

2.2.3 The Literary Evidence

Ancient Indian literature also provides evidence regarding the geographical expansion of a
cultural pattern. The geographical focus of the Rig Vedic period was the Saptasindhu (land of
the Indus and its tributaries) and Indo-Gangetic divide. In the Later Vedic period the Doob
became the epicentre and in the Age of the Buddha the middle Gangetic valley (Kosala and
Magadha) came into prominence. It may be mentioned that the stages of geographical spread
coincided with progress in material culture. The term mfm in the sense of territory came into
use in the Later Vedic period and we see the rise of small monarchies and states in areas such
as Kum and Panchala. In the Age of the Buddha (6th century B.C.) the sixteen
Mahalhngpadas (large territorial kingdoms) emerged. Interestingly, with the exception of
Gandhara in the North-West, Avanti in Malwa and Asmaka in the D e a n the
Mahajanaopadas were mostly concentrated in the upper and middle Gangetic valley. Regions
such as Kalinga (ancient coastal Orissa), Andhra, Vanga (ancient Bengal), Rajasthan and
Gujarat find no mention in literature focusing on that period, suggesting thereby that they were
p t to emerge on the historical stage.
Kingdoms to the south of the Vindhyas like Kalinga were mentioned for the first time by
Panini in the 5th (centuryB.C. The Tamil Country in the far south was yet to register its
transition to the historical period. The emergence and formation of the various regions,
therefore, was a long drawn out process. "Hence it is not surprising that this difference in the
technology and socio- economic development of the various regions should have been at the
root of the later cultural divergence$"'
CbecLYourProgfwSl
1 Which of the following statements are right ( d ) or wrong ( X ) ?
i) The uneven development of regions cannot be described through historical
Situatiom. ( )
ii) Cultural developments in the already developed regions made a bearing on isolated
regions. ( )
iii) The process of the emergence of region has been even all over. ( )
iv) Different cultures are identified by their characteristic pottery. ( )
v) Literature is of no help in identifying regions. ( )
2 Discuss in about five lines the various kinds of pottery and the period it is associated with.

2.3 FORCE OF R@GIONSIN INDIAN HISTORY

%e village has been the basic socially organised unit in all regions, securing subsistence for its
inhabitmts, supporting urban life, state structum and so on. However, some regio~lsexhibit a
Kamesh Mechrocks
Environment and Early Patterns of grater denrity of population, rural settlements and urban centres and have regularly given rise
Adaptation to strong expansive states. They are also characterized by a continuous record of settlement
snd habitation from the neolithic-chalcolithic times, By contrast, other regions do not share
these traits. 'The differen= between regions may be explained in terms of :

wgraphy
h e manner and period of the spread of material culture, and
the overall configuration of historical forces such as population, technology, social
organisation, communications etc.

A c o m b k r i ~ nof these factors helped in the shaping and development of the personality of
th regions.

Owing to the development of distinct and strong regional personalities and the strength of
regional forces the Indian sub-continent was never completely politically united. Some regions
owing to their inner strength tried to expand and attain pan-Indian or supra-regional status but
such experiments were not entirely unqualified success stories. The Mauryas, Tughlaqs,
Mughalo and the British provided a semblance of political unity. However, it must be noted
that none of them succeeded in imposing political unity on all the geographic units and culture
areas, though the British came very close to it. Central India or broadly speaking the
intermediate zone and the extreme end of Peninsular India have always remained outside the
pale of any strong, expansive pan-Indian power. Again the Vindhyas, as noticed in Unit-1,
have somewhat succeeded in separating the histories of Northern India and the Deccan
peninsula. Similarly, the Aravalis extending from the mouth of the Gulf of Cambay to the
Delhi gap constitute another frontit~rline. In fact, this has been a very effective border.
Nevertheless, the lower 1 d u s basin and Gujarat have been historical and cultural centres of
activity for very long periods. Thus, while large-scale centralised states did not ~ndurefor long
periods, the ancient kingdoms of Magadha, Kosala, Avanti, Andhra, Kalinga, Maharashtra,
Chera, Pandya, Chola, etc; continued to thrive, under one dynasty or the other, and under one
regional name or the other. Their remarkable persistence may be explained in terms of the
convergence of political and cultural boundaries over most periods, in these natural regions.

23.1 The Ckkravatia Concept

The Chskravartin (univerual emperor) concept which was an important ideal in ancient Indian
political theory sheds further light on the problem under discussion. The ideal Chakravamn
was supposed to become a universal conqueror and achieve universal dominance. The realm
of the emperor (Chakravarfi Kshetra) or his universe is equated by Kautilya's'Arthasastra
with the region between the Himalayas and the sea. The said area, interestingly, is cc!c minus
with the Indian sub-continent. Later, many other writings also echo this ideal again and again.
The Asvamedha sacrifice was performed by a ruler who claimed the status of a universal
monarch. In ancient Indian political ideas the Chakravartin concept remained a vital force.
Kingship was thus always associgted with universal dominion.

However, neither Kautilya nor his successors describe how a pan-Indian empire was to be
administered. What seems possible is that the Chakravartin ideal meant the subordination of
rivals, extension of authority over their territories and thereby the expansion of the empire.
This does not mean that the subjugated territories always became a part of a uniform
administrative system or that strict control was exercised over them. In other words, it meant
the demonstration and exercise of superior political power which had nothing to do with such
aspects as administrative regulation, management and okanization.

In spite of such limitations of the ideal what is important is that its reaiization was prevented
by the strong personality of the natural regions and the strength of regionalism. The desire to
politically unite the sub-continent continued to linger on even if such aspirations remained
largely unfulfilled. This is largely borne out by the inscriptions of the early historic period
when even petty rulers performed AsvamedAa sacrificesas evidence of theit might and made
tall claims about the extent of their sovereignty and kingdom. This. in fact. is a clear cut
example which highlights the difference between the actual and the ideal and emphasises the
exiwace of a range of differentiated natural regions all through our history.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Regions in lndhn Hbory :
2.4 THE HTERARCHY OF REGIONS Fo##oa ud ChrmterbHcr

The term 'region' like the word 'country' is a broad inclusive term and in the present context
its meaning has to be clearly sjxxified. Geographers and social scientists have defined and
delineated regions differently keeping in view the requirements of their investigation. We have
thus such expressions as 'linguistic regions', 'caste regions', 'physical regions', 'natural regions,
'cultural regions', etc. However, these regional frontiers broadly correspond and appear to be
coteminus, though not always very neatly. The boundaries of the physical and the natural
regions converge. The a u r a l regions happen to be independent culture areas with their own
configurations of language, caste, family and kinship organization and historical tradition.
However, there need not be any uniformity between two adjoining regions. Even in
geographically proximate regions, as we have seen above, diverse forms of culture coexisted
throughout history. The patterns of historical development in the country and the regional
unevenness of the transition to the historical stage suggests the existence of a hierarchy of
regions. An understanding of this hierarchy may focus on the differential characteristics of h
regions and explain their chronologically phased formation and emergence.

2.4.1 Major Geographical Influences

The "major structure-lines of Indian historical geography" or important geographicalmW
t e S
of Indian history such as the Narmada-Chhota Nagpur line or the line running from GlJl
of Canlbay to Mathura, constituted by the Aravalis have considerably influenced *e pattern of
cultural diffusion in the sub-continent. We have four great divisions:

The Indus plains, prone to influences from Central and West Asia,
The Gangetic plains, which begin on the Delhi-Mathura line and hav-rbed kl* of
political and cultural influences coming through the north western fronfier,
The Central Indian intermediate zone, with Gujarat and Orisa as the two extreme p$pj@,
and
Peninsular India, south of the Narmada.
To the north and west of the Aravali line the overall cultural landscape appears to be
different. Only some areas of Rajasthan and Gujarat responded to the mainstream of cukrnrl
development of the Gangetic valley in the early historical period.

'Be difference is somewhat more clear in the case of Punjab. After the Rig-Vedic period there
seems to have been arrested growth In the Punjab. The persistence of non-monarchical
janapadas in the region till the Gupta period suggests autonomous development. It also
indicates weak property in land and poor agricultural growth. The absence of land grant
inscriptions. a feature common in Gupta and post-Gupta times in the rest of the country, from
the Punjab plains strengthens the assumption. Brahmanism never had deep roots in the Punjab
plains, nor for that matter did the Varna structure become wholly acceptable. The Brahmanas
rarely played an important role in society and the Kshatriyas soon faded out. The Khatris who
I
claim to be Kshatriyas are usually found in professions associated with the Vaisya.
Punjab thus pxovides a good example of both late historical transition and regional va-
! from the perspective of the Ganga Valley. Similarly, the Narmada-Chhota Nagpttr h e is a
major divide for, barring Gujarat, Maharashtra and Orissa, the rest of the cultural regions to
the South of this line have a somewhat different individuality being largely influenced by the
!
Tamil plains in the formative period. They share a separate zone of kinship organisation and
caste hierarchy. Maharashtra, because of its contiguity with Malwa, which shares the Deccan
lavas and has been the great bridge between the Ganga Valley and the Deccan, has had a
different pattern of growth. It may not be out of place to mention that all major movements
and territorial expan6on into the South have taken this route.

2.4.2 Nuclear Regions

In Indian history we see the early emergence of some regions as perennial bases of power. la
j such regions we observe an uninterrupted succession of powerful kingdoms. In contrast, there
1
were other less favoured regions too. Geographers and Historians thus speak in terms of
I
perennial nuclear regions, areas of relative isolation and a r m of isolation. The peremial
nuclear regions correspond to the major river valleys, such as the Ganga, Mahanadi, Godavari,
I Kamesh Mechrocks
Krishna and Kaveri, and they have been areas of attraction for human settlements. The
Envtranrrn( md Early Patterm of
Ad.p?arfh

Kamesh Mechrocks
Map 5. Physiographic Regions of India.
 42 r .*

availability of resources and the convergence of trade and communication routes have added Regions in Indian fivW :
FonndiOll and chamcteristifS
to their importance. Logically they have emerged as important centres of power. Let it,
however, be remembered that geography and resource potentials only provide possibilities or
set limitations and the nuclearity or otherwise of a region is linked with how historical factors
converge on it. There are historical examples of the Kakatiya state of Warangal or the
Chalukya state of Gujarat emerging outside the nuclear regions and such examples can be
multiplied. Areas of relative isolation in Central India such as the country of the Bhils, Bastar
and the Rajmahal hills, in terms of structure of settlements, agrarian history, social
organization and state systems, differed from the nuclear regions. Because regions developed
historically, the distinction between the three t p of regions was not unalterably fixed once
for all. Transformation from one category to the other was possible at a certain point.

2.4.3 Settlement Structure in Time and Space

The settlement structure of the regions did not remain static. Regions comprised villages,
hamlets, towns and cities. Some regions like the middle Ganga plain and the Deccan were
endowed with a greater number of towns. As we proceed to the post-Gupta period, the urban
centres die out. There is increasing evidence of agrarian expansion and the emergence of new
rural settlements. In some cases earlier tribal hamlets were transformed into peasant villages.
There were differences between Brahmana and nonl-Brahmana settlements at the level of
economic activity and social stratification. These differences gradually extended to areas which
had initially remained peripheral to mainstream developments. They experienced transition
from tribalism to more complex social structures. For example the basis for the rise of
organised religion and state and of class society was laid in these regions. This transition would
imply a proliferation of new settlements in these regions and a rise in population. Regions with
a higher population density have always played a leading role in Indian history. The Ganga
valley, the Tamil plains and the East coast were all regions with a higher density of
population. Areas with resource potential and other attractions were naturally densely
populated and a steady supply of manpower always added to the military strength of the State.

Check Your Progress 2

1 Discuss in about ten lines the factors which hindered the political unification of the Indian
sub-continent.

2 Discuss in about five lines what you understand by the concept of Chakravartin.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 rl d 3 Fill in the blanks:
Al.poan i) The natural regions happen to be .................... (independent/dependant) cukwe areas.
ii) Diverse forms of culture ....................(never existed/mxisted) in history.
iii) Cultural developments in Punjab were ....................(different/similar) to t h of ~the
\
Gangetic valley.
iv) Regions with a .................... (higher/lesser) population density have played a leading
role in Indian .................... (Astronomy/History).

2.5 FORMATION OF SOME REGIONS IN EARLY INMA

The Ganga-Yamuna doab, the Middle Gangavalley, Malwa, the Northern Decoan, Andhra,
Kalinga (coastal Orissa) and the,Tamil plains are the major perennial nuclear regions whieh
emerged, quite early, as bases of power. But there have been smaller areas as well (which may
be called sub-regions) which have preserved their individuality. The Konkan, Kanara and
Chattisgarh fall in this category. Some areas such as the Raichur Doab between the Krishna
and Tungabhadra and Vengi between the Godavari and Krishna have been continuously
fought over for their agricultural resource potential, which could add immensely to the
suength of the adjoining regions. The major nuclear regions have been the major agricultural
areas with vast expanses of fertile alluvial. Let us now look into the dynamics and the pattern
of the formation of regions by faking up a few illustrative examples.

2.5.1 Tke Gangetic Basin

The Ganga plain by virtue of i t high agricultural productivity and rich population base has
enjoyed a dominant position in the Indian subcontinent. No other region has had a
comparable power base. However, the entire plain, as mentioned in Unit-1, is not a
homogeneous geographical piece. We have already seen that the Middle Ganga plains, for a
variety of reasons, emerged more successful than the Upper and Lower plains and by the time
of the Mauryas had attained undisputed hegemony in the subcontinent. During the Rig Vedic
period the centre for this was the Indo-Gangetic divide. In the 'Later Vedic: period, around
1000 B.C., the geographical focus shifted t o the Ganga-Yamuna Doab. With it the eastward
rnpvement of the Vedic people had begun. However, the more important developments were
the beginnings of settled agrarian life, with the help of the plough yoked to oxen, and
consequently the emergence of the idea of territoly and temtorial kingdoms (rastra, janapada),
Kuru and Panchala are good examples of such territories. By the 6th century B.C. the process
of the emergence of janapadas tended to accelerate. For the first time we come to see the
growth of mahajampadas which incorporated smaller janapadas and contemporary literature
puts their total number at sixteen.

Dense jungles had to be cleared for habitation by fire and metallic tools. In the paddy growing
Middle Ganga Valley surplus generation was made possible by the deep ploughing iron
ploughshare. It was necessitated by the growing population, a section of which like the rulers,
officials, monks and priests did not engage in any kind of direct production. Agr~cultural
surpluses helped in the rlse and growth of towns. The distinctive pottery of the period was the
NBP which appearedaaound 500 B.C. Simultaneously we come across the first system of
coinage. The need for it was generated by regular trade and commerce. The spread of the NBP
from Kosala and Magadha to such far flung areas as Taxila in north west, Ujjain in Western
Malwa and Amaravati in coastal Andhra suggests the existence of organized commerce and a
good communication network, which linked these towns among others. These developments
were accompanied by sweeping social changes. Settled life helped in shedding pastoral arid
tribal traits. 'The Later Vedic people came into closer touch with the autochthons and there is
evidence in Later Vedic literature for this interaction and inter-mingling. These developments
together with some kind of division of labour first and next the diversification and
specialization of occupations produced conditions congenial for the rise of the caste system
within the four-fold verna frame.

The emergence of Jampadas and Mahajawpadas (for details see Block 4) signalled sweeping
social, economic and political changes. The g r a m (village), nigama (a bigger settlement where
commercial exchange also took place) and nagara (town) were the usual components of the
Janapnda. Woods and Jungles (vana) were also parts of it. A Janapada was basically a socib
cultural region. It provided the basis for state formation which actunlised in the 6th century
Kamesh Mechrocks
 B.C. Together with the rise of the Mahajampadm we nooce the growth of Mahanagaras (big Regions in Indian History :
Formation and Characteristics
cities) and the concomitant affluent and impoverished social categories. The process under
discussion came into its own and blossomed fully in the middle Gsnga valley during the
Mauryan period. State society had thus amved and the state was willing to make use of
powerful religious systems such as Brahmanism, Buddhism, Jainism and so on to maintain
itself and the social order. With these developments Gangetic northern India emerges into the
full view of history.

2.5.2 The Tamil Country

The anthologies of early Tamil poems collectively known as Sangam literaturt provide a vivid
account of the transition to a state society in the ancient Tamil country (Tamilakam) from an
earlier tribal-pastoral stage. They indicate simultaneous existence of different ecological regions
and suggest how different but interrelated lifeways ranging from food gathering, marginal
agriculture, fishing and cattle-tending to intensive agriculture co-existed. In the fertile river
I valleys (Marutam regions) of the Kaveri, Periyar and Yaigai agricultural surpluses were
produced and these precisely were the stronghold.; of the three ancient clan chiefs, the Chola,
Chera and Pandya. Although the scene in the pre-Christian centuries was dominated by
wamor chiefs, cattle-raids, war and booty, slowly people began to settle down as peasants and
gradually a stratified society emerged with the peasants, bards, wamors and chieftains as the
principal categories. The cult of war catapulted the wamor groups under their chiefs to a
dominant position. The peasantry looking for protection and immunity from raids and plunder
tended to be absorbed into a system in which a rudimentary state came into existence. The
process of state formation was accelerated by the :
Roman trade, in the early Christian centuries,
the rise of towns, and
the penetration of northern sanskritic (Aryan) culture along with the Brahmans.
In the early centuries of the Christian era there was the growing importance of Roman trade;
simultaneously there was a rise in inland trade within Tamilakam and between Tamilakam
and the Deccan. Kerala was an integral part of Tamilakam during this early period. The
numerous minor chieftaincies in hilly, marginal agricultural zones were increasingly brought
within the spheres of the three kingdoms. Socially, the process is reflected in the formation of
caste society with the peasants being reduced to the Sudra status. The basis of the emergence
of the state was thus laid in early Tamil Nadu.

2.5.3 The Deccan :Andhra and Maharashtra

In Andhra and the Northern Deccan, the iron-using Megalithic communities which followed
the Neolithic-Chalcolithic cultures provided the base for settled agriculture and helped in the
transformation of these regions. High yielding paddy cultivation was resorted to in the
occupied coastal tracts of Andhra during the 5th-3rd century B.C. The Megalithic burials have
produced evidence for :
rudimentary craft specialization,
a rudimentary exchange network, which transported mineral resources to the Northern
Deccan, and
status differentiation.

There isevidence for a p W o n of Black-and-Red ware sites suggesting a possible rise in

L population. 'Phe transformation of the Megalithic phase from around the third century B.C.
marks the beginnings of change in a largely egalitarian, ranked society into a stratified society.
By the second century B.C. there is evidence for metallic money, Roman trade and
urbanization. Both inscriptions and archaeology reveal the existence of a nun~berof towns in
C
Andhra and Maharashtra during this period. By this time Buddhism had spread in Deccan and
we see the growth of monasteries and Buddhist centres. In the meantime another kind of
development had begun in the form of the historical spread of the Mauryan state. which
accelerated the pace of these developments.
With the coming of the Mauryas the Megalithic culture gave way to early historical
settlements. Many urban centres and monasteries in the Deccan, some of which emerged as
nodal points, date to that period. It is precisely this interaction that led to the emergence of
localities in the Deccan. Localities may be taken to approximate, to use a north Indian
Kamesh Mechrocks
Fnvironment and Fady Patterns of parallel, the term Janpada The emergence of localities seems to be a significant development
Adaptation by the time of the Satavahanas. They provided the basis for early historic state formation in
the Deccan. From the 2nd century B.C. we see the gradual expansion of agricultural
settlements and the ihtegration of new communities. First, the monasteries and Buddhism and
later the Brahmanas and Brahmanism helped the process of social integration. There developed
a triangular relationship between the settled communities, the state and the monasteries and or
the Brahmanas. The historical process advanced further under the Ikshvakus in coastal
Andhra, the Kadambas in Karnataka and the Vakatakas in Maharashtra. By the middle of the
first millennium A.D. the two regions registered their distinct individual presence.

2.5.4 Kalinga and Ancient 'Orissa

The land of Orissa, like the Deccan, experienced significant changes from around the 4th - 3rd J

century B.C. Between c.300 B.C. and c. 4th century A.D. the history of Orissa is one of
internal transformation of the tribal society. The transition was partly autonomous and partly
stimulated by contracts with the Sanskritic culture of the Gangetic plains, the beginnings of I
which can be traced back to the times of the Nandas and Mauryas. The subsequent period i.e.
the 4th-9th centuries experienced the emergence of a series of sub-regional states in different
pockets of the region. The specificities of the emerging pattern were well laid by the 10th
century. The process, however, was not uniform nor evenly spread.
The littoral zone of the deltaic coast experienced transition to the historical stage earlier than
the inland forest tracts and the rolling uplands, which have much in common with the
adjoinin- chattisgarh and Bastar sub-regions. The tribal situation in central and western Orissa
accounted for the arrested and uneven process of transformation in the region. The large
concentration of tribals and the physiography of the land prevented a repetition of the
Gangetic socio-economic pattern. Caste society within the Y a m structure was late to emerge
in Orissa and when it did there was a difference in the broad essentials. In terms of social
structure Orissa presents an interesting case of regional variation.

2.5.5 The North- West

It must be clear that very little has been said so far about Sindh and Baluchistan in the North-
West. This is mainly because of their peripheral location. For much of the early historical
period they were cut off from the mainstream of cultural development by the great Indian
Desert. This is not to argue that the area was culturally barren. In our period of study
whenever anything of consequence happened there, it was mostly in relation to central Asia,
Afghanistan or Persia (Iran). It was only from the Kusb;ma period that these areas formed a
part of a supra-regional political system which included a major part of northern India.
However, in the North-West the Gandhara region was an exception.

As early as the 6th century B.C. Gandhara was listed among the sixteen Mahajanapadas.
Bimbisara, the king of Magadha had diplomatic contacts with the king of Gandhara. Taxila, the
capital of Gandhara was a centre of learning and trade. It had a wide economic reach. There is
evidence for trade with Mathura, Central India and the Romans. Owing to her geographical
location Gandhara continued to be a meeting place of various people and cultures. In the last
quarter of the 6th century B.C. the region was politically a part of the Achaemenid (persian)
empire. There is evidence for continuous urban life at Taxila from c.500 B.C. to c. A.D. 500.
However. urban life was at its peak between the second century B.C. and the second century
A.D. This 1s the period when the celebrated Gandhara school of art flowered. This school of
art is generally described as Graeco-Buddhist in content because it is seen to be a product of
interaction between Hellenistic art and Buddhism. However, increasingly it is being realised
that the Gandhara school had a Bactrian substraction too: Therefore, the influence of the
Bactrian school in the formation of the Gandhara school cannot be brushed aside. The point
that we are trying to make is that:
i first. in the North-West, Gandhara provides a different picture of development
which contrasts with Sindh and Baluchistan, and
ii) secondly. in the early christian centuries the personality of the region was shaped
by different influences because of her very geographical setting.
Check Your Progress 3
1 Which of the following stakments are right ( \/ ) or wrong ( X ) ?
i) The Gangetic basin is a homogeneous geographical base. ( )
ii) The need for coinage was generated through trade and commerce. ( )
Kamesh Mechrocks
 iii) The Janapada provided the basis for state formation, ( ) ~ c p l o n ain I ndion
Formation and Chan
iv) The Sangam literature throws no light on state formation in ancient Tamil
country. ( )
V) The development of Gancihara region was shaped by different cultural
influences. ( )

2 Fill in the blanks :

i) Agricultural surpluses helped in the .................... (growth/decay) of towns. .
ii) The rise of ....................(Janapadas/Mahajanpadas) led to the growth of
Mahanagaras.
iii) High yielding ....................(wheat/paddy) cultivation was taken up in coastal Andhra
during ....................(5-3rd/ 1-2). B.C.
iv) The ....................(non-TribaVTribal) situation in Orissa arrested the transformation in
tke .................... (subcontinent/region).
I *

LET US SUM UP

A general survey of the problem of regions and regionalism in our history and the above
examples trying to explain the process of the formation of reginns very clearly show that the
socio-cultural differentiation of regions is historically old. .,,,rgence of natural physical
regions as historical/cultural regions can be traced back ta the formative ,period of Indian
history. Subsequently these regions evolved their distinct socio-cultural ethos leading to the
emergence of separate socio-political entities. Some regions surfaced earlier and faster than
others owing to the early convergence of certain historical forces in them. Developments in
other areas were triggered off by interaction with and cultural diffusion from these primary
centres. This may partly explain.the differential traits of the varied regions.
Regional variation expressed itself more conspicuously in many forms such as langwdr,
architecture, sculpture and the caste system in the Gupta and post-Gupta centuries. Almost all
the regional language evolved during the said period. Simultaneously region-spec~liccaste
structures emerged. Such differences existed not onlv between regions but also within regions.
Although regions tend to be somewhat homogeneous units. the ~ersistenceof sub-regions
within regioos cannot be ignored either. Already we have seen that Gangetic northern India is
not all one homogeneous region. The ecological variations within ancient Tamilakam (Tamil
Nadu) also need to remembered. The same holds true for Andhra, Orissa, Punjab and Gujarat.
The sub-regions had their ancient names too. However. the changing political patterns and the
configurations of sub-regions were responsible for grafting new inclusive broad -based names
on areas that earlier had different names. Regions as territorial units emerge through historical
p r o m and to ,understand Indian history one has to understand their characteristics and the
process of their forktion.

2.7 KEY WORDS

I Autochthaous : Indigenous, native, aboriginal

I
I Cdodzed : Settle in a colony
Coacomitant : Along with
D ~ M ~: ~Pattern
c s of Change development and growth in any field
Epicentre : Centre of origin of earthquake
EUlos: Character, disposition of a community or culture
F d v e : Giving shape, moulding
Sodrl !3fdkatlon : Division of Society according to rank caste and strata
Static : Lacking vitality Kamesh Mechrocks
2.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES -

Check Your Progress 1

1 i) X ii) iii) X iv) V) X

2 Hint: OCP,PGW and give their timing. See Sub-sec 2.2.2

Check Your Progress 2
1 Your answer should include the development of strong regional personalities; mength of
regional personalities; strength of regional forces etc. See Section 2.3.
2 See Sub. sec 2.3.1
3 i) independent ii) Coexisted iii) different iv) higher, history

Check Your Progress 3

1 i) X ii) J iii) J iv) X v) J
2 i) growth ii) Mahajanpadas iii) paddy, 5-3rd iv) uibal, region.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 3 HUNTER-GATHERERS :
ARCHAEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE

Structure
3.0 Objectives
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Palaeolithic Stage
3.2.1 Palaeol~thicTools
3 2.2 Palaeolithic Sites
3.2 3 Subsistence Pattern
3.3 Mesolithic Stage
3.3.1 Mcsol~thicTools
3 3.2 Mesolithic Sites
3.3.3 Subsistence Pattern
3.4 Let Us Sum Up
3.5 Key Words
3.6 Answers to Check Your P r o g r w Exertises

3.0 OBJECTIVES

After reading this Unit, you will be able to learn :

the various ways to study the pre-historic hunters-gatherers.

about the archaeological evidences which enable us to reconstruct their history.
about their subsistence pattern,
about the kinds of tools they used, and to what extent pre-historic art helps us in knowing
about their organisation.

--
3.1 INTRODUCTION

It may seem unbelievable to us, living in the 20th century, but it is nevertheless true that
human societies during more than 99%of their existence on the earth have lived as
hunters/gatherers. This means that before human beings started producing food about 10.000
years ago, they lived off the resources of nature. This they did by gathering various edible
items like roots, fruits, sudd, honey and so on which nature had to offer and by killing animals,
birds and fish available in the surroundings in which they lived. The total dependence of
human being on nature or their environment during the major part of human existence has
many implications. It means that the way they acquired their food influenced the character of
their relationship with Nature and also how they viewed Nature. Second, the hunters/gatherers
existed in groups was also related to the mode of thus acquiring food. What may be noted is
that the formation of groups among hunters/gatherers was much more flexible than in other
societies.

Considering the very. very long span of time for which human societies have been in the
hunting/gathering stage, it is important that we learn about this stage of human history. There
are different areas in the world where human beings still live as huntedgatherers. It is thus
necessary that we learn something about their cultures in addition to learning about culture
changes in human history. How d o we learn about hunters/gatherers? We get considerable
amount of information about different aspects of the hunters/gatherers way of life, their social
organization and their environment from the works of ethnographers/anthropologists who
study living human communities. Their works provide us with useful insights into the ways
and conditions of life of hunting/gathering communities of the past. However, for the past
communities we depend primarily on the works of those archaeologists and other scientists
who have specialised in discovering studying and analysing the tools which these communities

Kamesh Mechrocks
ronment and Early Patterns of
tati ion

(A)-Ckvers (B) Choppers (C) Chopping I d s (D) Side sefappey (E)Burin (F) Fakes
Kamesh Mechrocks
made, the remains of animals which they killkd and ate and the kind of environment in which Hn"m'-Catherers : Archdogleal
they lived. This method which involves coming together of many academic disciplines takes Perspective
into consideration many categories of evidence including the study of all animals, plants and
other organic remains when archaeologists associate them with human communities of the
hunting/gathering stage, and this gives an insight into the character of the immediate physical
environment of the early man and the way it was utilised.

Since the tools made by the hunters/gatherers have survived in the form of stone tools,
archaeologists use different terms like paleoliths, mesoliths to classify tools of different types
and period. The stones which may not be used for mixing them and the techniques employed
in giving them shape are also studied in detail by archaeologists. The faunal study or the study
of animal remains provides a framework which can serve as a reference point for measuring
variations in the pattern of pre-historic faunal exploitation. The rock carvings and paintings
also give us an idea about the economy and society of the pre-historic people.

3.2 PALAEOLITHIC STAGE

Palaeolithic Culture developed in the Pleistocene period. The Pleistocene period (about 2
million years ago) is the geological period refe*ng to the last or the Great Ice Age. It was the
period when ice covered the earth's surface. In India, there has been considerable discussion
among archaeologists regarding the terms denoting stone tools of the palaeolithic phase :

One group of scholars wanted to introduce the term 'Upper Palaeolithic' for denoting the
phase characterised by tools like blade and burin;
The other group of scholars considered the term 'Upper Palaeolithic' specific to European
Palaeolithic culture. Now the term Upper Palaeolithic has been widely accepted in the
Indian context.

3.2.1 Palaeolithic Tools

/
Palaeolithic Culture has been divided into three phases on the basis of the nature of.stone tools
made by human beings as well as due to the changes in the climate and environment.

The tools of the lower Palaeolithic phase include mainly handaxes, cleavers, choppers and
chopping tools.
the middle Palaeolithic industries are based upon flakes, and
the Upper Palaeolithic is characterised by burins and scrapers

Let us discuss in detail some of the tools of this period and to what use were they put to.

Handaxe: Its butt end is broader and the working end is narrower. It might have been used
for cutting and digging purposes.
Cleaver : This has a biface edge and is more or less transversal. It was used for clearing and
splitting objects such as trunks of trees. choppers
Chopper: A massive core tool in which the working edge is prepared by unifacial flanking
and used for chopping purposes.
Chopping Tool : It is again a massive core tool like Chopper but the working edge is
bifacially prepared by alternate flanking. Used for similar purpose as the chopper, it was
more effective due to its edge being sharper.
Flake : A desired crude shape tool produced by applying force on the stone. The flake
carries positive bulb of percussion on its surface and the core has a corresponding negative
bulb of percussion. The point at which the hammerstone strikes is called the point of
percussion and on the flake struck off there is round, slightly convex shape around this
point called the positive bulb of percussion. On the core there is correspnding concave
bulb called the negative bulb of percussion. There are many Flaking Techniques like Free
Flaking Technique, Step Flaking Technique, Block on Block Technique, Biplar Technique
etc.
Side Scraper: Side Scraper is made of a flake or blade with continuous retouch along a
border. It might have been used for scraping barks of trees and animal skins.
e Burin : It is like flake or blade and the working border is produced by the meeting of two
planes. The burins working border does not exceed 2-3 cm. in length. It was used for
engraving on soft stones, bones or walls of rock shelters and cores.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Environment a~ n dEarly Patterns of 3.2.2 Palaeolithic Sites
Adaptation
Let us now see in which regions of India archaeologists have found these tools fashioned by
the hunters/gatherers. The distribution of their tools will tell us not only about the areas in
which the hunter/gatherers lived and moved but also about their environment.
Let us start from the extreme north:
i) The Kashmir Valley is surrounded by Pir Panjal Hills on the South-West and the
Himalayas on the north-east. A handaxe was discovered near Pahalgam in Kashmir on
the River Lidder. However, Palaeolithic tools are not found in large number in Kashmir
because Kashmir was intensely cold during ?he glacial times. The Potwar region (present
day West Punjab & Pakistan) lies between Pir Panjal and the Salt Range. This area was
experiencing tectonic movement and rivers Indus and Sohan originated in this process.
The Sohan Valley yielded handaxes and choppers and the important sites which have
yielded such tools are Adial, Balwal and Chauntra. The banks of rivers Beas. Rangange
and Sirsa have also yielded Palaeolithic tools.
ii) The Luni river (Rajasthan) complex has many palaeolithic sites. The river Luni has its b

source in the Aravalis. Chittorgarh (Gambhirs basin), Kota (Chambal basin), aod
Negarai (Berach basin) have yielded Palaeolithic tools. The Wagaon and Kadamali rivers
in Mewar are rich in Middle Palaeolithic sites. A variety of scrapers. borers and points
have been d b v e r e d in this area.
iii) The rivers Sabarmati, Mahi and their tributaries (Gujarat) have vielded many
Palaeolithic ar&&cts. Sabarmati rises in the Aravalis and flows into the Gulf of Cambay.
Middle Palaeolithic artefacts have been reported from Bhandarpur near Orsang Valley.
The river Bhader in Saurashtra is rich in Palaeolithic assemblage and handaxes, cleavers.
chopping tools, points, borers and scrapers have been reported from its banks. The Kutch
area has produced many Palaeolithic tools like cleavers. handaxes and choppers.
The Narbada river rises in the Maikal range and flows into the Gulf of Cambay. The
Narbada terraces are rich in Palaeolithic sites. Many handaxes and cleavers have been
reported. Bhimbetka (near Bhopal) located in the Vindhyan range is a site in which tools
representing the Acheulian tradition were replaced at a later stage by the Middle
Palaeolithic Culture.
The rivers-Tapti, Godavari, Bhima and Krishna have yielded a large number of
Palaeolithic sites. The digtribution of Palaeolithic sites is linked up with ecological
variation like erosional feature, nature of soils, etc. The Tapti trough has deep regur
(black soil), and the rest of the area is covered mostly by medium regur. There is scarcity
of Palaeolithic sites in the upper reaches of Bh~maand Krishna. From Chirki near
Nevasa in Maharashtra Palaeolithic tools like handaxes, chopper, cleavers, scrapers and
borers have been reported. The ither important Palaeolithic sites are Koregaon,
Chandoli and Shikarpur in Maharashtra.
In eastern India, the river Raro (Singhbhum, Bihar) is rich in Palaeolithic tools like
handaxes, bifacial chopping tools and flakes. From Singhbum many Palaeolithic sites
have been reported and the main artefacts are handaxes and choppers. Palaeolithic tools
have also been reported from the valleys of the Damodar and the Suvarnarekha. and the
distniution pattern of the palaeolithic culture here is again conditioned by topographical
features.
The Baitarani, Brahmani and Mahanadi rivers form the deltaic region of Orissa and some
palaeolithic tools have been found in this area.
The Buharbalang Valley 'in Mayurbhang in Orissa has many Early and Middle
Palaeolithic tools like handaxes, scrapers, points, flakes, etc.
vii)I From Malprabha, Ghatprabha and the amuents of the Krishna a number of Palaeolithic
sites have been reported.'~nGhatprabha basin in Karnataka Acheulian handaxes have
been found in large numbers. Anagawadi and Bagalkot are two most important sites on
the Ghatprabha where both Early and Middle Palaeolithic tools have been found.
The rivers Palar, Penniyar and Kaveri in Tamil Nadu are 6ch in Palaeolithic tools.
Attirampakkam and Gudiyam (in Tamil Nadu) have yielded both Early and Middle
Palaeolithic artefacts like handaxes: flakes, blades, scrapers, etc.
/

3.2.3 Subsistence Pattern

There is a rich assemblage of animals both of indigenous and foreign origin. Primates, many
giraffe-liki forms, muskdeer, goats. buffaloes, bovids and pigs seem to be of indigenous origin.
The camel and the horse had Horth-American connection. Hippopotamus and elephants
migrated to India frbm Cehtral Africa. The migratory routes lay east and west of the
Kamesh Mechrocks
\
H i m r h p Howsver, tbt wave of migmtion of most of the immigrant animals was along the HIIII~=-~mthcrcm : Arch-
natb-msbborders. Tben was great deal of interaction between India and Africa. ~crspcaive

As regards the relationship between Paheolithic human beings and their resources, the faunal
muaim give us some idea about their subsistence pattern. These remains suggest that the
pcopk wen p r i i y in a hunting and gathering stage. It is likely that the balance between
number of buman popdation and the animal population of the area in which they lived and
moved to ensure food supply would have been maintained. The people would have made
extensive use of faunal and floral resources in theh immediate vicinity. Hunting practices were
concentrated on large and middle sized mammals especially ungulates (a type of animal). At
the same time deer, rhino, and elephant seem to have been hunted. There is no evidence of
sdective hunting in this period. In some assemblages few species dominate; it is so because of
their abmdance in the area Pad also because they were easy to hunt, It seems that the
sukirtence p8ttcms of hunter-gatherers wen geared to a drymn/wet- cycle of
exploitation of plant and animal foods. It is likely that the palaeolithic people subsisted on
such animals as ox, bison, nilgai, chinkara, gazelle, black buck antelope, sambar, spotted deer
wild boar, a variety of birds, and tortoises and fishes and on honey and plant foods like fruits
roots, seeds and leaves.
It is argued that the items which were gathered and constituted their diet are generally far
more important than the animbls which are hunted in the cantext of modem surviving bunter-
gatherers. It has been also observed that the debris from the gathered part of the diet normally
survive 6er less than the debris from the bunted part. It is difficult to work out on this basis the
diet pattern of Paiaeolithic people because we do not have much evidence of people and plant
relationship for the past as we have for the present-day hunters/gatherers. It is likely that
Palaeolithic people would have been taking animal diet along with products of wild plants.
#
Rock paintings and carvings also,gve us an insight into the subsistence pattern and social life
of the Palaeolithic people. The earliest paintings belong to Upper PWlithic age. Bhimbetka
located on the Vindhyan range, is well known for continuous s&on of paintings of
different periods. Period-I below to Upper Palaeolithic stage and paintings are done in green
and dark red colours. The paintings are predominantly of bisons, elephants, tigers, rhinos and
boars. They are usuaHy large, some measuring twethree metres in length. There is need to
work out the frequency of the different types of animals to have more precise idea about the
hunting life of Palaeolithic people. But hunting is reflected as the main subsistence pursuit in
the carvings and paintings. It is sometimes possible to distinguish between men and women on
the basis of anatomical features. These painti- also reflected that palaeolithic people lived in
small band (small groups) societies whose subsistence economy was based on exploitation of ..
resources in the form of both animal and plant products.
Check Your Progreae 1
Note : Read the following questions carefully and mark the right and most appropriate
answers.
I Which period of Social evolution represents the hunting-gathering stage :
a) Palaeolithic Age
b) Mesolithic Age
C)Palaeolithic and Mesolithic Age
d) ,Neolithic Age
2' How are pre-historic hunter-gatherer societies studied?
a) With the help of literary sources.
b) With the help of numismatic sources.
c) With the help of epigraphic sources
d) With the help of archaeological remains
3 Pleistocene Period was :
a) V e p cold
b) Very warm
c) Temperature was laild
d) Very dV
4 Palaeolithic Culture has been divided into three phases on the ba& of :
a) Change in the climate
b) The nature of stone tools.
c) Faunal remains
Kamesh Mechrocks
d) Nature of stone tools and change in climate and hum1 remains
Fnvironment and Early Pattrrnr of 5 Palaeolithic economy was based on :
Adsplation a) Food Production
b) Hunting
C)Gathering of products of wild plants
d) Hunting of animals and gathering of products of wild plants
//

3.3 MESOLITHIC STAGE ..

The Mesolithic Age began around 8000 BC. It was the transitional phase between the
Palaeolithic Age and the Neolithic Age. There was rise in temperature and the climate became
warm and dry. The climatic changes affected human life and brought about changes in fauna
and flora. The technology of producing tools also underwent change and the small stone tools
were used Man was predominantly in hunting/gathering stage but there was shift in the i

partern of hunting from big game to small game hunting and to fishing and fowling. These
material and ecological changes are also reflezted in rock paintings. Let us examine some of
~iUorbd- the tools used during this period.

3.3.1 Mesolithic Tools

The Mesolithic tools are microliths or small stone tools. Microliths are very small in size and
their length ranges from 1 to 8 cm. Some microliths have even geometric forms. Blade, core,
point, triangle, lunate and trapeze are the main types of Mesolithic tools. Besides these,
Palaeolithic tools like scraper, burin and even choppers also continue during the Mesolithic
Age :
i) Blade : Blade is a specialized flake with parallel to subparallel to lateral edge, its length
is equal to at least twice its width. It might have been used for cutting purposes.
The techniques of Mesolithic blade production is called fluting. Here the pressure is
delivered on the core from the edge of the striking platform. We also find some
retouched blades which are broad, thick and long. The retouching process sharpens the
blade and we find blades with retouching along one or two borders or even at two ends.
These blades are more sharp and effective than ordinary blades.
ii) Core :Core is usually cylindrical in shape with fluting marks along its length and a flat
striking platform at the distal horizontal end.
iii) Point :Point is a broken blade in a triangular fonn. It is retouched along one or both the
slopping borders and the border can be rectilinear or curvilinear. The points were used as
arrowheads and spearheads.
iv) Triangle : It has usually one border and the base, and the border is retouched. These
were used for cutting purposes or as arrowheads.
v) Lunate :Lunate is like a blade and one of the borders is prepared by semi-circular
retouching. It looks like a segment of a circle. It could be used to obtain wncave cutting
edge or two of these could be halved back to back to form an arrowbead.
vi) Trapeze :Trapeze looks like blade and usually more than one border is retouched. Some
trapezes have retouches on three borders. Trapezes wuld have been used as arrowheads.

3.3.2 Mesolithic Sites

Let us discuss some of the prominent Mesolithic sites in India :
i) The Pachpadra basin and the Sojat area (Rajasthan) are rich in mimliths. The
significant habitation site discovered is Tilwara. Tilwara has two cultural phases, Phase-I
is Mesolithic and is characterized by the presence of microliths. In Phase-II wheel made
pottery and pieces of iron are found together with microliths. Bagor (Rajasthan) on the
river Kothari is the largest Mesolithic site in India and has been horizontally excavated.
Bagor has three cultural phases. On the basis; of radiocarbon dating phase I or the
earliest phase of culture has been placed between 5000-2000 B.C.
ii) The rivers Tapti, Narbada, Mahi and Sabamti (Gujarat) has also yielded many
Mesolithic sites. Sites like Akhaj, Valasana, Hirpur and Langhnaj are situated east of the
river Sabarmati. Langhnaj has been extensively studied and it has revealed three cultural
phases. Phase i has produced microliths, burials and animal bones. The microliths are
mostly blades, triangles, cressenis, scrapers and burins.
iii) The Vindhyas and Setpuns are rich in Mesolithic sites. In Allahabad-Pratapgarh area,
Sarai Nahar Rai (Uttar Radesh) is an extensively studied site. Morhana Palm (Uttar
Kamesh Mechrocks
 R.adesh) and Lekhabia (UttarPradesh) are two siguifica.., Mesolithic sites in Kaimur :A T ~ I
range. Bbimbetka (Madhyn Pradesh) bas yielded many microliths. Bhimbetka bas a PrrrpccCfve
frvourable ecological set up. Adamga& in Hosangabad and lying to the south of
Bhimbetka is another significant M d t h i c site.
. iv) Mircroliths have been reported from coastal K o n b and the idand plateau Sites like
l t a m h d , Janyin, Babbelgo and Jalgarh have tieen reported from Konkan. The
Deccan basaltic plateau bas many Mesolithic sites and microliths have been reported
from Dhulia dishia and Poona district.
The Chhoca Nqpw plateau, the caestal plains of Olisso, the Beagal ddta, the
Bmbmaputra valley and the Shillong plateau have yielded microliths. PraNeolithic and
Neolithic sssociated microliths have been reported from Chhota Nagpur plateau.
Mayurbhanj, Keonjhar and Sundergarh in Orissa have microlithic assemblage. Kuchai in
Orissa is an excavated microlithic site. Birbhanpur located on the River lhmodar in
Watt Bcngal is another excavated microlithic site. Scbalgiri-2 in Garo hills of Meghalaya
bas yielded pre-Neolithic microlitbs.
The Kriahna and Bhima rivers have produced m y microliths. The microliths in many
clums survive to the phase of Neolithic Cultures. Sangankallu situated on the western
fringe of the Kmmtaka plateau has produced cores,Wes, points and aescents.
The Godavari delta is rich in micrdiths. Here the micrdiths are associated with the
Nedithic Culture. The Kurnool area has many microliths. Microliths have also been
reported from Renigunta, in Chittoor district in Andhn Pradesh.
Since tbe Mesolithic age covers a long span of time and there are many mesolithic sites
in India, an attempt bas been made to classify different sites chronologically and on the
basis of material remains. Some sites are real Mesolithic sites because of the abundance
of microliths and chronological sequence and some ::t% are chronologically of later time
and reflect the infiuence of Mesolithic culture and these sites fall in the category of the
sites of Mesolithic tradition.
Sita like Bagor, Suai-N.hrr-Rai, I M h d a b and Adantgarh are truly Mesolithic sites
, because of their early dates and associated material Culture.

3.33 Subsistence Pattern

1i The early Mamlithic sites have yielded the faunal reamins of cattle, sheep, goat, buffalo, pig,
do& bau, bison, elephnt, hippo, jackal,wolt, chcetah, srmbal, brasingha, black-buck,
I
chinkara, hog deer, hare, porcupine, mongoose, lizard, tortoise and fish. Many of these species
i continued duriq the range of Mesolithic tradition. However, wild sheep, wild goat, ass,
t elephant, bison, fox, hippo, sambar, chinkara, hare, porcupine, lizard, rat, fowl and tortoise are
I
absent at the sites falling in the category of Mesolithic tradition. But wild buffalo, camel, wolf,

I rhinocero6 and nilgai are present in the sites of Mesolithic tradition but these species are absent
in the early Mesolithic period. The appearance and disappearance of the animals has to be
understood in the context of changing climatic and environmental conditions.
The diet of the people during Mesolithic Age included both meat and vegetal food. The
1 remains of fish, tortoise, hare, mongoose, porcupine, deer and nilgai have been found from
different Mesolithic sites like Langhanaj and Tilwara and it seems these were consumed as
I
food. Besides hunting and fishing, the Mesolithic people also collected wild roots, tubers, hits,
I hopey etc. and these c d t u t e d important elements in the overall dietery pattern. The plant
food seems to have been more easily available than the hunted animal food. Some areas seem
i to have been rich in gr~ss,ediie roots, seeds, nuts and fruits, and people would have used
them Y food ~~. It is argued in tbe context of surviving hunter-gatherersthat the major

Ii portion of the food comes from plant sources supplemented by hunting. It is difficult to
establish -relation between the animal meat and vegetal food in the context of Mesolithic
age because the plant remains are perishable in nature. It can be suggested that hunting
provided signiticant portion of the food resource.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 . ~

Environment Early The paintings and engravings found at the rock shelters which the Mesolithic people used give
us considerable idea about the social life and economic activities of Mesolithic people. Sites
like Bhimbeh, Adamgarh, Pntapgarh and Minapur are rich in Mesolithic art and paintings.
, -f
Hunting, fishing and other human activities are reflected in thue paintings and
engravings. Bhimbetka is extremely ridh in paintings. Many animals like, boar, buffalo,
monkey and nilgai are frequmtlydepicted. The paintings and engravings depict activities like
sexual union, child birth, rearing of child, and burial ceremony. All these indicate that during
the Mesolithic period, social organization had become more stable than in pabolithic times. It
seems that the religious beliefs of the Mesolithic people are conditioned by emlogic81 and
material conditions.
check Your Progress 2
1 The Mesolithic tools are primarily:
a) Handaxe and cleaver
b) Cleaver, Chopper and Chopping tools
&
c) Blade, Core, Point, and Lunate
d) Chopping tool and flake
2 Mesolithic sites have been reported from:
a) The river Kothsri
b) The river Tapti
c) Godavari delta
d) The rivers Kothari, Tapti and Godavari delta
3 Which one of the following statements is most appropriate?
a) The subsistence pattern of Mesolithic people was based on hunting of animals
b) gathering of wild fruits and seeds
c) hunting of animals and gathering of wild fruits
d) surplus food pr4uction
4 Write ten Lines. What do the Mesolithic tools and paintings suggest in terms of subsistence
pattern and social organisation?

3.4 LET US SUM UP

The Pre-historic societies of hmter-gatherers are studied on the basis of archaeological remains
with the help of anthropologicrll theories. The Palaeolithic and Mesolithic ages represent the
hunting-gathering stage of social evolution. The Palaeolithic Culture has three phases in tenns
of the nature of stone tools and changes in climate. The handaxes, cleavers, choppers and
chopping tools are predominantly Early Palaeolithic artefacts. The Middle Palaeolithic tools
are mainly flakes. The Upper Palaeolithic Culture is characterized by burins and scrapers. The
Mesolithic Age started around 8000 B.C. and the age is associated with changes in climatic
conditions. There was further technological development reflected in the production of
microliths and small stone tools. The Mesolithic tools are mainly the blade. core, point,
triangle and l u t e .

Faunal remains give us considerable idea about the subsistence pattern of palaeolithic and
Mesolithic people. During the pdaeolithic age people were primarily in the hunting and
Kamesh Mechrocks
ga- stage. People seem to have hunted large and middle size mammals such as elephant,
ox, nilgai, deer, wild beq and a variety of birds. At the same time they also exploited the plant
foods like fruits, seeds etc. The hunting-gathering pattern continued during the Mesolithic age.
However, some animals like wild goat, fox etc. appeared during this time. From the
pahdithic age to Mesolithic Age, there seems to have been a shift from big animal hunting to
small animal hunting and fishing. The pre-historic paintin@ give us insight into tbe economic
social and cultural life of the people.

3.5 KEY WORDS

Abedim : It is used for describing a particular type of Handaxe. Such handaxes were first
found in Fnoce in the deposits of the early part ofglaciation.
Art&&: Any object that has been made, modified or used by human beings. It may range
from a coarse stone used in the manufacture of flint to anything of high technical
accomplishment in any material.
Assemblage : A group of objects of different types found in close association with each other.
Where, the assemblage is frequently repeated, and covers reasonably full range d human
activity it is described as a Culture.
Calibration: In the context ot rwocarbon dating, this term refers to the adjustment of dates
in radiocartion years by means of dendrochronological date so that a date in red, i.e. cirkndu
years is achieved. U n d b r a t e d dates are raw dates in radiocarbon years, and this is the way
that most dates from this technique are published.
Concave : Curving inwards and thinner at the centre than at the edges.
Convex :*Curvingoutwards and thicker at the centre than the edges.
~ t h m g & h:~Thi subject that deals with the descriptive recording of cultures.
h h g y : Interrelationship between animal life and plant life.
Epigraphy : It is the study of inscriptions.
Flora : The plant life of an area.
Fauna : It stands for animal life.
Geology : The subject that deals with the composition, structure, and history of the earth.
Chciatloa : A period of cold climate during which the area covered by the ice caps increased.
Several glaciations may go to make up an 'Ice Age'
Mammal : The animal that feed their young with milk from the breast.
Numismatics: It is the study of coins.
Pleistocene : The geological period corresponding with the last of Great Ice Age. The onset of
the Pleistocene is marked by an increasingly cold climate.
Pdlen Pnolysis : This technique is used in establishing relative chronology. It is the analysis of
the pollens of flowers.
Prlmate : Age of the highest order of mammals (including human beings, apes, monkeys and
lemur)
Rectangle : A quadri lateral with right angles between all four sides.
R e d n e a r : Consisting of straight line.
Radiocarbon : One of the best known chronomatic dating techniques which can be used for
dating of most organic material up to 70,000 years old. Plants and other living organs
consume carbon from the atmosphere during this life time. This carbon also includes carbon
14 (14c) which is a radioactive element. After the death of plants and the living organs the
accumulated 14c starts decaying and by measuring its present concentration we can determine
the age of the organisms which became extinct a long time ago.
Transverse : Cross-wise, in a direction at right angles to the length of the body.
Terrace : A platform of land created by the river. It is formed beside the river.

3.6 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Cheek Your Progress 1
1) (c) 2).(d) 3Xa) 4) (dl 5 ) (dl
Kamesh Mechrocks
Cbeck Your Progress 2
1) ( 4 2) ( 4 3) (c)
4 You have to use imagination for your answer like whatever the human beings painted
reflects their life pattern dnd surroundings. For example a painting which shows a mammal
hunted by human beings indicates formation of small social groups to carry the hunt: it also
reflects their food habits as to what animals they ate and the type of tools they used for
hunting, etc. See Sub-sec. 3.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 4 ORIGIN OF AGRICULTURE AND
DOMESTICATION OF ANIMALS

Structure
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Neolithic Stage of Culture
4.3 The Earliest Farmers
4 3.1 Nile Valley
4.3.2 Early Farmers of Western Asia
4.4 Early Farmers of the Indian Sub-Continent
4.4.1 North Western Region
4.4.2 Neolithic Culture of Kashmir Valley
4.4.3 Early Farmers of the Belan Valley
4.4.4 Neolithic Culture of Bihar/Mid Ganp Valley
4.4.5 Early Farmers of Eastern India
4.4.6 Early Farmers of South India
4.4.7 NwlitbicCulture of Upper. Central and Western Deccan
4.5 Let Us Sum Up
4.6 Key words
4.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

4.0 OBJECTIVES

ThisUnit deals with the origins of agriculture and beginnings of domestication of animals
before the stage when metals came to be used. Cultivation of cereals and developments in
agriculture transformed the nomadic hunter-gatherer into a sedentary farmer. This led to the
beginning of village settlements and manufacturing of new types of tools. This stage of human
development is referred to as the Neolithic stage. After studying this Unit., you will be able to
learn about :
the characteristic features of the Neolithic stage of culture,
the archaeological evidence in the forms of new types of stone tools, cultivated plants etc..
which demonstrates the beginning of cultivation,
the patterns of agriculture in West Asia and the Indian sub-continent, and
the various crops which were cultivated in different regions of the Indian sub-continent.

4.1 INTRODUCTION

In the earlier Unit you have seen that human communities in general survived for the longest
span of their existence as hunters/gatherers. This stage of their existence is revealed by their
stone tools classified by archaeologists as :
i) Palaeolithic, and
ii) Mesolithic i
as also by the remains of a n i k l s hunted and eaten by them.
Human communities entered a new stage ofculture when, instead of depending entirely on the
resources of nature for sutvival, ey started broducing their own food by cultivating cereals
9
like barley, wheat and rice and started domesticating some species of animals-both for
supplies of milk and meat as well ps for harnessing their labour for various purposes.
Beginnings of this stage of human culture are r~vealedby new type of stone tools which are
called Neolithic tools or tools of the New Stonq Age. Neolithic tools and various aspects of
human life associated with the stage wheh these tdols were produced constitute the various

Kamesh Mechrocks
t c n * ~ n m md Early Pm*ems d eiements of the stage of the Culture in which Neolithic communities lived. The characmistics
~daptath
and spread of Neolithic culture in the Nile Valley and West Asia have been dealt with briefly
in this Unit as a background to the study of the Neolithic stage in the Indian sub-continent.

4.2 NEOLITHIC STAGE OF CULTURE

Domestication of plants and animals has been considered as one of the main characteristic
features of the Neolithic stage of culture. The tern Neolithic was coined by Sir John Lubbock
in his book Prehistoric Times (first published in 1865). He used this term to denote an Age in
which the stone implements were more skillfully made, more varied in form and often
polished. Later on V. Gordon Childe defined the Neolithic-Chalcolithic culture as a self-
sufficient food producing economy; and Miles Burkitt stressed that the follovring characteristic
traits should be considered to represent the Neolithic Culture :
Practice of agriculture
Domestication of animals
Grinding and polishing of stone tools, and also
The manufacture of pottery.
The concept of what is Neolithic has been undergoing some change in recent years. A recent
study mentions that the term Neolithic should represent a culture of the pre-metal stage wherc
the inhabitants had assured supply of food by cultivation of cereals and domestication of
animals and led a sedentary life. However, the Ground stone tools remain the most essential
characteristics of a Neolithic culture.
Domestication of plants and animals led to:

the emergence of village communities based on sedentary life,

the beginnings of agriculture technology, and
greater control over nature by exploitation of natural resources.
However, before discussing the evidences and specificities of Neolithic stage of culture in our
own subcontinent we shall briefly discuss the beginning of the process of domestication of
animals and plants by human beings in areas outside India and in the Indian subcontident.
Chart 1 describes the approximate time period in which domestication of plants and animals
seems to have began.

Region Age Cuttivation of

Nile Valley Approximately 12,500 B.C. Wheat and Barley
Western Asia 8500 BC onward d+
Baluchistan From 6000 B.C. do-
Belan Valley in Uttsr Pradesh 5440-4530 B.C. Rice
South India 25W1500 B.C. Rf@

4.3 THE EARLIEST FARMERS

Till recently it was believed that the w w i n g of domestication of plants and animals took
place in Western Asia and from there it spread to various other regions of the world through
difkkm. But nay, on the basis of the archaeological evidences recently obtained from the Nile
Valley in Egypt , p d other regioos, such views may have to be modified.

43.1 Nile Valley . .

Tbe new evidence which has been brought to light regarding the earliest cultivation of wheat
and barley comes from excavations conducted at:
Wadi Kubbaaiya (located a short distance north of Aswan in South Egypt),
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 Wadi Tuska (near Abu Simbel now under water), w i n of Agriculture and
Domestication of Animals
Kom Umbo (to the north of Aswan about 60 Km from the Kubbaniya sites), and
a group of sites near Esna.

What is significant about this evidence is that they are all upper Palaeolithic sites located in the
Nile Valley and are not Neolithic sites.

These sites are dated between 14500-13000 years before present by archaeologists.

The evidence obtained from the Nile Yalley raises some important issues :
As there is no evidence of animals, domestication at the Egyptian sites it may be concluded
that the cultivation of cereals preceded the domestication of animals in this region.
Domestication of plants and domestication of animals are thus not necessarily inter-related.
As cultivation of cereals is associated with late palaeolithic tools it may be concluded that
food production in some cases may have preceded the Neolithic culture with which ground
stone tools are associated.
Cultivation of cereals gave rise to Neolithic revolution and preceded it.
As the Kubbaniya sites lie far outside the known range of both wild wheat and wild barley,
it may be concluded that food production did not necessarily originate in areas where the
plants existed in wild forms.
Domestication of plants did not originate in Western Asia as believed earlier.

4.3.2 Early Farmers of Western Asia

Let us now consider the process of evolution in Western Asia. The region embraces Palestine,
Syria, Turkey, Iraq, the Caspian basin and the adjoining regions of Iran. These are the modem
countries where archaeologists have identified the earliest farming village settlements. It is now
well-known that farming began in Palestine, Syria and Turkey in the nintheighth millennium
B.C. Significantly, the hunter-gatherers of this region gave up their movements and began a
sedentary life first in some areas depending upon the exploitation'of wild resources. On bites
such as Mureybat, north of Abu Hureyra on the Euphrates in North Syria and Suberdz in
Southern Turkey on the same river, permanent settlements could flourish entirely on hunting
and gathering. Transition to farming was a slow process but from about the ninth millennium
B.C. evidence is found that settled communities were emerging with farming as the essential
basis of the pattern of their settled life. There are a number of sites which demonstrate settled
communities of farmers in West Asia:
i) Between 8500-7500 B.C. Jericho in Palestine became a large village where agriculture is
evidenced but there is no evidence of animal domestication (which developed later).
During excavations it was found in the later levels that Jericho was surrounded by a two
metre wide stone wall with rounded towers. This is one of the earliest instances of
fortification in the world.
ii) Catal Huyuk in Southern Turkey was a large village. Here wheat, barley and peas were
grown. Animals like cattle, sheep and goat were domesticated. The mud houses which
were supposed to be entered through the roof. consisted of two rooms and were built
back to back. The Walls of the houses were found painted with leopards, erupting
volcano and vultures devouring human corpses without heads. Evidence of material
culture at this place has been found in the forms of pottery, stone axes, stone ornaments.
P bone tools, wooden bowls and basketry.
iii) In Iraq at Jarmo there is also evidence of permanently established farming villages
I (6500-5800 B.C.) with about 20 to 30 mud houses, each with a courtyard and several
rooms associated with ground stone axes, querns, pottery, etc. The people grew wheat
1
i
and barley and domesticated sheep and goat.
iv) In Iran farming began in the region of Khuzistan during eight millennium B.C., almost
I
the same time as in Palestine and Anatolia. At Ali Kosh in South Iran (from about
I 7,500 B.C.) we have the evidence of a winter camp of people who were cultivating
wheat and barley. Tbey were also domesticating sheep. It appears that in this region
i herding and agriculture were inter-related.

In Western Asia crop cultivation and domestication of animals are inter-related at certain sites
Kamesh Mechrocks
whereas in some regions agriculture came before the domestication of animals.
Environment and Farly Patterns of Check Your Progress 1
Adaptation
1 Discuss in about 10 lines the main characteristics of Neolithic stage of culture.

2 Discuss some of the main issues relating to early farming which excavation in the Nile
Valley have raised.

3 Fill in the blanks :

i) According to Gordon Childe Neolethic culture represents a ................(dependent/self
sufficient) food producing economy.
ii) .................(Ground stone/Copper) tools remain the essential characteristic of
Neolithic culture.
iii) Jericho is the earliest known village with a ................. (water tank/mud fortification).
iv) Catal Huyuk was a .....,.......... (large/small) village in .................(Turkey/Iran).

4.4 EARLY FARMERS OF THE INDIAN

SUB-CONTINENT

The history of domestication of plants and animals in the sub-continent practically began with
the emergence of neolithic cultures. Except for ground stone axes all the neolithic cultures of
the sub-continent can be classified into the geographical regions as mentioned in Chart-2

Chart 2 Regions of the Indian Sub-continent.

North-Western region-(including Afghanistan and ,Western Pakistan particularly the

Kachi plains in Baluchistan)
Northern region-(covering the Kashmir Valley).
South-eastern U.P.-(covering the Vindhyan outcrops in the districts of Allahabad,
Mimpur, Reva and Sidhi-particularly the Belan Valley).
Mid-eastern region-(northern Bihar).
North-eastern region-(~verjng Assam and adjacent subHimalayan repion).
Central-eastem-region-(covering Chhota Nagpur plateau with exteasions in Orissa
and West-Ben@).
Southern region--(covering the Peninsular India).
-

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We ~haildiscuss the characteristics of the Neolithic cultures in these reions semratelv.
 Origin of Agriculture and
4.4.1 North- Western Region Domestication of Animals
Ii was in this region (present day Afghanistan and Pakistan) that we find the earliest evidence
of the origin of wheat and barley cultivation. In northern Afghanistan, caves occupied by
hunters and gatherers have been discovered by archaeologists. These caves contained the bone
remains of wild sheep, cattle and goat. By about 7000 B.C. sheep and goat were domesticated
in Afghanistan. It is believed that the Central Asian region and its peripheries comprising the
present day Punjab, Kashmir, West-Pakistan, Afghanistan and Soviet Republics of Tajikistan
,and Uzbekistan and West Tian Shan were the original places of bread-wheat and spelt-wheat
cultivation.

Beginning of agriculture and domestication of animals in Baluchistan (in Pakistan) are attested
by archaeological excavatrons. The Kachi plains in Baluchistan have several advantages which
contributed to the appearance of early farming economy in the region. Located between the
barren ranges of inner Baluchistan. the small valleys consisting of fertile alluvium brought by
the streams from the hills and perennial river systems make irrigation easy on stretches of land
which had vegetation.
It is in this ecological setting that the ancient site of Mehrgarh is located at about 150 Km
from Quetta. Excavations at the site have revealed a long cultural history for the region
ranging from the pre-pottery.Neolithic to the mature Harappan Period. The Neolithic levels at
Mehrgarh have been classified into two phases, (i) the early aceramic without pottery and
(ii) the later phase.

The cereals cultivated here included two varieties of barley and three varieties of wheat.
charred seeds of plum and also of date were found from the very . of the settlement.
During the excavations, the earliest, layers of the Neolithic period (Period-I) yielded bones of
wild animals like gazelles, swamp deer. antelopes, sheep, goat and cattle. But the top layers
(later phase of the Neolithic deposits) yielded bones of domesticated cattle, sheep and goat

I
besides bones of wild gazelles. pig and onager. Thus , there is clear cut evidence that the
process of the domestication of sheep and goat was done locally. Here, the beginning of the
pre-pottery settlement phase has been fixed to about 6000 B.C.

The subsistence pattern of the Neolithic period is characterised by a mixed economy based on
early farming and domestication of animals supplemented by hunting. The inhabitants lived in
rectangular houses of mud-bricks. Some of the structures were divided into small square
compartments and used for storage. The tool kit included one stone axe, five stone adzes,
twenty five grinding stones and sixteen mulers supplemented by abundant microliths of typical
blade industry. Some of the blades show sheen which is chamcteristic of flint used to cut
grains.

On the basis of evidence from Mehrgarh it appears that Kachi plains may have been an
independent epi-centre (centre of origin) for cattle and sheep domestication and for cultivation
of wheat and barley. Period-I1 at Mehrgarh represents the Chalcolithic phase (5000 B.C.),
from which cultivation of cotton and grape is attested in addition to the cultivation of wheat

Kamesh Mechrocks
8. Neolithic Houses (Mehmnrh)
Environment and Early Patterns or and barley. Probably the Harappans inherited the knowledge of wheat, barley, and cotton
Adaptation cultivation from their early ancestors at Mehrgarh. (For the Harappans read the next Block).
The idea that farming and domestication of animals spread from West Asia to the direction of
the Indian sub-continent may thus have to be given up in the light of the evidence which
Mehrgarh provides.

Village settlements appeared in the Kashmir valley by about 2500 B.C. Excavations at
Burzahom and Gufkral throw significant light on the Neolithic culture of this region. The
Neolithic stage of this region has been classified into two phases at Burzahom and three at
Gufiral. At the latter site the earliest phases is aceramic (pre-pottery,) discovered for the first
time in India. The Neofithic culture of Kashmir valley is characterised by pit-dwellings with
well made floors smeared with red-ochre as well as dwellings in the open. The presence of a
large number of unique bone tools suggests that the economy was predominantly a hunting
economy.

9. D w c l q Pir ( 6 o r z ~ m ) 10. Corridor Jokrlng two DweMimg Pita

At Gufkral, iqPhase-I charred wild grains of lentil, masur, pea, wheat and barley were found
besides bones of wild animals such as cattle, sheep, goat, ibex, red deer and wolf. Phases I1 and
I11 are characterised by the presence of domesticated plants and animals. Other notable objects
found from the later phases are lodg celts, stone points, sophisticated bone tools (harpoons,
arrowheads, etc.) and perforated harvesters. Dog burials placed along some of the human
burials have also been reported. These findings indicate how an essentially hunting- gathering
economy of Phase I gradually developed into a well settled agricultural economy in Phase 11.

It is worth mentioning here that the Neolithic culture of Burzahom displays affinities with
Sarai Khola and Ghaligai of Swat valley in pottery, bone and stone objects. Pitdwellings,
harvesters and dog burials are characteristics of the North Chinese Neolithic culture. Contact
with the pre-Harappans is also indicated by the pottery found at Bunahom.

The available C-14 dates from the two sites indicate a time range off 2500-1500 B.C. for the
Neolithic culture of the Kashmir Valley.

4.4.3 Early Farmers of the Belan Valley

The river Belan flows down frcm east to west along the edge of the Vindhyan plateau out-
crop. It is a tributary of the Tons which joins the Ganga near Allahabad. This rdgion is part of
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the monsoon belt. The entire area is covered with thick forest of teak, bomboo and dhak. The
 Origin of Agriculture and
forests are the natural habitat for wild animals like Tiger. Nilgai, .Chital, etc. The vegetal Domestication of Animals
cover is provided by thickly grown grasses including wild rice. The area was a favourite
hunting ground of early stone age people down to the epi- palaeolithic period. The relevant
excavated sites of the Belan Valley which indicate transition from the fd-gathering stage to
the food producing stage are Chopani-Mando. Koldihawa and Mahaaara.

11. Beehive type huntment

At Chopani Mando a three-phase sequence from epi- palaeolithic to late Mesolithic or proto-
Neolithic period has been established by archaeologists. Phase 111 (advanced mesolithic) is
characterised by semi-sedentary community life and specialised hunting-gathering economy.
Beehive type of hutments. common hearths, unportable anvils, geometric microliths, large
number of ring-stones and hand-made impressed pottery were found here. Querns and mullers
of wide range in forms and sizes indicate emphasis on food gathering. The phase also yields
significant evidence of the presence of wild rice and bones of wild cattle, sheep and goat.

Single culture site refers to an archaeological site which was occupied for a single phase of
culture like Neolithic or Chalcolithic. There are however other sites which were occupied
through different cultural phases. If a site, after excavations, shows that it was under
occupation during Neolithic, Chalcolithic and Iron-using phases, then it would be
considered a multiculture site and the Neolithic phase would be called Period I, the
Chalcolithic phase period I1 and the Iron-using phase period 111. These periods would show
the chronological sequence of cultures at the site.

The excavations at Koldihwa revealed a three-fold cultural sequence (Neolithic, Chalcolithic

and Iron Age). Mahagara is a single culture (Neolithic) site. The combined evidence from the
two sites indicates sedentary life, domestication of rice (oriza sativa)and of cattle and
sheep/goat. Other objects throwing light on the life of people living in this area are:
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Environment and Early Parierns of
a r d - i m p r d pottery,
Adaptation
. Round celts and a h , with rectangular or oval cross-section, and chalcedony blades,
Circular/oval floors littered with artefacts
A large cattlepen with hoof-marks of cattle
Have also been reported from Mahagara.

The Neolithic culture of the Belan Valley sbows a developed and advanced sedentary life with:

defined family units

standardisation of pattery forms
portable size of food-processing units like querns and mullers
specialised tools like chisels, celts and adzes;
cultivation of domesticated rice,
domestication of cattle, sheep/'andlgoat and horse,

It has been suggested that Neolithic farmers of the Belan Valley emerged as the earli& rice
farming community in India (6th millennium B.C.), although the suggestion is not accepted by
all. The transition from gathering to farming economy is also clearly documented in this
region. However, pottery makes its appearance in the late mesolithic/prot~neolithicphase at
Chopni Mando (circa ninth-eighth millennium B.C.). This is indicative of primacy of '
manufacture of pottery over domestication of plants (rice) and animals (cattle, sheep/goat and
horse).

Chopni-Mando provides the earliest evidence of the use of pottery in the world.

4.4.4 Neolithic Cultures of Bihar/Mid Ganga Valley

The lower central Gangetic valley with all its flora and faunal resources was occupied by
sedentary village settlements much later (2000-1600 B.C.). Excavations at Chirand, Chechar,
Senuwar and Taradib, etc. throw significant light'on the life pattern of the Neolithic people of
this region. At Senuwar (Distt. Rohtas) the neolithic farmers cultivated rice, barley, field pea,
lentil and some millets. From this site a variety of wheat and grass pea have also been found
from upper levels of hamtion. The neolithic levels at Chirand (Distt. Saran) situated on the
left bank of the Ganga revealed the structural remains of mud floors, pottery, microliths,
ground celts, bone tools and beads of semi- precious stones, besides terracotta human
figurines. Both Chirand and Senuwar are known for their remarkable bone tools. The grains
cultivated at Chirand were wheat, barley. rice and lentil.

The later Neolithic-Chalcolithic people at Senuwar also started cultivating gram and moong in
addition to the crops raised by the earlier people.

4.4.5 Early Farmers of Eastern India

The area comprises the hills of Assam including north Cachar, the Garo and the Naga hills.
Ecologically the area falls in the monsoon zone with heavy rainfall.

The Neolithic culture of this region is characterised by shouldered celts, small ground axes of .
rounded form and cord-impressed pottery, heavily tempered with quartz particles. Excavations
at Deojali Hading in north Cachar hills have yielded all the objects noted above. These objects
are the types which have extensive distribution in China and ~out6-%t Asia with a long
ancestry there. Yet the affinlty of Assam Neolithic traits with china or§puth East Asia has not
been finally settled as there is a wide chronological gap. The Assam ~ e 6 1 i t Gculture phase
has been tentatively dated around 2000 B.C.

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 Ori@no f Agriculture and
Domestication of Animals

ItSlow arm from Cm,HBk (Ansat)

4.4.6 Early Farmers of South India

The problem of transition from the stage of advanced hunting to that of food producing
economy in South India has not yet been clearly established. The Neolithic settlements are
found on the hilly and dry Deccan plateau drain* by the Bhima, Krishna, Tungabhadra and
Kaveri rivers. These settlements flourished particularly in those areas where the normal rainfall
is below 25 cm per annum. Excavated sites, which throw light on the various aspects of the
Neolithic culture, of the south India are Sangankallu, Naga rjunakonda, Maski, Brahmagiri,
Tekkalakota, Piklihal, Kupgal, Hallur, Palavoy, Hemmige and T. Narsipur.

South Indian Neolithic culture has been classified into three phases by archaeologists. The
earliest phases is represented at Sangankallu and Naga rjunakonda. The faint traces of
dwellings, crude handmade pale reddish brown pottery with slipped outer surface, blade tools
of chert and ground stone tools found at Nagajunakonda, demonstrate that the people had only
r u f f t m t a r y knowledge of cultivation. Ptobably they did not domesticate animals. This phase e

can be dated to 2500 B.C. or earlier.

In Phase I1 besides the continuation of the features of Phase I, the pottery is mainly of red
ware fabric. However, Lapidary art and domestication of animals are the pew features. Now
the microliths were made of quartz crystals.
Ia Phase 111 (datable to around 1500 B.C.) grey ware pottery, is predominant. The red ware
and short blade industry of quartz crystals of Phase I1 continued into this phase. Neolithic toolo
of various types are also found in this phase. These indicate greater practice of.agrieul$ue with
food gathering and hunting now assuming a subcidiary rote.

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Environment and Early Patterns or The Ltter two phases are characterised by dwelling pits at Nagajunakonda with roofs
Adaptation
supported by wooden'poles. Wattle-and- daub houses are reported from other sites.

Millet (Ragi) was one of the earliest crops cultivated by the Neolithic farmers of South India.
It is cultivated even today and forms an important source of food for the poor classes. It is also
used as fodder for the cattle. It is generally believed that the domesticated Ragi came from
East Africa. The wild Ragi, which grew as weeds along with the domesticated variety. was not
the direct ancestor of thelatter. But the wild ragi was ancestrally associated with the African
variety. Other crops cultivated by the Neolithic farmers of south India were wheat, horsegiam,
and moong (green gram). Date palm was also gown. Termcine seems to have been an
important feature of the method of cultivation during this period. It was employed for making
tiny fields for growing crops.

The nature of animal bones found from the excavations indicates that the animals were used
for draught-work or putting heavy material, and ploughing the fields. It is clear from the
excavations at Nagarjunakonda that domestication of plants preceded the domestication of
animals. Domesticated animals like cattle, sheep and goat, buffalo, ass, fowl, swine and horse
are also reported from some sites. Sambhar deer, bara singha, spotted deer and gazelle were
hunted and pond snails and tortoise were caught for food by the people.

Abundance of cattle and other kinds of food articles suggest sedentary a g r i c u l t u r 6 c ~ - ~ r a l

economy of the Neolithic people. On the basis of C-14 dates, the Neolithic culture of South
India has been placed between 2600 and 1000 B.C.

Many ashmounds (compos-ed of ash) are found in the vicinity of Neolithic sites like Utnur,
Kodekal and Kupgal. Some of the them are also f a d in forests, remote from any settlement.
It has been suggested that these ashmounds were the sites of the Neolithic cattle-pens. From
time to time the accumulated dung was burned either by design as a part of some ritual or by
accident. Some of the ashmounds in rem0te.r areas may suggest seasonal migrations to the
forest grazing grounds by the people.

4.4.7 Neolithic Cultures of Upper Central and Western Deccan

In the midde and the upper reaches of the Krishna and the Godavari and their tributaries, the
picture is somewhat different. In these regions besides the ground stone tools made on black
trap, a large number of parallel-sided blades and microliths of agate, chacedony and carnelian
(all semi-precious stones) were found along with grey ware and Chhlithic-type painted
pottery. No clear-cut Neolithic phase has been recorded in this region. But the evidence from
Chandoli on the Bhima, a tributary of the Krishna and from Nevasa and Daimabad, sites on
the Pravara, a tributary of the Godavari, suggests that Neolithic farmers in this region had
moved into the Chalcolithic phase.

Further northwards in the Tapti and Narmada valleys of north Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh
and Gujarat no clear-cut Neolithic phase was found. Only a small number of triangular axes
with pointed buttend of South Indian affiliation found at Eran in the Bina Valley and at
Jokha in South Gujarat are Neolithic finds from this region.

In the Chambal, the Banas and the Kali Sindh Valleys there is scarcely any evidence of the
presence of ground stone tools. In1 spite of the fact that during an earlier mesolithic context
domestication of animals had started, sedentary settlements started in this region only after
copper-bronze implements became known.

Check Your Progress 2

1 Discuss in about 10 lines the main characteristicsof The Neolithic cultures in the North-
Western Region.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Origin
Domes

2 Which of the following statements are right or wrong ? Mark ( X ) or ( \/ ).

i) It can be said that the Harappan people inherited the knowledge of wheat, barely
and cotton cultivation from the earlier inhabitants of Mehrgarh. ( )
ii) In Gufkral, there is no presence of domesticated plants and animals. ( )
iii) Excavations at Belan Valley site. have helped us in determining the nature of
transition from food gathering to food producing stage. ( )
iv) A single culture site means a combination of various cultures into one cultural
site. ( )
v) The earliest crop cultivated in South India was millet. ( )
vi) Excavations at Cachar Hills have yielded no traces of Neolithic culture. ( )
3 What do the finds of pottery, ground tools and mud hutments, etc. indicate in terms of
development in human society ?

4.5 LET US S U M UP

This Unit has made you aware of the basic characteristics of the s t a g characterized by
transition to cultivation of plants and domestication of animals. The transition from
hunting/gathering to cultivation brought about many changes. Generally speaking these
included fashioning of pottery which was obviously needed for storing grains as well as eating
food processed from them, refined tools which were ground and effective for agricultural
operations. settled villages communities, etc

Recent evidence seems to suggest that the earliest farming operations started in the Nile valley
and in Western Asia.Theseoperations emerged at a later date. In certain regions the process of
cultivation of crops and domestication of animals went side by side whereas in some regions
cultivation of crops preceded domestication of animals.

In the Unit you have also been familiarised with the geographical regions in which evidence of
, the Neolithic stage of culture has been found in the Indian sub~ontinent.The Neolithic
cultures in these regions emerged at different points of time, and their duration were also
different. Due to ecological variations within the sub-continent. the crops grown also varied.
The emergence of Neolithic cultures and variations between them have been shown by
archaeologists through extensive excavations at various ancient sites.

4.6 KEY W O R D S

Epi-Palaeolithic: Early palaeolithic period.

Hunting-gathering Economy : Refers to that stage of economy which was dependent on
hunting and gathering of foods.
Hunters-gatherers: Refers to that stage of human development when human beings procured
their foods through hunting and collecting from nature.
Proto-Neolithic : The stage before the beginning of the Neolithic period.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Environment and Early Pacter Sedentary life: Refers to that stage of human development when human beings started settled
Adaptation life.
Terracing: Method of cultivating crops by which hilly lands are divided into steps for
cultivation.

4.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES

Cheek Your Progress 1

1 Your answer should include the shift from Hunter-gatherers to food producing-process
through cultivation of wheat, barley etc., settled village life; advances made in the making
of stone tools; the emergence of pottery, etc. See Section 4.2.
2 These were: that domestication of plants and animals are not necessarily interrelated; food
production might have preceded Neolithic cultures, etc. See Sub-sec. 4.3.1.
3 i) Self sufficient ii) Ground stone
iii) Mud fortification iv) large, Turkey.

Check Your Progress 2

1 See Sub-sec.4.4.1.
2 i) \/ ii) X iii) \/ iv) X v) vi) X
3 You have to apply your imagination to ansver this. Well all these indicate a process during
which human beings were. moving from simple to complex societies; Division of labour:
advances in technology; need based inventions, etc. are some hints for your answer.

4.8 SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

(1) D.P. Agrawal The Archaeology of India, Select Book Service,

New Delhi. 1984.
(2) Bridget and Raymond The Rise of Civilization in India and Pakistan, (Indian
Allchin edition), Select Book Service. New Delhi 1988.
(3) S.C. Malik Indian Civilization :The Formative Period. Simla, 1968.
(4) B.P. Sahu From Hunters to Breeders. Anamika Prakashan, Delhi 1988.
( 5 ) H.D. Sankalia Prehistory and Protohisto)pr in India and Pakistan.
University of Bombay, 1962

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 5 ANTECEDENTS, CHRONOLOGY
. AND GEOGRAPHICAL SPREAD

5.1 Introduction
5.2 An Old City is Discovered
5.3 The Age of the Harappan Civilization
5.4 Why it is called the Harappan Civilization
5.5 Antecedents
5.6 Geographical Features
5.7 Origins of Agriculture and Settled Villages
5.8 The Early Harappan Period
5.8.1 Southern Afghanistan
5.8.2 Quetta Valley
5.8.3 Central and Southern Baluchistan 1

5.8.4 The Indus Area

5.8.5 Punjab and Bahawalpur
5.8.6 Kalibangan

5.11 Key Words

5.12 Answers to Check Your Progress 'Ekercises

5.0 OBJECTIVES
I

After reading this unit, you will be able to learn:

how the Harappan Civilization was discovered,
how its chronology was determined,
how the village communities gradually evolved into the Harappan Civilization, and
the geographical spread of the Harappan Civilization.

5.1 INTRODUCTION
In Block 1you learnt about the evolutiqn of mankind from hunting gathering societies
to agricultural societies. The invention of agriculture led to far reaching changes in
human societies. One important result was the emergence of cities and civilizations.
In this Unit you will be made familiar with the birth of one such civilization namely
the Harappan civilization.

5.2 AN OLD CITY IS DISCOVERED

In 1826 an English man Charles Masson visited a village named Harappa in Western
Punjab (now in Pakistan). He noted the remarkably high walls, and towers of a very
old settlement. He believed that this city belonged to the times of Alexander the
Great. In 1872, a famous archaeologist Sir Alexander Cunningham came to this place.
The people of the surrounding areas told him that the high mounds of Harappa were
parts of a thousand year old city. It had been ruined because of the wickedness of its
king. Cunningham collected some archaeological objects from this site but he could
nat determine to which period of history they really belonged. He simply believed
t:~atthese objects were probably from outside India, Thus, he concurred with the
opinion of the people of the village that the city was about a thousand years old.
However, in 1924, when another archaeologist John Marshall reported about 5

Kamesh Mechrocks
Hua,ppm ClvllMCba
G
Harappa he talked about the discovery of a long forgotten civilization. This
civilization was as old as the civilizations of Egypt and Mesopotamia. Is it not curious?
The people of the surrounding areas were indifferent to the remains of the city. Then
an archaeologist came and informed us that the city was about five thousand ,years
old. How could the people and the scholars form such different ideas? What could
be their methods of dating an old site?

5.3 THE AGE OF THE HARAPPAN CIVILIZATION

Archaeologists use various methods for finding out how old various settlements are.
Let us see how Marshall concluded that the Harappan civilization was about five
thousand years old and not one thousand years old, as believed by Cunningham.
Marshall found that the seals, sealings, written script and works of art found in
Harappa were totally different from those with which scholars were already familiar
and which belonged to a much later period. Similar finds were reported in another
place caled Mohenjodaro in Sind. In Mohenjodaro the settlement lay underneath a
Buddhist monastery belonging to the Kushan period. It has been found that in ancient
times if a house was destroyed for some reason people would generally use the brick
or mud of the house to prepare a plihth and make another house on top of it. Thus,
if an archaeologist excavates an area and finds remains of a house beneath another
house, he can figure out that the one below is older than the one above. That is why
the deeper he digs the earlier he moves in the time scale. Thus, Marshall could find
out that the houses $low the Buddhist monastery must have been older than the
Kushan period. Then, there was the evidence that people living in these settlements
did not know the use of iron. This meant that these cities were part of an age when
iron was unknown. Iron came in use in the beginning of the second millennium B.C.
When ~ a r s h a e b l i s h e dhis discoveries some other writers found objects similar to
those of Harappa and Mohenjodaro in Mesopotamia. Mesopotami~ncities came into
existence in the early 3rd millennium B.C. Thus, if anything Harappan was discovered
in the ancient cities of Mesopotamia it would indicate that the people of Harappa
lived at the same time. With these evidences scholars could figure out that the
conclusions of the local population and Cunningham were incorrect. Marshall's
chronology of Harappa has been further supported by new methods of dating, such
as Radio carbon dating. Thus, scholars accept the following chronology for the
pre-Harappan and Harappan cultures.

The Chronology of Re-Hareppan and Harappan Cultures

5500 B.C. Neolithic ?I Baluchistan and the Indus plains settlementslike Mehrgarh
to and Kili Ghul Muhammad came up. Beginning with
3500 B.C. pastoralism with limited cultivation and seasonal occupation
of the villages, permanent villages emerged. Knowledge of
wheat, barley, dates, cotton and sheep, goat and cattle.
Evidences of mud houses, pottery and Craft-production
found.
3500 B.C. Early Many more settlements established in the hills and the plains.
to Harappan Largest numbers of villages occur in this period. Use of
2600 B.C. Period copper, wheel and plough. Extra-ordinary range of pottery
'
forms showing beginning of many regional traditions.
Evidence of granary, defensive walls, and long distance
trade. Emergence of uniformities in the pottery tradition
throughout the Indus Valley. Also, the origins of such motifs
as Pipal, humped bulls, Cobras, horned deity etc.
2600 B.C. Mature Emergence of large cities, uniform types of bricks, weights,
to Harappan seals, beads and pottery. Planned township and long distance
1800 B.C. Period trade.
1800 B.C.' Late Many Harappan sites abondoned. Interregional exchange
Onwards Harappan declines. Writing and city life abandoned. Continuation of
Period Harappan Crafts and pottery tradition. The village cultures
of Punjab, Sutlej-Jamuna divide and Gujarat imbibe the
Harappan crafts and pottery traditions.

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 Antecedents, Chrondag d
5.4 WHY IT IS CALLED HARAPPAN CIVILIZATION G e s p s p h M Spread

Beginning with the discovery of Harappa, nearly thousand settlements having similar
traits, have been discovered. Scholars named it the 'Indus Valley Civilization' because
initially most of the settlements were discovered in the plains of the river Indus and
its tributaries. Archaeologists however prefer,to call it the 'Harappan Civilization'.
This is because in archaeology there is a convention that when an ancient culture is
described, it is named after the modem name of the site which first revealed the
existence of this culture. We do not know what those people called themselves
because we have not been able to read their writing. Thus, we call them Harappans
after the modern place Harappa where the evidence of this forgotten civilization was
first unearthed in our times.

5.5 ANTECEDENTS OF THE HARAPPAN CIVILIZATION

When we use the term "The Harappan Civilization" we are referring to a large
number of cities, towns and villages which flourished in the 3rd millennium B.C.
These cities and villages had formed a network of interaction over a large geographical

Map I : Sites of Early Hnrqipan Period

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space. This geographical space would roughly cover the areas of modern day
Rajasthan, punjab, Gujarat, Pakistan and some of the surrounding areas. If we study
the remains left by the people who lived in these areas before the emergence of the
Harappan civilization, we can have some idea of how cities emerged. Scholars believe
that there was a time in human past when cities did not exist and people lived in small
villages. One might ask what the ancestors of the Harappans were doing before they
built up the towns and cities. There are evidences to suggest that the forefathers of
the Harappans were living in villages and small towns. Some of them engaged in
pastoral nomadic activities, and some went in for trade. The Harappan civilization
represents the culmination of a kong period of evolution of agricultural and
semi-nomadic communities. So, let us review the pre-history of the Harappan
civilization. We start with an understanding of their geography.

5.6 GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES

The areas of present day Pakistan and North-Westem India formed the core region
of the Harappan civilization. These areas are characterised by dry weather and scanty
rainfall. However, there are some important variations among these areas. Whereas
the areas of Punjab and Sind are dominated by the alluvial plains of the Indus river
system, the areas of Baluchistan are characterised by steep craggy hills. In
North-Eastem Baluchistan the valley floors might provide some possibilities of
agriculture. This area has been inhabited by another set of people also, namely
pastoral nomads. These pastoral nomads with their herds of sheep, goat and cattle
kept shifting from uplands to low lands in search of pastures for their herd. The areas
of these border lands which cut out into the Indus plains are a continuation of the
eastern Iranian Plateau. These hilly regions are fractured by many passes, like those
of Khyber, Gomal and Bolan. These have acted as highways of traffic for nomads,
merchants, warriors and various groups of people. The interaction among the
population of the uplands of Baluchistan and plains of the Indus on the one hand and
the communities'of Iran on the other seems to be related to this geographical feature.
The similarities in the climate and landscape of the Harappan civilization and those
of Iran, Iraq borderlands had led scholars to hypothesize that agricultural
communities must have emerged in these areas in roughly the same period. In Iran
and Iraq agriculture began around eight thousand B.C. Let us see what are the
evidence for the beginning of agriculture in and around the Indus systep.

5.7 ORIGINS OF AGRICLTLTURE AND SE'ITLED VILLAGES

The earliest evidence for the emergence of agricultural communities comes from a
place called Mehrga~h,near the Bolan pass in the Baluchistan province of Pakistan
(Aslo see Unit 4 of Block-I). Beginning as a seasonal camp the place turned into a
settled village in the 5th millennium B.C. itself. People in this place were growipg
wheat, barley. cotton and dates and tending sheep, goat and cattle. Mehrgarh is
located at the place where the alluvial plains of the Indus join the uneven hilly plateau ,
of the Indo-lranian border land. People of Mehrgarh lived in mud houses which could
sometimes have five to six rooms. By the middle of the 3rd millennium B.C. many
small and large villages had sprung up around the Indus, Baluchistan and Afghan~stan
arca. The better known settlements among them are Kili Ghul Muhammad in r
Baluchistan and Mundigak in Afghanistan. In khe Indus flood plains villages like
Jalilpur near Harappa had come into existence. Once these agriculturists learnt to
exploit the highly fertile flood plains of the Indus there was a sudden expansion in
the size and numbers of villages. These agriculturists gradually learnt to exploit the
Indus plains and to contro! the flooding of the Indus. Richer returns per acre planted
resulted in larger surpluses. This led to an increase in the number of settlements in
Sindh, Rajasthan, Baluchistan and other areas. They also managed to exploit stone
quarries and mines useful to them. There are indications of the existence of pastoral
nomadic communities in this period in the form of seasonal settlements. The
interactions with these gtoups seem to have helped agriculturists exploit resources
from other regions as the pastoral nomads are known to engage in trading activities

Kamesh Mechrocks
over the areas they cover during the'ir travels. All this led to the development of small
towns. The period of this new development is called 'the Early Harappan' because
of certain uniformities found all over the Indus.

Check Your Progress 1

1 Read the following statements and mark right (v)or wrong (x).
i) John Marshall said that the Harappan Civilization was five thousand years

ii) People of the Harappan settlements were aware of the use of iron.
iii) It is called the Harappan Civilization because Harappa was the first site to
be discovered.
iv) We have evidence to suggest that the forefathers of the Harappans were living
in large cities.
2 Write ten lines on the geographical features of the early Harappan Civilization.
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I

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5.8 THE EARLY HARAPPAN PERIOD

We shall review the conditions of some of the settlements just before the emergence
of the Harappan civilization. Many scholars call this period 'The Early Harappan'
period because they believe that this was the formative epoch of the Harappan
civilization when certain trends of cultural unification are in evidence. '

5.8.1 Southern Afghanistan

In Southern Afghanistan there is a place called Mundigak: It seems to have been
located on a trade route. That is why in the early Indus period, the inhabitants of
this place were using artifacts which show affinities with some Iranian towns on the
one hand and some Baluchistan towns on the other. Making an humble beginning as
the camping site of some nomadic groups, the place grew into a township of
impressive proportions. There is evidence of a defensive wall with square bastions of
sun dried bricks. A large building with rows of pillars has been identified as a palace.
Another large structure looks like a temple. A variety of potteries have also been
discovered at this place. They were using naturalistic decorations showing birds, ibex,
bull and Pipal trees. Terracotta female figurines similar to those found in
contemporary sites in Baluchistan have alsdbeen found. They were also using bronze
shafthole azes and adzes. Such semi precious stones zs lapis-lazuli and steatite show
their contacts with Iran and central Asia since these stones are not available locally.
5.8.2 Quetta Valley
To the South east of Mundigak is the Quetta valley. Here, in a place called Damb
Sadaat, large houses having brick walls belonging to the beginning of the 3rd
millennium B.C. have been discovered. Varieties of painted potteries similar to those
of Mundigak have also been found. These people were using clay seals and copper

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objects also. These discoveries indicate the presence of a prosperous community
which had solved its food problem and established trading contacts with regions
faraway. Similarly, from the surrounding areas there are reports of distinct art and
pottery traditions. In a place called Rana Ghundai people were using finely made
painted pottery with friezes of humped bulls in black. The pottery showed distinct
parallels with those of the Quetta valley. Another excavated site Periano Ghundai
has yielded female figurines of a distinctive type.

5.8.3 Central and Southern Baluchistan

In the central and southern Baluchistan sites like Anjira, Togau, Nindowari and
Balakot give us some idea of the early Harappan societies. These small villages and
townships seem to fan out in conformity with the valley systems. In Balakot remains
of large buildings have been discovered. Many of the sites in this area show evidences
of contact with Persian Gulf. In Balakot the people who first inhabited the place were
using potteries similar to those used in other contemporary villages in Baluchistan.
However, in course of time they started using potteries similar to the ones used in
the Indus alluvial plain. What is important to us is that the people of the entire
Baluchistan province were using similar kinds of pottery. They show distinct
influences from the Persian Gulf towns on the one hand and from the Indus valley
towns on the other. They were using motifs on their pottery like the.humped bull
and Pipal which continued into the Mature Harappan phase.

5.8.4 The Indus Area

By the middle of the 4th millennium B.C. the Indus alluvial plains become the focal
point of change. Many small and large settlements came into existence on the banks
of the Indus and Ghaggar-Hakra. This area became the core region of the Harappan
civilization. In the present discussion we shall try to show how these developments
anticipate many of the characteristics of the Harappan civilization.
i) Amri
The Sind province corresponding to the lower Indus plains showed interesting
development. At the site of Amri the habitations show people living in houses
of stone and mud brick. They had constructed some kind of a granary also. They
painted such animal motifs as the humped Indian bulls on their pottery. This motif
was very popular during the 'Mature Harappan' phase. They were using
wheel-made pottery. Similar finds have been reported in places like Tharro and
Kohtras Buthi. They had fortified their settlements before the coming of the
Harappan civilization.

1. a) Early Indus Pottery : Kot Diji b) Early Indus Pottery : Kalibangan

ii) Kot Dii

Opposite Mohenjodaro on the left bank of the river Indus is the site of Kot Diji.
The people living here in the 'Early Harappan' period had a massive defensive
wall built around their settlement. The most interesting finds are their pottery.
They were using a wheel-thrown pottery having decorations of plain bands of
dark brownish paint. This kind of pottery has been reported from the
pre-Harappan habitations in far flung places like Kalibangan in Rajasthan and
Mehrgarh in Baluchistan. The Kot-Diji variety of pottery has been found along
the entire stretch of the river Indus where settlements belonging to the pre-urban
and urban phase of the Harappan civilization have been reported:-This movement
towards similar methods of decorating pottery indicates greater communication
among the people of the Indus plains. It also anticipates the process of the
convergence of cultures seen in the Harappan Civilization. Many of the designs

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 on the pottery were carried over to the urban phase. A t the same time certain hntecede~~ts,
Chronology and
Geographical Spread
other earthen vessels showed similarity with those of Mundigak. This shows the
enlarged interaction sphere of the early Harappan sites. In Mohenjodaro itself
archaeologists have discovered occupation deposits to a depth of 39 feet below
the modern level of the plain. Similarly, at the site of Chanhu-daro, 'Early
Harappan' habitation has been reported. A t Mohenjodaro the early levels could
not be excavated but many archaeologists believe that these occupation levels
represented an 'Early Harappan' culture, probably similar to that of Kot Diji.
iii) Mehrgarh
Earlier we talked about the site of Mehrgarh. In the period preceding the
Harappan urbanisation, the people of Mehrgarh had established a prosperous
township. They used to make various kinds of beads of stone. Lapis-lazuli, one
of the precious stones used by them is found only in the Badakshan region of
Central Asia. Many seals and sealings have been reported. Seals are used as a
mark of authority in situations of interpersonal exchange. The Mehrgarh seals
were probably used by merchants for guaranteeing the quality of goods that were
being sent to faraway lands. Similarities in the designs of potteries, terracotta
figurines and objects of Fopper and stone indicate that these people were in close
contact with the neighbouring towns of Iran. t-lowever, most of the pottery used
by the people of Mehrgarh was similar to the ones used in the neighbouring
settlements of Damb Sadaat and the Quctta Valley. Similarly a large number of
female terracotta figurines are also found. They arc very similar to the ones found
in Zhob Valley. These parallels indicate a close interaction among the
surrounding communities.
iv) Rahman Dheri
If we follow the river lndus northwards we come across some more settlements
which give us an idea of how people lived in 'Early Harappan' times. At a place
called Rahman Dheri an 'Early Indus' township has been excavated. Oblong in
shape with houses, streets and lanes laid out in a planned fashion, it is protected
by a massive wall. Here too, beads of turquoise and lapis lazuli have been found.
This shows their contact with Central Asia. A large number of graffiti found o n
the pot sherds could b e the forerunners of the Harappan script. The independent
pottery tradition in this area was gradually modified and supplemented by a
pottery similar to that of Kot Diji. Seals, tools made of stone, copper and bronze
have also been found.
v) Tarkai Qila
In the Bannu area, in the north west frontier province the site of Tarkai Qila has
also yielded evidence of fortification. Archaeologists have discovered large
samples of grains which included many varieties of wheat and barley, lentils and
field pea. Tools for harvesting have also been found. In the same area, at a site
called Levan, a huge factory site for making stone tools was discovered. The
Harappans and their predecessors did not know about iron and copper was rare.
So most of the people used tools made of stone. That is why in some places where
good quality stone was available tools would b e made on a large scale and then
, sent to distant towns and villages. The people in Levan were making ground
stone axes, hammers, querns, etc. For this they were importing suitable rocks
i
from the surrounding areas too. The presence of lapis lazuli and terracotta
figurines indicates links with Central Asia. At the site of Sarai Khola which is
I located on the northern tip of western Punjab another 'Early Harappan'
I

! settlement has been discovered. Here too the people were using the pottery of
Kot Dijian type.
i
I
I
II
i
t
. .
2. Painted pot showing heads of buffalo and pipal leaf decorations found in'i.evmn

Kamesh Mechrocks
H ~ m ~ - C L v ( ~ 5.8.5 Puqjab and Bahawalpur
In western Punjab, Harappa is well known. During one of the excavations, habitations
preceding the urban phase have been discovered. Unfortunately they have not been
excavated as yet. The pottery found here seems to have similarities with the Kot
Dijian ware. Scholars believe that these habitations represent the 'Early Harappan'
phase in Harappa. In the Bahawalpur area about 40 sites of the 'Early Harappan'
period have been located in the dry bed of the Hakra river. Here too the 'Early
Harappan' is characterised by the Kot Dijian type of pottery. A comparative analysis
of the settlement pattern of these sites shows that in the 'Early Harappan' period
itself a variety of habitations had come up. Whereas most of the sites were simple
villages, some of them were carrying out specialised industrial activities. That is why
we find that most of the sites averaged about five to six hectares in size, Gamanwala
spreads over an area of 27.3 hectares. This means that Gamanwala was larger than
the Harappan township of Kalibangan. These larger townships must have carried
administrative and industrial activities apart from agricultural activities.

5.8.6 Kalibangan
The site of Kalibangan in north Rajasthan has also yielded evidence of the 'Early
Harappan' period. People lived in houses of mud bricks. The mud bricks had standard
sizes. They also had a rampart around the settlement. The pottery used by them was
different in shape and design from that of other areas. However, some of the pottery
was similar to that of Kot Diji. A few varieties of potteries like the 'offering stand'
continued to be used during the urban phase. A remarkable find was that of a
ploughed field surface. This proves that even at this stage the cultivators already knew
about the plough. In more primitive situations the farmers either simply broadcast
the seeds or used hoes for digging the fields. With plough one can dig deeper using
much less energy. That is why it is considered an advanced tool of cultivation having
potentialities of increasing the food production.

'-,------
3. Early Indus Pottery :Kallbangn

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 In the dry bed of Ghaggar, on the Indian site, several 'Early Harappan' settlements Anlcc'dents, Chronology and
Geographical Spread
have been found. They seem to line the now extinct water ways of the region. Sites
like Sothi Bara and Siswal have reported ceramic styles similar to those of Kalibangan.
The exploitation of the Khetri copper mines in Rajasthan might have begun in the
'Early Harappan' period itself.
~ e ' h a v stressed
e upto the similarities found in the cultural traditions of diverse
agricultural communities living in and around the Indus regions in the Early Harappan
period. Beginning with small agricultural settlements the areas of Baluchistan, Sind,
Punjab and Rajasthan saw the emergence of distinct regional traditions. However,
the use of similar kinds of potteries, representations of a horned diety and finds of
terracotta mother goddesses show the way to the emergence of a unifying tradition.
The people of Baluchistan had already established trading relations with the towns
of Persian Gulf and Central Asia. Thus, the 'Early Harappan' anticipate many of the
achievements of the Harappan civilization.
We have seen the developments that took place over a period of nearly three thousand
years. Cultivators colonised the alluvial plains of the Indus during this period. These
communities were using tools of copper, bronze and stonc. They were using plough
and wheeled transport for the greater productivity of labour. Also unlike in Iran,
where sheep and goat rearing was prevalent, the Indus people reared cattle. This gave
them better possibilities of harnessing animal power for transportation and possibly
cultivation. At the same time a gradual unification too took place in the pottery
tradition. In the 'Early Harappan' period a particular kind of pottery first identified
in Kot Diji spread over almost the entire area of Baluchistan, Punjab and Rajasthan.
Terracotta mother goddesses or the motif of horned deity could be seen in Kot Diji
or Kalibangan. Some of the communities surrounded themselves with defensive walls.
We do not know the purpose behind the construction of these walls. It could be
defense against other communities or it could be simply a bund against flooding. All
these developments were taking place in the context of a much larger network of
relationships with the contemporary sites of Persian Gulf and Mesopotamia.

5.9 EMERGENCE OF THE HARAPPAN CIVILIZATION

In the backdrop of these processes of tech~~ological and ideological unification
emerged the Harappan Civilization. The particular mechanisms of the birth of the
civilization are obscure because we have not read their script and a lot many more
excavations need to be carried out. Soma of the general processes have been outlined
above. The increasingly efficient technology and the explaitatinn of the fertile plains
of the Jndus must have given richer returns of grain production. This created the
possibilities for larger surpluses. It wouid also lead to increase in population. At the
same time trading contdcts would be established with distant communities by the
I richer section of the society who would like to possess precious commodities. The
larger surpluses would also permit the elaboration of non-farming specialisation. That
is how the village priest could become the part of a clan of priests spread over the
I entire region. Similar processes will occur in the case of metallurgists, potters and
craftsmen. In villages small silos for keeping grains would be transformed into
elaborate granaries.
The existence of very many agricultural groups and pastoral
. . nomadic communities iq
close contact w6h each other could lead to conflict among them. Once the
agriculturalis_ts-had become prosperous they would attract other groups which might
be less fortunate. The pastoral nomads are known to engage in trading and looting,
depending on their own economic conditions.
The agricultural communities too could fight with each other for the control of more
fertile tracts of land. Probably that is the reason why some of the com~llunities
sunoun&d themselves-with a defence wall. We know that at the time of the
emergence of the Harappan civilization many sites like Kot Diji and Kalibangan were
destroyed by fire. We do not know the reasons behind this. They could simply be
accidental conflagrations. However, what Seems more plausible is the fact that among
the various competing communities in the Indus region one set of people established
their power over others. This signalled the beginning of the 'Mature Harappan'

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 I
period. Thus, the 'Mature Harappan' period would not begin on one particular date
cbnsidering the large geographical space covered by the Harappan Civilization. It is
likely that city as the centre of evolution emerged over a long span of time covering
hundreds of years, but the city had arrived and it was there to dominate the entire
north-west for the next seven-eight hundred years.

Check Your Progress 2

1 Read the following statements and mark right (g)or wrong (x).
i) People of the early Harappan period were involved in active trade with Iran
and Central Asia.
ii) Many characteristics of the Mature Harappan phase had already taken shape
in the plains of river Indus. 4

iii) There is no evidence of any communication between different areas of the

Indus plains.
1
iv) The pottery used in Kuibangan was the same in shape and design as used in
other areas, during the e a ~ l yHarappan period.
2 How did different areas of the early Harappan period evolve into a civilization?
Write in ten lines.
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5.10 LET US SUM UP

The discovery of the Harappan civilization holds a very special significance for the
study of the Indian history. It altered the origins of the Indian history and stretched
it much further back so as to put it at par Gth the other oldest civilizations 3 the
world namely &pt 'and Mesopotamia. The discovery of the Harappan civilization
was a result mainly of the archaeological sources. In this Unit you learnt about the
process through which the civilization came to be discovered, various details about
the stages through w h e t h e early Harapqan civilization passed, its gradual evolution .
and the spreading out into many areas. In the subsequent units of this block you will ' -
become familiar with many other aspects related to the society and economy of the
Harappan people.

5.11 KEY WORDS _-

Seal : A piece of wax or stone or some other material, in which some design is carved.
It is used as a means of authentication.
Sealing : The object carrying the stamp of the seal.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 7 -

Radiu-Carbon Dating : It is also called C-14 dating. It is a method of measuring in -cedab,&rl

dead organic matter the radio-active isotope C-14 which disappears at a known and ccoq.cLtalW
calculable rate.
Nomadism : A way of life associated with cattle herders and foraging communities.
People do not stay at one place but keep moving from one place to another.
Pastoral Nomadism : A social organisation associated with cattle and sheep-goat
herders who move from one place to another in search of pastures.
chronblogy :The method of computing time.
Alluvial Plain : The area bordering the river bank on which fine material is deposited
by the river in the time of flood.

5.12 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1 (i) t/ (ii), x (iii) t/ (iv) x
2 See Section 5.6
Check Your Progress 2
1 (i) t/ (ii) t/ (iii) X (iv) X
2 Your answers should refer to increasing efficient technology, creation of food
surplus, consequent growth in population, growing specialisation and increase in
trade. Also see the end of Sub-sec. 5.8.5 and Section 5.9.

.15

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UNIT 6 MATERIAL CHARACTERISTICS

Structure
Objectives
Introduction
From Villages to Towns.and Cities
Harappan Civilization : Sources
Geographical Spread
Important Centres
6.5.1 Harappa
6.5.2 Mohenjodaro
6.5.3 Kalibangan
6.5.4 Lothal
6.5.5 Sutkagen-Dor
Material Characteristics
6.6.1 Town-Planning
6.6.2 Pottery
6.6.3 Tools and Implements-
6.6.4 Arts and Crafts
6.6.5 The Indus Script
6.6.6 Subsistence Pattern
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

6.0 OBJECTIVES
This Unit deals with the geographical extent and the material features of the
Harappan Civilization. It describes the main sites of Harappan Civilization as well as
the material remains which characterised these sites. After reading this Unit you
should be able to :
understand that there was continuity of population and material traditions between
the Early Harappan and Harappan Civilization.
know about the geographical and climatic aspects of the settlement pattern of
Harappan Civilization,
describe the specific geographical, climatic and subsistence related characteristics
of the important centres of Harappan Civilization.
learn about the material features of the impoitant Harappan sites and specially the
uniformities in the material features of these sites.

6.1 INTRODUCTION

In this Unit we discuss the geographical spread and material characteristics of the
Harappan Civilization which aroge on the foundation of pastoral and agricultuial
communities and small townships. It refers to the continuity of the population and
material traditions between Early Harappan and Harappan Civilization. The
geographical spread of Harappan Civilization with special reference to some
important centres has been highlighted. It attempts to familiarise you with the town
planning, important structures, arts and crafts, housing patterns, pottery, tools and
implements subsistence patterns and script of Harappan Civilization. Finally this unit
also brings out the uniformities in the material characteristics of the Harappan sites.

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6.2 FROM VILLAGES TO TOWNS AND CITIES

In Unit 5 we have seen how pastoral nomadic and agricultural communities

established themselves in the Indus plain and how some small townships, having
contacts with far away lands, had also come into existence. On the foundation of these
agricultural communities and small townships emerged the 'Harappan Civilization'.
By the term 'Harappan Civilization' we mean that the Harappan society was
characterised by the presence and domination of large cities in this phase of its history.
This would also mean the presence of specialised craftsmen, long distance trade, the
existence of rich and poor people and the presence of kings. Apart from these general
features common to all the Civilizations, there were some particular features of the
Harappan Civilization. In the geographical space where the remains of the Harappan
Civilization have been found, the communities were using the same written script. A
Harappan community whether it was staying in Rajasthan or Punjab or Sind would
be using the same sets of weights and measures. The copper-bronze tools used by
them were also uniform in design, shape and size, the bricks they used had a
proportion 4:2: 1. Some of their town's were also characterised by uniformities in the
planning of the buildings, citadels etc. The seals, shell (shankh) bangles, carnelian
beads and the disc beads of steatite were also uniformly designed in the entire
geographical space covered by the cities of the Harappan Civilization. Most of the
time a Harappan site is identified by the use of a pinkish pottery with bright red slip.
This pottery had standard representations of trees, animals, birds and geometric
motifs in black: These uniformities in the material features of the Harappan sites were
the characteristic traits of Harappan Civilization.

7
. .
.
8

? .

6.3 HARAPPAN CIVILIZATION : SOURCES

The information about the Harappan Civilization comes from the reports of
excavations at places like Harappa and Mohenjodaro. The excavations at Harappa
began in 1921. Very many Harappan settlements have been located and excavated
since then. Famed archaeologists like Sir John Marshall and Sir Mortimer Wheeler
have conducted excavations at Harappan settlements. These scholars by carefully
studying the material remains have made the relics of the past speak. Since we cannot
read the written words we have to draw conclusions on the basis of the study of the
artefacts used by the Harappan people. By now more than 1000 settlements bearing
Harappan material have been discovered. However, most of these settlements have
not been excavated. According to one estimate only 3% of the reported Harappan
settlements have been excavated. Even at sites where excavation work has been
carried out not more than one fifth area has been excavated. Some sites like
Ganweriwala in the Hakra Valley and Furukslanin Punjab which are reported to be
nearly as large as Mohenjodaro have not even been touched by excavators. This is
because excavation involves a very large investment of money and manpower. At
present the Governments of India or Pakistan do not have sufficient money to fund
these excavations. However, one thing is clear. It is that when we are making
generalisations about the Harappan Civilization we have to be extremely cautious.
Any new discovery or excavation report can substantially modify our views about the
Harappans. For example, scholars like Mortimer Wheeler who wrote nearly twenty
years ago believed that the Harappan Civilization appeared fully developed in the
Indus Valley and it had little in common with the people who lived in these areas in
the preceding period. However, a careful analysis of the available materials and new
excavation reports have convinced archaeologists that the Harappan Civilization
developed over a long period of time in and around the Indus Valley region itself.
We have studied the developments in the 'Early Harappan' period in the preceding
unit, We find that there was a continuity of population and technical skill between
the 'Early Harappan' and Harappan periods. A process of evolution was evident in
the agricultural settlements, and basic crafts and the distinct Indus style itself were
probably carried over from earlier regional traditions. Since the study of the
Harappan Civilization remains in many respects incomplete therefore it is one of the

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Map 2 : Sitcs d the Hsrappan CMlivtton

6.4 GEOGRAPHICAL SPREAD i

Scholars generally believe that the Harappa, Ghaggar, Mohenjodaro axis represents
thC heartland of the Harappan Civilization. Most of the Harappan settlements are
located in this region. This area is characterised by certain uniformities. The entire
zone is a flat stretch of land having similar subsistence pattern. Snowmelt from the
Himalayas and the monsoon rains define its flooding pattern. This would create
similar kinds of possibilities for agriculture and pastoralism. The Kachhi plains to the
west of the b d u s system is in the transitional zone of the Iranian borderlands. It is
a flat alluvial outwash locqted at the foot of the Bolan pass and the lake Manchar. It
is an inhospitable country and except for its periphery is completely dry. Sites like
Nowsharo, Judeirjodaro and Ali-Murad have been reported from this area. The
settlements of Sutka-koh and Sutkagen-Dor on the Makran coast represent the driest
part of the hilly Baluchisran region. They are the known western boundaries of the
Harappans. The Harappan settlements at Shortughai in north-eastem Afghanistan
seem ta. have been isolated colonies of the Harappans.

The eastern borderlands of the Harappan Civilization are represented by such

settlements as Bargaon, Manpur and Alamgirpur in U.P. The subsistence system of
these sites located in the Ganga-Yamuna doab was in confomjy to their geographical '

location. This area had higher rainfall and denser forests. It falls outside the zone of
pastoral nomadism and falls in the wheat producing area. Therefore, it would pose
different kinds of problems of settlement. This is why some scholars believe that this
area represents an indepandent cultural province receiving stimulus from the
&rappans. Manda in Jammy-and Ropar in Wnjab represent the northern extremities
of the Harappans in India. The settlements of Daimabad in Maharashtra and
Bhagatrav in Gujarat might have formed the southern frontier of the Harappans.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 InGujarat, too, the settlement pattern was not uniform. There were small dissected
plateaus and scraplands in Kutch and Kathiawad. On the other hand this area had a
large seacoast in the Gulf of Cambay and the Rann of Kutch. The Harappans in
Gujarat were familiar with rice and millet.
The Harappan Civilization seems to have covered a very large area. Its area was larger
than those of the contemporary Civilizations of Mesopotamia and Egypt. In
Mesopotamia settlements were spread out all across the riverine plains in dense
clusters. However, except in the Ghaggar-Hakra region the Harappan settlements
were very thinly spread out. Sites in Rajasthan and Gujarat could be divided by
hundreds of kilometers of deserts and marshes..The nearest Harappan neighbour of
Shortughai would be about 300 km. away. These vacant spaces might have been
inhabited by primitive communities who were still surviving by hunting-gathering or
by pastoral nomadism. Similarly, we get some idea of the size of population that lived
in any of the Harappan cities from the studies conducted in this field. Scholars believe
that the largest Harappan city i.e. Mohenjodaro had a population of about 35,000.
The smallest towns of modern India would have a larger population than the biggest
towns of ithe Harappans. We have to remember that in the Harappan period the
fastest means of transport was bullock-cart, iron was unknown.and the use of plough
was considered a revolutionary discovery. With such primitwe technology, a
civilization which managed to bring together far flung areas in a complex web of
socio-economic relationship was a stunning achievement in those days.

6.5 IMPORTANT CENTRES

One might ask why the Harappans tried to occupy such faraway places as Shortughai
in Afghanistan or Surkotada in Gujarat. We may find the answer to this question if
we try to examine the details of the location and characteristics of some important
sites.

6.5.1 Harappa
Harappa was the first site to be excavated. From the 1920s onwards archaeologists
like Dayaram Sahni, M.S.Vats and Mortimer Wheeler carried out excavations at
Harappa. It is located on the bank of the Ravi in Western Punjab. In terms of its size
and the variety of objects discovered, it ranks as the premier city of the Harappan
Civilization. The ruins of the city cover a circuit of about 3 miles. What is intriguing
however is the fact that there are no clusters of sites around Harappa. In Harappa a
substantial section of the population was engaged in aqiuities other than food
production. These activities could relate to admin$trati\on, trade, craft work or
, religion. Since these people were not producing foo themselves someone else
would have to do it for them. Productivity was Low was quite
I
difficult. Thus, for maintaining these non-food producers the community would have
to mobilise a very large number of people for procuring and transporting food from
L
the food producidg areas. However, these areas would not have been very far from
the city because transportation of grains was done by bullock carts and boats. Some
I scholars have suggested that the surrounding villages might have been engaged in
I
shifting cultivation in the meander flood plains of the rivers. Villages had to keep
i shifting according to the changes in the flood plains of the rivers. The location of
Harappa in isolation can be explained by 'the fact that it was located in the midst of

i some important trade routes which are still in use. These routes connected Harappa
with Central Asia, Afghanistan and Jammu. Harappa's pre-eminent position was
linked to its ability to procure exotic items from faraway lands.

6.5.2 Mohenjodaro
Mohenjodaro, located in the Larkana district of Sind on the bank of the river Indus
is the largest site of the Harappan Civilization. Most of the information regarding the

1 town planning, hbusing, seals and sealings of this Civilization comes from
Mnhcnindaro. Excavations beean at this site in 1922, with R.D. Banej e e and Sir

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excavations. Small scale excavations and plotting of the site have continued into the
eighties.
Excavations show that people lived here for a very long time and went on building
and rebuilding houses at the same location. As a result of this the height of the
remains of the building and the debris is about seventy five feet. Ever since the time
of occupation there were regular floods at Mohenjodaro. These floods caused
deposition of alluvial soil. The continuous deposition of silt over the centuries has
riised the level of the land around Mohenjodaro by about thirty feet. The ground
water table has risen correspondingly. Thus, the oldest buildings in Mohenjodaro
have been found to be about 39 feet below the level of the modem level at the plain.
Archaeologists have not been able to excavate these levels because of the rise in the
water table.

6.5.3 Kalibangan
The settlement of Kalibangan is located in Rajasthan along the dried up bed of the
river Ghaggar. As pointed out.earlier this area had the largest concentration of the
Harappan settlements. Kalibangan was excavated in the 1960s under the guidance of
B.K. Thapar. This place has yielded evidence for the existence of Pre-Harappan and
Harappan habitations. It shows significant variation from Harappan in the sphere of
religious beliefs. Some scholars have suggested that Kalibangan might have been part
of the 'Eastern Domain' of the Harappan Civilization. In the areas of present day
Haryana, East Punjab and Western U.P. Harappan sites like Bara, Siswal and
Alamgirpur have been distovered. They give evidence of the presence of distinct local
traditions in pottery along with the Harappan pottery. Kalibangan might have been
a mediator between the Harappan cultural zone and the eastern provinces.

6.5.4 Lothal
In Gujarat settlements such as Rangapur, Surkotada and Lothal have been
discovered. Lothal is located in the coastal flats of the Gulf of Cambay. This place
seems to have been an outpost for sea-trade with contemporary West Asian societies.
Its excavator S.R. Rao claims to have discovered a dockyard here.

6.5.5 Sutkagen-Dor
Sutkagen-Dor is located near the Makran coast which is close to the Pakistan-Iran
border. At present the settlement is land-locked in dry inhospitable plains. The town
had a citadel surrounded1by a stme wall built for defence. Its location in an
inhosp~tablearea can only be explained by the need of sea-port for trading.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Check Your Progress 1
1 Discuss the geographical location of the important centres of Harappan
Civilization.

b .........................................................................................................
2 Match the following sites with their present day geographical location.
1)Harappa a) Rajasthan
2) Kalibangan b) Sind (Pakistan)
3) Mohenjodaro c) Makran coast (Pakistan-Iran Border)
4) Sutkagen-Dor d) West Punjab (Pakistan)
3 Mark right (v) or wrong ( x ) against the following statements:
i) Harappa, located in West Punjab, is the largest site of Harappan Civilization.
ii) Mohenjodaro was the first Harappan site to be excavated.
iii) Excavations at Harappa were first conducted by R.D.Banerjee and
John Marshall.

iv) Scholars believe that the Harappa, Ghaggar and Mohenjodaro axis represents
the heartland of Harappan Civilization.

6.6 MATERIAL CHARACTERISTICS

In this section we discuss the material characteristics of Harappan Civilization. We
take into account the town planning, pottery, tools and implements, arts and crafts,
scripts and subsistence pattern of Harappan Civilization.

6.6.1 Town-Planning
Archaeologists like Mortimer Wheeler and Stuart Piggot believed that the Harappan
towns had a remarkable unity of conception. This was suggested by the division of
each town into two parts. In one part was a raised citadel where the rulers were
staying, in the other part of the town lived the ruled and the poor. This unity of
planning would also mean that if you were walking on ttie streets of Harappa-the
houses, the temples, the granaries and the streets themselves will be almost identical
to those of Mohenjodaro or any other Harappan town for that matter. The entire
idea of unity of conception was derived from the notion of a community of foreigners
suddenly conquering the Indus Valley and building new towns. Such towns were
designed to separate the natives from the rulers. Thus, the rulers built citadels which
kept them in glorious isolation. Such ideas of the sudden emergence of the Harappan
towns and the unity of planning are being increasingly rejected by new scholars. The
Harappan towns were located on the flood-plains of rivers, on fringes of deserts or
on sea coast. This meant that people living in these different regions faced different
kinds of dhallenges from nature. Their adaptation to environment would introduce
diversity in their town-planning and life style too. Also many large and seemingly

Kamesh Mechrocks
 important buildings were located in the lower city. Let us review the planning of some
of the important settlements.
The settlements of Harappa, Mohenjodaro and Kalibangan show certain uniformities
in their planning. These cities were divided into a citadel on the west side and a lower
town'on the eastern side of the settlement. The citadel was built on a high podium
of mud brick. The citadel seems to have contained large structures which might have
functioned as administrative or ritual centres. The lower city contained residential
areas. In Mohenjodaro and Harappa the citadel was surrounded by a brick wall. At
Kalibangan both the citadel and the lower city were surrounded by a wall, streets ran
from north to south in the lower city and cut at right angles. Obviously, this kind of
alignme'nt of streets and houses represents conscious town planning. However, the
resources of the town planners in those days would be very limited. This assumption is
based on the finds from Mohenjodaro and Kalibangan where the streets stagger from
block to block and the alignments of streets and buildings in one part of Mohenjodaro
(Moneer area) is quite different from the rest of the areas. Mohenjodaro was not
constructed in homogeneous horizontal units. In fact it was built in different times. In
Harappa and Mohenjodaro baked bricks were used for buildings. In Kalibangan mud
bricks were used. In settlements like Kot Diji and Amri in Sind there was no
fortification of the city. The site of Lothal in Gujarat also shows a very different
layout. It was a rectangular settlement surrounded by a brick wall. It did not have
any internal division into citadel and lower city. Along the eastern side of the town
was found a brick basin which has been identified as a dockyard by its excavator. The
site of Surkotada in Cutch was divided into two equal parts and the building materials
were basically mud bricks and lumps of mud.

Harappans were using baked and unbaked bricks of standard size. This shows that it
was not the individual house owners who made their own bricks, but that brick making
I
was organised on a large scale. Similarly, cities like Mohenjodaro showed excellent
arrangements for sanitation. The waste water from houses would.pa& through chutes
connected with public drains aligned to the margin of the streets. This again indicates
the presence of a civic administration which would take &sons for the sanitary
requirements of all the townsmen.
Some Large Stnrdures '
In Harappa; Mohenjodaro and Kalibangan, the citadel areas contained monumental
structures which must have had special functions. This is clear from the fact that they

Kamesh Mechrocks
 stood on a high mud brick platform. Among these structures is the famous 'Great
Bath' of Mohenjodaro. This brick built structure measures 12 m. by 7 m. and is
about 3 m. deep. It is approached at either end by flights of steps. The bed of the
bath was made water tight by the use of bitumen. Water was supplied by a large well
in an adjacent room. There was corbelled drain for disgorging water too. The bath
was surrounded by porticoes and sets of rooms. Scholars generally believe that the
place was used for ritual bathing of kings, or priests.

6. Great Bath (Mohenjodaro)

Another important structure discovered in the citadel mound of Mohenjodaro is the

granary. It consists of twenty seven blocks of brickwork crisscrossed by ventilation
channels. Below the granary were the brick loading bays from which grains were
raised into the citadel for storage. Though some scholars have questioned the
identification of this structure with a granary but it is certain that this large structure
must have had some important function.
To another side of the Great Bath is a lohg building (230 x 78 feet) which has been
identified as the residence of a very high bfficial. It includes an open court of 33 feet
square on to which three verandas open. Another significant building was an assembly
hall. It had four rows of five brick plinths upon which wooden columns were erected.
In a row of rooms to the west of it was found a seated male statue. Among the well
known buildings of Harappa is the Great Granary. It consisted of a series of brick
platforms forming the base of two rows of six granaries. To the south of the granary
were found rows of circular brick platforms. That they were used for threshing grains
is clear from the fact that chaffs of wheat and barley were found in the crevices of
the floors.
Kalibangan was a smaller city compared to Mohenjodaro and Harappa. The most
significant discoveries here have been those of fire altars. A series of brick platforms
were discovered. On one of them was found a row of seven 'fire altars' as well as a
pit containing animal bones and antlers.
Housing Pattern
The average citizen seems to have lived in the blocks of houses in the lower city. Hem
too there were variations in the sizes of houses. It could be single room tenemepts
meant for slaves like the ones discovered near the granary in Iiarappa. There were
other houses complete with courtyards and Mving upto twelve rooms. The bigger
houses were provided with private wells and toilets. These houses ha'd much the same
plan-a square courtyard around which were a number of rooms. The entrances to
the houses were from the narrow lanes which cut the streets at right angles. No
windows faced the street. This meant 4hat the roadward facing of the house would

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Harappan Civltiition The description of the houses and townships of the Harappan Civilization indicates
that there were people who owned large houses. Some of them bathed in an exclusive
swimming pool (The Great Bath). There were others who lived in barracks. One can
say with certainty that those who lived in larger houses belonged to the rich class
whereas those living in the barracks might have been part of a servile class of
labourers.
The houses in the lower city also contained a large number of workshops. Potters
kilns, dyers vats and shops of metal workers, shell ornament makers and bead makers
have been recognised.

1 6.6.2 Pottery
Among the remains discovered in the Harappan settlements pottery forms an
important category. It repqesents the blending of the ceramic traditions of Baluchistan
and the cultures east of the Indus system. Most of Harappan pottery is plain, but a
substantial part is treated )with a red slip and black painted decoration.
The painted decorations consist of horizontal tines of varied thickness, leaf patterns,
scales, chequers, lattice m r k , palm and pipal trees. Birds, fishes and animals are
also shown. Among the natable shapes fbund in the Harappan pottery are pedestal,
dishes, goblets, cylindrical vessels perforated all over and various kinds of bowls. The
uniformity in the forms and paintings on the pottery is difficult to explain. Normally
the explanation of this uniformity is the fact that the local potters made the pottery.
But in areas like Gujarat ahd Rajasthan a variety of other khds of potteries continued
to be produced along with the Harappan pottery. Some of the pottery has shown
marks of stamp which might indicate that a few varieties of vessels were traded also.
However, it is still unclear how such a large area exhibited a uniform pottery tradition.

6.6.3 Tools and Implements

The tools and implements used by the Harappans also show a stril'iing degree of
uniformity in designs and in technique of production. They were using tools made of

r
7. Hooks for Mshing
copper, bronze and stone. The basic tools types were flat axe, chisels, knives, spear
heads and arrcwheads for the copper and bronze implements. In the later stages of
the Civilization rhey were also using daggers, knives and flat tangs. They were familiar
with the techniques of casting bronze and copper. Stone tools were also in common
use. They were produced on a large scale in factory sites like Sukkur in Sind and then
sent to various urban centres. Only this could explain the uniformity in the tool types.
Unlike the 'Early Harappan' period when there were various tool making
traditions the 'Mature Harappans' concentrated on making long regular blades. They
indicate a high level of cqmpetence and specialisation with little or no concern for
beauty and innovation.

24 8- Stone-blade tools (Mobenjodaro) 9. Copper and Bronze tools used by the Harappans.

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 6.6.4 Arts and Crafts
Works of art give us an insight into how the society relates itself to its surroundings.
They also give us an idea of how it views nature, human beings and divinity. In
pre-modern societies it is difficult to separate arts and crafts. That is why we shall
study them together.
Probably, the most famous art piece from the Harappan Civilization is the bronze
dancing nude figure discovered in Mohenjodaro. With head drawn backwards,
drooping eyes and the right arm on the hip and the left arm hanging down the figure
is in a dancing stance. She is wearing a large number of bangles, and her hair is plaited
in an elaborate fashion. It is considered a masterpiece of the Harappan art. f i e
bronze figurines of a buffalo and a ram have beautifully caught the stance of the
animals. The two little toy carts of bronze are also fairly well known objects.
Although, one was discovered in Harappa and the other at Chanhudaro a distance
of over 650 km.-they are identical in design.
The stone sculpture of a bearded head found in Mohenjodaro is another well known
piece of art. The face is bearded with the upper lip shaved. The half closed eyes might
indicate a state of meditation. Across the left shoulder is a cloak carved in relief with
trefoil pattern. Some scholars believe that it is the bust of a priest.

lo. Bronze dandag &I (Mabcq/odsro) I I . Besrdcd man (MoksJodPro)

Two small male torsos discovered in Harappa are sometimes believed to have
belonged to'later periods. The refined and wonderfully realistic modelling of the
fleshy parts is extraordinary. However, the Harappans do not seem to have used stone
or bronze for their arristic creations on a large scale. The findings of such works are
rare.
Terracotta figurines have been found in large numbers from the Harappan
settlements. They were used as toys or cult figures. A variety of birds and monkeys,
dogs, sheep and cattle are represented in these forms along with humped and
humpless bulls. A large number of.male and female figurines have also been found.
Various models of terracotta carts are remarkable for the vivacity of modelling. These
models show that the bullock carts used in those times are ancestors of the actual
bullock carts used in modem times.
The Harappans used remarkably beautiful beads made of such precious and
semi-precious stones such as agate, turquoise, carnelian and steatite. The processes

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of making these beads are clear from the finds of a workshop in Chanhudaro. In these
processes the stone was first sawn into an oblong bar, then flaked into a cylindrical
shape and polished. Finally it was bored either with chert drills or with bronze tubular
drills. Gold and silver beads have also been found. The commonest material used for
making beads was steatite.
The barrel shaped beads with trefoil pattern are typically associated with the
Harappan culture. Carnelian beads are also quite common. In Mohenjodaro was also
discovered a hoard of jewellery consisting of gold beads, fillets and other ornaments.
Small dishes of silver too, have been found.
More than 2000 seals have been found from the Harappan settlements. They are
considered 'the outstanding contribution of the Indus Civilization' to ancient
craftsmanship. They were generally square in shape and made of steatite but some
round seals have also been found. The designs on the seals include a wide range of
animals associated with groups of signs in a semi-pictographic script. Some seals have
only scripts carved on them and some others bear human and semi-human forms.
Some seals show the use of various kinds of geometric patterns. The animal motifs
used are the Indian bison, the Brahmani bull, rhinoceros, tiger and elephant. A series
of composite animals are also shown. One such recurrent representation is that of a
face of a man with trunk and tusks of an elephant, the horns of bull, the fore-part of
a ram and the hind-quarters of a tiger. These kinds of seals might have been used for
religious purpose. Seals could have also been used for exchange of goods between
distant cities. The seal of a homed deitysitting in a yoga posture and surrounded by
animals has been identified with the god Pashupati.
The artworks of the Harappans leave us a little disappointed on two counts; i) The
finds are very limited in number and ii) they do not seem to have the variety of
expression seen in the cobtemporary Civilizations of Egypt and Mesopotamia.
Stone sculptures was rare and undeveloped compared to those fashioned by the
Egyptians. The terracotta pieces also cannot compare with those of Mesopotamia in
quality.'lt is possible that dhe Harappans were using less durable medium like textile
designs and paintings for ltheir artistic expression, which have not survived.

6.6.5 The Indus Script

The seals used by the Hafappans carried some form of writing. This script is still a
mystery to us because we cannot read it. So far the other forgotten scripts like those
of ancient Egypt could be read again because scholars found some inscriptions written
in the forgotten script follwed by some of its forms in a known script. We have not
discovered any bilingual i~scriptionin Harappa so far. Thus, we do not know what
language the Harap.pans sljioke and what they wroty'Unfortunately, the inscriptions
discovered so far are short, usually engraved on seals. This makes the task of
decipherment all the more; difficult. All we know is that they used ideograms and
wrote from right to left. However, scholars are still struggling to unveil the mystery
of the script. Once this is done it might reveal much more about the civilization.

6.6.6 Subsistence Pattern

The Harappans urbanism was based on agricultural production. During various
excavations a large volume of information has emerged about the dietary habits of
the ~arappand.Apart from sheep and goat, humped cattle seems to have been
domesticated. Bones of boars, buffaloes, elephants and camels have also been found
from many settlements. We do not know as yet whether these animals had been
domesticated or hunted wild. However, a representation of a caprisoned elephant on
some seals indicates that this animal had been domesticated. Bones of fowls have also
been found. Possibly, they had been domesticated. Bones of a large number of wild
animals have been found. Among them are the bones of deer, rhinoceros, tortoise
etc. Horse seems to have been unknown to the Harappans.
Two varieties of wheat are frequently found in Harappan sites. Barley has been
frequently found. Other crops include dates and varieties of leguminousplants, such
as peas. Besides these mustard and sesamum were also grown. At Lothal and
Rangapur rice husk was found embedded in clay and pottery. We do not as yet know
whether they represented variety of wild rice or rice domesticated and regularly
cultivated. India has traditionally been famous for its cotton clothes. At Mohenjodaro

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was found a fragment of a cotton cloth. This indicates that the Harappans had already MterlaI chrrre(crbtb

mastered the art of growing cotton and wearing cloth.

The evidence of a furrowed field in Kalibangan indicates that the Harappans were
using some sort of wooden plough. The pattern of crossed furrows widely spaced in
one direction and closely spaced in another, is still followed in this area. The modern
cultivator furrows his field in this pattern for sowing horse gram or sesamum in one
direction and mustard in another. This was probably true of the Harappans also.
Thus, we find that the Harappan subsistence system was based on the exploitation of
a fairly wide range of crops, domesticated animals and wild animals. This variety
would account for the strength of the subsistence system. They were probably already
growing two crops annually. They also grew two or more kind of crops
simultaneously. This provided the strength to the economy to support t h large
~
population which lived in the cities and did not produce its own food.

Check Your Progress 2

1 Discuss the material characteristics of the Harappan Civilization in about 10 lines.
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2 Mark right (V) or wrong ( X ) against the following statements:
i) Great Bath is a brick built structure excavated at Harappa.
ii) Great Granary is an important building discovered at Mohenjodaro.
iii) The discovery of fire altars has been made at Lothal.
iv) The Harappans used tools made of iron.
v) The Harappan script has not yet been deciphered.
3 Fill in the blanks with the correct answers:
i) The bronze dancing girl discovered at .................. (Mohenjodaro/Harappa/
Kalibangan) is considered a masterpiece of Harappan art.
ii) At Lothal .................... (ricelwheatlbarley) was found embedded in clay.
iii) Among the animals ...........,. ....... (elephant/camellhorse) seems to have
been unkown to Harappans.
iv) The evidence for cotton comes from ....................(Harappa/Mohenjodarol
Kalibangan).

6.7 LET US SUM CTP

In this Unit you have studied about the geographical location and material
characteristics of the Harappan sites. The uniformities in the geographical
characteristics created similar subsistence patterns in the Harappa, Mohenjodaro and
Ghaggar axis. However, there were other sites where the settlement pattern varied
in accordance with the varying geographical features of these sites. The town planning

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Harappan towns is indicative of the remarkable material achievements of the
Harappans. Generally the Harappan pottery, tools and implements show a uniformity
of tradition. The seals and beads of Harappans are beautiful works of craftsmenship
but the stone sculpture and terracotta figurines cannot compete with those-of
contemporary Egypt and Mesopotamia in technical excellence. The ~ubsistence'
system of the Harappans was based on the cultivation of a number of crops and
domestication of animals. This gave strength to the economy to sustain the city
population which did not produce its own food which had to be transported from
nearby areas.
I

/ /
6.8 KEY WORDS
Artefacts :A thing made by human workmanship. J
Chute :A passage for sending down dirty water.
Citadel : The fortress in the city.
Eastern Domin of the Harappans : Specifically refers to the Harappan sites in
Rajasthan, Haryana, Punjab and U.P.
Excavation :The act of digging an ancient site.
Granary :The storehouse for grains.
Meander : Curve of a river, where it is flowing sluggishly with many twists and bends
leading to deposition of silts.
Plctographlc Scrlpt : The script which uses pictures as symbols.
Plateau :An extensive area of elevated land.
Tenncottn : A composition of clay and sand used for making statues. It is baked in
fire and is brownish red in colow.

6.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES

C h a d Your Pmglvm 1
1 Your answer should include the following:
The dercription of the geographical location and rubrirtence pattern of Harappa,
the ,dlmrdon of the geographical location of Mohenjodaro, Kalibangan, Lothal
and Sutkagen-Dor. See Section 6.5 and Sub-secs. 6.5 .I. to 6.5.5.
2 i) d ii) a iii) b iv) c 4

3 i) X ii) X iii) X iv) l/

Check Your progrem 2 ,
1 Your answer should inalude the following:
Discussion of town planning of Harappans, description of the pottery, tools and
implements, arts and crafts, Indus script and subsistence pattern. See Section 6.6
and Sub-secs. 6.6.1 to 6.6.6.
2 i) x ii) x iii) x iv) x v) ,d
3 i) Mohenjodaro ii) rice iii) horse iv) Mohenjodaro

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1 Structure

7.2 Establishment of ~ r a d i n eNetworkd

I 7.3.2 Villages
7.4 Source of Raw Materials
7.5 Exchange System
7.6 Trade with the Persian Gulf and Mesnnntamia

' 7.7 Mode of Transport

I 7.8
7.9
7.10
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Promess Exercises

7.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this.Unit, you should be able to:

i areas, 1
learn about the trade and exchange activities of the Harappans with the

network.

7.1 INTRODUCTION

of an urban economy. An urban economy is charactdrised by a vast network of

relationships which transcend its physical space. You will see in this unit how the

I of the raw materials and the- extent of contact with the contemporary West Asian
Civilization. Of course all this knowledge about the Harappan civilization is gained
through various historical sources and they have been mentioned in the Unit.

7.2 ESTABLISHMENT OF TRADING NETWORKS

It is believed that active interaction among far flung areas did not exist in the
pre-urban society. Onemight ask why did townsmen establish contacts with faraway
lands and how do we know that they had contacts? In urban centres an important

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 mc~ul
r' same time if they are not producing their own food some one else has to do it for
them. That is why towns are dependent on the surrounding countryside for food
supplies.
What is important for us is the fact that the relationship between the city and the
village was unequal. By developing as centres of administration or religion the cities
attracted the wealth of the entire country. This wealth was siphoned off from the
hinterland in the form ofiaxes, tributes, gifts or purchases of goods. In the Harappan
society this wealth was controlled by the most powerful section of the urban society.
At the same time the rich and well off sections in the city led a luxurious life. m e r
social superiority was reflectedh the buildings constructed by them and the acquisition
of-luxury items which were not locally available This indicates that a major reason
for cities establishing contacts with faraway land: was to cater to theneeds of the rich
and powerful. This may be one of the factors behind the Harappans attempt to
establish links with the faraway lands.
The area formed by Harappa, Bahawalpur and Mohenjodaro seems to have been the ,
core region of the Harappan civilization. However, settlements showing
overwhelming Harappan influence have been found in an area of approximately 1.8
lnillion square km.
A pertinent question to ask here is that how some Harappan out-posts are found in
such far flung areas as Shortughai in Afghanistan and Bhagatrav in Gujarat? The
plausible answer seems to be economic inter-dependence and trade network between
different regions. Differential access to basic resources was crucial in linking various
regions of Indus Valley. These resources included agricultural products, minerals,
timber, etc. and this could be achieved by establishing trade routes. Emerging in the
fertile Indus-Hakra plains, the rich Harappans wanted possession of more and more
luxury items. In quest of this they strengthened the ties that already existed with
central Asia and Afghanistan. They alsd established settlements in places like Gujarat
and the Gangetic Valley.

7.3 INTRA-REGIONAL CONTACTS

In the following sections we shall try to assess the nature of contact among the
Harappan towns themselves and with other cities and societies of that period. Our
information on such contact is based on the reports of objects found during the
excavations of Harappan t m s . Some of this information is substantiated by
references found in the literary sources of the contemporary Memopotamian
civilization.

7.3.1 Cities
We could begin with the evidence of the existence of granaries in Harappa and
Mohenjodaro. These large structures were meant for storing grains. As pointed out
earlier urban centres depend on the villages for their foods. The presence of granaries
indicates the attempt of the rulers to possess an assured source of food supply.
Presumably food grains werk brought from the surrounding villages and stored here.
\ I This in turn would be redistributed to the townsmen. Grains are a bulk commodity
which are consumed every day. Vast quantities of grains would have to be collected
and transported in bullock carts and boats. It would be difficult to haul up large
quantities of fooct over a great distance. That is why it has been found that towns
were usually located in the most fertile areas that were available in the region, and
I probably the grains were cdlected from the surrounding villages.
For example, Mohenjodaro was located in the Larkana district of Sind. Even in
modern times this is the most fertile area of Sind. However, some other settlements
sprang up on important trade routes or industrial sites. In such cases the lbcation was
determined not so much by the presence of fertile agricultural tracts as by possibilities
of trade and exchange.
That is why, when scholars analyse the causes for the location of large cities they look
for:
the potentialities ofVtheplace for food-production, and
its proximity to trade routes and mineral sources.

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If we go by these considerations Harappa is very well located. The entire geographical
space to its north-west has not yielded evidence of any other Harappan settlement.
Even, i n t h e 19th century this area was largely inhabited by pastoral nomads. Some
scholars are of the opinion that Harappa was located at a point which separated the
zone of agricultural settlements to its south and a zone of pastoral nomads to its
north-west. This way Harappa could exploit the resources of both the neighbouring
communities. It has also been suggested that although Harappa did not have any
advantage in terms of food production it grew into a large city because of its strategic
location as a trading settlement. If we place Harappa in the centre and draw a circle
around it covering an area of about 300 km. we can see that Harappa had a very
advantageous location:
i) Harappans would have access to the Hindukush and North-West Frontier. This
meant that within a distance covered by about ten days of travelling Harappans
had access to such precious stones as Turquoise and lapis lazuli which were
brought through these routes.
ii) They could get mineral sa<t from the salt range.
iii) Tin and Copper were accessible to them from Rajasthan.
iv) Probably, they could also exploit the sources of amethyst and gold in ~ a s h m i r .
v) This three hundred km. circle would give them access to the point where all the
five rivers of Punjab joined into a single stream.,This means that the Harappans
could control the river transport of all the five rivers of Punjab. River
transportation was far easier in those times when concrete roads did not exist.
vi) This could provide them access to timber from the mountains zones of Kashmir,
That is why it has been found that Harappa is located in a place which is crossed by
many,trade routes from West and East even in modern times.
The settlements at Mohenjodaro and Lothal also had their own logic in terms of
location. Some scholars believe that the apparently religious nature of large structures
in Mohenjodaro might indicate that it was a ritual centre. Whether it was a ritual
centre or not, the rich people here were using gold, silver and all kinds of precious
articles which were not locally available. Mohenjodaro was closer to the sea compared
to Harappa. This would give them easier access to the Persian gulf and Mesopotayia
which d e r e probably the chief suppliers of silver. Similarly, Lothal was drawing
resources from Southern Rajasthan and Deccan. They probably helped the
Harappans procure gold 'from Karnataka, where contemporary neolithic sites have
been discovered near the gold mides.

7.3.2 Villages
The villages supplied the essential food grains and other raw materials to the towns
but what were the Harappan towns giving to the villages in return? We have few clues
for an answer. One answer is that the rulers of the towns used force to collect grains-
calling it tax which was to be given in return for administration. However, one
important ingradiant of this rural-urban relationship was the ability of the urban
centres to collect a whole range of items that were not available locally and supply
them to the rural hinterland.
One item of interest was the stone tools. People in almost all the Harappan towns
and villages were using parallel-sided stone blades. These blades were made out of
very good quality stone not found everywhere. It has.been found that such stone was
brought from sites like Sukkur in Sind. This hypothesis is proved by t5e fact that in
sites like Rangapur in Gujarat people were using stone tools brought frofn distant
areas during the urban phase of Harappa. Once the Harappan Civilization declined,
the people in these areas started using tools made of local stones. Other such items
would be copper and bronze. Copper is available only in certain pockets. However,
almost all the Harappan sites have yielded copper-bronze tools. These tools also show
a uniformity in design and execution in almost all the Harappan sites. This indicates
that their production and distribution must have been handled by centralized decision
making bodies. They could be the merchants or the administrators residing in the
towns.
Apart from these items which were strategically important in terms of the economic
activities, the Harappan settlements-big and small-have yielded objects of gold,

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 -
h amp pa c~lbrtk. silver and very many precious and semi-precious stones. These metals and stones were -.-
procured by the merchants and rulers of the cities. With the inception of urbanism
the volume of trade within the Harappan civilization increased in scale an3 variety
to an unprecedented scale. Sites like Mohenjodaro reveal evidence of extensive
bead-making. These products filtered down to the rich and powerful ib the small
villages and towns.
What emerges from the preceding discussion is:
that the location of villages could be primarily determined by the availability of
fertile soil and imgation facilities.
The location of towns will be determined by such additional factors as their I
proximity to mining districts or trade routes.
Sometimes the factor of trade became so important that towns were established in
inhospitable plains where agricultural yields were very poor. For example,
Sutkagen-Dor on the Makran Coast was one such site. It is located in an
inhospitable area and its prime activity was a trading post belween the Harappans
and the Mesopotamians.
Similarly we can look at the functions performed in other cities of the Harappan
civilization:
Balakot on the coast of Baluchistan and Chanhu-daro in Sind were centres for
shell-working and bangle making.
Lothal and Chanhu-daro were producing beads of carnelian, agate etc.
Some unfinished beads of lapis lazuli in Chanhu-daro might indicate that the
Harappans imported precious stones from faraway places and then worked them
before selling them.
Mohenjodaro has yielded evidence for the presence of a large number of craft
specialists like, stone workers, potters, copper and bronze workers, brick-makers,
seal-cutters and bead-makers, etc. 1

7.4 SOURCE OF RAW MATERIALS

Excavations at different Harappan sites provide us with a large number of bangles,
beads, potteries, various copper, bronze and stone objects. The range of objects
discovered from the Harappan settlements indicates that they were using many kinds
of metals and precious spnes which would not be uniformly available in every region.
The interesting thing is that even in very small Harappan sites precious stones and " '

metal tools have been found. This indicates an intensive exchange network among
the Harappans catering to the needs of the rich. What were the sources of the minerals
-
and metals used by the Harappans?
They acquired copper from the Khetri-mines of Rajasthan.
,

The settlements Of Jodhpurs, Bagor and Ganeshwar in Central Rajasthan which '
are generally considered coptemporary with the Harappans might have supplied
copper ore to them.
In GaneshwaroGer 400 copper arrowheads, 50 fish-hooks and 58 copper axes were
found.
At the same time the people in these settlqments were subsisting with a combination
of pastoral nomadism and, hunting-gathering. They do not indicate influences from
the darappan civilization. This adds complexity to our problem of trade linkages.
Archaeologists believe that the Harappans were importing copper tools from an area
where people were still pastoralists and hunters. However, we do not know the
mechanism through which these two groups, one representing an advance$ urban
civilization and the other representing a pastoral tribe, inter-acted. Probably the
contacts were indirect. *
The Harappans might'have met some of their needs of copper from sources in
Baluchistan and North-West Frontier Provinces also. Gold was most probably
obtained from Kolar gold fields of Karnataka and Kashmir. Some neolithic sites have
32 been located in this region that were contetnporary with the Harappans. Gold washing

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! is reported from Jaipur and Sirohi in Rajasthan, Hazara, Kangra and Jhang in Punjab Nature of Contact8

I and along Kabul and Indus rivers.

L
I Silver vessels are frequently found in the Harappan sites. However, ehere are no
known sources for silver in this area. Silver might have been imported from
Afghanistan and Iran. Probably, the Indus merchants also exchanged their goods with
the Mesopotamians for silver. Lead may have come from Kashmir or Rajasthan.
Some minor sources were located from Punjab and Baluchistan also.
The precious stone lapis-lazuli was available only in Badakshan in North-East
Afghanistan. That the Harappans exploited this source is confirmed by the discovery
of Harappan sites like Shortughai and Altyn-Depe in this area. Turquoise and Jade
could have been obtained from central Asia alone. Agate, chalcedony and carnelian
were from Saurashtra and Western India. Sea-shells, so very popular with the
Harappans, must have come from the sea-coast of Gujarat and western India. Manda
in Jammu is located at a point where the river Chenab becomes navigable. Probably
good quality timber was acquired from the regions further up and sent to Central
, Indus Valley down the rivers. At. Shortughai large quantity of lapis lazuli was
discovered in association with the Harappan remains. This indicates that the
Harappans were colonising far flung areas for the exploitation of.minera1 resources
his also indicates that trading and proclirement of exotic materials was an important
concern of the Harappans.
, .

Trading seems to have been more an administrative activity than an exchange activity
between traders, since establishing a colony at a distance of around 500 km would
not be possible for a trader. It were the administrators of Harappa who were trying
to bring under direct control resources of distant areas.

7.5 EXCHANGE SYSTEM

The Harappans had established an extensive network of inter-regional trade inside
and outside the Indian sub-continent. However we do not know what were the actual
mechanisms of exchange between the Harappans and the non-Harappans. Such a
large area of interaction would inevitably involve communities having divergent life
styles. In those times large areas of the country were inhabited by hunter-gatherers.
Some other areas were occupied by pastoral nomads. Still others were just beginning
cultivation. Compared to them Harappans represented an advanced stage of
civilization. If the Harappans had to exploit some mineral sources from the regions
inhabited by the hunter-gatherers or some other communities, how would they go
about it? In some cases the Harappans established their settlements in those areas.
But this would not be feasible in every case. Probably these non-Harappan
communities would be given items which they considered valuable. In such cases the
exchange might not have been @ regular affair. Rather it would be determined by.
seasonal migrations and gatherings of these communities. The Harappans would send
their merchants to the spots where such seasonal gatherings took place. The pastoral
nomads too could have brought goods from distant regions, in course of their
migrations. These kinds of exchange activities are known from modem examples in
India. However, we know very little about the Harappan exchange system.
The Exchange System Among the Harappan Towns
The Harappans had made distinct attempts at regulating tradp and exchange amongst
themselves. Even the far flung Harappan sites have yielded uniform systems of
weights and measures. The weights followed a binary system in the lower
denominations: 1,2,4,8, to 64, then going to 160 and then in decimal multiples of 16,
320, 640, 1600, 3200 etc. Made of chert, limestone, steatite, etc. they are,generally
cubical in shape. The measures of length were based upon a unit of foot of 37.6 cm
and a unit of cubit of about 51.8 to 53.6 cms. Such uniform system pf&eights and
measures indicates an attempt by the central authorities to regulate exchange among
the Harappans themselves and possibly with the non-Harappans too.
Seals and sealings have been discovered in large numbers in the Harappan
settlements. Seals and sealings are marks of ownership meant to guarantee the quality
of the product being sent to faraway lands. That they were used for trade is confirmed

Kamesh Mechrocks
 by the fact that many of the sealings bear impressions of cords and matting behind
them. This indicates that the sealings bearing these impressions were originally stuck
to bales of merchandise. At Lothal m a y sealings were discovered lying among the
ashes in the ventilation shafts of warehouses. They must have been discarded and
thrown away after the imported goods had been unpacked. The seals carried intaglio
designs of various animals and a writing which has not been deciphered as yet.
However, their use in long distance exchange seems certain.

Check Your Progress 1

1 State whether the following statements are true or false.
a) The H a r a p p a m m n s were self-sufficient.
b) The motive behind the colonisation of far flung areas by the Harappans was
basically economic.
c) The location of large cities was decided only by the potentialities of food
production.
d) River transportation was the cheaper and easier means of communication.
e) The tools found in different Harappan sites do not show any uniformity in
design.
f) The Indus merchants exchanged their goods with the Mesopotamians for
silver.
2 Fill in the blanks.
a) The Harappans obtained gold from.. ..................(Kasbmir/Rajasthan).
b) (Ironmin) .................. was n6t known to the Harappans.
c) Lapis Lazuli was discovered in large quantity at.. ..................(Kalibanganl
Shortughai).
d) Copper was obtained from.. ..................(Rajasthan/Gujarat).
e) (Suktagen-DorIKalibangan)....................was important as a trading port
between the Harappans and the Mesopotamians.
3 Discuss about the exchange system among the Harappan towns. Answer in ten
lines.

7.6 TRADE WITH THE PERSIAN GULF AND

MESOPOTAMIA
So far we have talked about the inter-regional exchange activities of the Harappans.
In these activities Harappans were the dominant partners. Now we shall discuss the
trade and exchange activities of Harappans with the contemporary West Asian
civilizations. Mesopotamia was located thousands of miles away from the Harappan
heartland. Yet these two civilizations had some kind of a trade linkage.

ll!il
lbil
7.6.1 Archaeological Evidenqe for Contacts
.- seals
Our information about the exchange comes from the finds of typical Harappan
in Mesopotamia. About two dozen seals, either Harappan or made in imitation of
34

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Harappan seals, have been found in the Mesopotamian cities like Susa, Ur, etc. Nature of Contact8
Recently same of the Persian Gulf ancient sites 'like Failaka and Behrain have also -
yielded Harappan seals. In the Mesopotamian city of Nippur a seal has been found
with Harappan script and a unicorn shown on it. Similarly, two square Indus seals
with unicorn and Indus script were reported from the Mewpotamian city of Kish. In
another city called Umma was found a sealing from the Indus Valley meaning that
some goods had been received here from the Indus Valley.
In the settlement df Tell Asmar were found certain Harappan ceramics, etched
Carnelian beads and kidney shaped bone inlay. All of these indicate trade linkage
between Mesopotamia and the Harappans. A distinctive type of terracotta figurines
generally found in the Indus Valley has been found in Nippur in Mesopotamia. These.
figurines depicting a male nude with obese stomach animal like faces, stubby tails
'

and shoulder holes for the aniichment of movable a d s are mmmon at the Harappan
sites. The finds of three similar figurines in Nippur a& indicative of some ~ a r a ~ p a n
influence. Aiain it has been found thatthe Indus dice types (1/2,3/6,4/5) were found
in the Mesopotamian cities of Ur, Nippur and Tell Asmar. Apart from these beads
having distinctive designs have been found in ~ e s o ~ o t a mand i a they seem to have
been brought from the Indus Valley. Beads from Chanhudaro with single, double or
triple circular designs closely resemble some beads discovered in ~ i s in h
~ ~ e s o ~ o t a m~iaai .a p p a nweights have been found in Persian Gulf and Mesopotamian
sites.
From the Harappan civilization the finds of objects o Mesopotamian origin are almost
\
non-existent. In Mohenjodaro three cylinder seals o the Mesopotamian type have
been found. However, they too, seem to have been made in some centre of Harappan
Civilization. Some metal objects might have been derived from Mesopotamia. In the
settlement of Lothal was found a circular button seal. This seal has been found in,
Large numbers in the excavations at the port at Behrain. These seals seem to have
originated in'the Persian Gulf ports. Also bun shaped copper ingots have been found
in Lothal. These are similar to the ones found in the Persian Gulf islands and Susa.
Given the scarcity of material objects which could show contacts between the
Harappans and the Mesopotamians, some scholars have questioned the notion of
direct trade exchange between these civilizations. It is believkd that thy Harappans
might have taken their wares to the settlements in the Persian Gulf. Some of these
were further transported to Mesopotamian towns by the merchants of Persian Gulf
ports like Behrain.

12. Seal of Persian Gulf Type :Lothpl

7.6.2 Literary Evidence for Exchange

In Mesopotamia some ancient writings have been discovered which give us an idea
of their trade linkages with the Harappan Civilization. The famous king Sargon of
Akkad (C. 2350 B.C.) in Mesopotamia boasts that the ships of Dilmun, Magan and
Meluhha were moor d at his capital. Scholars have generally identified Meluhha with
the coastal towns o f b e Harappans or the region of the river Indus. Some schglars

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 have suggested that Magan referred to the Makran coast. Some other docum nts used
t
by the merchants of the city of U r have also come down to us. They indicate t at the
merchants of Ur imported copper, carnelian, ivory, shell, lapis lazuli, pearls and
ebony from Meluhha. All these objects seem to have been available in plenty in the
Harappan sites.
In some cases, like copper, we are not aware of any major sources of supply to the
Harappans. However, we should remember that the Harappans were exploiting a
very 'large geographical zone extending upto Central Asia. They might have captured
the trading networks that had existed in Central Asia and Afghanistan in the 'Early
Harappan' period. The early Mesopotamian literature also refers to a community of
merchants from Meluhha living in Mesopotamia. In another instance written
documents from Mesopotamia refer to an official interpreter of the Meluhhan
language. All these examples indicate that the links between the Harappans and the
Mesopotamians were not indirect. Given the distance between these societies we
cannot expect regular interaction. However, the relations were fairly close for the
Mesopotamian kings to boast about the ships from Meluhha coming to their ports.
The absence of Mesopotamiari goods in Harappa can be explained by the fact that
traditionally the Mesopotamians exported items like garments, wool, perfumed oil
and leather products. All these items are perishable and as such they have not left
any trace. Silver might have been one of the items of export. Silver was not available
in any known Harappan source. However, they were using it in large quantities. This
could be an import from Mesopotamia. , \

7.7 MODE OF TRANSPORT

The discussion about the nature of contact and exchange brings in the question of
transportation. Yany representations of ships and boats are found on seals in Harappa
and Mohenjodaro. At Lothal was found a terracotta model of a ship with a stick
impressed socket for the mast and eyeholes for fixing rigging. At Lothal was also
discovered a brick basin 219 by 37 metres in length, with brick walls of 4.5 metres in
height. The excavator believed that it was a dockyard. Apart from this site the
seashore of the Arabian sea seems to have been dotted with many sea-ports. Places
like Rangapur, Somnath and Balakot would have functioned as outlets for the
Harappans. Even in the inhospitable Makran coast Harappan sites like Sutkagen-Dor
and Sutkakoh have been discovered. The primary reason for their location in those
inhospitable tracts was that they were safe from the dangerous monsoon storms and
currents hitting the sea-coast in Western India and Sind. In the monsoon months they
could function as outlets for the Harappans. Sutkagen-Dor is located on the borders
of present day Pakistan and Iran. It is likely that even in the Iranian side there were
some Harappan settlements. They have not been explored so far. But this kind of
extension along the sea-coast would provide the Harappan ships points of anchorage
right upto the Persian Gulf.
The inland transport was done with bullock carts. Many terracotta models of bullock
carts have been found in Harappan settlements. In Harappa was found a bronze
model of a caqt with a seated driver and also models of little carts which are very '
similar to the modem 'Ikka' used in Punjab. For longer journey through wooded
country, caravans of pack-oxen would be the chief means of transport. In historical
times a large number of goods were transported by pastoral nomadic communities.
Possibly the Harappans also engaged in similar practices. However, in those times
river systems would have been the channels of transportation because they were

1 36
P
13. Repmaentation of a ship on terncots

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 Nature of Contacts

14. Toy

Check Your Progress 2 .

I State whether the following statements are true or false.
a) The literary sources of the contemporary Mesopotamian civilization do not
mention any contact with the Harappan civilization.
b) The discovery of Harappan seals in the Mesopotamian cities proves the contact
between the Harappan and the Mesopotamian civilizations.
c) The discovery of a dockyard at Lothal refers to the maritime trade of the
Harappans.
d) Bullock cart was not known to the Harappans as means of transport.
2 Mark (d) the right answer.
i. What were exported from the Harappan cities to Mesopotamia?
a) Garments, Perfumed oil, leather products.
b) Silver, gold, bronze
c) Copper, ivory, lapis lazuli.

Kamesh Mechrocks
~ s r ~ ~ c~v~tlzptlon
psn . ii. Some of the imporhat ports of the Harappan period were:
a) Dilmun, Magan, Meluhha
b) Kalibangan, Banwali, Lothal
c) Ur, Nippur, Chanhudaro
iii. Some important Mesopotamian sites where the Harappan seals have been
found are:
a) Susa, Ur, Kish
b) Tell Armar, Behrain, Akkad
c) Dilmun, Magan, Meluhha.
3 Write in five sentences on the transportation system of the Harappans.

7.8 LET US SUM UP

We have seen from the above discussion that the Harappan Civilization seems to have
camed a brisk internal trade. Internal trade would mean exchange activities carried
over an area of 1.3 million square km. This exchange activity is clear from the fact
that even very small Harappan sites like Allahdino have yielded seals, sealings, many
kinds of beads of semi-precious stones and metal utensils. Most of these objects were
imported from outside. The location of Harappan settlement along navigable
waterways and traditional land routes also indicates deep involvement of the
Harappans in exchange activities. Their linkages with the contemporary West Asian
cultures is also well documented now. No wonder we call thein a city-centred
community.

7.9 KEY WORDS

Bead : A small piece of stone pierced in the middle for stringing.
Hinterland : A region lying inland from a port of centre of influence.
Mesopotamia : Ancient name of Iraq.
Region : An area having specific characteristics of landscape which differentiate it
from other areas.

7.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1 ,
1 a) False b) True ,c) False d) True e) False f) True
2 a) Kashmir b) Iron c) Shortughai d) Rajasthan e) SutkagenDor
3 Your amwer should include the uniformHstems of weights anbmeasures, binary
system of weight, seals and sealings on the products to ensure quality and
ownership etc. See Section 7.5.
Check Your Progress 2
1 a) False b) True c) True d) False
2 i) c ii) a iii) a
3 Your answer should include archaeological evidence in support of transportation
system, river transport, inland transport. See Section 7.7

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 8 SOCIETY AND RELIGION

Objectives
Introduction
Society
8.2.1 Dress Styles
8.2.2 Food Habits
8.2.3 Language and Script
8.2.4 Warfare
8.2.5 Main CraftslOccupations
Who Ruled Them?
Religion and Religious Practices
8.4.1 The Places of Worship
8.4.2 Objects of Worship
8.4.3 The Burial of the Dead
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

8.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will be able to understand the different aspects of society
and religious practices of the Harappan people. Particularly you will be able to:
know about their dresses and food habits
discuss the controversy about their script and language
list their main occupations
understand the nature of the ruling classes
recall their religious practices and prominent gods and
know about their burial practices.

8.1 INTRODUCTION
In the earlier Units of this Block you studied some significant features of Harappan
Civilization. In this Unit we will discuss the society and religion of the Harappans.
One might ask what the Harappans looked like? Did they wear clothes of the same
kind as we do? What did they read and write? What kinas of jobs did the townsfolk
do? What language did they speak? What food did they eat? Did they have cups of
tea with chips of potato? Did they play games and did they fight? Who ruled over
them? What were their temples and gods like? Were they like us?
These are some very simple questions which the scholars find difficult to answer. This
is because of the nature of sburces available for knowing about that period. The main
sources available are in the form of archaeological findings excavated from different
sites.
Answers to many of the questions related to the realm of ideas and feelings are
difficult to provide with our_ present knowledge about this civilization. Even an
innocuous question like whether a Harappan was feeling a sense of pleasure while
making a carmelian bead cannot be answered. In this Unit we will try to derive some
answers from silent objects lying abandoned for thousands of years.

The archaeological finds ftom Hatappan sites h d p us in reconstructing the society of

he period. We get an idea about their dress styles and Fad habits. We also get

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information abou't the trade and crafts and various social groups. Let us first examine
the external appearence a d dresses of the Harappans.

8.2.1 Dress Styles

What did the Harappans look like? The only way of finding out an answer for this
would be examining the terracotta figurines and stone sculptures surviving from that
period. Another way of knowing would be examining the skeletal remains found in
some of the Harappan settlements.
The study of the skeletal types shows that the Harappans looked like the present day
north Indians. Their faces, complexion and height were more or less similar to the
present day people living in those areas. But the similarities end here. They did not
wear the shirts and trousers or Salwar-Kameej like the modern men and women. We
can have some idea about their dresses and fashions by a study of contemporary
sculptures and terracotta figurines. Men are mostly shown wearing a dress which
would be wrapped round the lower half of the body with one end worn over the left
shoulder and under the right arm-like the modern saree. The other dress was a kilt
and a shirt worn by both men and women. The men arranged their hair in various
I
ways sometimes making buns and using headbands. The men used many ,more
ornaments than the modem Indians. They would be wearing ring, bracelets .and
ornaments round their neck and hands. Growing beard was fashionable but they
would shave their moustaches. Women seem to have used ornaments on their waist.
Women wore a large number of necklaces. Bangles too were in fashion and of course
there was no end to the number of ways in which hair was arranged. Men and women
alike had long hair. We know that they used cotton clothes also that in one sculpture
the cloth was shown as having trefoil pattern and red colours. However, for all his
fashionableness if we saw a man from Harappa walk on the road-to our eyes he will
probably resemble a mendicant more than anyone else.

IS. JeweUery of Gold and mme prefiom stone

8.2.2 Food Habits

What did they eat? Again, we know very little, the Harappans of Sind and Punjab
ate wheat and barley as their staple food. Those who stayed in towns of Rajasthan
had to be content with barley only. The Harappans of Gujarat in places like Rangpur
and Surkotdla preferred rice and millet. Let us see where they got their supply of
protein and fat from.
They got their supply of fat and oil from sesame seeds, mustard and possibly Ghee.
We do not h o w whether they were familiar with sugarcane to supply them sugar.
They might have used honey to sweeten their food. Seeds of jujube and dates b u n d
in the Harappan sites indicate their preference for these fruits. It is likely that they
also ate bananas, pomegranates, melons, lemons, figs and of course mangoes. They

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 seem to have consumed a whole range of wild nuts and fruits but it is difficult to Society and Religion
identify them. They were eating peas too. Apart from this the Harappans seem to
have relished non-vegetarian food. Bones of deer, bears, sheep and goats have been
frequently found in the Harappan settlements. Fish, milk and curd too would be
known to them. However, they had neither tea nor potato-chips. Could you yourself
I find out the reason for this?

8.2.3 Language and Script

i
I What language did they speak and what did they read and write is again not very
I clear to us. We have discovered the written script of the Harappans. As pointed out
earlier, we have not deciphered it as yet. Some scholars believe that the language
j
written there is ancestral to the Dravidian group of languages like Tamil. Some other
writers would like to think that it was ancestral to an Aryan language like Sanskrit.
However, no one has proved his case beyond doubt. However, one noticeable thing
about their script is that it did not change all through the life of the Harappan
Civilization. All the other ancient scripts have showed distinct changes over a period
of time. This indicates that the Harappan script was not in common use. Perhaps a
very small section of privileged scribes had a monopoly over the written word. About
what they learnt and how they learnt-we have no answers. Whether they had some
kind of school for teaching as was the case in contemporary Mesopotamia is not
known to us.

16. Northern half of Kalibangan citadel

8.2.4 Warfare
Did they play and did they fight? We know that they played dice. But beyond that
we again draw a blank. They did fight-and there is enough evidence for it-possibly
because the archeologists who were digging up various Harappan sites were looking
for evidences of war and not of sport. One important indicator of course is that at
the time of the emergence of the Harappan Civilization many 'Early Harappan' sites
like Kot Diji and Kalibangan were burnt down. However an accidental fire could
destroy large towns, but it is more likely that some of the settlements were burnt
down by victorious human groups) Then there is the evidence of some skeletons lying
scattered in the streets of Mohenjodaro. Human societies from times immemorial
have disposed off the bodies of their dead in some ordered fashion. It is natural that
the Harappans would not leave their dead to rot in the streets. So. obviouslv some ..

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extraordinary conflict is indicated when the Harappans did not get an opportwity to
bury their dead. The presence of citadels and fortification around many Harappan
towns also indicates a need for protection against outsiders. Some of the protection
walls might have been bunds for protection against floods. But given the opulence of
the Harappan townships in contrast to the surrounding rural communities it is likely
that the Harappans wanted to protect their wealth and life by fortifying their
settlements. Many copper and bronze weapons have also been reported.

8.2.5 Main Crafts

What did the Harappans do for a living? We are on surer grounds in answering this
question.,This is because studies of pre-modern civilized societies show that most of
the people in those societies were engaged in agriculture. However, quite a few
Harappan townsmen were engaged in various other kinds of activities. Bead making
was one of the favourite activities of the Harappans. In settlements like Mohenjodaro,
Chanhudaro and Lothal a fairly large number of Harappans were engaged in this
work. Since a variety of stones like Carnelian, Lapis Laml, Agate and Jasper were
used for making beads it is likely that there were specialised bead makers for each
type of stone. Some other Harappans specialized in making stone tools. Apart from
them groups of potters, copper and bronze workers, stone workers, builders of
houses, brick makers and seal-cutters must have lived in Harappan towns. When we a

talk about the Harappan Civilization, we are basically referring to seals, bricks, pots
and other such objects surviving from those times. These objects presuppose the
existence of thelr Wakers.

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 SoeMy and Rd@m
Check Your Progress 1
1 Which of the following statements is right (d) and which is wrong ( x ) .
i) The Harappan script underwent a number of changes during the period this
civilization survived
ii) The Harappans were strict vegetarians
iii) Generally the Harappan towns were fortified
iv) The Harappan men weie fond of wearing ornaments.
2 Fill in the empty spaces given in the following sentences.
i) We get the information about the dresses and fashions of Harappan people
through their ..............................

7
ii) .......................was used to make Harappan metalli tools.
iii) The staple food of the Harappans was ...................in Rajasthan, ............
..............in Sind and Punjab and ................... in Gujarat.
iv) A large number of beads found in Harappan settlements are made of ...........

3 Write five lines on Harappan Script.

8.3 WHORULEDTHEM?
At the top of the pyramid of the Harappan society were three invisible categories of
people-the administrators, the traders and the priests. Their presence can be
presumed on the basis of an understanding of the problems oi organisation. The rise
of Civilization is associated with the emergence of a centralized decision-making
system called the State. In the Harappan civilization we can perceive the presence of
a decision-making authority for running the municipal system:
The construction and maintenance of 'elaborate drainage system and streets would
require a municipal authority in the cities.
Similarly, the granaries indicate the presence of an authority which would collect
food grains from the surrounding hinterland and redistribute it among the citizens.
As pointed out earlier, the tools, weapons, bricks etc. show a remarkable
uniformity of design. Some of the tools and weapons seem to have been
mass-produced in one place and then distributed to various cities and settlements. .
The organisation of production and distribution of these objects over an area
covering thousands of kms. would give tremendous power to those who decided
how much to produce and where to send the products. If these people were to stop
the supply of goods to a particular town, that town would be starved of tools and
implements.
The sheer range and xolume of products consumed by the residents of the largej
citiesindicate that some kind of a ruling class resided in them. Many of the objects
were rarities brought from faraway lands. The possession of such precious stones
or metals would give immense prestige to owners vis-a-vis the rest of the
.' population.
Similarly, the larger size of the cities did not simply indicate that a larger number
of people lived there but also the fact that they contained many monumental
structures like temples, palaces etc. The people who lived in these stductures
exercised political or economic or religious authority. No wonder, the seals which
are considered marks of authority of traders, priests or administrators are found
in largest numbers in Mohenjodaro where the largest number of monumental
structures have also been found.
Howeve'r, we are not suggesting that Mohenjodaro functioned as the Capital of the
Harappan Civilization. It is possible that the Harappan Civilization consisted of two
M e w p five independent political units. All we are suggesting is that the city had

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 Harappan Civilization emerged as the Centre of politico-economic power. We do not know who the rulers,
of the Harappans were. They may have been kings, priests or traders. However, we
know that in many pre-modern societies the economic, religious and administrafive
spheres are not clearly demarcated. This means that the same person could be the
head priest, king and the wealthiest merchant. But all these evidences indicate 4

the presence of a ruling authority. What was the form of this authority is not yet
clear to us.
1
Check Your Progress 2 1
1 On what basis can we say that Harappan was an Urban Civllization'!
..........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................... I

..........................................................................................................
2. A number of things found in Harappan excavations indicate the presence of civic
and political authority. What are these?
..........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
~ ..........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
1

8.4 RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS PRACTICES

Who did the Harappans worship? This is one question about which there has been
considerable discussion among scholars. The mute survivors of the Harappan past d o
not tell us anything. So, we have to fit in our logic and our,fancies to understand
their religious beliefs. One major problem is that without written information it is
difficult to differentiate their sacred and secular activities. Thus, it seems that any or
every find from Harappa might have a sacred content. However, we shall try to
understand the religious beliefs of the Harappans with the help of modern parallels.

8.4.1 The Places of Worship

A number of large buildings in the citadel and the lower town at Mohenjodaro are
believed to have been temples of gods. This view is supported by the fact that most
of the large stone sculptures were found in these buildings.
In the lower city at Mohenjodaro a large building has been discovered. This building
has a monumental entrance and a double stairway leading to, a raised platform on
which was found a stone sculpture 161/2inches high. It is a seated man with hands on
knees. It has a bearded face with a fillet passing over a receding forehead and hanging
down in two strands at the back. Another stone statue was discovered in the same
building. This is why scholars have identified this building with a temple.
In Mohenjodaro several structures are reported from the citadel mound which seem
to have had some ritual significance. Among them 'The Great Bath' is the most
famous. Such elaborate bathing arrangements were made in very sacred ritual spots
in the subsequent historical phases in India. So, it is likely that 'Great Bath' was not
simply a swimming pool but that it had a great ritual significance.
Near the Gre,at Bath: was found another large structure (230 X 78 feet) which has
been identified as the residence of some high priest or college of priests. Similarly,
an oblongassembly hall has also been reported from the citadel area. To the west of
this structure was found a complex of rooms in one of which was discovered a seated
male statue. This too has been identified as a part of some religious structure. These
ritual structures provide us with a glimpse of the religious practices of the people in
Mohenjodaro. We can presume that someof the ritual performances took place in
the large temple like structure.

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 8.4.2 Objects of Worship Society and Religion

The evidence for the objects of worship comes from the study of Harappan seals and
terracotta figurines. Amongst the evidences that come from the seals, the most
I famous is a deity who has been identified as proto-Siva. On a series of seals a deity
, wearing a buffalo-homed head-drek is shown sitting in a yogic posture. The deity is
surrounded by animals like goats, elephants, tiger and antelope. Marshall identified
I
him with god Pasupati (Lord of Beasts). In several instances he has a sprouting plant
I emerging between his horns. In another case a deity with horns and flowing hair is
I
standing nude between the'branches of a Pipal tree. A worshipper is kneeling in front
of it. Behind the worshipper is a man-faced goat and below are seven other human
figures. They have long pigtails and tall head-dresses. In one seal are shown snakes
t accompanying the yogic figure. Each of the features associated with the horned deity
are attributes of Siva of later Indian history. Moreover in some Harappan settlements
the phallic emblem of Siva (Lingam) has been found. All these evidences have led
scholars to believe that Siva was the most important male god of the Harappans.
1 Perhaps the temples were dedicated to the same god.
i. Mother Goddess
I The Harappan settlements have yielded a very large number of terracotta
figurines. Among them are the representations of females adorned with a wide
girdle, loin cloth and necklaces. They wear a fan-shaped head dress. Sometimes
they are shown with an infant. The general notion of fertility is indicated by many
representations of pregnancy. These evidences indicate the prevalence of cults of
fertility and mother goddess worship.
ii. Tree Spirits
The Harappans also seem to have worshipped tree spirits. several seals depict
the Pipal tree. In many cases a figure is shown looking through the branches.
Scholars believe that this represents the tree-spirit. In many cases worshippers
are shown standing in front of the tree. In many other cases a tiger or some other
animal is shown in front of the tree. In one case seven human figures are shown
standing in front of it, with a horned-figure standing in it. As discussed earlier
the horned figure probably is Siva. The Pipal tree has been worshipped in India
for ages and in many cases the Pipal tree and Siva are worshipped together. The
seven figures have sometimes been identified with the seven great sages or seven
mothers of the Indian mythology.

iii. Some Mythical Heroes

Some other human figures which seem to have a religious significance are those
found on seals and amulets. Human figures with horns on the head and long tails
are frequently shown on the seals. Sometimes, they have hoofs of cattle and hind
legs. Some other seals remind us of Mesopotamian mythology.
For example, a man grappling with a pair of tigers immediately brings to mind a
brave warrior called Gilgamesh who is said to have killed two tigers.
iv. Animal Worship
A large number of animals also seem to have been worshipped. Again, our
information comes from their representation on seals and sealings and in .
terracotta. A seal has been reported from Chanhudaro depicting a bull-bison with
erect penis, fecundating a supine human figure. A plant is sprouting from the
head of the human figure. This obviously is indicative of some fertility cult. The
Brahmani bull with its heavy dewlap is frequently represented on the szals. 1t is
possible that the present day reverence for bulls and cows had its beginnings in
the Harappan Civilization.
v. Mythical Beasts
Many composite animals are depicted in the seals. There are animal
representations of creatures with the foreparts of humans and the hind-quarters
of tigers. Similarly, composite creatures combining various portions of rams, bulls
and elephants are a frequent occurrence. They obviously represented objects of
worship. The conception of composite creatures like 'Narasimha' was very much
a part of the mythology of the later Indian tradition. One important animal
frequentlyrepresented on the Harappan seals is the unicorn. This is a horse-like
beast with a horn issuing from the middle of its head. In front of the animal occurs
a curious object which is not shown in association with any other animal. It
consists of a bowl on a central post carrying a cage like object. We do not know
its function-it has been taken for a sacred manger or an incense holder. In

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 another seal impression, a 'unicorn' is shown being camed in a procession
between two other objects, one of which was similar to the one discussed above.
Obviously the 'unicorn' was a mythical animal, since there is no such real beast.
It is likely to have been a cult object.

The Harappans at Kalibangan and Lothal seem to have followed different religious
practices. At Kalibangan in the citadel were found a series of raised brick platforms
crowned with 'fire altars' i.e.,a series of brick-lined pits containing ash and animal
bones. This area also had a well and bathing places. This complex seems to have
represented some kind uf ritual centre where animal sacrifide, ritual ablution and
some sort of fire rituals were performed. Many houses in the lower town also
contained a room having 'fire altars'. Several other 'fire' altars are also reported. At
Lothal too, fire altars have been found. These evidences are very important because:
a) they show that the Harappans staying in different geographical areas followed
-
different religious practices, and
b) the fire ritual was central to the Vedic religion.
The Vedic Aryans are believed to have been a different set of people. The evidence
from Kalibangan might indicate that the Aryans adopted the religious practices of
the Hwapp,ans when they came and settled down in these areas.
8.4.3 The Burial of the Dead
Disposal of the dead has been an important religious activity of the human groups.
This is because the attitude towards the dead is linked up with the human beliefs
regarding this life and life after death. The Harappan civilization has not yielded any
monuments for the dead yhich could equal the pyramids of Egypt or the Royal
cemetery of the Mesopotamian city of Ur, in its grandeur. However, we have certain
evidences about the burial practices of the Harappans.

In Harappa many graves have been discovered. Dead bodies were generally placed
in a north-south orientation. Bodies were laid on their back. A large number of
\
earthen pots were placed in the grave. In some cases the dead were buried with
ornaments like shell bangles, necklace, and an ear ring. In some cases copper mirrors, I
mother of pearl shells, antimony sticks etc. were kept in the grave. A number of
graves were constructed with bricks. A coffin burial has been found at Harappa. At
Kalibangan some other kinds of burial practices were encountered. Small circu!ar pits
containing large urns and aacompanied by pottery have been found. But they dld not
have any skeletal remains. Some other burial pits with collected bones have also been
found. From Lothal some examples of pairs of skeletons with a male and a female
in each case buried together.
These practices show that the disposal ofthe dead among the Harappans was different
from the one followed subsequently. In the historical phaSes the predominant System
seems to have been cremation. At the same time the careful placement of bodies
.
provided with ornaments and toiletries is indicative of some belief in life after death.
What that belief was is unknown to us.
A study of the various kinds of objects found in excavations ehows that different
a regions of the Harappan civilization followed different kinds of religious practices.
Fire worship was prevalent in Kalibangan and Lothal but unknown in Harappa and
Mohenjodaro. Ritual bathing evidenced at Mohenjodaro might have been absent in
Harappa. The burial practices show wide variation ranging from extended inhumation
to double burials and pot burials. Finds in Kalibangan also show that different kinds
of burial practices were being followed in the same settlement. This kind of diversity
of religious beliefs and practices even in the same settlement reflects the complell
nature of the urban centres. Unlike tribal societies where every member 6f ihe tribe
follows similar kinds of religious practices, the urban centres are characterised by the
presence of people following different kinds of religious practices. This apparently
means that urban centres were formed by the political and economic integration of
varied social groups. Also, an urban centre means the presence of traders from
different regions with their own religious practices. These groups retained their social
mores and customs but lost their political and economic independence.
. .

Check Your Progress 3

1 Which of the Harappan rkligious structures indicate .the prevalence of some . '

collective worship or rituals?

................................................
............-.a-......................... <......I.........

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 .................................................................................................... Society and Rellgion
....................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
2 Which of the following statements are correct?
i. Siva seems to be the most important Harappan God
ii. The female deities were absent in Harappan religious objects
iii. Trees also seem to be worshipped by Harappans
iv. No animals were worshipped by the Harappans
3 Do we get any evidence of fire workship from Harappan finds?
....................................................................................................
...................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
4 What significant points emerge from the study of burial practices of Harappan

....................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
....................................................................................................

8.5 LET US SUM UP

In this unit we discussed the religious and socid aspects related to the life pattern of

The main dresses of Harappans were a big unsewn cloth like modern day saree and
was wrapped on the body. The kit and shirt were other dres'ses worn by men & women
alike. Me-n and women both were fond of ornaments. Their food included a large
variety of items depending on the inhabited areas. The main items included rice,
barley, millet and wheat. A number of fruits, vegetables and non-vegetarian items
were also used. We hope you found the answer to the question raised in Section 8.2.2.
Well if not, it is because tea and potato were not grown in the region at that time.
The Harappan script is still a mystery for the archaeologists and linguists. It has not
been deciphered yet.
Fortification of their settlements and weapons found indicate that they were often
engaged in fights.

alongwith large number of workmen seem to constitute the society in towns.

Some large structures indicate the prevalence of some collective worship or ritual. a

A number of gods, goddesses and objects seems to have been worshipped. The
prominent were mother goddess, Siva and a number of trees and animals. Some
composite mythical beasts also seem to have some place in religious practices.
The most prevalent system for disposing the dead seems burial rather than cremation.
A number of ornaments and other objects are also found in the burial pits. All these
give us, if not a total but a nearer view of the Harappan society.
47

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 8.6 KEY WORDS
Fertility Cult :A system of worship in which the reproductive aspects of nature and
mankind are emphasised. The worship is expected to ensure the production of
abundant crops or children.
I
Fire Altars :Brick-lined pits found in Kalibangan. They contained ash and animal
bones. In many societies fire is worshipped. In the Vedic society similar kinds of pits
were dug for lighting fire and worshipping it.
Royal Cemetery of Ur :A cemetery discovered in the Mesopotamian city of Ur
belonging to the third millennium B.C. This cemetery contained the gravesof many
kings.
Script :System or style of writing.
Unicorn : A mythical animal having a body of a horse and one straight horn.

8 . 7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Cheek Your Progress 1
1 i) X ii) X iii) I/ iv) I/
2 i) Terracotta human figures ii) Copper iii) Barley, Wheat and barley, rice
and millet iv) Stone.
3 Your answer should include which present language seems to have descended from
Harappan script, the changes it underwent and whether we are able to read it or
not.
Check Your Progreus 2
1 Your answer should indude things like large number of brick structures spread
in a big area, a number of craft products, drainage system etc. Also see section 8.3.
2 Your answer should include things like well planned towns, big houses, presence
of granaries their management and other such things. Read Section 8.3 again.

Check Your R.oqrcu 3

1 Big temple like atructurcs with a number of aculpturea, common baths, assembly
halls, structures with a number of fire pits, etc. Read Section 8.4 and Sub-sec. 8.4.1
2 i) ii) x iii) I/ iv) X
3 In Harappan settlements like Kalibangan and Lothal a number of finding indicate
to the presence of fire worship such as fire altars, in apparently public worship
places and even houses. See sub-section 8.4.2 last paragraph.
4 The most significant point is that burying the dead was accompanied by some
rituals. It-appears that the Harappans believed in some sort of life after death
because a number of items of every day use or ornaments are also placed
alongside the dead. Some times it is paired burial one male-and one female. In ,
some cases urns containing bones are also buried.

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UNIT 9 DIFFUSION AND DECLINE

Structure
9.0 Objectives
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Decline of Harappa: The Archaeological Evidence
9.3 Theories of Sudden Decline
9.3.1 Floods and Earthquakes
9.3.2 The Shifting Away of Indus
9.3.3 Increased Aridity and D~yingUp of the Ghaggar
9.3.4 Barbarian Invasions
9.4 Ecological Imbalance: Theory of Gradual Decline
9.5 The Tradition Survives
9.5.1 Sind
9.5.2 The Indo-Ira~anBorderlands
9.5.3 Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan
9.5.4 Kutch and Saurashtra
9.6 Transmission of the Harappan Tradition
9.7 What Survives from Harappa?
9.8 Let Us Sum Up
9.9 Key Words
9.10 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

9.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit, you will get to know:
about the problems faced by scholars to understand the decline of Harappan
Civilization
about the theories-put forward for the decline of Harappa
that why over the years scholars have stopped lwking for the causes of decline of
Harappa, and
that instead scholars are trying to look for the evidence of survival and continuities
of the Harappan Civilization.

9.1 INTRODUCTION
In the previous units we have discussed the various aspects.of origin and growth of
Harappan Civilization. However, the disappearance of 'the various aspects of its
maturity i.e. writing, town planning, etc. in the subseqbnt phase of ancient India is
rather mysterious. In this unit we will examine the various arguments put forward to
solve this mystery.

9.2 DECLINE OF HARAPPA :

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE
Cities like Harappa, Mohenjodaro and Kalibangan experienced graduai decline in
urban planning and construction. Houses made of old dilapidated bricks and shoddy
construction encroached upon the roads and streets of the towns. Flimsy partitions
sub-divided the courtyards of the houses. The Cities were fast turning into slums. A
detailed study of the architectures of Mohenjodaro shows that many entry points to
the 'Great Bath' were blocked. Sometimes later the 'Great Bath' and the 'Granary'
fell into total disuse. At the same time the late levels (i.e. later habitations) at
Mohenjodaro showed a distinct reduction in the-number of sculptures, figurines,
beads, bangles and inlay works. Towards the end, the city of Mohenjodaro shrank to
a small settlement of three hectares from the original .eighty-five hectares.
Before its abandonment Harappa seems to have witnessed the amval of a group of
people about whom we know through their burial practices. They were using a pottery

Kamesh Mechrocks
Harappan Civilization which was different from those of the Harappans. Their culture is known as the
'Cemetery H' culture. Processes of decline were in evidence also in places like
Kalibangan and Chanhudaro. We find that buildings associated with power and
ideology were decaying apd goods related to displays of prestige and splendour were
becoming increasingly scarce. Later on, cities like Harappa and Mohenjodaro were
abondoned altogether.
A study of the settlement pattern of the Harappan and Late Harappan sites in the
Bahawalpur area also indicates a trend of decay. Along the banks of the Hakra river
the number of settlements came down to 50 in the Late Harappan period from 174
in the Mature Harappan period. What seems likely is that in the last two-three
hundred years of their life, the settlements in the core region of the Harappan
civilization were declining. The population seems to have either perished or moved
away to other areas. Whereas the number of sites in the triangle of Harappa,
Bahawalpur and Mohenjodaro declined, the number of settlements in the outlying
areas of Gujarat, East Punjab, Haryana and upper Doab increased. This indicates
a phenomenal increase in the number of people in these areas. This sudden increase
in the population of those regions can be explained by the emigration of people from
the core regions of Harappa.
In the outlying regions of thc Harappan civilization, i.e. the areas of @jarat,
Rajasthan and punjab; people continue to live. But life had changed for them. Some
of the important features associated with the Harappan civilization-writing, uniform
weights, Harappan pottery and architectural style had disappeared.
The abandonment of the cities of the Indus is roughly dated to about 1800 B.C. This
date is supported by the fact that the Mesopotamian literature stops referring to
Meluhha by the end of 1900B.C. However, even now;,the chronology of the end of
Hrriappan cities remains tentative. We do not as yet know whether the major
settlements were abandoned at one and the same or at different periods. What is
certain, however, is the fact the abandonment of the major cities and the
de-urbanisation of other settlements indicates the decline of the Harappan
civilization.

oAflps
LAND ABOVE 1200 Ft

KmS.

50 Map 3 : Sites of late Harappan Period I

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Diffusion and Decline

9.3 THEORIES OF SUDDEN DECLINE

Scholars have given different answers to the question as to why did the civilization
end? Some scholars, believing in a dramatic collapse of the civilization, have looked
for evidences of a calamity of catastrophic proportions, which wiped out the urban
communities. Some of the more plausible theories for the decline of the Harappan
civilization are:
a) that it was destroyed by massive floods
b) that the decline took place because of the shift in the course of rivers and the
gradual drying up of the Ghgggar-Hakra river system
c) that barbarian invaders destroyed the cities
d) that the growing demands of the centres disturbed the ecology of the region and
the area could not support them anymore.
Let us discuss these explanations on their merits.
9.3.1 Floods and Earthquakes
Among the causes spelled out for the decline of the Harappan civilization scholars
have used the evidence of .flooding in Mohenjodaro. It appears from the records of
the principal excavators that in Mohenjodaro various periods of occupation were
separated by evidences of deep flooding. This can be inferred from the fact that the
houses and streets of Mohenjodaro were covered with silty clay and collapsed building
material many times in its long history. This silty clay seems to have been left by the
flood waters which had submerged the streets and houses. The people of
Mohenjodaro again built up houses and streets on top of the debris of the previous
buildings, after the floods had receded. This kind of catastrophic flooding and
rebuilding on top of the debris seems to have happened at least thrice.
Borings in the occupation deposit indicated successive phases of occupation levels
spanning a vertical distances of 70 feet which is equivalent to the height of a seven
storied building. Many occupation deposits were divided by silt deposits. Thick silt
deposits have been noticed at points as high as 80 feet above the present day ground
level. Thus, many scholars believe that the evidences are indicative of abnormal floods
in Mohenjodaro. These floods led to the temporary desertion and reoccupation of
the city throughout its history.
That these floods were catastrophic is shown by silt deposits 80 feet above the present
ground level, meaning that the flood waters rose to such height in this area. The
Harappans at Mohenjodaro tired themselves out, trying to out top the recurring
floods. A stage came when the impoverished Harappans could not take it any more
and they simply abandoned the settlement.
Raikes's Hypothesis
The theory of catastrophic flooding ha\ been carried further by a famous hydrologist
R.L. Raikes. He argued that such flooding which could drown buildings 30 feet above
the ground level of the settlement could not be the result of normal flooding in the
river Indus. He believes that the Harappan civilization declined because of
catastrophic flooding causing prolonged submergence of the cities located on the bank
of the river Indus. He has shown that geomorphologically speaking the Indus area is
a disturbed seismic zone. Earthquakes might have raised the level of the flood plains
of the lower Indus river. This uplift of the plain along an axis roughly at right angles
to that of the river Indus blocked the passage of the river water to the sea. This led
to the ponding of the waters of the river Indus. A lake was formed in the area where
cities of the Indus had once flourished. And thus, the rising water levels of the river
swallowed cities like Mohenjodaro.
It has been pointed out that sites like Sutkagedor and Sutka-koh on the Makran Coast
and Balakot near Karachi were seaports of the Harappans. However, at present, they
are located far'away from the sea-coast. This has happened because of the upliftment
of the land on the sea-coast possibly caused by violent tectonic uplifts. Some scholars
believe that these tectonic uplifts took place somewhere in the second millennium
B.C. These violent earthquakes, damming rivers and burning the towns destroyed
the Harappan civilization. This led to the disruption of the commercial life based on
river and coastal communication.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 This grand theory.of the catastrophic fall of the Harappan civilization is not accepted .
by many scholars. H.T. Lambrick points out that the idea that a river would be
dammed in.such a manner even by tectonic uplifts is incorrect due to two reasons:
i) Even if an earthquake artificially raised a bund down stream, the large volume
of water from the Indus would easily breach it. In recent times in Sind, a swell
of ground raised by the earthquake of 1819 was breached by the first flood it
faced from one of the smaller streams of the Indus called Nara.
ii) Silt deposition would parallel the rising sueace of water in the hypothetical lake.
It wouldtake place along the bottom of the former course of the river. Thus, the
silt of Mohenjodaro might not be the deposition of a flood. Another criticism of
this theory is that it fails to explain the decline of the settlements outside the Indus
system.

9.3.2 The Shifting Away of the Indus

Lambrick has offered his own explanation for the decline. He believes that changes
in the course of the river Indus could be the cause of the destruction of Mohenjodaro.
The Indus is an unstable river system which keeps shifting its bed. Apparently, the
river Indus shifted about thirty miles away from Mohenjodaro. The people of the city
and the surrounding food production villages deserted the area because they were
starved of water. This kind of thing happened many times in the history of
Mohenjodaro. The silt observed in the city is actually the product of wind action
blowing in lots of sand and silt. This, combined with disintegrating mud, mud brick
and baked brick structures, produced ~. what has been mistaken for silt produced by
floods.
This theory too cannot explain the decline of the Harappan civilization in totality. At
best, it can explain the desertion of Mohenjodaro. And if the people of Mohenjodaro
were familiar with tho& kinds of shifts in the river course why could not they
themselves shift to some new settlement and establish another city like Mohenjodaro? -
Obviously, it appears that some other factors were at work.

9.3.3 Increased Aridity and Drying Up of the Ghaggar

D.P. Agarwal and Sood have introduced a new theory for the decline of the Harappan
civilization. They believe that the Harappan civilization declined because of the
increasing aridity in'this area and the drying up of the river Ghaggar-Hakra. Basing
their conclusions on the studies conducted in the U.S.A., Australia and Rajasthan
they have shown that there was an increase in the arid conditions.by the middle of
the second millennium B.C. In semi-arid regions like those of the Harappa, even a
minor reduction in moisture and water availability could spell disaster. It would affect
agricultural production which in turn would put the city economies under stress.
They have discussed the problem of the unstable river systems in western Rajasthan.
As stated earlier the Ghaggar-Hakra area represented one of the core regions of !he
$larappan civilization. The Ghaggar was a mighty stream flowing through Punjab,
Rajasthan and the inn of Kutch before debouching into the sea.
Rivers Sutlej and Yamuna used to be the tributaries of this river. Because of some
tectonic disturbances, the Sutlej stream was captured by the Indus river and the
Yamuna shifted east to join the Ganges. This kind of change in the river regime, which
left the Ghaggar waterless, would have catastrophic implication for the towns located
in this area. Apparently, the ecological disturbances brought by the increased aridity
and the shift in the drainage pattern led to the decline of the Harappan civilization.
Interesting though this theory is, it has some problems. The theory about the onset
of arid conditions have not been fully worked out and one needs more information.
Similarly, the drying up of the Ghaggar has not been dated properly as yet.
9.3.4 Barbarian Invasions
Wheeler believed that the Harappan civilization was destroyyd by the Aryan
invaders. It has been pointed out that in the late phases of occupation at Mohenjodaro
there are evidences of a massatre. Hummskeletons have been found lying on the
streets. The Rig Veda time and again refers to the fortresses of the Dasas and Dasyus.
52 The Vedic god Indra is called 'Purandara' meaning 'the destroyer of forts'. The

Kamesh Mechrocks
 LMfidon and Dcellne
geographical area of the habitation of the Rig Vedic Aryans included the Punjab and
the Ghaggar-Hakra region. Since there are no remains of other cultural groups having
forts in this area in this historical phase, Wheeler believed that it was the Harappan
cities that were being described in the Rig Veda. In fact, the Rig Veda mentions a
place called Hariyupiya. This place was located on the bank of the river Ravi. The
Aryans fought a battle here. The name of the place sounds very similar to that of
Harappa. These evidences led Wheeler to conclude that it was the Aryan invaders
who destroyed the cities of Harappa.
Attractive though this theory is, it is not acceptable to a host of scholars. They point
out that the provisional date for the decline of the Harappan civilization is believed
to be 1800B.C. The Aryans on the other hand are believed to have arrived here not
earlier than a period around 1500 B.C. At the present state of knowledge it is difficult
to revise either of the dates and so, the Harappans and the Aryans are unlikely to
have met each other. Also, neither Mohenjodaro nor Harappa yield any other
evidence of a military assault. The evidence of the human bodies lying exposed in
the streets is important. This, however, could have been caused by raids by bandits
from the surrounding hilly tracts. In any case, the big cities were already in a state
of decay. This cannot be explained by the invasion hypothesis.

Theories of Decline I
Sudden ( ~ h a s t r o ~ h iTheories
c)

Flood & Earthquake Mohenjodarodestroyed Increased aridity led Barbarian or Aryan

by Shifting of Indus River to decline invasions destroyed
Harappa
Flood :Evidence Evidence Evidence Evldence
Silt is there in Harappa a) Middle of 2nd a) Human skeletons
' a) Occupation levels
because of wind action Millenniun B.C. a have been found
divided by silt
which brought sand and period of increased lying on the streets.
deposits.
silt. Sand silt not due arid conditions. b) Rig Veda refers to
b) Houses and Streets to floods. b) In such a situation fortresses of 'dasas'
covered bv silt
a semi-arid region which god Purandra
deposits upto 30 ft. Criticism
This can explain only (like Harappa) would destroys.
above ground level.
HOuse~builton silt desertion o fohe en id dm be affected most-
decline of agriculture
c) The geographical
covered debris. but not its decline. area of Rig Veda
would result. Aryans includes
Earthquake: Evidence c) Tectonic movement Punjab Ghaggar
would affect river region.
a) Indus area is disturbed system Like Ghopar
earthquake zone d) Vedas mention a
which would dry up. place called
b) Earthquake raised the Hariyapiya on Ravi R
level of flood plains Critidem
a) Not fully worked out. where Aryans fought
blocking passage of river a battle. Name
water to sea, forcing b) Drying up of river
Ghaggar not dated similar to Harappa.
water in to cities.
yet. Critidsm
c) Earthquake caused
Decline of Harappa
shift of land away £rom
around 1800 B.C.
sea coast affecting
whereas Aryans not
commercial cities.
earlier than 1500 B.C.
Criticism So Harappans and
a) Decline of settlements Aryans clash seems
outside Indus difficult to accept.
Valley will not be
explained by this theory.
b) A river cannot be
dammed by tectonic
effects.

Check Your Progress 1

1 The decline of Harappan civilization cannot be explained by floods and
earthquakes theory bkcause

- i
ii
it explains the decline of settlements outside Indus Valley
it cannot explain the decline of settlements outside theIndus Valley
iii the Harappans knew how to face floods and earthquakes
iv none of the above.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Harappan Clvlllzstkn 2 The increased aridity in the Harappan area cannot explain the decline of Harappa
because
i it is a fully worked out theory
ii it is not a fully worked out theory
iii drying up of river Ghaggar is not dated yet
iv . both (ii) and (iii)
3 Discuss in about 50 words the evidence for and against the theory of Barbarian
invasions having destroyed Harappa.

9.4 ECOLOGICAL IMBALANCE

Scholars like Fairservis tried to explain the decay of the Harappan civilization in terms
of the problems of ecology. He computed the population of the Harappan cities and
worked out the food requirements of the townsmen. He also computed that the
villagers in these areas consume about 80% of their produce leaving about 20°h for
the market. If similar patterns of agriculture existed in the past, a city like
Mohenjodaro, having a population of about 35 thousand, would require very large
number of villages producing food. According to Fairservis's calculation the delicate
eoological balance of these semi-arid areas was being disturbed because the human
and cattle population in these areas was fast depleting the scanty forests, food and
fuel resources. The combined needs of the Harappan townsmen, peasants and
pastoralists exceeded the limited production capacities of these areas. Thus, a growing
population of men and animals confronted by scanty resources wore out the
landscape.
With the forests and grass cover gradually disappearing, there.were more floods and
droughts. This depletion of the subsistence base caused strain on the entire economy
of the civilization. There seems to have been a gradual movement away to areas which
offered better subsistence possibilities. That is why the Harappan communities moved
towards Gujarat and the eastern areas, away from the Indus.
Of all the theories discussed sofar Fairservis's theory seems to be the most plausible
one. Probably the gradual deterioration in the town planning and the living standards
was a reflection of the depleting subsistence base of the Harappans. This process of
decline was completed by the raids and attacks of the surrounding communities.
However, the theory of environmental disaster also has some problems.
The enduring fertility of soils of the Indian sub-continent over the subsequent
millennia disproves the hypothesis of soil exhaustion in this area.
Also, the computation of the needs of the Harappan population is based on scanty
information and a lot more information would be needed to make a e u l a t i o n of
.the subsistence needs of the Harappans.
n u s , any theory based on such scanty information will remain a hypothesis, unless
substantiated by more evidence in its favour.
.The emergence of the Harappan civilization involved a delicate balance of relations
between cities, towns and villages, ruler$, peasants and nomads. It also means a fragile
but important relationship with the communities of the neighbouring areas who were
in possession of minerals crucial for trade. Similarly, it meant maintenance of contact
with the contemporary civilizations and cultures. Apart from this, we have to take
into account the ecological factor of relationship with nature. Any breakdown ip these
ch'ains of relationships could lead to the depline of the cities.

Kamesh Mechrocks
I 9.5 THE TRADITION SURVIVES
Scholarsworking on the Indus civilization no longer look for the causes of its decline.
This is because of the fact that the scholars who studied the Harappan civilization
right upto the 1960s believed that the collapse of the civilization was sudden. These
scholars concentrated their work on the studies of cities, town planning and large
t

structures. Such problemi as the relationship of the Harappan cities with the
contemporary villages and the continuity of various elements of the Harappan
civilization were ignored. Thus, the debate about the causes of the decline of the
Harappan civilization became more and more abstract. It was towards the end of the
sixties that scholars like Malik and Possehl focused their attention on various aspects
of continuity of the Harappan tradition. These studies have yielded more exciting
result than the debate about the causes for the decline of the Harappan civilization.
It is true that Harappa and Mohenjodaro were abandoned and the urban phase came
to an end. However, if we take a perspective covering the entire geographical spread
of the Harappan civilization, quite a few things seem to continue in the old style.
Archaeologically speaking some changes are observable- some of thEettlements
were abandoned but most other settlements remained in occupation. However, the
tradition of uniform writing, seals, weights and pottery was lost. The objects showing
intensive interaction among the far flung settlements were lost. In other words the
activities associated with city-centred economies were given up. Thus.the changes-that
came about simply indicated the end of the urban phase. Small villages and towns
continued to exist and the archaeological finds from these sites show many elements
of the Harappan tradition.
In most of the sites in Sind it is difficult to observe any change in the pottery tradition.
In fact in the areas of Gujarat, Rajasthan and Haryana, vibrant agricultural
communities emerged in large numbers in the succeeding period. Thus, from a
regional perspective, the period succeeding the urban phase can be treated as one of
flourishing agricultural villages which outnumber thofe of the urban phase. That is
why scholars now discuss issues like cultural change, regional migrations and
modification in the system of settlement and subsistence. After all no one talks about
the end of the ancient Indian Civilization in early medieval India when most of the
cities of theGangetic Valley declined. Let us see what kinds of archaeological remains
survive after end of the urban phase.

9.5.1 Sind
In Sind, i.e. at the Harappan towns Amri and Chanhudaro Jhukar, etc., people
continued to live as of old. They were still staying in brick houses but they gave up
the planned lay out. 'Ihey were using a slightly different pottery called the Jhukar
pottery. It was a buff-ware with red slip with paintings in black. Recent studies
suggested that this pottery evolved from the 'Mature Harappan' pottery and as such
need not be considered something new. In Jhukar certain distinctive metal objects .
have been found which might be indicative of trade links with Iran or what is more
likely- the influx of a migrant population having Iranian or Central Asian influences.
A shaft-hole, axes and copper pins with looped or decorated heads have parallels in
Iranian settlements. Circular stamp seals of stone or faience and a bronze cosmetic jar
are also indicative of contacts with the cultures to the9est of the 1ndus.

9.5.2 The Indo-Iranian Borderlands

The areas to the west of the Indus-Baluchistan and the Indo-Iranian border lands
also show the presence of people using copper stamp seals and copper shaft hole axes.
Sites like Shahi Tump, Mundigak, Naushahro and Pirak indicate movements of
people and contacts with Iran. Unfortunately the dating of these settlements is still
not clearly worked out.

9.5.3 Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan

In the areas of Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan several settlements have been
reported where people continued to live in the same old way after the decline of the
cities. However, the Harappan influences on the pottery tradition gradually declined
and the local pottery traditions which were always present alongwith the Harappan 55

Kamesh Mechrocks
pottery padudly replaced the Harappan pottery altogether, Thus, the decline of
urbanism was reflected in the reassertion of regional traditions in these areru. The
sites of Mtathal, Bara, Ropar and Sbwal are well known. Brick houses have been
reported from Bara and Siswal. In many of these sites Ochre Coloured Pottery has
been found. This pottery underlay many early historical sites in ancient India. As
such these village cultures of hnjab, Haryana and Rajasthan are linked with the
Harappan tradition of the past and anticipate the early Indian tradition. In all about
139 late in the upper Gangetic valley also many agricultural settlements were
established. They show remote late Harappan influences. This area became the
heartland of the subsequent phase of Indian civilization.

19. Late Harappan pottery from Raryana

9.5.4 Kutch and Saurashtra

In Kutch and Saurashtra the end'of the urban phase is clearly documented in places
like Rangapur and Somnath. Even during the urban phase they had a local ceramic
tradition co-existing with the Harappan pottery. This tradition continued in later
phaecs. Some sites like Rangapur seem to have become more prosperous in the
succeeding period. They were udng potteries called the Lustrous Red Ware.
However, the people stopped using the Indus weights, script and tools imported from
distant areas. Now they were using stone tools made of locally available stones.
In the 'Mature Harappan' phase there were 13 settlements in Gujarat. In the
subsequent 'Late Harappan' dated to about 2100 B.C. phase the number of settlement
w&t upto 200 or more. This increase in the number of settlements indicating an
increase in population cannot be explained by biological factors. In pre-modern
societies the population could not increase so much in a space of a few generations

20. h t e H o r ~ p p ~pottary
n ltom Rollgpur..

Kamesh Mechrocks
 that 13 settlements wuld multiply into more than 200 or more settlements. Thus, DlUuslon and Decline
there is a distinct possibility that people inhabiting these new settlements came
other areas. Late Harappan settlements have also been reported from Maharas tra
where their culture merged into those of the emerging agricultural communities.
Pm
9.6 TRANSMISSION OF THE HARAPPAN TRADITION

T h e end of the cities did not mean the end of the Harappan tiradition. It is evident
from our discussion that archaeologicallyspeaking the ~arappancommunitiesmerged
into the surrounding agricultural groups. However, the centralised decision-making
in the polity and economy had ended. The Harappan communities which continued
after the urban phase would have definitely retained their older traditions. It is likely
that the Harappan peasants would retain their forms of worship. The priests of the
Harappan urban centres were part of a highly organised literate tradition. Even if
literacy ended they are likely to have preserved their religious practices. The
dominant community of the subsequent early historic period called itself 'The
Aryans'. These people do not seem to have possessed a liter at^ tradition. Possibly,
the priestly groups of the Harappans merged into the ruling groups of the Aryans.
As such the Harappan religious tradition would be transmitted to the historical India.
The folk communities also retained the traditions of craftsmanship as is evident from
the pottery and tool making traditions. Once again when literate urban culture
emerged in early India it absorbed elements of the folk cultures. This would provide
a more effective channel of transmission of the Harappan tradition.

M& due b edoglcal lmbalsna

Evidence
1) Calculationthat ecological balance in these semi-arid areas was being disturbed because the human and
cattle population was depleting scarce forests, food & fuel resources.
2) With the forests disappearing there were more floods anddroughts.
3) Townsmen moved away to Gujarat and eastern areas.
4) This process of decline completed by raids & attacks of nearby settlements. .

Crltldsm
1) Soil cpntinues to be fertile till today in this area. This disproves soil exhaustion hypothesis.
2) Calculation ofneeds of Harsppan towns requires more information before this hypothesis is substantiated.

The No Dectine or Continuity hypothesb

I The ecological argument has focused on the relationship between man and nature in Indus Valley.
Problems in explaining decline has led the scholars to
a) abandon the search for causes of decline.
b) look for continuities of Harappa in a geographical perspective.
c) accept that the cities declined and certain traditions like seals, writing, Rottery were lost.

9.7 WHAT SURVIVES FROM HARAPPA ?

The cults of Pasupati (Siva) and of the mother goddess and phallic worship seem to
have come down to us from the Harappan tradition. Similarly, the cult of sacred
places, rivers or trees and sacred animals show a distinct continuity in the subsequent
historic civilization of India. The evidence of fire worship and sacrifice in K a l i h g a n
and Lothal is significant. These were the most significant elements of the Vedic
religion. Could the Aryans have learnt these practices from the Harappan priesthood?
This hypothesis would require more evidence but it is not unlikely.
Many aspects of domestic life like the house plans, disposition of water supply and
attention to bathing survived in the settlements of the subsequent periods. The

Kamesh Mechrocks
traditional weight and currency system of India, based on a ratio of sixteen as the
unit, was already present in the H a r a p p civilization. It might well have been derived
from them. The techniques Bf making potter's wheel in modern India is similar to
those used by the Harappans. Bullock carts and boats used in modem India were 9
already present in the Harappan cities. As such we can say that many elements of
the Harappan civilization survived in the subsequent historical tradition.

21. Perforated Jar

Check Yow Progress 2

1 It is difficult to accept the theory of ecological imbalance because: (Mark ( I/)the
correct statement).
i it does not explain why soil continues to be fertile in the lndus Valley area
ii we do not have adequate data to tell us about the needs of Harappan towns
iii townsmen continued to stay on in Harappa
iv both (i) and (ii)
2 Mark ( V) the correct statement.
Scholars today ;
i are looking for fresh causes of decline of the Harappan Civilization
ii have stopped looking for fresh causes of decline of Harappa
iii are looking for what survived from Harappa in the later settlements
iv both (ii) and (iii)
3 Write in .about 50 words about the importance of what has survived from Harappa.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 9.8 LET US SUM UP

We have seen that scholars have offered various theonesof the sudden decline of
Harappa. But all these theories had to be given up because of lack of adequate
evidence. Gradually scholars have given up looking for causes of decline of Harappa.
Now the focus is on understanding the late phases of Harappa. This is looked into to
expose the continuities of Harappa which might have survived in the flourishing
agricultural communities of the time. And no doubt there have been certain
characteristics of Harappa which transcended down to the historic phase.

9.9 KEY WORDS

Ecology : Study of plants or animals or peoples and institutions in relationship to the
environment.
Tectonic Uplift : Relating to the process which elevate large areas of earth's surface.
Aryans : A group of people who spoke the Indo-European languages like Sanskrit,
. Latin, Greek etc.
Dasa tmd Dasyu : Peoples mentioned in the Rig Veda. The Aryans were in conflict
with their chiefs.
Ochre Cdoured Pottery : A pottery found in the upper Gangetic plains. It has been
found at the levels that underlie early Indian historical pottery.
Late Levels : An excavated archaeological site is divided into layers or settlement
levels according to their ages. Accordingly the late or the youngest settlement level
will be somewhere near the top of the site and the oldest will be at the bottom most

Catastrophic :Disastrous.
Occupation deposits :At each level of the excavated site there will be evidence in
form of pottery etc. to show that the site was occupied. These deposits are called
occupational deposits.
Silt : Material deposit from a flowing river on the banks.
Arid : Dry.

9.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXERCISES

Check Your Progress 1
1 (ii) 2 (iv) 3 See Sub-section 9.3.4. Your answer should include both
the material evidence and the written evidence.
Check Your Progress 2
1 (iv) 2 (iv) 3 See Section 9.7. Your answer should tell us how this
points to the continuity of Harappan tradition.
I,

SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

Bridget and Allchin, T k Rise of Cin1imtions ib India and Pakistan, Select Book Sewice,
New Delhi, 1988
D.P. Agrawal and D.K. Chakrabarti (ed.), Essays in Indian Proto-History,
New Delhi, 1979.
John Marshall, Mohenjodaro and the Zndus Civilization, Volumes I and 11, 1973
..
(Reprint).
B.B. La1 and S.P. Gupta (ed.), Frontiers of the Zndus Civilization, New Delhi, 1982.
R.E.M. Wheeler, The Zndus Civilization, London, 1968.
D.D. Korcunbi, The Culture and Civilization of Ancient India in its Historical Outline, Vikaf,
New Debt, 1987 59

Kamesh Mechrocks
Harappan Civilil~tion

Some Seals of Harappan Civilizations

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 10 CHALCOLITHIC AND EARLY
IRON AGE-I
Structure
10.0 Objectives
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Ochre Coloured Pottery Culture
10.3 The Problems of Copper Hoards
10.4 Black and Red Ware Culture
10.5 Painted Grey Ware Culture
10.6 Northern Black Polished Ware Culture
10.6.1 Structures
10.6.2 Pottery
10.6.3 Other Objects
10.6.4 Ornaments
10.6.5 Terracotta Figurines
10.6.6 Subsistence Economy and Trade
10.7 Chalcolithic Cultures of Western, Central and Eastern India
10.7.1 Pottery: Diagnostic Features
10.7.2 Economy
10.7.3 Houses and Habitations
10.7.4 Other 'characteristics
10.7.5 Religion/Belief Systems
10.7.6 Social Organization
10.8 Let Us Sum Up
10.9 Key Words
10.10 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

10.0 OBJECTIVES
In Block 2,you have learnt about'the antecedent stages and various aspects of
Harappan culture and society. You have also read about its geographical spread and
the reasons for its decline and diffusion. In this unit we shall learn about the
post-Harappan, Chalcolithic, and early Iron Age Cultures of northern, western,
central and eastern India. After reading this unit you will be able to know about:
a the geographical location and the adaptation of the people to local conditions,
a the kind of houses they lived in, the varieties of food they grew and the kinds of
tools and implements they used,
a the varietie of potteries wed by them,
a the kinds of religious beliefs they had, and
a the change occurring during the early Iron age.

10.1 INTRODUCTION
By the second millennium B.C. several regional cultures sprang up in different parts
of the Indian subcontinent. These were non-urban, non-Harappan and were
characterized by the use of stone and copper tools. Hence, these cultures are termed
as chalcolithic cultures.

The chalcolithic cultures are identified on the basis of their geographical location.
Thus, we have:
a the Banas culture (located in the Banas basin) in Rajasthan,
a Kayatha culture (type site Kayatha on the bank of river Kalisindh, an affluent of
the Chambal) and represented by other sites in central India (in the Narmada,
Tapi and Mahi valleys),
Malwa culture (Malwa, and extending into other parts of Madhya Pradesh and
Maharashtra), and
a the Jorwe culture (Maharashtra).
Kamesh Mechrocks
Evolution of ~ u l yIndlrn As type sites of these cultures have been excavated we have been able to form a
Soddy: U)OO B.C. to detailed idea about such dimensions of them as:
lo00 B.C. pattern of settlement,
pattern of economy,
mortuary practicesI and
religioq beliefs.

Ia addition to cultural material of this phase, found at excavated sites, in parts of

Uttar Radesh, Haryana, Rajasthan, Bihar, West Bengal, Orissa and Karnataka are
found catches of copper/bronze objects. As these have been found in hoards (about
a thousand objects altogether from 85 sites in the above mentioned states) these sites
were thought to represent a distinct Copper Hoard culture. At Saipai (Etawah Distt.)
a site in Uttar Pradesh, a copper harpoon has been found in association with a
pottery known as Ochre Coloured Pottery (OCP). Though some of the other Copper
Hoard sites have yielded OCP, the copper objects are not found in direct association
with OCP. As more than a hundred sites have yielded this characteristic pottery in
the Ganga-Yamuna doab, these sites are described as belonging to the OCP culture.
The OCP culture is succeeded by Black and Red Ware (BRW) and Painted Grey
Ware (PGW) cultures, which are distinguished by diagnostic pottery types. In North
India, there is a distinct concentration of Painted Grey Ware sites in Haryana and
Upper Ganga Valley, of which 30 have been excavated. Iron makes its appearance in
the Painted Grey Ware culture, and in the ensuing phase, known as the Northem
Black Polished Ware (NBP) culture, its use becomes more widespread. Starting from
the sixth century B.C. we also see the beginnings of urbanisation.

Terms like BRW culture, PGW culture and NBP culture need to be clarified
here. These cultures are described by the pottery types only because that
particular pottery happens to be a distinctive feature of that culture though
there may be many other aspects of that culture. The pottery type is used only
to give an identity or name to a specific culture. For.example in a particular
region where Painted Grey Ware is found the culture of that site is described as
PGW culture.

To uadetrltaad the cultural developments after the decline of Harappan Civilization

we should begin with Northern India, especially the Ganga-Yamuna doab.
,

A new pottery type was discovered in trial excavations canducted in 195OP#tBisauli .

(Badam district) and Rajpur Parsu (Bijnor district) in Uttar Radesh, both of them
being Copper Hoard sites. This pottery is made of medium grained clay, m d d e d
and has a wash of ochre (which has a tendency to rub off) ranging from orangeeto
red. Hence, those sites associated with this ware are ascribed to ochre Coloured
Pottery culture (OCP culture). So far more than 100 sites which extend from
Mayapur in Saharanpur district to Saipai in Etawah district (U.P.) have been
discovered.

Ochre Coloured Pottery sites are generally located on river banks. These sites are
small in size and the mounds have a low height at many of the sites (e.g.
Bahadarabad, Bisauli, Rajpur Parsu, Saipai). This indicates a relatively short duration
of these settlements. The distance between settlements varies from 5 km to 8 km. At
*someof the OCP sites (e.g. Ambkheri, Baheria, Bahadarabad, Jhinjhana, La1 Qila,
Atrtuijikhera, Saipai) excavations have revealed no signs of regular habitation. At
Hastinapmi and Ahichdhatra there is a break in occupation between the OCP
culture and the succeeding PGW culture, while at Atranjikhera the OCP settlements
are succeeded by Black and Red Ware Pottery.

The material remains of OCP cul&e are mostly in the form of pottery. These consist
of jars (including storage jars), bowls, ring-footed bowls, flasks,handled pots,
Kamesh Mechrocks
miniature pots, basins spouts, etc.
The other objects comprise terracotta bangles; beads of terracotta and carnelian; ulca
terracotta animal figurines and cart wheels with a central knob; stone querns and
pestles; and boae points. A copper harpoon has been found in the OCP stratum at
Saipai.

Not much evidence is available regarding structures. From the evidence recorded at
La1 Qila, which is scanty, it is known that floors were made of rammed earth. The
structures consisted of wattle and daub houses. This is suggested on the basis of burnt
mud plaster and mud clodls with reed and bamboo impressions being found at La1
Qila.

Archaeobotanical remains recovered at Atranjikhera and related to this culture

indicate that rice, biuley, gram and kesari were grown. On the basis of similarity in
pottery types some c;cholars believe that the OCP represented a degenerated form of
the late Harappan pottery.

On the basis of Thermoluminiscencedates obtained from OCP pottery, the

culture has been ascribed to m Q 0 B.C. to 1500 B.C. 1
10.3 THE PROBLEMS
- . -
OF COPPER HOARDS
The first discovery of a copper object (a copper harpoon) that belonged to the
Copper Hoard c~llturewas madie as early as 1822 at a place called Bithur in Kanpur
district. Since then nearly one tlhousand copper objects have been found in hards,
from 85 sites.

Staltcz-wise Copper Hoard Sites

-- - -

STATE NUMBER OF SITES

- -
Haryana 5
Rajasthan 6
Uttar Pradesh 33
Bihar 19
West Bengal 6
Orissa 7
Madhya Pradesh 8
Karnataka 1
-
It is possible that copper hoard objects have bee11founcl in other states like Gujarat
and Andha Pradesh, but have not yet been properly reported.

The copper objects found h a hoard range from B to 47 excepting at Gungeria in

Madhya Pradesh where a, single hoard contained 424 objects. These Copper Hoards
came to light while ploughing a field, digging a c a r d or making a road, i.e. all of
them were accidental discoveries. It is only at Saipai, that a copper harpoon was
found in excavation in a stratum associated with OCP.

These copper objects are classified into several types. The main types are (a) celts,
(b) rings, (c) harpoons, (d) antennae swords, (e) htmked swords, (f) anthropomorphs
and (g) double axes.

Considering the occurrence of a copper harpoon in. association with the OCP at
Saipai. and the fact that Copper Hoards havs been found at other OCP sites (though
not in a direct archaeological association) they can be related to the OCP culture. In
this way the period of the Copper Hoards can also be ascribed to 2800 B.C. to 1500
B.C.

Kamesh Mechrocks
) Evolution of h r l y Indian Check Your Progress 1
Society: 2000 B.C. to 1) Discuss in about ten lines the main characteristics of the CCP culture.
1000 B.C.

OCP mad Copper Hmrd C d b m

2) Which of tk statement is right or wrong? Mark (J)or (>).

a) OCP sires are located in Mountah.
b), The mrterial remains of OCP culture are mainly housetructures.
, c) The Mod of Copper Hoards is 2500 B.C.
Kamesh Mechrocks
d\ Most bf the CODDCT Hoards found were accidental d i s m ~ r i ~ ~
 Chnlcolithlc and b d y
Iron Age-I

Copper hoard objects. 1. harpoon; 2. hook sword; 3. sword; 4. Antenna sword; $6. eel*
7. dooble axe; 8. bar cell; 9. shouldered axe; 10. anthropomolph.

10.4 BLACK AND RED WARE CULTURE

Kamesh Mechrocks
Excavations at Atranjikhera in the early 1960s revealed a distinct horizon,
Evolntion-of Early hdian sandwiched between OCP and PGW levels. This horizon has a characteristic pottery
Society: 2000 B.C. to called Black and Red Ware (BRW). A similar stratigraphic sequence has been
ZOO0 B.C.
discovered in the 1970s at Jodhpura and Noh in Rajasthan. But at Ahichchhatra,
Hastinapura and Alamgirpur BRW is found associated with PGW.

Pottery: The characteristic features of this pottery are the black colour inside and
near the rim on outside, and red colour, over the rest of the body. This colour
combination, it is believed, has been produced by inverted firing. The pottery is
mostly wheel turned, though some pots are also handmade. It is made of h e clay
and has a fine fabric with thin walls. Black and Red Ware pottery with paintings has
also been found at sites in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and West Bengal. But
in the BRW of the doab area there is absence of paintings.

Other Objects: In the excavations at Atranjikhera have been found fragments of

stones, waste flakes,chips; cores of quartz, chalcedony, agate and carnelian; one
bead each of carnelian, shell and copper; a copper ring; and a fragment of comb
made of bone. No stone or metal tools have been found. Jodhpura has yielded a
bone spike. From Noh shapeless piece of iron, a terracotta bead and a bone spike
have been discovered.

BRW in the Doab and Other Regions: Some scholars s v affinities between the
BRW of Atranjikhera and Gilund and Ahar of southern Rajasthan on the basis of a
comparison of fabric, texture and burnishing. But there are differences as well as in
the shape and designs of the potteries found in these areas. I
The important feature of doab BRW (also of that at Noh) is its plain surfrtce,
devoid of any paintings. The BRW found at Gilund and Ahar, on the other hand,
is painted in white on black surface.
There are also typological differences. The painted BRW from Ahar has
pronounced carinated concave sides, and the fabric is coarse. The plain BRW of
the doab has no carination, and the fabric is fine.
The dish with featureless rim and concave sides present in large numbers in the
BRW of the doab is absent at Ahar and Gilund.
Bowls with spouts and dish-on-stand present at Ahar and Gilund have not been
found in the doab sites.

It is important to note that Black and Red Ware with some variation from region to
region has a wide distribution. It occurs from Rupar in the north to Adichanallur in
the south, and from Arnra and Lakhabhwal in the west to Pandu-Rajar-Dhibi in the
east. It also covers a vast time span: from 2400 B.C. to the early centuries of the
Christian era.

10.5 PAINTED GREY WARE CWLTURE

Since the first discovery of Painted Grey,Ware (PGW) at Ahichchhatra @ 1946, a
huge number of sites have been brought to light in different parts of north India. Out
of these 30 sites have been excavated. Some of the well known excavated sites are
Rupar (Punjab), Bhagwanpura (Haryana), Noh (Rajasthan) Alamgirpur,
Ahichchhatra, Hastinapura, Atranjikhera, Jakhera and Mathura (all in Uttar
Pradesh).

The concentration of PGW sites is in the Indo-Gangetic divide (Haryana), Sutlej

basin and the upper Ganga plains. Settlements are located along river banks. The
average distance from one site to the other is about 10 km.to 12 krn. though in some
cases it is also 5 km.The settlements at these sites are mostly small villages (1to 4
hectares) with the exception of Bhukari (Ambala district, Haryana) which is an
extensive settlement covering 96,193 sq.m. Let us examine the various objects that
are found associated with the PGW culture:
i) Pottery: Pottery is wheal made, out of well lavigated clay and has a thin core:
It has a smooth surface, grey to ash-grey in colour.
It is painted in black and sometimes in a deep chocolate colour on the outer as
well as inner surface.
It has nearly 42 designs and the most common types are bowls and dishes
Kamesh Mechrocks -
 Chnlrolithic nod Early
Iron Ap-I

( ' ~ I . C I I I .li . ,
I Iu1111tmt. I~~~IIcI~~I hl~d
Witll, Jakhere

House Floor, Jakhera S L o ~ g eDin, Jekhera

ii) Structures: The houses and other structures were of wattle and daub. This is
indicated by the occurrence of patches of burnt earth, mud bricks, burnt bricks,
mud platforms and mud plaster pieces ,with reed and bamboo impressions in the
excavations at Ahichchhatra, Hastinapura, Atranjikhera and Jakhera.
Excavations at Bhagwanpura (Haryana) site revealed different structural phases.
Post holes in the first phase indicate circular and rectangular huts. In the second
phase, one house has 13 rooms with a comdor between the two sets of rooms.
This house also has a courtyard.
iii) Other Objects: A variety of objects made out of copper, iron, glass and bone
were found in excavations. These consist of axes, chisels, fish hooks and
arrowheads. Spearheads are made only of iron. Among the agricultural
Kamesh Mechrocks
implements, only a sickle and a hoe, made of iron have been found at Jakhera.
Evolution of Early Indian
Society: 2000 B.C. to
1000 B.C.

Miid Wall, Jakhera

Mud Wall, Jakhera

Iron objects are found at all the sites except Hastinapura. Atranjikhera alone has
yielded 135 objects, a furnace, iron slag close to the surface, and a pair of tongs.
At Jodhpura there is evidence of two furnaces. It has been suggested that iron
ore was procured from other regions.

The people were fond of ornaments. Beads of terracotta, agate, jaspar, carnelian,
chalcedony, lapis lazuli, glass and bone have been found. Two glass bangles were
found at Hastinapura and copper bangles have been found at Jakhera.
Th terracotta objects comprise human (male and female) and animal (buU and
horse) figurines, discs, balls, potter's stamps, etc.
iv) Crops and Animal Remains: Evidence of cultivated crops is available only at
Hastinapura and Atranjikhera. At the former site, remains of only rice were
found and the latter has yielded the remains of wheat and barley. Bones of horse,
cattle, pig, goat and deer have been found at Hastinapura, AUahpura and
Atranjikhera. These include both wild as well as domesticated animals.
v) Trade Practices and Linkages: Beads made of a variety of semi-precious stones
(like agate, jasper, carnelian, chalcedony, lapis lazuli) are found at different
PGW sites in the doab. None of these stones, as raw material, are available in the
doab. These items could have been obtained by trade. Agate and chalcedony are
found in Kashrnir, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh whereas lapis lazuli is to be
found in Badakshan province in Afghanistan. Thus, the people inhabiting the
PGW sites must have obtained these stones through trade or exchange with these
regions.

Certain parallels in shape and size have been found between the PGW and
potteries found in north-western India. Specially the Grey ware found in
association with iron seems to indicate some links with the PGW cultures.

Check Your Progress 2

1) What are the characteristic features of BRW? Discuss in about ten lines the
difference of the BRW found in.various regions.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 9.
~Utbicmd
Iron

2) On what basis we can say that the people inhabiting the PGW sites had trade
links with other regions? Answer in about five limes.

- -.

10.6 NORTHERN BLACK POLISHED WARE

CULTURE
L i e the preceding cultures the Northern Black Polished Ware culture is identified by
its distinctive pottery. This ware was first discovered at Taxila in 1930 and because of
its black lustre its discoverer then took it as 'Greek Black Ware'. Since then nearly
1500 NBP sites have come to light. They expand from Taxila and Udgram in the
north-west to Talmuk in east Bengal and Amravati (Andhra Pradesh) in the south.
Out of these about 74 have been excavated.
Important Excavated NBP Sites
Name of Site Name of State in which the
site is located

Ropar Punjab
Raja-Karna-ka-Qila Haryana
Jodhpura Northern
Noh Rajasthan
Ahichchhatra
Hastinapura
Atranjikhera Uttar Pradesh
Kausambi
Sravasti
Vaisali
Pataliputra Bihar
Sonepur
Chandraketugarh West Bengal
The excavations have revealed that:
at several sites NBP Ware culture succeeded PGW levels, and
at some sites NBP succeeded BRW, and NBP is succeeded by Red Slipped Ware.

On the basis of the kind of pottery frequency and associated objects it has been
suggested that two phases can be distinguished in the NBP Ware Culture.
Phase I: This phase is also referred to as the predefence phase. This is characterized
by a predominance of NBP Ware and presence of shreds of BRW and PGW, though
in meagre quantities. In this phase there is an absence of punch marked coins and
burnt brick structures, which signify a higher level of development. This phase is
represented in Atranjikhera, Sravasti and Prahladpur.

Phase II: Pottery specimens belonging to BRW and PGW are not found in this
phase. NBP Ware is of poor quality (thicker in fabric) and is found in smaller
numbers. A coarse grey ware comes into greater use. Punch marked coins and burnt
bricks make their first appearance. This phase is represented in Hastinapura,
Atranjikhera, Sravasti I1 and Prahladpur.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Evolution d E d y Ldlm Taking imo account'the simdarities between NBP and PGW some scholars have
Sodety: 2400 B.C. to suggested that the former is a refined form of the latter, and that the difference
' 1000 B.C. between the two appears to be confined only to the surface treatment.
This has been proved through chemical analysis carried out on PGW, BRW and
NBPW.

As the concentration of NBPW is in eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, it is held that
its origin lies somewhere in this region. It spread beyond the Ganga plains in later
times, and such a spread is attributed to the activities of Buddhist monks and traders.

10.6.1 Structures
From the excavations at Hastinapura, Atranjikhera and Kausambi it becomes evident
that during this period building activities began on a large scale and that cities began
to emerge.

I
BRW, PGW, and the NBP ware cultures

C . I .. . Mechrocks
Kamesh
Excellent evidence of the settlement layout was unearthed at Kausambi. Here were
..A,.. I " 3 L . L t
. .. ..
 600 B.C.was relaid several times (varying in width between 5.5m and 2.5m) k d
continued to function upto 300 A.D. Houses were made of burnt bricks, and use of
timber in house construction is evidenced by the post-holes and sockets for door
jambs. The roofs of houses were covered with tiles. The rooms were square as well as
'n rectangular. AU this indicates a fairly planned building activity. This is further
demonstrated from excavations at Hastinapura which have revealed an elaborate
drainage system.

I Some of the settlements were fortidied with a mud or brick wall and moats were
I constructed encircling the fortification. The fortification wall at Kausambi had guard
rooms, towers and gates at regular intervals.

Kamesh
NBP PottervMechrocks
Evolntlon of Eu4y Indian An important question to be asked here is do these structures tell us anything about
Sodetyr MOO B.C. to the social or political life in that period? They do. For example:
1000 LC.
the fortifications signify defensive measures against invasion and speak of political
tensions,
the drainage system, not only indicates the concern of the people towards hygiene
but also the advance they had made in this regard, and
large buildings like the fortifications require that a large number of people
participate iri construction activities. This might need an authority to mobilise the
workers.

10.6.2 Pottery
The most characteristic feature of NBP Ware is its glossy surface. It is turned on a
fast wheeland ismade of well levigated clay. The core of the pottery in some cases is
as thin as 1.5mm. In addition to the glossy black surface, the NBP Ware is also found
in golden, silver, white, pinkish, steel blue, chocolate and brown colours. The
recovery of rivetted pots (i.e. made by joining broken pieces) from some sites (e.g.
Ropar, Sonepur) indicates how valuable the NBP Ware was. This along with the
presence of other pottey types leads us to assume that NBP was a luxury ware not
e everybody and suggests to us that in the society in which NBP Ware was
a c ~ i b l to
used society was divided into unequal groups.
Though NBP ware is generally unpainted, some painted shreds to occur. Painting is
done using yellow and light vermilion colours. The common designs are simple'
bands, wavy lines, dots, concenlric and intersecting circles, semi-circles, arches and
loops. The most common pottery shapes arc bowls are different kinds of dishes.

10.6.3 Other Objects

Several kinds of tools, weapons, ornaments and other objects made of copper, iron,
gold, silver, stone, glass and bone have been rkcovered from NBP Ware sites. They
reveal the technological progress achieved during this period which is further
corroborated by early Buddhist texts, which mention a number of arts and crafts. The
Jatakas refer to about 18 guilds, for instance, those of workers in wood, metal, stone,
precious and semi-precious stones, ivory textiles, etc.

' The copper objects found at many sites consist of chisels, knives, borers, pins,
neyes, antimony rods, nail parers, ferrules, reels and bangles.
Ironlobjectsnot only preponderate but also exhibit a great variety in form when
&mpared to the PGW period. The site of Kausambi alone has yielded 1,115 iron
objects from deposits dating between Ca.800 B.C. to 550 A.D. These consist of:
a) Agricultural implements like hoes and sickles, and tools of craftsman such as
axes, adzes, chisels and screw rods.
b) Weapons like arrowheads, javelinheads and spearheads.
c) Miscellaneous objects which include knives, handles of different kinds, hooks,
nails, rivets, fishplates, rings and miniature bells.

Silver punch-marked coins have been found from the middle phase of NBP culture.
These indicate a possible shift from barter system to a system of exchange of goods
through metallic currency.

Punch Marked Colas

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Iron implements: 1-3. arrowheads; 4. adze; 5. hoe; 6-7.sicWes; 8. dagger; 9. chiael
-. -
10.6.4 Ornaments
Beads made of semi-precious stones, glass, clay, copper shell and bone are most
commonly found. The usual shapes are circular, spherical, biconical, cylindrical,
barrel and square. Some beads are also etched. A single bead of gold is known from
Kausambi IB (Ca. 300 B.C.).

Among the other ornaments are bangles made of terracotta, faince, glass, shell, stone
and copper; finger rings of copper, iron, horn and clay; and pendants of terracotta,
agate and carnelian. All these finds tell us about the:
use of ornaments in that society
existence of specialised craftsmen to make them
Kamesh Mechrocks
Evolution of Ehrly Indian level of technology for making them, and
Society: 2000 B.C. to trade or exchange activities with other regions to procure various semi-precious
1000 B.C.
stones.

10.6.5 Terracotta Figurines

These comprise human and animal figurines and miscellaneous objects.

Human figures, in most cases, are cast in moulds. Male figurines are usually plain
excepting a few with a head dress. Female figurines have elaborate head dress, ear
ornaments necklaces and girdles.

Animal figurines are hand modelled but well executed. These consist of horse, bull,
ram and elephant.
.
The miscellaneous terracotta objects are toy carts, simple and animal headed
gamesman; discs, balls, fleshrubbers and potter's stamps. At a later stage of this
culture are found seals and sealings bearing inscriptions in Brahmi script. All these
h d s tell us a lot about the people who inhabited these sites. For example, toy carts
tell us that carts were used as means of transportation.

10.6.6 Subsistence Economy and Trade

Archaeobotanical remains indicate that rice, wheat, barley, millet, pea and black
gram were cultivated. And the animal remains found from some of the sites suggest
dependence on cattle, sheep, goat, pig and fish.

In the occurrence of a diverse variety of beads, found to be common at several sites,

is seen evidence of trade. On this basis it has been suggested that trade links existed
between Taxila, Hastinapura, Ahichchhara, Sravasti and Kausambi during Ca. 600
B.C. to 200 B.C. Such a view is strengthened by the references made in Buddhist
texts to trade guilds, and the caravans of camels, horses, mules, oxen and buffalos.
Between the 6th and 3rd centuries B.C. there was trade between India and countries
to the west. The main items of export were textiles, spices, and probably hished
goods of iron and steel. From the Arthasastra (Book-II) it would appear that the
state not only exercised control over trade but also had a monopoly over industries
like gold, copper, iron, lead, tin, silver, diamond, gems and precious stones.

Check Your Progress 3

1) From where doe. NBP Ware culture get its name? Answer in three lines.

2) Which of the following statements are right or wrong. Mark (J)or (X).
a) NBP was a luxury ware.
b) It has been suggested that the NBP culture had four phases.
c) Literary evidence supports the archaeologists conclusions of trading activities
during NBP period.
d) None of the NBP settlements had fortification.

10.7 CHALCOLITHIC CULTURES OF WESTERN,

CENTRAL AND EASTERN INDIA
There were several local chalcolithic early farming cultures in western, central and
eastern India which flokshed during the second and first millennia B.C. These
cultures were basically village settlements and they shared certain common elements.
The distinctive features of these cultures are:
painted pottery, which is mostly black-on-red, and
a highly specialized stone blade/flake industry of siliceous stones.

Copper was known but its use was on a limited scale as the metal was scarce. The
Kamesh Mechrocks
settlements consisted of circular and rectangular huts and in some cases pit dwellings c and
are also known. The economy was based on farming and animal husbandry. These Imn
cultures are named after their type sites.

Chalcolithic Culhues

Name of the Culture Period

Kayatha 2000 - 1800 B.C.
Ahar or Banas 2000 - 1400 B.C.
Savalda 2000 - 1800 B.C.
Malwa 1700 - 1200 B.C.
in Central India and
1700 -1400 B.C. in
Maharashtra.
Prabhas 1800 - 1500 B.C.
Rangapur -
1400 700 B.C.
Chirand 1500 - 750 B.C.

In the Tapi Valley of Maharashtra, Late Hprappan non-urban habitations (about 50)
are known (1800 - 1600 B.C.). The excavations at Daimabad have shown that the
Late Harappans moved further south into the Pravara Valley (Maharashtra).

The Kayatha culture is named after the site of Kayatha (25 km. east of Ujjain)
located on the bank of the Kalisindh, and affluent of the river. Chambal. The Ahar or

/-.-.-...

0 NAVDATOLI

Kamesh Mechrocks
ChaIeoUtbs.~sites in Western and Central India ,
Evolution of Early W a n Banas culture is named after the river Banas and its type site is Ahar (Udaipur in
1000 B.C.
.
Society: ZOO0 B.C,to
Rajasthan). More than 50 sites of this culture are known in the valleys of Banas and
Berach in south-east Rajasthan. The type site of Savalda culture is Savalda (Dhulia
district, Maharashtra). It is mostly confined to the Tapi valley but the evidence from
Daimabad suggests that it reached up to the Pravara valley. The Malwa culture was
discovered in the excavations at Maheshwar and Navadatoli (Nimar district, Madhya
Pradesh) on the banks of Narmada. This culture is so named as a large number of
sites were brought to light in the Malwa region. The Malwa people began to migrate
to Maharashtra around Ca. 1600 B.C., and several settlements have been d i v e r e d
in the Tapi, Godavari and Bhima valleys. Prakash (Dhulia district), Daimabad
(Ahmednagar district) and Inamgaon (Pune district) were the most extensive
settlements of the Malwa culture in Maharashtra. The Prabhas and Rangpur cultures,
respectively, are known after the type sites Prabhas Patan and Rangpur in Gujarat.
The type site of Jorwa culture is Jorwe (Ahmednagar district) in Maharashtra.
Extensive occupations of the Jorwe culture succeed the Malwa culture at Prakash,
Daimabad and Inamgaon.
Stone and Copper using agricultural communities have been reported from eastern
India too. In northern Bihar at a place called Chirand remains of an ancient village
settlement have been found. People lived in small houses made of bamboo and mud
plaster. They ate rice and fish and hunted many wild animals.They too used black
and red ware pottery. Similar kinds of settlements have been reported from Sahgaura
in Gorakhpur (U.P.) and Sonpur in Gaya (Bihar) where people seen to have grown
wheat and barley also. In West Bengal the sites of Pandu-Rajar-dhilu in the Burdwan
district and Mahisdal in the Bubhum district have yielded similar evidences. All
these settlements have been dated between 1500 to 750 B.C.

Let us examine the various characteristics of these cultures.

10.7.1 Pottery:-DiagnosticFeatures
We will briefly review the pottery of these chalcolithic cultures.

The Kayatha ware is characterized by three fabrics:

a thick and sturdy red slipped ware painted with designs in dark brown;
a red painted buff ware (this ware is thin with a fine fabric); and
a combed ware having incised patterns, and generally without a slip.

The majority of the pots of the sturdy red slipped ware have a ring base. The ring
base recalls the pre-Harappan Sothi types.

Sothi culture (in Rajasthan) is known from several sites in the valley of Ghagga.
(Sarasvati) which have yielded a pottery that is akin to the pre-Harappan pottery of
Kalibangan.
e
There are seven kinds of wares in Ahar pottery but its most ~h~acteristic type is the
black and red ware painted in white. The Savalda culture is characterised by a
black-on-red painted pottery which is decorated with naturalistic designs such as
birds, animals and fishes.

The Malwa ware is to some extent coarse in fabric and has a thick b@ slip over
which patterns are executed in black or dark brown colour.

The Prabhas and Rangpur wares are both derived from the Harappan black-on-red
painted ware, but since the latter has a gloss it is referred to as the lustrous Red
Ware.

The Jorwe Ware is painted black-on-red, and has a matt surface treated with a red
wash.

In addition to these characteristic forms, all these cultures have other associated
wares wbich are mostly red or grey. The pottery is wheel made but there are also
hand made forms. The pottery shapes wbich are usual to these cultures are bowls,
basins, globular jars with concave necks, dishes, Iotas (a small pot with a carinated
Kamesh Mechrocks
body, a bulbous bottom and a flaring rim), etc. A distinctive feature of the Malwa ChalcoUthic and lhrly
Iron Age-I
pottery is seen in the series of small goblets on solid pedestals; and the distinctive
forms of the Jorwe culture are carinated bowls, spouted jars with flaring mouths, and
high necked globular vases.

Pottery of Malwa culture

1'0.7.2 Economy
A greater part of the region in which these chalcolithic cultures flourished is the zone
of black cotton soil. m e climate is semi-arid and the rainfall varies between 400 to
1000 mm.The mainstay of the economy of these chalcolithic cultures was subsistence
agriculture Kamesh Mechrocks
- - . - and stock-raising. Dependence
- . on wild game and other food sources such
Erolotload~ladLu , i) Cultivated Crop: Carbonized remains of seeds recovered in the excavations at
Sodefy: MOO B.C. to soma of the sites indicate that a variety of crops were raised by these farming
la00 B.C.
c/mamunities. The main crops were barley, wheat,, rice, bajra, jowar, lentil,
horsegram, haycinth bean, grass pea, pea, black gram and green gram.

Other plants utilized were Jamun, Behada, wild date, ber, Myrobalan etc.

Barley was the principal cereal during this period. Evidence from Inamgaon suggests
the practice of crop rotation, harvesting of summer and winter crops, and artificial
irrigation. A massive embankment (240 m long and 2.40 m wide) was built at
Inamgaon during Early Jorwe period (Ca. 1400 - 1000 B.C.) to divert the flood
water through a channel (200 m long, 4m wide and 3.5 m deep).

That the'black cotton soif was ploughed for farming operations is suggested by the
find of an ard ( P r o t o m of the ploughshare) made from the shoulder bone of cattle
at Wallci (not very far from Inamgaon).

ii) Animals: The excavations have revealed evidences of both domesticated as well as
wild animals.

i) The donlesticated animals during the chalcolithic period were cattle, sheep, goat,
dog, pigi horse. The bones of cattle and sheep/goat predominate at most of the

3
sites. e cut and chop marks on the bones of these animal indicate that they
wer ughtered for food. Age determination of these bones has indicated that
-host of the animals were skughtered when they were young (ranging form three
months to three years in age).

ii) The wild species found are black buck, four homed antilope, Niligai, barasingha,
sambar, chital, wild buffalo, and one homed rhinoceros.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Bones of fish, waterfowl, turtle and rodents have also been found at some of the sites. Chlcollthlc and hrly
Bones of marine fish species have been found at Inamgaon and the source of these h n Age4
fish could be either Kalyan or Mahad, the nearest creek ports, 200 km. west of
Inamgaon.
The charred bones of both the domestic and wild species indicate that they were
cobked in open fire.

10.7.3 Houses a9d Habitations

Let us briefly examine the housing patterns of these cultures. Rectangular and
circular houses with mud walls and thatched roofs are the most common types,
though there are variations in house sizei from site to site.

i) Most of the houses of the Savalda culture were single roomed rectangular houses
but there are some with two or three rooms. Ahar people built houses on plinths
made of schist. Walls were built on these plinths with mud or mud brick and the
walls were decorated with quartz cobbles; and floors were made of burnt clay or
clay mixed with river gravels.

ii) The sizes of the Ahar houses ranged between 7m X 5m and 3m X 3m, and the
longest house measured more than 10m in length. Bigger houses had partition
walls, and chulahs (hearths) and quartzite saddle quems in the kitchen.

iii) The Malwa settlements such as those found at Navadatoli, Parkash, Daimabad
and Inamgaon were quite large. Evidence at Inamgaon suggests that some kind
of planning was adopted in the laying out of the settlement. Of the 20 and odd
houses exposed at Inamgaon, the majority were aligned in a roughly east-west
orientation. Though these houses were built close to each other, they had an
intervening space of about I-2m in between which might have served as a lane.
These houses at Inamgaon were large (7m X 5m) rectangular structures with a

Plan of hooses at h m g o s n during Mahva period

Kamesh Mechrocks
Evolution of ElVly Indlrn padtion wall. The houses had a low mud wall and gabled roof. inside the house
Society: 2000 B.C. to
1000 B.C.
was a large oval fire pit with raised sides for keeping the fire under control. The
houses at Navadatoli were provided with one or two mouthed chullahs in the
kitchen. The grain was stored in deep pit silos (lm in ,diameterandlm deep).
Circular mud platforms (1.5m in diameter) inside the houses suggest that they
probably served as bases to keep bins of wicker work for grain storage.

iv) A sigdicant feature of the Jorwe culture (of which more than 200 sites are
known so far, though the majority of them can be classified as villages ranging
from 1 to 4 ha.) is the presence of a large centre in each region. These centres
are Prakash, Daimabad and Inamgaon, respectively in the valleys of Tapi,
Godavari and Bhima. The Jorwe settlement at Daimabad was the largest,
covering an area from more than 30 hectares. Prakash and Inamgaon cover
about 5 ha. each.

v) A noteworthy feature of the Jorwe (both Early and Late) settlement at Inamgaon
is that the houses of the artisans such as the potter, the goldsmith, the lapidary,
the ivory-carver etc. were located on the western periphery of the principal
habitation area, whereas those of well-to-do farmers were in the central part. The
size of the artisans houses is smaller than those of the well-to-do. Both these
aspects i.e. the position and size of houses demonstrate social differentiation in
terms of a lower position for artisans in the society.

Interestingly enough, some of these chalcolithic sites have fortification walls around
the settlement. For example Eran and Nagda (Madhya Pradesh) of the Malwa
Culture, and Inamgaon (during Jorwe period) have a fortified mud wall with stone
rubble bastions and ditch around the habitation.

At Inamgaon has been noticed a change in house types from Early Jorwe (1400 -
1000 B.C.)to late Jorwe period (1000 - 700 B.C.):

The Early Jowe houses were large rectangular structures with low mud walls (about
30 cm.high) surrounded by wattle-and-daub constructions. These houses were laid
out in rows with their longer axis in a roughly east-west orientation. These houses
have an open space in between (approximately 1.5m wide) which might have served
as a road or lane. The Late Jorwe houses on the other hand depict a picture of
poverty. Large rectangular huts were no more built, and instead there were small
round huts (with a low mud wall) in clusters of three or four, The pit silos were
replaced by a fourlagged storage jar supported on four flat stones.

The overall evidence indicates that this shift from Early Jorwe to Late Jprwe was due
to decline in agriculture as a result of drop in rainfall. Investigations in western and
central India have disclosed that at the close of the second millennium B.C. there was
a drastic climatic change in this region that led to increasing aridity forcing the people
to resort to a semi-nomadic existence. This conclusion is based on calculations of
percentages of animal bones found from different phases. It seems that increasing
aridity during the Late Jorwe period led to the decline of agriculture, and economy
based on farming changed over to sheep/goat pastoralism.

10.7.4 Other Characteristics

,-
AU these cultures are characterized by a stone blade/flake industry based on siliceous
stones such as chalcedony, chert, jasper and agate. The tools include long parallel
sided blades, blunted back blades, serrated blades, pen'knives, l u t e s , triangles and
trapezes. Some of these blade tools have a shine on the sharp edge suggesting that
they were used for haw&g.

Polished stone axes, which are typical of the Neolithic-Chalcolithiccultures of

Kamesh Mechrocks
Karmataka-Andhra, have also been found at some of these sites, though they are not
Copper objects consist of flat axes or celts with convex cutting edges, arrovheads, C~~ .Ila b r i y
spearheads, chisels, fish hooks, mid-ribbed swords, blades, bangles, rings and beads. Iron Age1
Among the finds at Kayatha, one pot contained 28 copper bangles. Some of these
objects like the axe were c q t in mould, while others were hammered to shape.

The most prolific item among the ornaments are beads made of carnelian, jasper,
chalcedony, agate, shell, etc.

A necklace made of 40,000 microbeads of steatite has been fond in a pot belonging
to the Kayatha culture. At Inamgaon were found beads of gold and ivory, a spiral ear
ring of gold and anklets of copper.

Terracotta objects are found m u e n t l y at majority of these sites. These are in the
form of human and animal figurines. The stylized terracotta bulls (which are mostly
miniature sized) found in the Chalcolithic levels at Kayatha, some with a prominent
hump, some with horns twisted backward, and some with the horns projecting
forward horizontally, are of special interest. Considering the occurrence of numerous
terracotta bull figurines at several of these Chalcolithic sites it can be suggested that
bull was a sacred animal, though the possibility that some of them could have been
toys cannot be ruled out.

The Daimabad Hoard: By a chance discovery, four objects on' the top of the mound
(below which is a deposit, 1.2m thick belonging to the Jorwe period) came to light at
Daimabad. These are massive, all solid cast, and weigh over 60 kg:
i) Elephant: This is the heaviest (25 cm in height X 27 cm in length), and stands
on a cast copper platform with four brackets beneath, pierced, to take axles.
ii) Rhinoceros: This is a slightly smaller, and also stands on a cast platform. The
brackets contain two solid copper axles with cast wheels attached. This
rhinoceros recalls the one inscribed on the Indus seals.
ii) Two Wheeled Chariot with a Rider: The chariot is attached by a long pole to
the yoked oxen which stand on two cast copper strips, but there are no brackets
for wheels. The chariot has two uprights supporting a cross-bar behind which the
rider stands.This piece has no parallels.
iv) Buffalo: This also has wheels and axle in position. This has some parallels in the
figures of buffalo5 in both terracotta and case copper or bronze found from
Mohenjodaro. The copper of the Daimabad hoard compares with that of other
copper objects found in excavations, and spectrometric analysis of this metal has
revealed that it is unalloyed by tin or other metals. According to one view the
Daimabad hoard is datable to the Late Harappan period (Ca. 1600- 1300 B.C.).
Another suggestion is that they could probably belong to the same technological
group as the Kallur hoard.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Copper Rhinoceros, Daimabod H o u d Copper E k p h ~ t ,
Evolution of Early Indian
Society: 2000 B.C. to
1000 B.C.

Copper Chariot, Daimabod Hoard

Copper Buffalo, Daimabod Hoard

10.7.5 ReligionIBelieP Systems

The finds in the excavations also shed light on the religious practices and befiefs of
the people.

i) Mother Goddesses: That these Chalcolithc communities had a belief in the

mother goddess, and worshipped her, is attested by the finding of female figures of
clay (both baked or unbaked). These female figures are both with heads and without
heads. From the lower levels of occupation (dated to the middle of second
millennium B.C.) at Nevasa, comes a large headless female figure, which is made
without clearly showing physical features. Inamgaon has also yielded similar
terracotta female figurines, which show no physical features except breasts.

Evidence for the worship of the mother goddess has been recorded in the excavations
of an Early Jorwe house (1300 B.C.) at Inarngaon. Here buried under the floor in a
comer, was found an oval shaped clay receptacle with a clay lid. Inside this
receptacle was found a headless female figurine having large pendant breasts and also
a bull figurine. These female figurines, including the one from Inamgaon point to the
worship of the goddess of fertility. These figurines (especially the headless ones),,
acmrding to one suggestion, may represent the goddess Sakambhari (of the early
historic period), the goddess of vegetative fertility, who was worshipped for warding
off draughts.

ii) Gods: Male figurines are rare in the Chalcolithic settlements. It has been
suggested that the male figurines of clay (two of them being unbaked, and one
baked) found in the Late Jorwe levels (1000 - 700 B.C.) at Inamgaon may possibly
be identified as gods.

In this context a painted jar of Malwa period (1600 B.C.) is considered to be of some
religious significance. This pot has two panels. In the upper panel is painted a scene
depicting a human figure wearing a garment of twigs covering the loin, and is
surrounded by stylized animals such as stag, deer, peacocks etc. The lower panel
shows springing tigers or panthers, which are also stylized. This vessel, richly
decorated with elaborate paintings, was probably meant for some ritualistic use.
Likewise, finds of solid cast copper elephant, buffalo etc. at Daimabad could have
religious functions.

ii) Burial Practices: Dispo$al of the dead by burial was a common custom. Adults as
well as children were usually buried in a north-south orientation; the head towards
the north and the legs towards the south. Adults were, in a majority of cases, buried
in an extended position, whereas children were buried in urn-burials-either in single
pots or, more often, in two pots-placed horizontally mouth-to-mouth in a pit.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Adults, and also children, were buried in a pit which was dug into the house floor, Chnlcolithle and Early
Iron b e - I
r and rarely in the courtyard of the house. It is interesting to note that during the Jorwe
period, in the case of adults, the portion below the ankle was purposely chopped off.
These practices like burying the dead within the precincts of the house, and chopping
off the feet could possibly suggest a belief in which the dead were restrained from
turning into ghosts, who could become malevolent.

The adult burials in several cases contain offerings (grave goods) which are usually
two pots, or sometimes more in number. One adult burial of the Late Jorwe period
contained fifteen pots. It was also common to bury the dead with personal
ornaments. In an adult burial of the Late Jorwe period, a large copper ornament was
found near the neck of the skeleton. A child in a twin urn-burial of the same period
had a necklace consisting of twelve beads of copper and red jasper alternately.

The Jorwe period has also disclosed some unusual burials at Inamgaon. Here has
been found a four legged urn-burial made of unbaked clay, and its southern face
resembles a human body. This urn (80 cm. in height and 50 crn. in width), which has
a wide mouth with a featureless rim, contained the skeleton of a male, of about 30 to
40 years old, in a sitting posture. In this case, the portion below the ankle is not
chopped off. The burial offerings were a spouted pot with the painting of a boat
design having long oars. What this boat design reminds one is the present day Hindu
belief that the departed soul has to cross waters in a ferry to reach the heavenly
abode. This person who was given such an elaborate burial could be:
of high status, or
the ruling chief of the settlement, or
belonging to a social group that practised a different kind of burial.

10.7.6 Social Organisation

In the chalcolithic culture regions, a study of the distribution pattern of the sites
seems to suggest that these sites were of two types, one type representing regional
centres and the other type representing village settlements. This difference, or
hierarchy, has been taken to suggest that some form of administrative organisation
was present in the chalcolithic cultures. This also suggests that the chalcolithic social
organisation was characterised by ranking. The presence of an administrative
authority is further supported by existence of public structures such as fortifications,
rampart and moat, granaries, the embankment and canals (well documented at
Inamgaon) etc. found at different sites.

Seen in the larger context of the post-Harappan developments, these chalcolithic

cultures betray discernible influences of the Harappan culture, though in a residual
form. All the same, they are marked by strong regional elements, and also display
trade links and cultural contacts between each other.

These metal-using farming communities which flourished in the second millennium

B.C. disappeared around the first millennium B.C. (excepting Late Jorwe which
continued till 700 B.C.). One possible reason attributed for such a decay (on the
basis of analysesyf soil sample overlying these chalcolithic horizons) was increasing
aridity and unfavourable climatic conditions. Many of these settlements in the
Godavari., Tapi and other valleys were deserted, and were reoccupied after a gap of
six or five centuries in fifth-fourth centuries B.C., heralded by urbanisation.

Check Your Progress 4

1) Which of the following statements are right (J)or-wrong (X).
a) Chalcolithic Cultures of Western and Central India were city settlements.
b) Carbonized remains of seeds found in excavations indicate the variety of
crops raised by the pebple.
c) The smaller size of artisan's house at Inamgaon demonstrates social
differentiation.
d) There is no evidence of mother goddess worship.
e) At certain sites urns were used for burials.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Evolatioo of b r l y Indian 2) What +re the characteristics of Malwa settlements? Answer in about ten lines.
Soci*; 2000 B.C. to
1000 B.C, .............................................................................................................................................

.............................................................................................................................................
3) Discuss in about five lines the characteristics of Daimabad Hoard.

10.8 LET US SUM WP

By about 2000 B.C. agricultural communitie came into existence in different parts
of India. These agriculturists used tools and implements made of stone and copper.
In North India these communities used various kinds of potteries like the OCP and
BRW. A variety of copper tools have also been discovered. In Central India and
Maharashtra Black soil zone excavations have shown the existence of the Kayatha,
Malwa and Jorwe cultures. By about 750 B.C. many of these agricultural
communities adopted iron technology. The chalcolithic communities showed distinct
variations in their pottery tradition. The iron age potteries called the PGW and the
NBPW were used over a larger area. During this period there was greater interaction
among various communities and a transition towards urbanisation was taking place.

The finds at the sites belonging to different cultures give detailed information about
settlement patterns, trade links, types of tools and ornaments and religious beliefs etc.

10.9 KEY WORDS

Arclqeobotany :Study of the remains of plants,
Arthasbastra: A book traditionally attributed to Kautilya the minister of
Chandragupta who ruled in the fourth-third centuries B.C.
Brahmi Script: The earliest known script of historical India. Ashoka's inscription
were written in the same script. Most of modem Indian scripts like Tamil, Devauagri
etc. are derived from it.
Chalcolithic: Refers to communities which used copper and stone tools.
Jatakas: Stories relating to the previous births of the Buddha.
Mound: Remains left by people of the past which look like heaped up embankment
on the relief.
Pit Dwelling: A practice of making homes beneath the surface of the earth. Dwelling
spaces used to be dug beneath the floor.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Punch Marked Coins: Coins made of copper and silver which came to be used Cbnlcollthic and Early
around the sixth-fifth century B.C. They are the earliest known coins of India. Iron Age-I

Mortuary Practice: The practice of the disposed of the dead.

Tbermolnmiaiscence Dating: A scientific method of dating ceramic material.
Type Site: The site where a particular culture was 6rst identified.

10.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) Your answer should include the kind of pottery and its features; structures; i;
crops; area of this culture etc. See Sec. 10.2.
2) a) X b) X c) X d ) J
Check Your Progress 2
1) Your answer should include the colok of the pottery, its making technique and
the difference in BRW of different regions like the doab BRW is of plain surface
while Gilund and Ahar BRW is painted etc. See Sec. 10.4
2) Here take for example the kind of semi-precious stones found. Since these were
not available locally they were ob'hined through trade. See Sec. 10.5.

Check Your Progreea 3

1) NBP Ware Culture got its name from the distinctive pottery type which is
associated with this period. See'Sec. 10.6.
2) a ) J b) X c ) J d) X
Check Your Progress 4
1) a ) J b) X c ) J d) X e ) J
2) There are quite large settlements, with evidence of layout planning. You should
mention their planning and other features like Oval fire pits, deep pit sites etc.
See Sub-sec. 10.7.3.
3) This was a chance discovery. Mention the objects and their characteristics. See
Sub-sec. 10.7.4.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 11 CHALCOLITHIC AND EARLY
IRON AGE -11
Structure
11.0 Objectives
11.1 Introduction
11.2 Early Farming Settlements
11.2.1 Cultural Phases
11.2.2 Subsistence Economy
11.2.3 Material Culture
11.2.4 Burial Practices
11.3 Neolithic Surface Finds
11.4 Iron Age in South India
11.4.1 Megalithic Cultures
11.4.2 Origins of the Megalithic Cultures
11.4.3 Material Culture
11.4.4 Subsistence Economy
11.5 L e t u s s u m u p
11.6 Keywords
11.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

This unit deals with the early farming communities and the subsequent Iron Age in
the region of South India. After reading this unit, you will be able to know about:
the successive phases of the early farming culture of southern India and their
salient features,
the nature of settlements, economy and other traits of these cultures, and
the characteristic features of the Early Iron Age in this region.

11.1 INTRODUCTION
By now you mwt be well familiar with the evolution of human beings h m
hunter-gatherers into settled agricultural wmmunltia, You have also learnt about
the &tence of the Harappan Civilhation and the various upectn relatgd to it. In the
preview unit you have wnn how different cultura emerged ibllowing the decline of
the HBtBppan CivUiaation, covering the time span from the m d millannilun B.C.
to flrst millennium B.C. In this' unit, we will review the developments in south India
during the same period. The focus of the eNdy will be on the nature of the change8
that came about in thie period in material culture, in settlement patterns and social
organisation.

11.2 EARLY FARMING SETIZEMENTS

Settlements of the early farming communities in south India make a rather sudden
appearance in the third millennium B.C.There is no evidence to discem a gradual
evolution (as in West Asii) from a hunting-gathering economy to a food producing
economy. The evidence for this region indicates some sort of colonization of
favourable habitats in the Godavari, Krishna, Tungabhadra, Penneru and Kaveri
river systems. These settlements, in majority of the cases, are scattered in the
semi-arid, low rain fall and sandy loamy regions which are suitable for dry farming
and pastoralism (cattle, sheep and goat). The distinguishing features of these
settlements are:
i) Sedentary village settlements with semi-permanent to permanent structures, the
latter consisting of wattle and daub.
Kamesh Mechrocks
ii) Stone axes (made of Bard rocks like dolerite and basalt) manufactured by
 grinding and polishing. Because of this technique the stone tool industry of these
early farming cultures is referred to as the polished stone axe industry.
iii) Long and thin blades made of h e grained rocks like chert, jasper, chalcedony
and agate. These artefacts have a sheen on the cutting edge, indicating that they
were used for harvesting crops.
iv) Pottery which is hand made in the early stages and wheel made ih the later
stages.
v) An economy based on millet farming, and cattle and sheep/goat pastoralism.
The economy, thus, is basically ago-pastoral.
vi) The dietary needs are supplemented by wild game.

Important Neolithic-Chalcollthie sitee in South India

11.2.1 Cultural Phases

c On the basis of the overall evidence, we can distinguish three broad phases in the
growth of the early farming communities in south India.

I Phase I: The earliest settlements of these farming communities represent this phase.
I * These were made on tops of granitoid hills, or on levelled terraces on hill sides, or in
1 the valleys between two or more hills. The material culture consists of a polished
stone axe industry, blade industry and handmade pottery.
1

In pottery, grey or buff-brown ware is most common. A ware, which is less common,
has a black or red burnished slip, often with purple painted decorations. These
earliest settlements are associated with ash mounds some of which were excavated.
Kamesh Mechrocks
,,,.IT --,., 6-2 ,
,
L ,
-
..
-
A -:A^- 1:1_- T ~ L - _ _ - v___--1 TI- >-l.-l n-11- -.a .1 I
Evolotlon of Euly hd&n Maski and Brahmagiri have all revealed the first phase of settlements of these
Sodely: 2400 B.C. to
1000 B.C.
agro-pastoral communities. This phase can be ascribed between 2500-1800 B.C. on
the basis of radiocarbon dates.

Phase II: The settlement pattern of Phase-I continues without any change:
settlements were still made on top of granitic hills, or on levelled surfaces on the
hillsides. Nonetheless, there are some important developments. The settlements had
circular hutments of wattle and daub on wooden frames with mud floors. SomC of
the larger pits at Nagarjuna-Konda (in coastal Andhradesa) which are circular, oval,
oblong and irregular, with post holes are interpreted as semi-subterranean pit
dwellings. Pit dwellings were also found at Paiyampalli and Veerapuram. In this
phase new pottery types like the perforated and spouted vessels appeared. The
discovery of such pottery types reveals contacts with regions in the north as similar
pottery types have been found there. The technique of roughening the outer surface
of pottery during this phase is reminiscent of technique employed in the early
Harappan period.

The polished stone axe and Made industries proliferated in this phase. Copper and
bronze objects were also discovered for the first time and their numbers increased
towards the end of this phase. Some of the sites where the Phase-I1 settlements were
discovered are Piklihal, Brahmagiri, Sanganakallu, Tekkalakota, Hallur and T.
Narsipur. The available radiocarbon dates for this phase suggest a timespan covering
1800-1500 B.C.

Phase III: The important development in this phase is the increase in the number of
copper and bronze tools. Such an increase is seen at Tekkalakota, Hallur, Piklihal,
Sanganakallu, Brahmagiri and Paiyampalli. The stone axe and blade industries
continue. In pottery a new grey and buff ware with a harder surface becomes
common.

Another ceramic type which is wheel made, unburnished and with purple paint also
appears. This ware has affinities to the chalcolithic Jorwe ware of Maharashtra. On
these grounds this phase can be ascribed to the period 1400-1050 B.C.
1
These three phases reveal how gradually the early farming-cum-pastoral settlements
in south India emerged and expanded. There is continuity of occupation from Phase I
to Phase 111 (as revealed at some sites in the excavations) and with no significant
change in the economy. The only important difference is the absence of
copper/bronze tools in Phase I. As the occupation of Pham I1 and I11 have yielded
these metal tools, they are designated as Neolithic-Chalcolithic.

From the distribution of these settlements, it can be seen that the preferred landforms'
are low hill ranges away from major watersheds but in proximity to streams; the soil
zones are tropical black clays, tropical red and black sandy loams, sandy or sandy
loamy fermginous tropical soils, and deltaic alluvium. The average annual rainfall in
which these settlements are located, as at present, falls in the range of 600-1200 mrn. ,
These sites are commonly dispersed in the castlellated hills and the habitations are
usually on the tops of hills or at the foot of hills.

11.2.2 Subsistence Economy

In view of the location of the sites in relation to physiography, it would appear that
areas which were suited largely for gravity flow irrigation were generally colonised.
However, there are some sites like Veerapuram on the bank of Krishna, H a h on r
the Tungabhadra, T. Narsipur at the codhence of the Kaveri and Kapila and those
in the alluvial zones of the Krishna, where there is scope for water management
through canal irrigation.

The available archaeobotanical evidenc~,indicates that millets and pulses were the
Kamesh Mechrocks
main cultivated crops. These are various kinds of millet, horse gram, green gram and
 4
. .

black gram. Hyacinth bean and barley have been recently identified at Ramapuram.

Coming to the fauna, almost all the excavated Neolithic-Chalcolithic sites yielded
remains which belong to both domesticated and wild species.

The domesticated species consist of cattle, buffalo, sheep, goat, pig, dog and fowl.
Cattle predominate at the majority of the sites indicating its importance in the
economy of these communities. For instance in the Neolithic levels at Veerapuram,
the faunal remains of which were subjected to meticulous study, cattle represent
48.68% of the domesticated animals whereas sheep/goat form only 5.4.9'0. If such
was the case at Veerapuram situated on the right bank of the Krishna with potential
for irrigation agriculture, then one should expect cattle pastoralism to have played a
major role in the scores of sites located in the uplands. As the economy of these
communities was a combination of agriculture and &al husbandry (cattle
predominantly and sheep/goat to some extent), it can be termed agro-pastoral.

In addition to these domesticated species these settlements have also yielded remains
of wild game.These wild species are porcupine, black naped hare, nilgai, chinkara,
blackbuck, sarnbar and chital. This would indicate that their meat requirements were
supplemented by wild game.

11.2.3 Material Culture

The material remains of this period include pottery, stone artefacts, copper/bronze
object and other objects.

i) Pottery
Pottery in Phase I (2500-1800 B.C.) was predominantly handmade, grey or
buff-brown. This grey ware is characterized by the use of bands of red ochre, applied
after firing. What is interesting is that some of these pottery forms have applied ring
feet and hollow pedestals which recall the pre-Harrappan types known from Amri
and Kalibangan. The other ceramic type of Phase I had a black or red burnished slip,
with a purple painted decoration.

In Phase I1 (1800-1500 B.C.) the red and black slipped wares disappear and new
, types occur, These new are perforated vessels, and vessels with spouts. In ceramic
. manufacture, the technique of roughening the outer surface of vessels is used, and
this recalls the one employed in the pre-Harappan levels of Baluchistan.

In Phase 111 (1400-1050 B.C.) new ceramic types occur:

a) a grey and buff ware with a harder surface and
b) a wheel thrown unburnished ware with purple paint. This latter type displays
affinities with the Jorwe type of Maharashtra, thus indicating cultural contacts
between the southern Deccan and the northern Deccan. The pottery forms are
various kinds of bowls (bowls with lips, lugs and spouts), handled and hollow
footed bowls, jars, dishes on stand, perforated vessels, and spouted vessels.

ii) Stone Tools and Bone Artefacts

The stone blade industry consists of long and thin parallel sided blades, some of
which are finished into other forms by retouch. These finished forms are crescents,
triangles, trapezes, serrated blades etc. Some of the parallel sided blades show a gloss
on the cutting edge which is due to their use in harvesting activities.

Many stone tools were also polished. The most common type of the polished or
ground stone axe industry is the triangular axe with a pointed buff and oval cross
section. The other forms are adges, scrappers, wedges, chisels and pointed tools
(termed as picks).
Kamesh Mechrocks
Evolution of Earty ~adlrn
Society: 2000 B.C. to
1000 B.C.

I P ~ L I S H E DAXE 2.CHISEL 3.A D Z E

arru ~oturro4x17

Besides these the other stone objeets comprise hammerstones, sling balls, &dbg
stones, rubbing stones and querns.The latter were used in foodgrain processing.

Among the Bone artefacts, worked bone, horn and occasionally antler and shell
have been found at some of the excavated sites. The most common artefacts are a
variety of points and chisels. One site (Pallavoy) has yielded bone axes, made from
cattle scapulae finished by grinding at the worked edge.

iii) Metal Objects

As noted earlier, copper and bronze tools appear in Phase I1 and increase in
Phase 111. The most important of these are flat axes and chisels which are reminiscent
of those of Malwa and Mahatashtra. The other interesting find is the antenna sword
found at Kallur (discussed in Unit 10 in the context of Copper Hoards).

The other items of copper/btonze, which are known from various excavated sites are
bangles, spiral ear rings and antimony rods. A fish hook has been recovered from
Hallur. The site Tekkalakota has yielded a spiral ear ring of gold.

iv) Beads and Temcotta figurines

Kamesh Mechrocks
Beads made of semi-precious stones have occasionally been found at some of the
excavated sites. For example circular disc beads of paste and steatite were discovered
at Nagarjunakonda.
Terracotta figurines, predominantly of humped cattle, have been recovered from
excavated sites like Piklihal.
These, seen in the context of paintings, of cattle around the settlements at Kupgal,
Maski, Piklihal etc. are suggestive of the significance attached to cattle in their
culture. These paintings show cattle, singly and in groups, and depict humped bulls
and long homed cattle. Some show cattle with decorated horns.

11.2.4 Burial Practices

The dead were commonly buried within the houses. Adult burial practices include
extended inhumation.
Infants were buried in urns. Excavations at Tekkalakota revealed (in Phase 111)
multiple pot burials, which recall the Jorwe burials of Maharashtra. A Neolithic
cemetery is reported at Nagarjunakonda. The offerings for the dead (grave goods)
usually consisted of pots, including spouted vessels, and in some cases stone axes and
stone blades.

11.3 NEOLITHIC SURFACE FINDS

Apart from being found in habitation sites, polished stone axes occur in small
isolated assemblages, in forested regions. Such occurrences are common in south
India, and often, there is a habitation site nearby. What do such occurrences
indicate? Such findspots probably represent activity loci. This is to say considering
the functional use of the tools (axes for tree felling) these findspots indicate
vegetation clearance in the hilly forested zones for dry farming operations.
Such isolated Neolithic stone axe clusters are common in the wooded hill ranges of
Tamil Nadu: Slevory, Javadi and Tirumalai hilly zones. Such a distribution of
Neolithic axe clusters from the wooded uplands of the southern extensions of the
'Yestern Ghats to the lowland Tamil plains, is suggestive of shifting cultivation
1)radices,which was prevalent till recently in the southern part of the Western Ghats.
The south Indian Neolithic is also associated with ash mounds which are distributed
i n the semi-arid parts of the Bhima-KrishnpTungabhadradoab. More than 60 ash
mounds are known and some of them are quite extensive. It was suggested by some
archaeologists that thcse mounds wete produced by the burning of cow dung by the
Neolithic communities, and that they were the sites of cattle pens where dung was
allowed to accumulate, Raymond Wchin in the light of evidence t c obtained from
his excavations at Utnw (an a b mound site) concluded that they were associated
with forat cattle stations of the Neolithic people and that the bwqing probably had
ritualistic significance.
As mentioned earlier, there is no evidence to prove the evolution of village fanning
communities from the preceding hunting-gathering economy, in south India. As we
have seen a sudden spurt in the emergence the village settlements started from
around the middle of the third millennium B.C. in these areas. How did these
farming settlements come into existence? According to some archaeologists, the grey
ware exhibits broad similarities with that found at sites like Hissar, Turang Tepe and
Shah Tepe in north east Iran; and the red and black painted pottery has affinities
with the pre-Harappan pottery of Baluchistan and the Indus system. On the basis of
these similarities, and considering some other features, they have suggested that the
origin of south Indian Neolithic cultures may have had links with some centres in the
Indo-Iranian borderlands.

Check Your Progress 1

1) Read the following statements and mark right (J)or wrong (X).
i) It is not possible to divide the material culture of the settlements in South
India in various phases.
ii) Among the domestic species, cattle played a very important role in the
economy of the early farming communities of south India.
iii) The burial practices were the same for the infants as well as the grown ups.
Kamesh Mechrocks
iv) We get no evidence of any bone artefacts from any of the excavated sites.
 Write ten lines on the cultural phases of the early farming communities in South
India.

.............................................................................................................................................
3) Can the economy of the farming communities of South India becharacterised as
Agro-pastoral? Write in five lines.

.............................................................................................................................................
'

4) What did the ash mounds discovered at various sites signiiy? write &five lines.

11.4 IRON AGE IN SOUTH INDIA

The use of iron in South India bepn
- sqmetime around 1100 B.C.This date has been

Kamesh Mechrocks
 suggested on the basis of the radiocarbon analysis of objects found at Hallur. h l cEU
c i ~ I ~ ~ U taod
Iron Age
However, at some of the other sites discussed earlier, we find that the
Neolithic-Chalcolithic cultural horizons overlap with Iron Age levels. In Northern
Deccan (Maharashtra) also the occupations at several chalcolithic settlements
continue into the Iron Age and it is the same case at sites like Brahmagiri, Piklihal,
Sanganakallu, Maski, Paiyampalli, etc. in southern Deccan.

The earliest phase of Iron Age in south India is recovered in the excavations at
Piklihal and Hallur and possibly by the burial pits at Brahmagiri. ~ h e s e hburials
l~
yielded the first iron objects, black-and-red ware, and a matt painted buff and red
ware. To some extent the latter is similar to the Jorwe ware. Similar evidence has
been recorded in the burials at Tekwada (Maharasetra). At some sites, in the
habitations, stone axes and blades continued to be used. The succeeding phase is
characterised by a predominance of burnished unpainted black-and-red ware, and
red or black wares.

11.4.1 Megalithic Cultures

C, 1 /

1 TOPIKAL-CAPSTONE
+ I A
+----- A
.

2 MENHIR 3 DOLMEN

4 STONECIRCLE 5 STONE CIQCLE 6 S4C?COpN&SHUS

PIT BURIAL C I S 7 BURIAL

i
Megalithic B U M Types In Sooth In&
I
I

I
Most of the information abour the iron age in south India comes from the
excavations of the megalithic graves. The megaliths usually refer to burials amidst
stones in graveyards away from the habitation area. In south India this kind of

I elaborate burial came with Iron Age. Megalithic burials have been reported in large
numbers from Maharashtra (around Nagpur), Karnataka (sites like Maski), Andhra
Pradesh (Nagatjunakonda),Tamil Nadu (Adichanallur) and Kerala.

The megalithic burials showed a variety of methods for the disposal of the dead. In
some cases bones of the dead were collected in large urns and buried in a pit. The pit
was marked by a stone circle or a capstone or both. The pits and the win also
r.nnin;nr.A Kamesh Mechrocks
n r n x m n r w l n I n o n m a nthar e n e m a .vr++a-, nnrrr\-hnni Cnn L n fnm.nA In 17
Evolution of ffirly Indian other cases pit &cles have k n formed with stones for burying the dead. Cist graves
Society: 2000 B.C. to made with granite slabs have also been reported. In Kerala rock cut chambers have
1000 B.C.
been made for burial. Yet another kid of megalithic burial is stone alignment
comprising rows of standing dories set in diagonal or square plan.

Iron Implements from South Indian, Megalithic Graves. 1. Arrowhead; 2. Daggers; 3. Sword;
4. Spearhead; 5. Trident; 6. Battle me; 7. Hoes; 8. Plough Share; 9. Sickles; 10. Stirrup;
11. Laddies; 12. Tripod; 13. Lamp.

11.4.2 Origins of the Megalithic Cultures

m~hemegaliths emerged around the end of the sc-,and and beginning of the first
millennium B.C. and this practice continued for many centuries subsequently. Some
scholars are of the opinion thaf megaliths cannot be associated with a single cultural
group and that the south Indian graves appear as a developing complex with several
streams of influences combining in them. Firstly, some 04 the megalithic burials are
reminiscent of those of Central Asia, Iran or the Caucasus, and might represent
traditions introduced from these areas by Indo-European speaking immigrants.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Secondly, some appear as developments of the indigenous Neolithic-ChalNthic Chalcolithic nod Early
Iroo Age-It
burial customs of the Deccan.

Scholars have variously identified the megalithic complex with the remains of the
Aryans or Dravidians. However, these claims are not acceptable. What seems certain
is that these burial complexes emerged in a situation of greater interaction among
various communities in south and north India. As pointed out earlier, a large number
of ago-pastoral groups existed in these areas prior to the introduction of iron. Many
of the burial customs of some of these communities continued in the Iron age. The
pottery burial was already practised in Chalcolithic Inamgaon. Other features of the
megalithic burials might have developed as local cultural innovations. However, some
of the objects found in the graves indicate contacts with the areas to the north-west of
India. Particular kinds of pottery like bowl on stand found in these graves are very
similar in shape to those of some earlier graves found in north-west India and Iran.
Similarly, the finding of bones of horses and implements used for horses indicates
that horse riding people had arrived in these areas. Horses could have been brought
from Central Asia only because wild horses are not found in India. Horse burial has
been reported from Junapani near Nagpur. In place like Maski and Piklihal rock
paintings show groups of horse riders carrying metal axes. All this is indicative of
greater contact with communities to the north-west of India. So, Iron age burial
indicate a combination of indigenous and foreign influences.

11.4.3 Material Culture

As earlier, the material remains of the Iron Age are represented by pottery with
certain specificities, besides iron and other metal objects.

i) Pottery
The pottery that we discover from all the excavated graves is the black-and-red ware.
The characteristic types are shallow tray bowls and deep bowls, both with a rounded
base, conical lids with knobs or loops on the apex, pottery ring stands and larger
water pots with rounded bases, etc.

ii) Iron and other metal objects

Iron objects have been found universally in all the megalithic sites right from
Junapani near Nagpur in Vidharbha (central India) down to Adichanallur in the
south: a distance of nearly 1500 km.They show use of identical tools. There are an
array of iron objects: flat iron axes often with crossed iron bands for hafting, different
types of flangkd spade, hoe, and spud orpick axe, sickles, bill hooks, wedges,
cowbars, spears, knives, chisels or adzes, iron tripods, pot rests, saucers, hooklamps,
many armed lam-pendants, daggers, swords (some with oranamental bronze hilts),
arrowheads and spearheads with hollow sockets, ceremonial scalloped axes, iron
tridents etc. In addition to these, there is a special group of objects which consists of
horse furniture such as snaffle bits and two simple bar-bits with looped ends (which
were recovered from Junapani), a kind of bar-bit with loopd nose-and-mouthpiece
(known from Sanur), etc. Among other metal object., the most numerous are bells of
copper or bronze, which might have served either as horse or cattle bells. Beads of
semi-precious stones and gold objects have also been reported.

11.4.4 Subsistence Economy

Excavated habitation h e s of the Iron Age are few. So it is d i c u l t to form a clear
picture of the economy of the south Indian megalith builders. Some of the excavated
sites have yielded remains of sheep/goat and cattle, and also millets and pulses.

An important feature of the iron objects which are grave goods recovered from the
excavated burials is the uniformity in types. Such a wide distribution of identical
types of iron objects right from Junapani (near Nagpur) to Adichanallur in the south,
testifies to the movement of a fairly tightly knit group of iron workers. According to
one scholar the megalithic people of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka were proficient in
tracing iron ore deposits and in the madfacture of a varierty of iron objects.They
were trading in these items, and gradpally took to settled life. Yet another scholar has
put forward the view that these groups were nomadic pastoralists with a greater
reliance on sheep/goat herding.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Evolution of E u l y Indian The settlements found near the megalithic complexes have very thin debris of
SoeieIy: 2000 B.C. to
1000 B.C.
occupation. This would indicate that these people were living in one area for very
short time. May be with the knowledge of iron they could colonize new areas. Thus,
some of the population was nomadic and some settlements might indicate
colonization of new areas. Where the settlements continue from the preceding
period, people continued to live in their old ways. Use of iron tools enabled them to
use granite stones for their graves It is these agro-pastoral groups that enter the
historical phase in the early centuries of the christian era. They have mentioned in the
Sangam literature. Some of the graves have yielded Roman Coins which suggests
their entry into history and their participation in trade networks spread over a large
area.

ChecLYour Progress 2 -

1) Write in about 100 words about the Iron Age in South India.

.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
2) Write five lines on the economy of the South Indian Megalith builders. - .
.............................................................................................................................................

11.5 Lm us SUM UP
Farming communities emerged in South India around the middle of the third
millennium B.C. A large number of pastoral nomadic communities also came into
existence in this period. The agriculturists'grew various kinds of millet, grain and
barley. The pastoral communities tended cattle, sheep and goats. Around the
beginning of the second millennium B.C. these communities started using copper and
bronze tools. Some of these bronze tools show parallels with the tools found in
north-western India. Iron was introduced in this area towards the end of the second
millennium B.C. This period also saw the beginning of 'megalithic burials. This
introduced a change in settlement pattern for some of the communities because they
started burying their dead away from the habitation areas. However, the farmers
continued to grow the same crops and pastoralist continued with their old life style.
This phase merged into the early historic south India when the literate tradition
began.

11.6 KEY WORDS

Aryp: The people who composed the Vedas and who spoke the Indo-European
~~~guages-
Burnishing: A form of pottery decoration in which the surface of the pot is polished
Kamesh Mechrocks
before firing.
Dravidian: The people who spoke Dravidian languages.
Dry Farming: A system of tillage in dry countries, surface soil being kept constantly
loose, so as to retain scanty rains and reduce evaporation.
Jorwe Ware: A late second millennium red painted pottery first identified in Jorwe,
Maharashtra.
Sedentary: Communities living in settled villages.

11.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) i) X
ii) J
iii) X
iv) X
2) See Sub-sec. 11.2.1
3) Since the economy depended on a combination of agriculture and grazing of the
cattle, it can be characterised as ago-pastoral. See Sub-sec. 11.2.2.
4) Your answer should include the following: these mounds were originally the sites
for cattle pens where dung accumulated; they were created bebuse of the
burning of cow dung; and that this burning was perhaps a part of the rituals
performed by the neolithic communities. Also see Section 11.3
Check Your Progress 2
1) See Sub-sec. 11.4.1. Write the characteristics which distinguish one phase from
the other.
2) See Sub-sec. 11.4.3

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 12 THE EARLY VEDIC SOCIETY
Structure
12.0 Objectives
12.1 Introduction
12.2 Sources
12.2.1 Literary Sources
12.2.2 Archaeological Sources
12.3 The Aryan Invasion-A Myth or A Reality?
12.4 Economy
12.5 Society
12.6 Polity
12.7 Religion
12.8 Let Us Sum Up
12.9 Key words
12.10 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
C 0
d

u
After studying this unit, you will be able to:
learn about the various sources through which we can attempt to know about the
Early Vedic period,
examine the theory of a large scale migration by the Indo-Aryan5 through t h e
sources, and
know about the pature of economy, society, polity and religion of the Early Vedic
people.

12.1 INTRODUCTION
In Units 10 and 11, you have seen that in different regions of India communities of
different stages of cultural development were present during Ca. 2000-1000 B.C.
Their cultures were ~~y agro-pastoral and our understanding of thesc cultures
is based entirely on archaeological remains because with the exception of Harappa
culture,,none of these ~~ have left behind any written records. la thia unit and
in the following unit, howeva, we ahdl be foe* on the evidence provided by a
voluminous body of religious texta which are considered be the kli-t lltorary
records of India. We ahall also try to supplement this evidence with, wherever
relevant, archaeological evidence. The Rlgvedn is considered to be earliest coQd011
of hymns available, and so, we shall start by examining the Rlgveda for an
understanding of the Early Vedic period and then go on to other Vedas and allied
texts which are placed later. This exercise is necessary for two reasons. First, the
Vedas are thought to have been composed by the Aryans and it was long believed
that the Aryans played a major role in civilizing the Indian subcontinent. The
contents of the kigveda, if they are analysed carefully, do not give the impressio~of
a very advanced material culture. On the other hand, many of the material traits,
which are characteristic of Indian civilization, are already present in the non-Vedic
archaeological cultures in different parts of India. Second, when the contents of the
Rigveda are compared with the contents of LaterVedasand allied texts, it becomes
clear that significant changes took place in the Vedic society itself. This means that
there was no lked cultural pattern which can be called Vedic culture or Aryan
I
culture.

The core geographical area to which the evidence of the Rigveda vodd relate was
Sapta-Smdhavaor the land of seven rivers. This would correspond to the whole of
Punjab and its neighbouring region Haryana, but Rigvedic geography also included
the Gomal plains, southern Afghanistan and southern Jammu and Kashmir.
- .. . Kamesh-. Mechrocks
- -.---. - .
Indo-Aryw migration from West Asia into the Indian subcontinent. These migrants k l y Vedk SodW
'~k
who are regarded as the authors of the 'Vedas' are called the Vedic people.
According to this historical interpretation the Aryans came to India in several stages
or waves.

The Aryans are considered to represent a linguistic group speaking Indo-European

languages. They are distingushed by traditional historians and archaeologists from
the non-Aryan Harappans of the preceding period.

However, in making certain observations on Early Vedic society it may be fruitful to

see if literary texts and archaeological evidence can supplement each other. If both
types of sources are of the same region and of the same period, then they together
can give us more detded ideas on economic, social, political and religious life.

Let us begin by referring to these sources.

12.2 SOURCES
We have two types of sources to study the Early Vedic Society-Literary and
Archaeological Sources.
0
'7
Let us first examine the literary sources for this period.

12.2.1 Literary Sources

Among the literary sources we may first refer to the four Vedas:
Rigveda
Sameveda
Yajurveda, and
AiliiGava-
Out of these the Rigveda is the earliest text.

The word 'Veda' is derived from the sanskrit word 'Vid' which means 'to know'.

The "Vedas", are essentially a compilation of prayers and hymns, offered by different
familie8 of poets and saga to various gods. These four Vedas are also 'Samhitas', in
the sense that they represent the oral tradition of the time. Since the hymns were
meant to be redtad, learnt and transmitted orally, they were not written when they
were b t composed. Due to thls reason none of the Samhitas can be dated with
absolute certainty. Iefact, each Samhita represents a collection through a period over
a few centuries. Relative dating in terms of the context of these four Samhitas has led
echoha to believe that the period represented in the Rigveda can be placed between
1500 B.C. to 1000 B.C.

The Rigvbc Samhita comprises 10 books or "MBndalas"of which boo& I1 to VII

are considered to be the earliest and belong specifically to the Early Vedic phase.
Books I, VIII, IX and X are considered to be later additions to the Samhita.
Scholars found similarities in the language used in the Rigveda and the Avesta, the
oldest Iranian texts, older to the Rigveda. Based on these linguistic skdarities and
taking into account the chronological precedence of the Avesta over the Rigveda,
these scholars suggested that:

i) The people represented in both these books belonged to a common linguistic

group, and they migrated from West +a and Iran to the Indian subcontinent.
These people were called the 'Aryaas'.
ii) The Aryans had a common original home, from where different groups migrated
to Europe and the East.
However, the debate regarding the original home of the Aryans is no longer valid,
since the concept of a common racial identity for the Aryans has now been proved
falw Kamesh Mechrocks
Riit a rnmmnn linmiictir identitu i c atill hpliweA hv hirtnrianc anrl nn thic hnrir
Evolution of Early Indian some of them still insist upon the theory of the Aryan migration.
Society: ZOO0 B.C. to
loo0 B.C.
12.2.2 Archaeological Sources
Excavations conducted in Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Northern Rajasthan, along the
Indus and Ghaggar rivers over the last 40 years, have unearthed many post-
Harappan chalcolithic settlements from these regions. These have been dated from
1700 B.C. to 600 B.C. You have read about these centuries in Unit 10. You have
seen that these chalcolithic cultures are also called late Harappan, OCP (Ochre
Coloured Pottery), BRW (Black & Red Ware) and PGW (Painted Grey Ware)
cultures.

However, we must remember that pottery types do not reflect the entire culture of
the people. Different pottery types do not necessarily mean that people who used
these pots also differed. Pottery analysis only helps in defining a specific trait of the
cultural assemblage, nothing more. Some scholars have made attempts to examine
whether the evidence provided by some of these cultures of north-western and
northern India can be compared with what we know from a study of the Vedic texts.

12.3 THE ARYAN INVASION-A MYTH OR A

REALITY?
Was the Aryan invasion a myth or a reality? Let us see to what extent archaeological
evidence help us in answering this question.
Archaeologists have attemptal to relate the various post-Harappan cultures with the
Aryans. The Painted Grey Wa Pottery which has been dated between 900 B.C. to
approximately 500 B.C., has been repeatedly connected with Aryan craftsmanship.
Their argument is based on inferences which historiawmake from their analysis of
the literary texts. Hence, archaeologists, following linguistic similarities found
between the Rigveda and the Avesta, tried to find similarities in pottery fonns,
paintings on ceramics and forms of copper objects etc. between post-Harappan and
the West Asian/Iranian Chalcolithic assemblages. Such similarities were magnified to
support the view that the Aryans were a group of people who migrated from West
Asia to the Indian subcontiaent. Thus literary and archawlogical sourks were made
to supportbne another in order to validate the notion of migration.

Linguistic similarities between the RigVeda and the Avesta are not disputed. But such
shihitica do not really suggest large -scale migration of people into the Indian
subcontinent. Secondly, the similarities which have been found between chalcolithic
artefacts of India and those of Weatern Asia are only occasional. They also do not
suggest large-scalemigration of people. The concept of an "Aryan", as stated before,
cannot be equated with any particular type of pottery. It also does not have any
ethnic or racial significance. The 'Aryan' is, therefore, at best a vague concept,
related to l i n e t i c simhities.between people.

In this context you should take into account the following points suggested by
archaeological excavations at various sites:
i) Earlier scholars believed that the Indo-Aryans caused the downfall of the
Harappan civilization by destroying the Harappan towns and cities. They quoted
Rigvedic hymns which invoke Indra to destory the dwellers of the forts. But
archaeological evidence has shown that the decline of the Harappan civilization
was ndt caused by any large-scale destruction brought about by an alien invading
group. (See Unit 9, Block 2).
ii) Attempts to identify the makers of Painted Grey Ware with the Aryans also do
.
not receive strong support from :haeblogical evidence. If the PGW cultures
related to the Aryans, then keeping the theory of invasion in mind, we should
have found this pottery type in the areas of Bahawalpur and Punjab i.e. along the
route taken by the so-called Aryan migrants. However, we find these pottery
types confined to a particular geographical region comprising Haryana, Upper
Ganga basin and eastern Rajasthan.
Kamesh Mechrocks
iii) It was earlier thought that there exists a time gap and hence, a cultural
 discontinuity between the late Harappan and the post-Harappan chalcolithic The b r l y Vedic
period.

However, recent excavations at Bhagwanpura, Dadheri (Haryana), and Manda

(Jammu) have shown that the Late Harappan and Painted Grey Wares could be
found together without any breaks. Hence."invasion" cannot be proved on the basis
of the excavated sites.

What disappeared after 1750 B.C. were the town and cities of the Harappan
civilization and such artefacts as the seals, weights, measures etc.-i.e. articles
connected with trade and urbanism. The rural structure of the earlier period
continued into the second and the first millennium B.C. The variation found in the
archaeological remains of the post-Harappan period-in pottery, metal implements
and other objects-may also represent "regional" variations in Indian chalcolithic
cultures.

Archaeological evidence relating to the period between second millennium B.C. and
first millennium B.C. has thus helped us modify existing views regarding the Vedic
'Aryans' in several ways. First, there is no substantial proof in archaeology that there
was large-scale migration of people from central or western Asia into the Indian
subcontinent around 1500 B.C. Second archaeologically there is no proof that the
Aryans destroyed the Harappan civilization and laid the foundation of a new Indian
civilization. In fact, although the Rigveda repeatedly refers to hostilities and wars
between different groups, the so-called clashes between Aryan and non-Aryan
communities and cultures are not documented in archaeology. However, since the
Rigvedal is the earliest collection of religious hymns available to us, its importance as
a document of history is immense. The hymns provide such insights into various
aspects of an early society as would not be available in archaeological evidence. From
them we get insights regarding the nature of economy, social organisation, kingship
and political organisation, religions and cosmological beliefs and so on. Much of this
information is relevant also for understanding the nature of Indian society at later
stages. We now therefore turn to what we learn from the Rigveda about the early
Vedic society.
Check Your Progress 1

) What are the four Vedas? Which Veda belongs specifically to the Early Vedic
period?
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
............................................................................................................................................
I

.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................

2) Is the theory of the Aryan invasion acceptable in the light of the archaeological
excavations? Give the arguments of the Archaeologists in 100 words.
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
..............................................................................................................................................

Kamesh Mechrocks
Evolntiou of Early Ldiapa 3) Write 'Yes' or 'No' against each sentence.
Wely: 2000 B.C to
1000 B.C. i) Our knowledge of Early Vedic period is based on only literary sources.
ii) The Vedas are essentially compilations of prayers and hymns offered to
various gods.
iii) The Avesta was the oldest Iranian text.
iv) The linguistic similarities between the Rigveda and the Avesta are enough
grounds to validate the notion of 'Aryan' migration into the Indian
subcontinent.

12.4 ECONOMY
The Early Vedic society was pastoral, cattle rearing being the dominant occupational
activity. A pastoral society relies more on its animal wealth than agricultural produce.
Pastoralism is a subsistence strategy adopted by people who live in areas where large
scale agriculture is not feasible due to some environmental and to a certain extent,
cultural constraints.

Hymns of the Rigveda yield extensive evidence of the importance of cattle in the
Early Vedic society. Many linguistic expressions in the Rigveda are associated with
the cow (gau). Cattle was the chief measure of wealth and a wealthy man who owned
many cattle was called 'gomat'. The terms used for conflicts and battles in this period
were gavishti, gavesana, gavyat, etc. The former literally means 'to search for cows'.
The terms themselves suggest that possession of cattle was the bone of contention
betwee goups and led to occasional inter-tribal fights and conflicts. The Panis, who.
were the enemies of the Vedic people, are stated in the Rigveda to have hidden their
wealth, mostly cows, in the mountains and forests. The Vedic god Indra was invoked
to release these cattle. This reference suggests that cattle raids were common. The
raja or the chief is called the 'gopati' or one who protects cows. In the Rigveda,
Godhuli is used as a term for a measure of time. Distance is called gavyuti. A
daughter is called duhitr or one who milks the cows. Kinship units are labelled as
gotra.

All these terms are derived from gau and suggest that social religions and all
important areas of Rigvedic life centred round the rearing of cows. Literary
references to pasture lands, cow pen, dairy products and domesticated animals are
also found in most of the hymns and prayers.

Compared to the very substantial linguistic evidence for cattle rearing in the Rigveda,
agricultural activities find very fem references. Most of the references to agriculture
are of a later date. Apart from 'Yava' or barley, no other grains are mentioned. The
Early Vedic people did not use iron technology. Copper, with which they were
familiar, did not have as much value in agricultural operations as iron implements.
Stone tools (like axes) were used and these are mentioned in the Rigveda. Fire was
used to burn down the forest cover and shifting agriculture was practised. Further,
the region under discussion receives low rainfall and alI the rivers mentioned in the
Rigveda i.e. the Satluj, Indus, Ghaggar, Ravi etc. are known to change their courses
frequently. Without the facilities of large-scale irrigation which were not developed in
this period, the alluvial lands near the rivers could not be cultivated on a permanent
basis. Thus the hoes, sickles and axes mentioned in the texts, were pr~bablyused for
slashing purposes or shifting cultivation. The evidence of pastoralism as well as
shifting cultivation suggests that the people were either nomadic or semi-nomadic.
They moved out of their villages with their herds for a certain period in order to feed
their cattle. The literary and the archaeological sources do show that the people did
not lead a fully sedentary life. The mobile character of the population is seen in the
term 'vis' which also implied a settlement. The suffixes Punar (vis), Upa (vis) and Pra
(vis) were constantly used, and the settlements were qualified by them to mean
settling near (asettlement), re-entering (a settlement) or coming back (to the
settlement).

Gift exchange and redistribution had an important economic role in the society.
Tribal conflicts led to the payment of tributes and prestations, i.e. bali, to the
victorious chiefs by the defeated or the subordinate groups. The rest of the clansmen
Kamesh Mechrocks
of the victorious tribe had a share in the spoils and booty won in the war. The chief
 also fed and gave gifts to his clansmen during ceremonial occasions. This was done The Vedic
by him to acquire prestige. Evidence of trade and commerce in Early Vedic society is
meagre. There was no concept of private property based on land-ownership.

C
0

12.5 SOCIETY
The Early Vedic Society was a tribal society, in which social relations based on
khd$p ties were predominant. The society was not divided according to caste lines,
and even the rajas (kings), the purohitas (priests), the artisans etc. were parts of the
* clan networks. The tribe was referred to as the jana srnd many references to the

different tribes are found in the Rigveda. Inter-tribal conflicts were frequent, an
example being the battle of the Ten .Kings mentioned in the Rigveda. Some of the
tribes, which fought in this battle were the Bharatas, the Purus, the Yadus, the
Druhyus, the Anus and the Turvasus. Tribal conflicts, as mentioned earlier, were
related to cattle raids, cattle thefts etc. The chief of the tribe was the raja or the
gopati. He was the leader in battle and the protector of the tribe. His office, was not
based on heredity, but he was selected from amongst the clansmen. The warrior
category was the "rajanya". Many clans (vis) formed a tribe. The clans settled in
villages or grama. The basic social unit was the Kula, or the family, and the Kulapa
i.e. 'one who protects the family' denoted the eldest male member or the head of the
family.

Tribe (Jana), Tribal Unit (Vis), Village (Grama), Family (Kula), Head of the
family (Kulapa).

Society was patriarchal. The birth of a son was the common desire of the people.
The importance given to the male members is reflected in the hymns, where the
desire for a son is a constant prayer.

Even though society was patriarchal, women had also important position in it. They
.were educated and they had access to the assemblies. There'are also instances of
women who composed hymns. They had a right to choose their partners, and could
marry late. However women were always thought to be dependent on their fathers,
brothers or husbands. Education was imparted orally, but the tradition of education
was not very well developed in this period.
/
The authors of the Rigveda distinguished themselves from other groups whom they
called Dasas and Dasyus. The Dasas are described as dark, full-lipped, snub-mosed,
worshippers of the phallus and of hostile speech. They were rich in cattle and lived in
fortified strongholds. We learn about another people called the Panis who were
wealthy in cattle treasures. The term Pani came to be associated with merchants and
wealth in the subsequent ages. These groups fought and befriended each other from
time to time and one cannot define them as separate racial or the linguistic groups.
or example the most famous chief mentioned in the Rigveda is Sudasa who led the
Bharata tribe in the battle of the ten kings. The Dasa ending in his name might
suggest some links with the Dasas. However, the presence of different groups in the
same area might have contributed to the emergence of the Varna system.

Various occupational groups such as those of weavers, smitb, carpenters, leather

workers, chariotmakers, priests etc. are also mentioned. The chariotmakers occupied
a special social status.There are no references to beggars, wage-earners or wages in
the Rigveda.However, society was economically stratified, and we do find references
to rich people possessing chariots, cattle, etc. and making generous gifts of them.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Evol~tlmd Fmb lndlsn Check Your Progress 2
Society: 2000 B.C. to
1000 B.C. 1) What do you understand by 'pastoral society'? Why was it the dominant
occupational activity of the Early Vedic people?.

2) What was the importance of cattle in the Early Vedic Society? Answer in 50
words.

3) Discuss five important characteristics of the Early Vedic Society? Write in 5

sentences.

4) Fill in the blanks with appropriate word.

i) In the early vedic society the Raja or the chief was called the
(Gomat/Gopati).
ii) The chief cause of occasional inter-tribal fights and comets of this period
was the possession of (Cattle/Land).
iii) Except (Yava/Rice) no other grains are mentioned in the Rigveda.
iv) The basic social unit was the (Kula/Clan).
v) The Early Vedic society was based on (Polygamy/Monogamy).

12.6 POLITY
The tribal polity was not completely egalita~ian.A division is found in the Rigveda
itself, which is seen in references of two groups-the Rajanyas, or those who fought
the wars, and are credited to be the senior linegage, and the rest of the clansmen or
the vis, who formed the junior lineage. Though noqe of the groups occupied a
distinct social hierarchy, constant conflicts aud inter-tribal wars helped to create a
division in the society. The @owingneeds for more pasture lands, cattle for the
protection of people and their settlement all probably contributed to an increase in
inter and intra-tribal conflicts and warfare. The clans held large yajnas or sadices to
help the warrior groups in the wars. In these yajnas the officiating priest or the
pwohita acted as the mediator between his clansmen and the gods. He also invoked
the gods' blesssings for the tribal chief, for his success in the wars. Initially, the whole
Kamesh Mechrocks
clan participated in these yajnas on an equal footing. Large scale disvibution of The
wealth, food, etc. was made during these sacrifices and members got an equal share.
But with the growing incidence of conflicts and fights, yajnas or sacrifices also
became important and the purohita assumed a special status in the society. In the
later part of our period, they received a major share of the gifts from the rajas, and
assumed a superior position vis-a-vis the other clan members.

The office of the raja also assumed importance on account of wars, etc. and the
division between the senior and the junior lineages became sharper. At what point of
time these political distinctions became apparent ii difficult to state, but we must
remember that the 10th book of the Rigveda contains the "Purusha-Sukta" hymn,
and in the Later Vedic texts we find evidence of the superior rajnaya groups,
assuming the status of the Kshatriya-a separate varna by itself. These developments
took place after 1000 B.C.This does not mean that the society was stagnant during
our period of study. In fact it was changing slowly but surely leading to the
development, in the Later Vedic phase, of a complex socio-political structure (see
Unit 13).
Tribal assemblies e.g. the Gana, Vidatha, Sabha and Samiti are mentioned in the
Rigveda. The Sabha may have been the council of select clan members and the
Samiti perhaps comprised the whole clan. These assemblies performed the functions
of the government and administration and were also involved in the selection of the
raja from amongst the clansmen. They thus kept the power of the wamors in check.
However, as stated before, though we do not find well defined political hierarchy in
the Early Vedic set up, the changes during the period gave rise to a socio-political
hierarchy which manifested itself in the origin of the Varna system during the "Later
Vedic phase". Early Vedic Society was governed by tribal values and norms and was
largely egalitarian.

12.7 RELIGION
The religious ideas of the Vedic people are reflected in the hymns of the Rigveda.
They venerated the natural forces around them (like wind, water, rain, thunder, fire
etc.) which they could not control, and invested nature with divinity conceived in
human forms, which were mostly masculine. Very few female dieties were venerated.
The religion thus reflected the patriarchal society and was that of primitive animism.

Indra was the god of strength, who was invoked to destory the enemies. He was the
god of thunder and was the rainmaker who was asked periodically to release the
water. He could not be vanquished. Thus thunder and rain (natural phenomena)
were related with strength, which was personified in a masculine form, represented in
the god Indra. The concept of a tribal chief, who was a war-lord is also found
represented in the character of Indra.

Agni, next in importance to Indra, was the god of fire. He was considered to be an
intermediary between heaven and earth i.e., between gods and men. He donimated
the domestic hearth and marriages were solemnized in his presence. Fire destroyed
dirt and germs, and hence Agni was considered to be pure. The importance of Agni
can be related to that of the yajna or sacrifice in the Early Vedic society. It was
supposed that the oblations offered to Agni were carried to the gods in the form of
smoke. Varuna personified water, and he was the upholder of the natural order of
the universe.

Yama was the god of death and had an important place in the Early Vedic religious
belief.

There were many other gods e.g. Surya, Soma (also a drink), Savitri, Rudra etc., and
hosts of celestial beings like Gandharvas, Apsaras, Maruts to whom prayers and
hymns were addressed in the Rigveda.

The Vedic religion was sacrificial. Sacrifices or yajnas were performed:

to invoke the gods
->Kamesh Mechrocks
in order to grant boons-either victory in battles
Evolotion of Early bdlrn or for acquisition of cattle, sons etc.
Sodety: ZOO0 B.C. to
1000 B.C.
We find some hymns dedicated to the power residing in the sacrificial implements,
especially to the sacrificial altar, to the stones used for pressing the Soma plant, to the
weapons of war, dnuns, mortars etc. Hymns and prayers were recited in these
sacrifices and genqally priests performed these yajnas. The growing importance of
sacrifices in the Vedic society resulted in the growing importance of priests as well.
The ritual of sacrifice also led to the growth and development in the knowledge of
mathematics and animal anatomy. Elementary mathematics was necessary to make
the calculations which were required to establish the positions of various objects in
the sacrificial area. Also, the frequent sacrifices of animals led to a knowledge of
their anatomy. For the Vedic people, the world grew out of a vast cosmic sacrifice
and was not maintained by the proper performance of sacrifice. Religion was not
based on magico-ritual formulae, rather it stressed direct communication with the
gods through sacrifices, hymns etc. Gods were not worshipped for the spiritual
upliftment of the peole, nor for any other abstract philosophical concept, but were
invoked to grant material gains.

Sacrificial religion is a religion of the pastoral people. Animal sacrifice is rampant in

the pastoral society, where the older animals who can no longer produce milk or
meat, or used for breeding purposes, i.e. those who are no longer economically
viable, are killed in order to lessen the burden on their owner. Hence animal sacrifice
was one way of destroying the old animals and thus had an important role in the
society. In the agrarian society however older animals are employed in the fields,
used for traction purposes and hence the destruction of animals is frowned upon by a
society which primarily depends on agricultural activities. Thus the Vedic religion
reflected the patriarchal pastoral society and was materialistic in perspective.

Check Your Progresa 3

1) What was the position of the Rajan in the Early Vedic polity? Answer in five.
sentences.

.............................................................................................................................................
the nature of religion of the Early Vedic pmple. Write In flw mtenw.
2) DIMCUM
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................

3) Read the following statements and mark right (J) or (X)

i) The 'Purohita' or priest had no special place in the society.
ii) The 'Sabha' and 'Samiti' had no power in the selection of the Raja..
iii) Indra, the god of strength, was the most important god of the Early Vedic
people.
iv) Gods were worshipped for the spiritual upliftment of the people.
v) Religion was not based on magico-fitual formulae.
-
12.8 LET US SUM UP
In this und you have learnt about literary and to some extent archaeological sources
Which help us h reconstruction of the Early Vedic societv. In the liaht nf the
Kamesh Mechrocks
archaeological sources it is difficult to accept the notion of a large-scale Aryan The Early Vcdlc Soclety
migration.

The Early Vedic economy was mainly pastoral and cow was the most important form
of wealth. Agriculture had secondary importance in the life of the Early Vedic
people.

The Early Vedic society was tribal and basically egalitarian. Clan and kinship
relations formed the basis of the society and family was the basic social unit. Social
divisions based on occupations had started but there was no caste division.
In the Early Vedic polity the tribal chief or the Rajan and the priest or the Purohita
had important positions. Among several tribal .assemblies the Sabha and the Samiti
played very important roles. Though there was no well-defined political hierarchy in
the Early Vedic set up, the tribal polity was not completely egalitarian.

The Early Vedic people personified the natural forces, e.g. wind, water, rain, etc. and
worshipped them as god. They worshipped god not through any abstract
philosophical concept but for material gains. There was growing importance of
sacrifices or yajnas in the Vedic religion.

What you must remember is that this society was not static but djnamic. Between
about 1500 B.C. and 1000 B.C. society was constantly evolving and newer element.
in the economic, social, political and religious sphere were operating to transform its
structure.

12.9 KEY WORDS

Artefacts: Something made by human being, e.g. a simple tool or weapon
archaeological interest.
Bali: Tributes and prestations paid to the victorious chiefs by the defeated groups.
Clan: Large family group, found in tribal communities.
Klnshlp: Relationship by blood.
Nomad: Member of a tribe that wanders from place to place and who has no fixed
home.
Bafrlarchy: Mde dominated family or tribe,
Anhbm: The attribution of a eoul to natural objects and phenomenon,
SeddedenCm: Settlm who do not settle in a place permanently and move to a
new settlement.
Shifting agriculture: After the use of a land for cultivation for,a short period, it is left
and fresh land is used.
Stratigraphy: Layers detected in the excavation. The basis for detecting these layers
could lie in the different soil types or different artefacts found in the excavated
profile. /

12.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) Rig, Sama, Yajur, Atharva. Rigveda
2) The archaeological sources do not support the theory of Aryan invasion or
migration. Your answer should include the arguments of the archaeologists
against the notion of large destruction of the Harappan civilization by the
Aryans, culture discontinuity between the late Harappan and the post-Harappan
chalcolithic period etc. See Section 12.3.
Kamesh Mechrocks 6
E v o l a h of Urly In- 3) i) No
Soddy: zoo0 B.C. 10
1000 B.C. ii) Yes
iii) Yes
iv) No

Check Your Progress 2

1) A society which is basically dependent on cattle wealth. Because large-scale
agriculture was not possible due to some environmental and cultural constraints.
See Sec. 12.4.
2) Cattle was the basic source of wealth in the Early Vedic society. You have to
write about the importance of cattle in different spheres of life. See Sec. 12.4
3) Your answer should include that it was a tribal society, society was patriarchal,
family was the basic social unit, caste division was not there etc. See Sec. 12.5

4) i) Gopati
ii) Cattle
iii) Yava
iv) Kulu
v) Monogamy

Check Your Progress 3

1) Your answer should include that Raja was the chief of the tribe, frequent wars
made him important, he was the protector of the tribe, his position was not
always hereditary, etc.'See Sec. 12.6

2) The Vedic people worshipped various forces of nature as god, stress was on
sacrifice but not on magico-ritual formulae, religion was based on material gains
etc. See Sec. 12.7

3) i) X
ii) x
iii) J
iv) X
v) 4

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 13 CHANGES IN THE LATER
VEDIC PHASE

Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Sources
13.2.1 Literary Sources
13.2.2 Archaeological Sources
Iron Technology and its Impact
The Nature of the Economy
13.4.1 Importance of Pastoralism Declines
13.4.2 Changes in the Functions of the Rituals
13.4.3 Emerging Importance of Land
Polity and Society
13.5.1 Polity
13.5.2 Society
Religion
13.6.1 Priestcraft
13.6.2 The Changing Gods
13.6.3 Folk Tradition
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

13.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit you will be able to know about:

the sources which enable us to study the later Vedic Society,

the changes in the social, political, economic and religious structure during the
later Vedic period, and
the economic and social implications of a change in technology with the
introduction of a new metal, i.e. iron.

13.1 INTRODUCTION
The period h c h you are going to study now extends roughly from 1000 B.C. to 600
B.C. By this period some of Vedic tribes had moved from the 'Sapta Sindhava'
region to the upper Ganga Valley and other adjacent regions.

During the period of this shift a number of changes in their social, political, economic
and religious structure took place. In this unit we shall be discussing the major
aspects of these changes.

13.2 SOURCES
We get both literary as well as archaeological sources to study this period.

13.2.1 Literary ~ources

The later additions specially the 10th Mandala to the Rigveda Samhita and the Sama,
the Yajur and the Atharva Veda samhitas are the other vedic texts which are
assigned to the later vedic phase. The Sama Veda samhita is a book of prayers and
chants which are from the Rigveda, modified and set to tune for the explicit purpose
of singing them during rituals.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Evolution of Eub Indian The Yajwvedalelaborates the rituals which accompanythe recitation of hymns.
Society: 2000 B.C. to The rituals and the hymns in this samhita document the social and political milieu
1000 B.C.
of this period.
The Artharvaveda contains the folk tradition of this period and represents popular
religion. It is a good source for understanding the socio-religious conditions of the
common people.

These Samhitas are followed by a series of texts called the Brahmanas, which are
commentaries on the Vedas. They explain the social and religious aspects of the
rituals and throw light on the Vedic society. Although it would be wrong to take any
period of early Indian history as the 'epic' period as such the two Sanskrit epics, the
Mahabharata and the Ramayana are rich in information on different aspects of early
Indian society. Historians believe that the core of what is reflzcted in these epics can
be traced to the later vedic phase. The geographical focus of the phase was on the
territories of the upper Ganga basin and the middle Ganga basin, although other
regions are also mentioned. In the epics also the major events took place in this
region. We must however remember that there is nothing to prove that the stories
narrated in the epics were actual historical events. Secondly both the epics took
centuries to reach their present shape. So there are many types of societies which we
may find reflected in the epics.

13.2.2 Archaeological Sources

The literary sources repeatedly refer to the areas of Western U.P., Haryana and
Rajasthan. The period assigned to the later vedic phase is circa 1000 B.C. to 600
B.C. Many communities and cultural groups are mentioned in the texts. Thus,
part~cularpottery forms cannot be identified with some tribe or group. However, in --
the same geographical region some agricultural communities flourished'in roughly the
same time bracket. These communities used a particular kind of pottery called the
Painted Grey Ware (PGW). Thus, these archaeological finds would reflect the
material conditions of the later vedic society.

More than 700 PGW sites have been found along the Upper Ganga Basin. Their
distribution extends from the dry beds of the river Ghaggar in Bahawalpur and
northern Rajasthan, to the watershed of the Indus and Ganges and the
Ganga-Yamuna Doab. The eastern limits of this ware is restricted to the northern
plains of the Ganges, as the site of Sravasti indicates. Some important PGW sites are
Atranjikhera, Ahichhatra, Noh, HastinapurdKurukshetra, Bhagwanpura and
Jakhera.

The Banas culture of southern Rajasthan, which has been dated from 2000- 1400
B.C.may have possibly extended to the Ganges Valley at around 800 B.C. Thus,
these Black and Red Ware users can also be related to the present period.
Archaeology does not document the eastward shift of the 'Vedic Aryans", a shift
which is suggested in the literary texts. Archaeology does not document any single
culture shifting eastwards. Thus there remains a large gap between the nature of the
literary and the archaeological sources. There is however the general point that the
later vedic society as well the society reflected in archaeology was a society which had
used iron.

Iron objects are comrnont to most of the PGW sites. The Carbon 14 dates from
Atranjikhera, Jodhpura and Noh suggest that in the context of the Gangetic plains
this metal was introduced around 1000-800 B.C.

The exploitation of the iron ore in Uttar Pradesh, Hirnachal and Punjab, and later in
South Bihar, was an indigenous phenomenon. The Rigveda mentions "ayas" which
may refer to Iron, though the archaeological evidence relates iron to the Later Vedic
period. Literary sources provide ample corroboration o f this. The Yajurvedit
qualifies "ayas" as Syama ayas, and the Brahamanas speak of Krishna ayas. Both the
words refer to a black metal which means Iron.

Recent excavations suggest that the megalithic people of south India too were
familiar with uon technologty. Hence we can no longer talk in terms of the
introduction of uon technology into the Indian subcontinent by the migrant Aryans.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Changes in The Later
13.3 IRON TECHNOLOGY AND ITS IMPACT Vedic Phase

An important question to be asked here is: does the knowledge of iron lead to any
advancement in the metal technology of the period? Similarly one would also like to
know the extent to which the introduction of a new technology changes the material
milieu of the society. '

The evidence of the LaterVedicjperiad suggests a transition from a pastoral society to

a sendentary agrarian society. It was earlier suggested that the socketed axes made of
iron were extensively used to clear the forests and the Gangetic Doab for permanent
cultivation. It was also believed that iron tipped ploughshares and hoes increased the
efficiency of the agricultural implements which furthered agricultural activities. Thus
scholars believed that the knowledge of Iron technology was an important factor for
the development of agrarian economy. However, we now know that the Later Vedic
period was neither purely agrarian, nor was it well advanced in iron technology. The
rich iron ore mines of Bihar were still not exploited and the technology of smelting
iron was primitive.

The objects which are found in the excavations are iron tipped arrowheads,
spearheads, etc. i.e. weapons of which the largest number comes from the Ahichhatra
excavations. Sickles, hoes, axes are rarely found in the excavations. One'ploughshare
, has been reported from Jakhera which probably belongs to the end of this period.
Thus, from the excavations, it appears that.the use of iron was restricted to making
weapons. Iron did not influence the agricultural technology until the second half of
the first millennium B.C. when the marshlands and monsoon forests in the middle
Gangetic valley were gradually cleared.

In the Later Vedic period, clearing of forests by burning was carried out in the upper
Doab. We have the description of the burning of the Khandavavana in the
Mahabharata to establish the city of Indraprastha. Iron tipped weapons and horse
chariots helped military activities which were rampant in this period and have been
extensively documented in the Mahabharata. However, in subsistence related
activities, iron technololgy had practically no role.
Check Your Progress 1
1) Tick (d) the right sentence.
i) We can definitelysay that the Vedic society shifted eastwards.
ii) It is impossible to say that the Vedic society shifted eastwards.
iii) We can guess that the Vedic society shifted eastwards.
iv) None of the above.
2) Through Athamaveda: ( J ) the right sentence.
i) We can understand the folk traditions of the Later Vedic period.
ii) We can understand only the elite tradition of the Later Vedic society.
iii) We can understand athe socio-religious conditions of the common people.
iv) Both (i) and (ii).
3) In the later vedic period: Tick (4) the right sentence.
i) Iron technology was mostly used for agriculture.
ii) Iron technology was mostly used for weapons of war.
iii) Iron techonologjl was not there at all.
iv) Steel was W i g used.
4) Write in fifty words the impact iron technology had on L.ate*edic society.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Evolutloo of brty Indlrn
Society: 2000 B.C. to
I000 B.C.
13.4 THE NATURE OF THE ECONOMY

The growth of agriculture in the Later Vedic period was made possible by the
availabiity of vast tracts of fertile alluvial lands of the Ganga-Yamuna Doab and the
middle Ganga valley-an area which was slowly settIed throughout the first
millennium B.C. However, the later vedic texts reflect the continued importance of
pastoralism.

Both archaeological and literary sources document the introduction of rice as the
staple diet of the people. The PGW and Banas culture yield charred grains of rice
from the excavated sites. The Vedic texts mention Vrihi, Tandula and Sali, all
denoting rice. It appears that cropping was practised now, and the fields grew both
barley and rice. The elaborate sacrifices of this period, e.g. the rajasuya, include .
offerings of grain along with milk, ghee and animals. The twelve sacrifices prescribed
in the Atharvaveda for acquiring material benefits recommend the gifts of cows,
calves, oxen, gold, cooked rice, thatched houses and well cultivated fields to the
brahmanas. The items of the offerings are a clear indication of the growing
importance of sedentary settlements and agriculture. Later Vedic texts also refer to
eight, twelve and even twenty four oxen yoked to the plough. Though the number of
oxen mentioned is possible symbolic, the reference suggests that plough cultivation
was familiar in this period.

13.4.1 Importance of Pastoralism Declines

Pastoralism was no longer the main subsistence activity of the people as it was in the
Early Vedic period. Mixed farming which included cultivation and herding was the
occupational norm of this period. Agricultural activities in this phase were not labour
intensive. The sites from where rice remains are found in the excavations are located
on the elevated areas of the Doab. This suggests that wet rice cultivation which is
labour intensive was not practised as yet.

Mixed farming led to the rise of sedentary settlements. The PGW deposits are
generally 2 to 3 m. deep and indicate that people were living in the same spot for a
long time. At B h a k p u r a and Jakhera, the excavations show that the earlier phase
of circular huts made of wattle and daub or wood were replaced in this period by
more substantial houses with earth walls. Thus durable materials were being used for
house construction owing to the adoption of a sedentary life style.

13.4.2 Changes in the Functions of the Rituals

In the Early Vedic society rituals were performed to bring about the welfare of the
entire tribe. Gods were worshipped for ensuring victory over other tribes, granting
cattle and sons. It was also an occasion for the chiefs to distribute wealth. In the Later
Vedic society the function of the rituals underwent a subtle change. Rituals became
much more complicated which could continue for years. Thus only the rich could
perform them. The spirit of collectivity was reduced. Sacrifices were performed to
ensure control over rest of the tribe. Gifts were no longer given to the entire tribe.
Rather the chief gave gifts to the Brahmans who performed sacrificesfor him.The
rituals were so complicated that it needed expert Brahmans to perform it since a
wrong incantation could bring disaster to the performer. The performer of sacrifices
was supposed to grant super-human status to the chiefs meaning that they were
superior to rest of the tribe. For this service the chief passed on a large part of his
wealth to the Brahman priest. Thus, the rituals became a mechanism for ensuring the
material and spiritual superiority of the chiefs and the Brahmans.

13.4.3 Emerging Importance of Land

Land was cultivated through family labour and the help of domestic servants and
slaves. In this period, initially land was owned by the clan or the vis. When clan
ownership gradually changed to family ownership the gnhapati or householder
became a man of wealth. The vaisyas (those who originally belonged to the vis) were
the producing class in the society and they became the source of wealth and
subsistence for the Kshatriyas and the1Brahmanas who did not actively participate in
Kamesh Mechrocks
 food production. The vaisyas had to give prestations to the Kshatriyas in lieu of the Changes in The Later
Vedic Phase
latter protecting thek lands, and dana and dakshina to the priests for thelr moral
upliftment. The vis/vaisya, charapterizing the householding economy, became the
mainstay of economy. Prestations and dana to the non-producing classes helped in
the distribution of subsistence goods. There are no references to the sale of land.
Visvakarma Bhauvana, a ruler, was rebuked by Prithvi (the earth) when he tried to
make a grant of land. This textual reference suggests communal ownersh~pof land
over which the vis had major participatory rights.

13.5 POLITY AND SOCETY

The transition from a predominantly pastoral to a mixed farming economy had a
great impact on the character of theLaterVedic society and polity. The main trends
of changes were :
Tribal identity of the Early Vedic society gradually gave way to territorial identity
and consequently the nature of chiefship changed.
The social structure which was based on relations within a clan and was largely
egalitarian in the Early Vedic period became much more complex. This type of
society is marked by inequality. Even the same clan was divided into groups, some
of which could have high status in society and some low status.

13.5.1 Polity
Jana was used in the sense of people or tribe in the Rigvedic period, but now the
concept of janapada emerged. Janapada meant the area where the tribe settled. The
word rashtra was also used for the fust time in the LaterVedic texts. However, it was
still not used in the sense of a state with well defined territories.

The Kurus, who were formed from the union between two major Vedic tribes-the
Bharatas and the Purus, are mentioned in texts as occupying the area in the u p ~ r
portion of the Ganga-Yamuna Doab. Similarly, the Panchalas are mentioned as
people who occupied the middle portion of the Doab, called the Panchala desa. This
indicates that tribal identities were merging with territorial identities. It is also stated
that when the Kurus and the Panchalas came together, their authority over the upper
and middle reaches of the Ganga-Yhuna Doab was complete. These changes in the
relationship between the Jana and the area over which it wielded control helped
towards the formation of the mahajaaapadas and janapadas by the 6th century B.C.
(see Block 4).

M b a l CMefs and Waniora: When tribal groups came to be associated and

identified with particular territories, it also brought about a change in the status and
functions of the tribal chiefs. The rajan or the chief was no longer involved only in
cattle raids but emerged as the protector of the territory where his tribesmep settled.
The rajanya which already was a superior lineage during the Rigvedicl period,, nowb
became the 'Kshatriya' i,e. those who held power over dominions, which is the litetal
meaning of the word 'Kshatriya'. The Kshatriya class based their power on their role
t as the protector of their tribes and the land over which their tribes settled. The "visn
I had to pay prestations to the Kshatriya, in lieu of the latter's p r o e o n and thus the
b status of the vis was progressively subordinated to the Kshatriya lineage. Bali and
Bhaga no longer meant prestations given at will, but gradually assumed the forms of
regular tributes and taxes.

I Tribal Assemblies: The change in the status of the Kshatriya or the warrior class is
also reflected in the changing nature of the tribal assemblies. The sabha became more
important than the samiti during this period.

Reference to rajas in the assembly or the sabha suggests that they helped the king in
his duties. The office of the raja or the chief was not based solely on birth but the
choice of rajafaas restricted to the Kshatriyas.
I
I Raja's Legi&nacy: In the absence of firmly established principles of heredity and
i
b Kamesh Mechrocks
primogsni.tur~,consecrator) rituals became very important for the ruler io order to
Ev* d Euty In& assert this authority. Hence, ceremonial sacrifices like rajasuya, asvamedha and
sodety: 2000 B.C. io vajapeya were performed on lavish scale. In the Rigvedic period, the amamedha
1000 B.C.
yajna was a small affair. But in this period, this was performed to subjugate other
areas rind legitimize the ruler's hold over alien lands. The other yajnas included
prayers for the rulers' health and all three were in essence legitimizing methods,
employed by the raja to proclaim his superiority and power. For instance the
sacrificer was proclaimed as a ~ a j in
a the course of the rajasuya. These: sacrifices were
found to be of relevance in later periods also when new kingdoms and1 new monarchs
emerged. They used sacrifices to give religions legitimacy to their power.

The raja was also required to tntegrate his temtory with resources, ec~onomic
production end distributic u hich enhanced his status considerably from a mere
11.

raider, or a leader of h;it! I1 However, he was not yet the sovereign. 'Ihe fact that he
\

was elected and coultf I\L removed put severe constraints on him, since he was
answerable to the cl'in Also, he did not appoint the other rajas who lhelped him with
his dpties. They wcre chiefs in their own right. What is important is that the
Kshatriya lineage gained a distinctly superior status during this period., the reason
being that the concept of temtorial identity was established now. Thus tttmtory
became the physical manifestation of the ruler's power to rule.

Tribal Conflicts: The nature of the intra-tribal conflicts ,d conflicts within tribes
also changed. Fights were no longer mere skirmishes over cattle, now the acquisition
of land was an1 important element in these disputes. The necessity of irkcreasing
territory can be connected with the growth of population within the tribes. Iron
weapons and light wheeled chariots driven by horses raised the efficiency of the
fighters. The Mahabharata depicts an intra-clan warfare between the Kauravas and
the Pandavas of the Kuru clan.

The Priest: With the rising importance of the rajanya Kshatriya, the Brahmanas too
became impcjrtant since they legitimized the office of the ruler througll the
consenator-rituals. The redistribution of wealth through dana and dakshina on such
occasions was primarily from the Kshatriya yajamana to the brahmana priests. The
elaborate consecratory rituals suggest that initially the power of the raja was not so
s4cure and hence he had to provide proof of his ability to rule. 'Tbe status of the
officiating priests became at par with the gods, in the later period. It MISfelt that the
gods had to be propitiated with yajnas and the officiating brahmana had to be
satiated with dana. Thus the channel of redistribution was between thehe two higher
status grougm, and political supremacy was slowly becoming the domiun of the
Kshatrip.
13.5.2 Sodety
We have already read about the declining status of the vis and the asccnclancy of.the
Kshatriyas and the Brahmanas. Society was thus composed of unequal groups.

This hymn deaibes the origin of the four varnas, i.e. Brab,mana, Kshatriya, Vaisya
and the Sudra,fiom the body of the universal creator, Rajapati. The 'Hymn of the
Primeval Man' comes from the later portion of the Rigvexla. Thus hymn for the M
time descr~hes the origin of the four varnas. It says.......

"When they divided the Man, into how many parts did they divide him? What
was his mouth, what were his arms, what were his thighs and his feet called?

"The Brahman was his mouth, of his arms made tbie Kshatriya, his thigh
r)
became the Vaisya, of his feet the Sudra was born".
The symbolism which is projected in these hymns is that Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaisya
and Sudra are limbs of the society. However, these h i b s did not have equal status.
TheBrahman was compared to the head whereas the Sihudra was compared to the
feet, In social life Brahmans were considered the highest Vama because society could
communicate with gods with the help of Brahmans only. The Sudras on the other
hand performed menial tasks and included slaves captrured in wars.
Cwcept of Varna: The system of vama had the follolwing features:
Kamesh Mechrocks
a) status by birth
 C

b) a hierarchical ordering of the varnas (Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaisya, Sudra) with

Brahmana at the top and Sudra at the base).
c) rules of endogamy and ritual purity.
The Varna system is further tied with the concept of hah ha i.e. universal law, and
the varna dharma was an attempt to establish a social law for a systematic functioning
of the sqdety. However, the varnaaarma system was not properly developed in the
Later Vedic society
I

The division of social groups was based on occupation alone, and society was
still flexible, where one's occupatios did not depend on birth.

Even in the later times i.e., post-Vedic, the varnadhanna described the ritual status of
each group. The varna system did not prevent the non-kshatriyas from claiming
kshatriya status and becoming rulers (examples being the Nandas and the Mauryas)
nor brahmanas from claiming political suzerainity (e.g. the S u n b kings). (You will
read about these in Block 5.)

Tbus the theoretical model of the varna system could never be rigidly enforced in the
post-Vedic period.

It is Likely that during the LaterVedic period, with the shift in the geographical focus,
the Vedic people encountered many non-Vedic tribes and considerable interaction
must helped formation of a composite society. At least the Atharvaveda depicts a
host of non-Vedic religious practices which were sanctioned by the priests. However,
tribal endogamy W u g h strict marriage rules, was the aim in order to maintain the
purity of the tribe. Also, the growing impbrtance of the kshatriyas and the brahmanas
in the society made it imperative to main* their exclusive superior status, as
compared to the rest. During the LaterVedic period however, the concept of varna
was rudimentary in nature. 'The notion of untouchability for instance is absent.

Gotn: The institution of gotra (literally meaning-cow pen) appeared during this
period. As against tribal endogamy (maniage within tribe) people ~ractisedgotra
exogamy (marrying outside the gotra). Gotra signified descent from a common
ancestor and marriages could not take place between couples belonging to the same
gem.
F-: The patriarchal family was well established and the grihapati acquired a
* e p d 8tatus.Sice householding economy was gaining predominance, the podtion of
the householder too aqukcd economic importance. The rights on land were based
on usage, and communal ownenhip of land prevailed. The grihapatis were wealthy
end their ritual role was that of a yajamma (i.e. he who orders sacrifice). Their
wealth did not came from gifts, but was produced by their own efforts. Through
yajnas, which they were bound to perform to gain merit, a part of their wealth got
channcltad to the brahutanas. Despite the presence of some women philosopheres
and the references to a few queens participating in the coronation rituals, women
were considered subordinate to mep, and were not involved in any major decision
maling.
Tbree stage8 of life: Three ashramas, i.e. stages of life were prescribed and these
stages were represented by the brahmachari (studentship), grihastha (householder),
vanaprasthi (partial retirement from householding life by living in the forest). It
seems that the fourth i.e. the sanyasa (or complete retirement from - 4 v e
participation in the world) stage of life was not known till the time that the
upanishada were written. The sanyasis or the ascetics in later periods were individuals
who protested either passively or actively against the Vedic social structure.

Check Your Progress 2

1) In the Later Vedic period: Tick (J) the right statement.
i) pastoralism can be said to be the main subsistence activity.
ii) mixed fanning which included cultivation and herding were the main
subsistence activity.
iii) only labour intensive agriculture was practised.
iv) industry was the main activity.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Evolution of Ehrly Indian '
2) In the Later Vedic period: Tick (J)the right statement.
Society: ZOO0 B.C. to
1000 B.C. i) tribe was the only basis for organising the society.
ii) land became more important and tribe ownership of land gradually changed
to familly ownership.
iii) the ownership of land was outside the tribe
iv) none of these
3) During the Later Vedic period: Tick fJ) the right statement.
i) sabha became more important than sarniti.
ii) samiti became more important than sabha.
iii) the importance of both sabha and samity declined.
iv) none of the above.
4) The Later Vedic period people, tick CJ) the right statement.
i) began to marry within their own gotra.
ii) married outside their gotra.
iii) did not care whether they married within their own gotra or not.
iv) none of the above,
5) What was the family in t h e h t e f ~ e d i c ~ h a s Answer
e? in about fifty words.

13.6 RELIGION
The texts of this period indicate two different religious traditions:
the Vedic, which is documented in the Sama and Yajweda. samhitas and the
Brahmans, and
the non-vedic or perhaps the folk tradition extensively documented in the
Atharvaveda.

The fact that the Athwan religious tradition was considerd to be part of the Vedic
suggests assimilation of different cultura and beliefs into the V$c religious system.
The Yajurveda Samhita and Brahmanas document the s a d d a l religion of the
period. Sacrifices became very important during this period and they assumed both a
public and private charactet. The public sacrifices e.g. the Rajsuyas, Vajapeya,
Asvamedha were conducted on a massive scale, where the whole community L
participated. Some of the rituals performed in these sacrifices show elements of a
fertility cult. For instance the Asvamedha yajna required the chief queen to lie next
to the sacrificial horse, where the queen represented the earth, and this ritual was
thought to ensure the prosperity fo the king. A number of agricultural rituals were
performed in the Rajasuya and the Vajapeya yajna. The periodical rejuvenation of
the earth and its fertility are some of the themes which were included in the
ceremonial yajnas.

13.6.1 Priestcraft
Later vedic texts reveal the elaboration of rituals which were complicated and needed
professional men, trained in the art of performing them. Vidhis or rules for
performing the sacrifices were formulated aqd the Vedic sacrifices no longer meant
simple offering of food/obInrtions in to the fire. The types of offering, types of ,
sacrifices etc. differed according to the needs of the patron or the yajamana.
S a d c e s were now endowed with mystical symbolism and every ritual act was
endowed by mysterious power. A new science of priestcraft emerged because of the
complexities involved in the performance of these yajnas whether private or public.
Thus a class of priests became specialists in the performances of Yajqas. There were
Kamesh Mechrocks
even different sets of priests for performing different stages of the same sacrificial Changes in The Later
ritual. Vedic Phase

13.6.2 The Changing Gods

Two prominent EarlyVedic gods, Indra and Agni lost their importance. Prajapati the
creator became important.This phenomenon also represents the importance of
sedentism now, since creation myths are important in the agrarian groups. Ruddra, a
minor deity in the Rigveda, became important now and Vishnu was conceived as the
creator and protector of the rmiverse. Pushan who protected cattle in the former
period now became the god of the Sudras.The changing status of the deities are in
indication of the change in the character of the tribes from pastoral groups to
sedentary agriculturist groups. The Early Vedic gods who represented natural
phenomena were slowly discarded and the personification of;natural elements as
divine beings became very complex. It was no longer easy to find the natural element
which represented a particular god from the hymns of the Later Vedic period.

13.6.3 Folk Tradition

The Atharvaveda is a mine of information regarding the folk tradition. Its contents
are radically different from the Vedic sacrificial religion and it is concerned more
with magic. The contents of this Veda cover different aspects of human life. The
hymns deal with:
the cure for diseases
prayers for health
charms for the prosperity of home and children
cattle and fields
charms to produce harmony
charms concerned with love and marriage or conversely rivalry and jealousy etc.

The Atharvaveda thus documents the kinds of superstition and beliefs which were
prevalent. The term Atharvan indcates a magical formula and the Atharvan priests
officiated in this religion. Gods of the Vedic tradition were invoked but the reasons
for which they were invoked were trivial and individualistc. Many godlings and spirits
such as pisacas, rakshasas and so on (some malevolent and some benevolent), were
invoked either to bring good fortune or to cause havoc and destruction to one's
friends and foes respectively. The invocations and the chants related to the domestic
and the household and were close to the daily cycles of existence of the common
man.

For example, Indr8 was asked to kill the houserobber, the worm in the body and the
wolf devil. The Asvins were entrusted with the protection of agriculture and the
killing of rats. Savitri was summoned to fix a place where a new home could be built.
Pusan was invoked to bring harmony and safe delivery of babies, while Surya was
invoked to remove demons.

Towards the end of this period, a strong reaction against the priestly domination and
against the complexities involved in the yajnas resulted in the formulation of a
philosophical doctrine which is enunciated in the Upanisads. These texts emphasized
the knowledge of the atma or the soul as against ritualistic practices and the wasteful
expenditure which accompanied sacrifices. Thus the materialistic aspect of the
religion was discarded and religion was raised to the realm of philosophy. The
Upanisads emphasized the changelessness and indestructability of the soul which in a
way seemed to emphasize the need for stability and integration in a period when the
janapadas and mahajanapadas, i.e. republics and monarchies were emerging.

Thus we find that a great change in religious beliefs and practices had taken place
between the Early Vedic and the Later Vedic period.(This change was partly related to
the shift from pastoralism to agriculture. The religious changes of this period parallel
and reflect the socio-political and economic changes that had taken place from the
Early Vedic to the Later Vedic phase.

Check Your Progress 3

1) In the Later Vedic period: Tick (J)the right statement.
i) public and private sacrifices became very important.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 a~~ u rmm
mohti~ r 2) sacrifices had no role.
Society: 2000 B.C. to
1000 B.C. iii) saaifices became important because priests came to play an important role.
iv) both (i) and (iii).
2) It can be said that: !Tick(J) the right statement.
i) the important h e r Vedic and Early Vedic gods were the same.
ii) the important Later Vedic and Early Vedic gods were the different.
iii) the gods in Later Vedic period reflkcted the change in the character of society
from nomadic to a settled one.
iv) both (ii) and (iii).
3) What does the changing status of gods in Later Vedic phase indicate? Answer in
about 50 words.

13.7 LET US SUM UP

In this unit you got to know:
that the Vedic society was changing from pastoral later nomadic lifestyle to a
settled agricultural society but iron was yet to play an important role in agriculture
that in the process well dehned political units were established, laws were c d e d
and a distinct social stratification emerged.
that the vedic and the folk religious tradition of this period were increasingly
coming together while maintaining their identity.
that in this process of change some minor gods of early vedic period e.g. Rudra,
became more important while the earlier important gods e.g. Indra became less
important.
that both the literary and archaeological sources of this period have to be read
together to get an overall picture of the period.

13.8 KEY WORDS

Consecration: The process of giving importance or legitimacy.
Doable Cropping: To grow two crops on one piece of land simultan&ly.
hdogarny: Manying within e.g. within a tribe, caste or a gotra etc.
Exogamy: Marriage outside e.g. a caste, gotra etc.
Fertility Cult: A ritual/religious practice where human birth or process of birth is . .

emphasised.
Folk Tradition: Traditions of the common people.
Gift Economy: An economy in which gifts play an important role in maintaining its
institutions.
Labour Intensive: An activity where labour or m apower is ased relatively more
than technology.
Sedentary: Stationawor remaining at one place.
Stratitication: Division in to levels; e.g. social stratificatio- means division of society
in to different kinds according to some criteria e.g. caste, wealth etc.
Sub\isteocr A a i \ i h : A r t ~ ~ relat~ng , ~ x r dfarnimg In th13
~ t y 1 0 econurnrc w r v ~ v a l m
caw Kamesh Mechrocks
1 Prestation: Service or offering required by custom or promise.

U.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
I

Check Your Progress 1

1) ii)
2) iv)
3j iij ..
4) See Section 13.3.Your answer should comment on whether iron had become
important for war or daily use and why?

Check Your Progress 2

1) ii)
2) ii)
3) i)
4) ii)
5) See Sub-sec. 13.5.2.Your answer should comment on importance of the family,
importance of householder, position of women in family.

Check Your Progress 3

. 1) iv)
2j ivj
3)' See Sub-sec. 13.6.2.Your answer could comment on whether the new gods
indicated a new kind of society.

SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

Bridget and Raymond Allchin m e R k of Civihhtionsin India and
Pakistan,New Delhi, 1988.
D.P. Agrawal and D.K. Chakravarti (ED) Essays iu M a n A.o'tohhfory,New
Delhi, 1979.
H.D.Sankalia Pmhkfaryand Rotoh&tory of India
and Pakistan9Poona, 1962.
D.D. Kosambi, m e Cutwe and C?:vilizationof
Anuent hdia in Hikton'cal Outline,
New Delhi, 1987.
D.N.Jha Ancient India: An Introductory
Outline9New Delhi, 1986.
AL.Basham m e Wonder that was lada,New Delhi,
1986.
Romila Thapar &tory of Inda, Vol. I New Delhi,
1983.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 14 JANAPADAS AND THE

Structure
14.0 Objectives
14.1 Introduction
14.2 The Vedic Age and the Sixth Century B.C.
14.3 Our Sources of Information
14.4 Units of Settlement-] : The Janapada
14.5 Emergence of New Groups
14.5.1 Gahapati
14.5.2 Merchants
14.5.3 Ruler and the Ruled
14.6 Units of Setdement-11: The Mahajanapada
14.6.1 The Story of Jivaka
14.6.2 Villages
14.6.3 Towns and Cities
14.7 The Sixteen Mahajanapadas
14.8 Let Us Sum Up
14.9 Key Words
14.10 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

14.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you will be able to:
distinguish between the society of the sixth century B.C. and that of the earlier period,
learn about the emergence of new groups in the society during the sixth century B.C., and
get a detailed information about the various Janapadas and Mahajanapadas which came
into prominence.

14.1 INTRODUCTION
You must have observed this fact that people around you speak the same language. Not only
this, the entire region seems to celebrate the same festivals. The people of the entire region
tend to have similarities in their marriage customs too. The fwd they cook win also be
similar. How did areas having cultural homogeneity come into existence? The beginnings of
this process go back to the emergence of Janapadas. The emergence of Janapadas signified
the birth of geography in Indian history. Remember, when we discussed the Vedic society
we did not talk abdut specific geographical regions. That was because people were not
attached to any area. With the settlements of agriculturists coming up, the settlers
formed enduring ties with their surrounding landscape. They observed the hills and rivers,
birds and animals and fruits that were found in that area. Not only this, this was the time
when they learnt to call a particular geographical space as their own. This geographical
space was separated from those of the other communities (Janapadas)who might be friendly
or hostile to them. These Janapadas characterised by cohesion inside and separation from the
outside world, proved to be a seminal development in ancient India. These units or
Janapadas became the centres for the development of uniform language. customs and
beliefs.

14.2 THE VEDIC AGE AND THE SIXTH CENTURY B.C.

When we talk about Janapadas, we have to refer to a number of things associated with the
emergence of the Janapadas. Since the Janapadas are known from a h u t the sixth century
Kamesh Mechrocks
B.C.. we can say that in the regions in which the Janapadas of this period are found. many
India: 6th to& Century B.C. changes took a concrete shape. Villages. towns and clties were the units where the people
lived in a Janapada. You may have noticed that when we discussed various aspects of early
Vedic and later Vedic soc~etywe did not refer~opeople living in such varieties of
settlements as villages, towns and cities. although they did live in modest settlements.
Further, this was the time when kings and monarchs emerged on the stage of history. This
was also the age of intense philosophical speculation. Buddhism. Jainism and many other
heterodox sects emerged during this period. Monks. monarchs and merchants crowd the
canvas of history. Thus in various respects the period that we shall be studying now
(approximately 6th century B.C. to 4th century B.C.) will reveal to us the changes that
continued to take place in Indian society after what we discussed in Block 3.

14.3 OUR SOURCES OF INFORMATION

We find information about the Janapadas and the Mahajanapadas from some Vedic and the
Buddhist texts. The Brahmanas refer to a category of Vedic texts which deal with the
methods of performing Vedic rituals. Similarly, the Upanishadas dealing with philosophical
problems are also considered a pan of the Vedic literature. These texts were composed from
800 B.C. onwards. They refer to many Janapadas and Mahajrmapadas and provide us
insights into the.settlement of agricuttural communities. Another category of sburces
providing us information about thisperiod are the texts composed by the Buddhists. The
Vinaya Pitaka dealing with the rules of the order, the Sutta Pitaka a collection of
Buddha's sermons and the Abhidhamma Pitaka discussing problems of metaphysics. fell
us about the preachers, princes, rich, poor and towns and villages of that period. The
Jatakas dealing with the stories of the previous births of the Buddha are part of the Sutta
Pitaka. They give us graphic descriptions of the contemporary society. These texts have
clear references to various regions and geographical divisions. The archaeologists also
contribute to our understanding of this period. They have dug up various places like
Ahichchhatra, Hastinapur. Kausambi and Ujjaini, Sravasti, Vaisali and many more which
are mentioned in the texts of this period. They have discovered the remains of the houses,
buildings, towns and objects used by the people. For example, the archaeological finds from
this period indicate the use of a deluxe pottery called the NBPW to which reference has
already been made in Block 3. In the settlements of the previous period, the people either
did not know the use of iron or used it sparingly. In the 6th century B.C. people were using
iron tools on a large scale. Prosperous agricultural settlements and towns have also been
reported in the excavations. Thus, the archaeological and literary sources put together
provide us with a more complete picture of the Indian society between the 6th and the 4th
centuries B.C.

14.4 UNITS OF SETTLEMENT-I: THE JANAPADA

The contemporary texts indicate that changes in society and economy were taking place in a
well defined geographical space. The literature relating to the period that we are discussing
refers to various kinds of,units of settlement. They are referred to as Mahajanapada.
Janapada, Nagara, Nigama, Grama etc. Let us first see what the Janapadas were.
Janapada, literally meaning the place where the people place their feet, is often referred toin
the texts of this period. You remember the meaning of Jana. In the Vedic society. it referred
to members of a clan. In the~earlyVedic society the members of Jana were pastoral groups
roaming in search of pastures. However. in the later Vedic phase the ilieinbrrs of Jana took
up agriculture and began to settle down. These agricultural settlements were called
Janapadas. In the initial phases these settlements were nanled after the dominant Kshntriya
lineages settled in that area. For example, the areas around Delhi and upper U.P. were
known as the.Kun! and Panchal Janapadas after the names of the dominant Kshatriya
lineages. Once they settled down in one place there was all expansion of agriculture,
especially with the use of iron axes and plough shares. These iron tools could clear the
forests and dig deeper than the stoAe or copper tools available to the agriculturists df the
preceding centuries. The middle Gangetic Valley i.e. the area east of Allahabad was suited
to wet rice cultivation. Rice yields are higher than wheat yields per acre. All this would lead
to gradual agricultural expansion as also growth of population. The chiefs of the lineages. at
war with each other. had more to loot and defend. This was because besides cattle. now
Kamesh Mechrocks
--_1-..1..-_- 1 --A -.L-- .- .. .~ :
. I . - , ~ L m -:-
8 .:.---:-:.. --..~
-L - L . ----.~
of agricultural expansion, war and conquest the Vedic tribes had come in closer contact with Janapadas and the Mahajanapadas
each other, and with the non-Aryan population. This in fact had led to the formation of
larger territorial entities. For example, the Panchalas represented the coming together of five
smaller tribes.

Some of the Janapadas were to develop into Mahajanapadas by the sixth century B.C. This
happened as a result of a series of changes in the internal socio-political structure of the
Janapadas. One such important change was the expansion of agricultural communities. This
is indicated by the fact th:t the contemporary texts list agricultural land as a very important
economic asset. These texts discuss the varieties of rice in as much details as did the Vedic
texts discuss the varieties of cows. Let us see what the changes were.

14.5 EMERGENCE OF NEW GROUPS

One very important change was the emergence of new categories and groups of people in
the society. Let us look at this aspect in some details.

14.5.1 Gahapati
A Gahapati was the master of an individual household which owned land. A Brahman
Gahapati is said to have owned so much of land that he needed five hundred ploughs to get
it cultivated. In the later Vedic society it was the 'Vis' which performed agricultural
activities. Land was jointly owned by the lineage. With the emergence of agricultural
society land became an important form of wealth. As such the ruling clans of the Kshatriyas
and Brahmanas brought it under their control. Out of these groups emerged the Gahapati,
who signified the disintegration of joint ownership and the emergence of big individual
landowners. The Gahapatis got their land cultivated by slaves (dasa), hired labourers
(karmakara) and Shudras. People captured during war were made slaves. The
impoverished members of the tribe also joined the ranks of the labourers. The use of
dependent labour was indicative of the emergence of a deprived class whose labour was
being used to'produce surplus food. The product of the land would not go to the Sudra or the
dasa but to the master i.e. the Gahapati.

14.5.2 ' Merchants

It was possiply from the ranks of the Gahapatis that an important class of traders emerged.
Through the sale of their produce they built up a certain amount of capital which was used
for trading. The word frequently used for trader in the Buddhist sources is Setthi, meaning
'a person having the best'. It shows that the people who dealt with money matters had
acquired considerable prestige and power. The Brahmanical sources generally looked down
on trading and the vaisyas, who were generally associated with trading. However, by the
sixth century B.C. trade and merchandise became an independant sphere of economic
activity. The traders lived in cities and their emergence is related to the emergence of towns
and cities in the period. These merchants traded over very large areas. By trading among
different principalities they created a possibility for kings to try and control larger areas
visited by merchants..Thus by the sixth century B.C. a class of free peasants and merchants
had emerged. They had freed themselves from clan obligations of sharing surplus food or
wealth with the other members of the lineage as was the case earlier. Private property in
farm animals. in land and its produce had emerged as the dominant economic reality of the
time.

14.5.3 Ruler and the Ruled

Combined with devebpments in the socio-economic field were changes in the nature of
polity in the Mahajanapadas. In the preceding period the word Raja referred to the chief of a
lineage. For example, Rama whose legends are related to this period, is often referred to as
Raghukularaja meaning one who rules over the Raghu clan. Similarly, Yudhisthira is called
Kuru raja. They ruled over their lineage and the notion of a ruler ruling over a temtory had
not emerged. The taxes collected from the kinsmen were largely voluntary tributes. The king
was considered a generous father figure ensuring the prosperity of the lineage. He did not
Kamesh Mechrocks
have an independent taxation system or army. The references to kings in the sixth century
India :6th to 4thCcnturr B.C. B.C. on the other hand indlcate his rule over a territory wlth a regular taxatlon system and
army. There are references to Krsaka 1.e.peasants who paid taxes to the klng. Now the
peasant and the m y were not linked in any kinship tie with the Raja. The distinction was
now between Raja and Praja. The Praja included people from the non-lineage groups aha. A
standing army implied control over local peasantry through force and an attitude of
permanent confrontation with the people and kings of the neighbouring territories The cattle
raids of the preceding period were replaced by organised campaigns In which territory was
annexed and agriculturists and traders were forced to pay taxes. Officials entrusted with the
work of tax collection are repeatedly mentioned. An official called bhagadugha collected
bhaga i.e. a share of the agricultural produce. Survey of the agricultural land was done by
an official called Rajjugahaka. The Jatakas mention royal officials measuring out grain to
send it to the King's granary. The Mahajanapadas did not bear the name of the dominant
Kshatriya lineage in most of the cases. For example Kosala, Magadha, Avanti and Vatsa
were not named after any Kshatriya lineages.

Thus we see that a new kind of political system had emerged by the 6th century B.C. The
chief of the tribe who used to raid enemy territory and distribute the loot among his
followers was transformed into a King having an army unfettered by tribal loyalties. The
m y was paid out of the revenues collected from the cultivators. The Vedic chief's desire
for glory and sacrifices led to his breaking away from the lineage. The tribe would not be
interested in fighting wars in distant areas and would oppose any regular tax for the
maintenance of the army. This the King needed for his glory and power. The King's
authority was not based on the distribution of wealth among the fellow tribesmen. It wss
based on breaking coherent lineage groups and recognising individuals and groups who
would produce wealth. Some of this wealth was taken away from its producers in the form
of taxes. In a lineage society where everyone was regarded as everyone else's relative such
arbitrary taking away of wealth by the chief would not be allowed. The new King levied
taxes and protected the peasants and merchants from internal and external aggression.

Check Your Progress 1

1) How have the historians combined the archaeological and literary evidences, regarding
the material culture in the 6th century B.C.? Answer in five lines.

2) .Write two lines each on the new groups that emerged in this peribd.

3) Read the following statements and mark right ('4

) or wrong ( x ).

i) The people in the 6th century B.C.did not know the use of iron.
ii) According to the contemporary texts no important changes were taking place in
the society of that period.
iii) The Janapadas were essentially the agricultural settlements and were named after
the main Kshatriya lineages in that area.
iv) Some of the Mahajanapadas soon developed into Janapadas.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Janapadas and the Mahajanapadas
14.6 UNITS OF SETTLEMENT 11: THE
MAHA JANAPADA
A new type of society marked by the presence of the Gahapati: the merchant and the
relationship between the ruler and the ruled was reflected in new kinds of politico-
geographical units called the Mahajanapadas. The word Mahajanapada means large
Janapadas like those of Magadha. Kosala etc., ruled by powerful kings or oligarchies. In
fact. many of the Mahajanapadas of the sixth century B.C. came up by incorporating
Janapadas which were previously autonomous. For example. Kosala Mahajanapada included
the Janapada of the Sakyas and of Kashi. Magadha came to include the Janapadas of Anga.
Vajji. etc. even before it grew into an empire. The new society which is reflected in the
contemporary Buddhist texts can be seen in the story of Jivaka. Historians read these stories
to understand the hopes. ambitions. and struggles of men of those days and their
contemporary social milieu.

14.6.1 The Story of Jivaka

The story of Jivaka. the famous physician comes to us from the time of the Buddha. In the
city of Rajagriha (Rajgur, near Patna) there was a prince named Abhaya. He saw an
abandoned baby on a street. He brought him home and ordered the maid servants to take
care of the child. The boy was called Jivaka.

When Jivaka grew up, he wondered what he should do for a living. He decided that he
would become a physician (Vaidya). In those days Taxila was a famous centre of learning.
Jivaka decided to go there to learn medicine.

Jivaka stayed in Taxila for seven years. He studied hard under the guidance of a famous
medicine man. At the end of his apprenticeship his teacher took a test. He asked Jivaka to
look around the surroundings at Taxila and bring some plants which could not be used for
medicinal purposes. Jivaka went out and looked about as carefully as he could for some
plants which were useless for medicine. When he returned the teacher asked him. "How
many plants did you find?" Jivaka said. "Sir, I could not find a single plant which did not
have any medicinal value". The teacher was very pleased and said that his education was
complete.

Jivaka set QU! for Rajagriha. He ran out of money after he had covered half the distance
only. He looked for some work and found out that the wife of a wealthy merchant had been
ill for seven years. Jivaka cured her. The merchant gave him lots of money. Thus. Jivaka
came back to Rajagriha. In Rajagriha Jivaka became the private physician of the King
'
Bimbisara. Bimbisara was so impressed with his skill that he used to send him to look after
the Buddha. Thus Jivaka came in contact with the Buddha. He gave lots of gifts to the
Buddhist monks.

Just compare the setting of the story with the happenings in the early Vedic society. No
cattle raids, no sacrifices and no priests. The story points to the existence of flourishing
urban settlements and.the important characters of the story are an abandoned child who
chooses to become a physician. a merchant (Sresthin) a king (Bimbisara) and the Buddha,
exponent of a new doctrine. And look at the geographical range-the early vedic Aryans
seem to have been ranging the plains of Punjab in search of pastures. Jivaka travels all the
way from Bihar to the north-westem border of Punjab. This would mean that he covered a
distance of more than two thousand kilometres to be able to learn the practice of medicine.
These new kinds of settlements. new kinds of occupations and new networks of roads are
symptomatic of a changed historical situation.

Jivaka moked in a world of new kinds of settlement i.e. the city. The city tlourished in a
universe of prosperous villages. Village was the basic unit of the socio-political organisation
of Mahajanapadas. And so we take a round of the village in the sixth century B.C.

14.6.2 Villages
In the Mahajanapadas the basic unit of \ettlement was the Garna (which in Prakrit and Pali
Kamesh Mechrocks
l a n ~ u a ~ i,e ,the eauivalent of Sankkrit mama) mennine a villnv; Rememher the Crams nf
lndia:6thto4thCentur~B.C. the early Vedic times. It used to be a mobile unit of people and when two gramas came
together it led to Sangrama (literally coming together of villages) i.e. battle. This was
because they were mobile units and when two hostile gramas met it led to attempts at
snatching away each other's cattle. The villages of the sixth century B.C. were settlements
where people generally pursued agricultural activities. (This signifies a shift from a pastoral
to agricultural activities). There were various kinds of small and large villages inhabited by
a single household or many families. The households seem to have been part of an extended
kin group, meaning that everyone was related to everyone else in the villages. However,
with the emergence of families who had large landholdings and who employed the labour of
dasas, karmakaras and porisas, villages inhabited by non-kinship groups also came into
existence. There are references to land ownership and tenancy rights of varied kinds.
Kassaka and ksetrika denoted the common peasants who were generally of the Sudra jati.
The leaders of the villages were called Camini. The Camini are also referred to as soldiers,
elephant and horse-trainers and stage managers. The trend towards increasing craft
specialisation is evident from references to villages of cattlekeepers, ironsmiths, wood
workers, etc. These references to villages specialising in activities other than agricultural
operations are indicative of increasing trade and prospering economy. This is because the
villagers who were not producing their own food must have got their food from other
villages. This suggests that regular exchange of goods had become an integral part of the
economic life of the people. Also their specialisation in one craft is indicative of the fact
that there was a large scale demand for the goods produced by them.

14.6.3 Towns and Cities

Towns and cities dominated by Kings and merchants but at the same time containing a
heterogenous population were the new kinds of settlement which came into existence during
this period. They are variously referred to as Pura, Nigma and ~ i g a r aThe . differences
among these settlements are not clear. They probably referred to the size as well as varying
features of the settlements. These towns and cities were substantially larger than the
villages. Contemporary literature refers to big cities like Ayodhya and Varanasi covering
anywhere between thirty to fifty square kilometres of area. These accounts are exaggerated
as the excavations conducted in these cities show modest settlements in this period. In no
period did the size exceed five square kilometres in circuit. However, this historic phase is
associated with settlements using a deluxe pottery called the Northern Black Polished Ware
(NBPW). The settlements witnessed an increase in trade and population. Massive
fortifications have been found around the cities of Kausambi, Ujjaini, Rajghat (Varanasi).
and Rajgir. What is clear from the references in literature is the fact that the cities had
emerged as the focus of power and control over the Mahajanapada. The Kings ruled from
their cities. The newly emerging merchant class controlled trade from these centres.
especially after the introduction of coinage.

Check Your Progress 2

I
1) If you were a historian, what inferences would you draw from the story of Jivaka'? Write
in about 100 words.

2 ) How does archaeology correct the literary evidence about the cities'? Write in five tines.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 ............................................................................................................................................ . Janapadas and the Mahajanapadm

14.7 THE SIXTEEN MAHAJANAPADAS

In the previous section we discussed the literary and archaeolo~icalevidences for the
presence of the basic units of settlement in the sixth century B.C. Now we shall discuss
references to the sixteen Mahajanapadas in ancient literature. The Buddhist sources refer to
the presence of sixteen Mahajanapadas in the period when the Buddha lived. The
Mahajanapadas and their major settlements are found mentioned repeatedly when references
to the Buddha are made in the Buddhist texts. The exact dates of the Buddha's life are still
disputed by historians. It is however generally believed that the Buddha's life spanned pans
of both 6th and 5th centuries B.C. and Buddhist texts referring to his life are therefore taken
to reflect the society of this period. The list of Mahajanapadas varies from text to text.
However. we can get a fair idea of the political and economic conditions of various regions
of India by studying these lists. These Mahajanapadas represented a conglomerate of
thousands of villages and a few cities. These Mahajanapadas extended from the Nonh-
Western Pakistan to East Bihar and from the submontane regions of the Himalayas to the
river Godavari in the South.

The Buddhist text Anguttara Nikaya which is a pan of the Sutta-Pitaka gives the
following list of sixteen Mahajanapadas in the time of Buddha:
I) Kashi 9) Kuru
2) Kosala 10) Panchala
3) Anga 1 1) Maccha (Matsya)
4) Magadha 12) Surasena
5) Vajji 13) Assaka
6 ) Malla 14) Avanti
7) Chedi 15) Gandhara
8) Vatsa 16) Kamboja

Another Buddhist work. the Mahavastu. gives a similar list of the sixteen Mahajanapadas.
However. it omits Gandhara and Kamboja which were located in the north-west. These are
substituted by Sibi and Dasarna in Punjab and Central India respectively. Similarly the Jaina
work Bhagavati Sutra gives a widely different list of the sixteen Mahajanapadas. which
includes Vanga and Malaya. The number sixteen seems to have been conventional and the
lists varied because regions important to the Buddhists and the Jainas came to be included in
their lists. The lists indicate a gradual shift of focus to the middle Gangetic.Valley because
~iiostof the Mahajanapadas we= located in this area. Let us survey the history and
geography of these Mahajanapadas.

I ) Kashi

Of the sixteen Mahajanapadas. Kashi seems to have been the most powerful in the
beginning. Located in and around the present day Varanasi district. its capital Varanasi is
referred to as the foremost city of India situated on the confluence of the Ganges and the
Gomati rivers and in the midst ~f fertile agricultural tracts. Kashi was famous for its cotton
textiles and market for horses. Excavations at the site of Rajghat which has been identified
with ancient Benaras have not yielded any impressive evidence for urbanisation in the 6th
century B.C. It seemed to have emerged as a major town around 450 B.C. However, we
know that the orange brown robes of the Buddhirt monks were called Kashaya in Sanskrit
which was niade in Kashi. This indicates that Kashi had emerged as a cloth manufacturing
centre and market by the time of Buddha.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Map I. Mahajanapadas.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Several Kings of Kashi are mentioned as having conquered Kosala and many other Janapadas and the Mahajanapadas
Kingdoms. Interestingly enough. the earliest available version of the Rama story 'the
Dasaratha Jataka mentions Dasaratha. Rama etc. as Kings of Kashi and not of Ayodhya.
The father of Parsva, the twenty-third teacher (Tirthankara) of the Jains, is said to have
been the King of Benaras. The Buddha also delivered his first sermon in Samath near
Benaras. All important religious traditions of ancient India associated themselves with
Kashi. However, by the time of the Buddha the Kashi Mahajanapada had been annexed by
Kosala and was a cause of war between Mapadha and Kosala.

2 ) Kosala
The Mahajanapada of Kosala was bounded on the west by the river Gomati. To its east
flowed the river Sadanira which separated it from the Videha ~ a n a ~ a dTowards
a. the north it
skirted the Nepal hills while the river Syandika defined its southem boundary. Literary
references indicate how Kosala emerged out of an assimilation of many smaller
principalities and lineages. For example, we know that the Sakyas of Kapilavastu were
under the control of Kosala. The Buddha calls himself a Kosalan in the Majjhima Nikaya.
But at the same time the Kosalan King Vidudhaba is said to have destroyed the Sakyas. It
would only indicate that the Sakya lineage was under the nominal control of the Kosalas.
The newly emergent monarchy established a centralized control and thus destroyed the
autonomy of the Sakyas. Names of Kings like Hiranyanabha. Mahakasala Prasenajita and
Suddhodana are mentioned as rulers of Kosala in the 6th century B.C. These rulers are said
to have ruled from Ayodhya, Saketa. Kapilavastu or Sravisti. Probably. in the early years of
the sixth century B.C. the area of Kosala was under the control of many smaller chiefships
ruling from small towns. Towards the end of the 6th century B.C. kings like Prasenajita and
Vidudhabha managed to bring all other chiefships under their control. They ruled from
Sravasti. Thus. Kosala became a prosperous Kingdom having three big cities under its
control i.e. Ayodhya. Saketa and Sravasti. Kosala also annexed the Kingdom of Kashi in its
territory. The Kingsof Kosala favoured both Brahmanism and Buddhism. King Prasenajita
was a contemporary and friend of the Buddha. In the succeeding phases Kosala proved to be
one of the most formidable adversaries of the emergent Magadhan empire.

3) Anga
Anga comprised the districts of Bhagalpur and Monghyr in Bihar. It may have extended
northwards to the river Kosi and included some parts of the district of Purnea. It was located
to the east of Magadha and west of the Rajamahal hills. Champa was the capital of Anga. It
was located on the confluence of the rivers Champa and the Ganga. Champa has been
considered one of the six great cities in the sixth century B.C. It was noted for its trade and
commerce and traders sailed further east through the Ganga from here. In the middle of the
sixth century B.C. Anga was annexed by Magadha. Excavations at Chanipa near Bhagalpur
have yielded NBPW in large numbers.

4) Magadha
Magadha consisted of the areas around Patna and Gaya in south Bihar. It was protected by
the rivers Son and Ganga on its north and west. Towards the south it reached upto the
Chotanagpur plateau. In the east the river Champa separated it from Anga. Its capital was
called Girivraja or Rajagriha. Rajapriha was ah inipregnable city protected by five hills. The
walls of Rajapriha represent the earliest evidence of fortification in the historical India. The
capital was shifted to Pataliputra somewhere in the fifth century B.C. They bear testimony to
the power of the eardy Magadhan monarchs. In the Brahmanical texts the Magadhans were
considered people of mixed origin and inferior type. This was probably because the people
in this areit did not follow the varna system and the Brahmanical rituals in the early
historical times. The Buddhist tradition. on the other hrlnd. attaches great importance to this
area. The Buddha achieved enlightenment in this area. Rajapriha was one of his favourite
haunts. The Mapadhan monarchs Bimbisara and Ajatsatru were his friends and disciples.
With its fertile agricultural tracts suited to wet rice cultivation. control over the iron ores of
south Bihar and relatively open social systeni Magadhan became the most important
Kingdom in the subsequent history. Its control over the trade routes of the Ganges, Gandak
and Son rivers could provide it substantial revenues. The Magadhan king Bimbisara is said
to have called an assembly of the Gaminis of 80.000 villages. The number might be
fictitious but it indicates that Bimbisara's administration was based on the village as a unit
of organisation. The Gamini were not his kinsmen but repre3entatives and chiefs of villages.
Thus. his power was based not on the goodwill cf his kinsmen. Ajatsatru usurped the throne
Kamesh Mechrocks
and stanled Bimbisara to death. Magadha. a\ a Kingdom kept prospering with the extension
I
India :6th to 4th Century B.C. of its control over the Vajjis of Vaisali. This was to culminate in the Mauryan empire in the
fourth century B.C.

5) Vajji
Centred around the Vaisali district of Bihar, the Vajjis (literal meaning pastoral nomads)
were located north of the Ganga. This Mahajanapada extended upto the hills of Nepal in the
north. It was separated ftom Kosala by the river Gandak. Unlike the Mahajanapadas
previously discussed, the Vajjis had a different kind of political organisation. The
contemporary texts refer to them as a Ganasamgha, a term which has been variously
translated as a republic or an oligarchy. The Ganasamghas of this period represented a rule
not by an all-powerful King but a joint rule by a group of Kshatriya Chiefs. This ruling
class, members of which were called rajas, were now differentiated from different non-
Kshatriya groups.

The Vajjis represented a confederacy of eight clans of whom the Videhas, Licchavis and the
Jnatrikas were the most well known. The Videhas had their capital at Mithila. It has been
identified with Janakpur in Nepal. Although the Ramayanaassociates it with the king
Janaka, the Buddhist sources consider it a chiefship. Licchavis, the most well known of the
ancient Indian Ganasamghas, had their headquarters at Vaisali. Vaisali is said to have been
a large and prosperous city. The Jnatrikas were another clan settled somewhere in the
suburbs of Vaisali. This was the clan which produced Mahavira, the Jain teacher. The other
members of confederacy were the clans of the Ugras, Bhogas, Kauravas and Aiksavakas.
Vaisali seems to have been the metropolis of the entire confederacy. They conducted their
affairs in an assembly. Accordingly to a Jataka story the Vajjis were ruled by many clan
chiefs. This Mahajanapada was a major power in the sixth century B.C. However, they do
not seem to have possessed a standing army or a system of revenue collection from
agriculture. The Magadhan king Ajatsatru is supposed to have destroyed this confederacy.
He sowed discord among the chiefs with the help of his minister Vassakara and then
attacked the Licchavis.

6) Malla
The Mallas were another Kshatriya lineage referred to as Ganasamghas in ancient texts.
They seem to have had several branches of which two had their headquarters in the towns of
Pava and Kusinagara. Kusinagara has k e n identified with the site of Kasia in the Gorakhpur
district of U.P. There is no unanimity among the scholars about the location of Pava. The
Malla temtories are said to have been located to the east and south-east of the territory of
the Sakyas. They are supposed to have been ruled by five hundred chiefs. The Buddha died
in the vicinity of Kusinagara and his last rites were performed by the Mallas.

7) Chedi
The Chedi territory roughly corresponds to the eastern parts of the modern Bundellchand. It
might have stretched upto the Malwa plateau. Sisupala the famous enemy of Krishna, was a
Chedi ruler. According to the Mahabharat the Chedis seem to have been in close touch with
the chiefs of Matsya beyond the Chambal, the Kasis of Benaras and the Karusas in the
valley of the river Son. Its Capital was Sotthivati (Suktimati) probably located in the Ban&
district of M-P. Other important towns in this territory were Sahajati and Tripliri.

8) Vatsa
Vatsa with its capital at Kausambi was one of the most powerful principalities of the sixth
century B.C. Kausambi has been identified with modem Kosam or the river Yamuna near
Allahabad. This means that the Vatsas were settled around modem Allahabad. The puranas
say that the descendant of the Pandavas, Nichaksu shifted his capital to Kausambi after
Hastinapur had been washed away by floods. The dramatist Bhasa, has immortalized one of
the Kings of the Vatsas named Udayana in his plays. These plays are based on the story of
the romantic affair between Udayana and Vasavadatta, the Princess of Avanti. They also
indicate the conflicts among the powerful Kingdoms of Magadha, Vatsa and Avanti. Vatsa,
however, seems to have lost the ensuing struggle as the subsequent texts do not give them
much importance.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Janapadas and the Mahajanapadas

1. Baked Brick Fortification (Kausambl).

9) Kuru
The Kings of the Kurus were supposed to belong to the family of Yudhisthira. They were
centred around the Delhi-Meerut region. The Arthashastra and other texts refer to them as
Rajasabdopajivinah, i.e., carrying the titles of Kings. This indicates some kind of a diffused
structure of chiefship. That they did not have absolute monarchy is also proved by
references to many political centres in this-area. Hastinapura, Indraprastha, Isukara are each
mentioned as the capital of the Kurus having their own chiefs.

We all know about the Kurus through the epic Mahabharata. It relates the story of the war
of succession between the Pandavas and Kauravas. The epic has enthralled generations of
Indians with its superb interweaving of themes relating to love, war, conspiracy, hatred and
the larger philosophical issues relating to human existence. Historians treat it more as epic
literature than an actual description of events: Large scale wars started only with the
emergence of the Mahajanapadas, earlier phase being characterised by cattle raids. The
Mahabharata also mentions Greeks who came into contact with India only around the 5th
century B.C. Thus, a war involving Greeks could take place only in the first millennium
B.C. Probably the Mahabharata story relates to an internecine war between two Kshatriya
lineages which became a part of the singing tradition of the bards. With the emergence of
the early historic period the social, economic and political interaction increased among the
Mahajanapadas. The singing bards and Brahmanas brought in every region of India in the
story of Mahabharata. This pleased the monarchs who could boast of an ancestor who
fought in the Mahabharata war. Thus, the epic became a mechanism for the spread of the
Brahmanical religious system. This is clear from the fact that in the prologue of the
Mahabharata it is said that an earlier version having 24,000 stanzas was still current. The
present epic has one lakh stanzas.

10) Panchala

The Panchala Mahajanapada was located in the Rohikhand and parts of Central Doab
(roughly Bareilly, Pilibhit, Badaun, Bulandshahr, Aligarh etc.) The ancient texts refer to the
presence of two lineages of the Panchalas i.e. the northern Panchalas and the southern
Panchalas with the river Bhagirathi forming the dividing line. The northern Panchalas had
their capital at Ahicchatra located in the Bareilly district of U.P. The southern Panchalas had
Kamesh Mechrocks
Kampilya as their capital. They seem to have been closely linked to the Kurus. Although
I India :6th to 4th Century B.C. one or two Panchala chiefs are mentioned we have very little information about them. They
too are called a Samgha. By the sixth century B.C. they seem to have become an obscure
power.
I
1 1) Matsya ;.;
The Matsyas were located in the Jaipur-Bharatpur-Alwar region of Rajasthan. Their capital
was at Viratnagara famed as the hiding place of the Pandavas. This region was more suitable
for cattle rearing. That is why in the Mahabharata story when the Kauravas attacked Virat
they took away cattle as booty. Obviously, Matsya could not compete with the powers that
emerged on the basis of settled agriculture. It was absorbed in the Magadhan empire. Some
of the most famous edicts of the King Ashoka have been found in Bairat (Jaipur district), the
ancient Virat.

12) Surasena
The Surasenas had their capital at Mathura on the bank of the river Yamuna. In the
Mahabharata and the Puranas the ruling family of Mdhura is referred to as Yadus. The
Yadava clan was divided into many smaller clans like the Andhakas, Vrishani, Mahabhojas,
etc. They too had a samgba form of government. The epic hero Krishna is associated with
these ruling families.

Mathura was located at the junction of two famous ancient Indian trade routes i.e. tlie
Uttarapatha and the Daksinapatha. This was because Mathura represented the transitional
zone between the Gangetic plains having settled agriculture and the sparsely populated
pasture lands jutting into the Malwa plateau. That is why Mathura emerged as an important
city. However, because of the splintered political structure and varied landscape, the chiefs
of this area could not carve out a powerful kingdom.

13) Assaka
The Assakas were inhabiting the banks of the river Godavari near modem Paithan in
Maharashtra. Paithan has been identified with ancient Ratisthana, the capital of the Assakas.
The Kaksinapatha or the southern route is supposed to have connected Ratisthana with the
cities of the north. There are vague references to the Kings of the Assakas but our
information regarding this region at this stage is very limited.

14) Avanti
Avanti was one of the most powerful Mahajanapadas in the 6th century B.C. The core area
of this kingdom would roughly correspond to the Ujjain district of Madhya Radesh,
extending upto the river Narmada. It had another important city Mahismati which is
sometimes mentioned as its capital. Several other small and big towns are mentioned as
dotting the Avanti region. The Puranas attribute the foundation of Avanti to one of the
clans of the Yadus called the Haihaya. Located in a very fertile agricultural tract and
controlling the trade coming from south this clan of the Yadus here developed into a
centralized monarchy. In the 6th century B.C., a powerful King named Radyota was ruling
over Avanti. He seems to have conquered Vatsa and even Ajatsatru was afraid of him.

15) Gandhara
Gandhara was located between Kabul and Rawalpindi in North westem Province. It might
have included somc parts of Kashmir. Although it was an important area in the early Vedic
period it lost its importance in the Brahmanical and Buddhist traditions of the later phases.
The capital Taxila was an important city where people from all the Janapadas went for
learning and trading. In the 6th century B.C. Gandhara was ruled by a King named
Pukkusati. He was friendly with Bimbisara. In the later half of the sixth century B.C.
Gandhara was conquered by the Persians. Excavations in the modem towns of Taxilashow
that this site Nas occupied by 1000 B.C. and some kind of township emerged subsequently.
By the sixth century B.C. a city having similarities with the Gangetic Valley cities had
emerged.

16) Kamboja
Karnboja was located somewhere close to Gandhara. probably around the present day Punch
m a . Already by the 7th century B.C.. the Kambojas were regarded as uncultured by the
Brahrnanical texts. The Arthashastra calls them varta-sastropajivin Samgha meaning a
confederation of agriculturists. herdsmen. traders and warriors.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Check Your Progress 3 Janapadasandthe Mahajanapadas
1 ) Match the name of the rulers with the name of Mahajanapadas.
i) Ajatsatru A Kosala
ii) Pradyota B Magadha
iii) Udayana C Avanti
iv) Prasenajita D Vatsa
2) Match the name of Mahajanapadas with the name of capital.
i) Kashi A Vaisali
ii) Anga B Varanasi
iii) Vajji C Kausambi
iv) Vatsa D Champa

14.8 LET US SUM UP

We have reviewed the political conditions prevailing in India of the sixth century B.C. The
Mahajanapadas which emerged as regions where new kinds of socio-political developments
were taking place were located in distinct geographical zones. What seems to be very
significant is the fact that seven of them i.e. Anga, Magadha, Vajji, Malla. Kasi, Kosala. and
Vatsa were located in the middle Gangetic Valley. This is a rice growing area whereas the
upper Gangetic Valley is a wheat growing area. It has been observed that in the traditional
agricultural system of India, rice output exceeded the wheat output. The rice producing areas
had a greater density of population too. Further, Mahajanapadas like Magadha'had easy
access to crucial resources like metal ores. These factors might be related to the emergence
of the middle Gangetic Valley as the focus of politico-economic power. The fact that so
many Mahajanapadas were contiguous to each other in this area meant that an ambitious
leader could try and conquer prosperous neighbouring territories. Also it would be easier to
retain control over a neighbouring territory. The rulers of the Mahajanapadas of Punjab or
Malwa would have to traverse empty geographical zones before they came across some
prosperous territory. Thus, the flat terrain and the contiguity of settlements provided a better
chance for a ruler in the middle Gangetic Valley to consolidate his power. No wonder
Magadha, une of the powers in this zone, emerged as the most powerful Kingdom in the
subsequent period.

14.9 KEY WORDS

Heterodox Sects: The religious movements which emerged during the sixth century B.C.
They provided a challenge to the Vedic religion.

Pali: A language spoken in the areas of Magadha and Kosala. Buddhist literature was
written in this language.

Prakrit: A language.spoken at the time of Ashoka in Magadha. The first written material in
historical India is found in this language.
Urban Settlements :Place where a significant proportion of population is engaged in
activity other than food production.

ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) In yuur answer you should show how literary references to specific geographical
locations help archaeologists excavate towns of those times. See Section 14.3

Kamesh Mechrocks
India :6th to 4th Century B.C. 2) See Section 14.5
3) (i) x (ii) x (iii) 4 (iv) x

Check Your Progress 2

1) As a historian you should emphasize, a) the emergence of new groups like merchants
and heterodox sects, b) emergence of new kinds of settlements, and c ) the long journeys
undertaken by people.
2) See S~lb-sec.14.6.3

Check Your Progress 3

1 i - ; i - iii-D; iv-A

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 15 RISE OF URBAN CENTRES

Structure
Objectives
Introduction
What is an Urban Centre?
The Background to the Sixth Century B.C.
Cities of the Sixth Century B.C.
15.4.1 Types of Cities and Towns in Literature
15.4.2 The Image of City in Ancient India
15.4.3 A Walk through the City
15.4.4 Items of Exchange
The City in Archaeology
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

15.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit you will :
discover the real meaning of an urban settlement and distinguish it from rural centres,
learn the main factors which led to urbanisation during the sixth century B.C.,
know what kind of cities existed at that time, and
be able to list various features of city life in sixth century B.C.

15.1 INTRODUCTION
The period starting with the sixth century B.C. saw the emergence of cities in ancient India
for the second time, This urbanisation was more significant in the sense that it endured for a
longer time and it iaw the beginnings of a literate tradition. This tradition embodied in
Buddhism, Jainism and many important strands of Hinduism looks back on this period as its
formative epoch. The contemporary literature is full of references to cities like Rajagriha,
Sravasti, Kashi, etc. The Buddha and Mahavira were preaching to urban audiences most of
the time.

After the end of the Indus cities, settled agricultural villagers and wandering people
inhabited the plains of India. Small village settlements with humble dwellings dotted the
landscape of the country. All this was undisturbed by the din and bustle of market places
and the domination of kings and merchants. You must have heard the story of King
Harishchandra famous for his truthfulness and keeping his vows. Here is the earliest version
of his story from a text called the Aitareya Brahmana. This text can roughly be dated to
the 8th-7th century B.C.

Thus goes the story-King Harishchandra did not have a son. He went upto god Varuna and
prayed, "Let a son be born to me, with him let me sacrifice to thee."

To him a son was born Rohita by name. Varuna demanded his sacrifice. The king made
various kinds of excuses and kept postponing the sacrifice. However, when Rohit grew up
Harishchandra told him, "0 my dear one, this one (Varuna) gave thee to me. Come let me
sacrifice to him with thee." "No", he said and taking his bow went to the wild and for a year
he wandered in the wild.

Varuna was angry and as such Harishchandra was inflicted with dropsy. Rohita heard of
this and decided to go back from the wild to his village. Six times he started for the village
and six times he was pursuaded by Indra to go back to the wild.
Kamesh Mechrocks
India :6th to 4th Century B.C. In the seventh year he bought a Brahmana boy called Sunahsepa from his father for a
hundred coins. As such he came back to the village of Harishchandra where Sunahsepa was
to be sacrificed to Varuna. When Sunahsepa was about to be sacrificed he chanted some
incantation which pleased Varuna and he was saved. The king's dropsy also disappeared.

What is significant for a historian of urbanism is that King Harishchandra was not living in a
city, not even in a small town but in a village adjacent to the wilds. All this changed in the
sixth century B.C. You have already read in Unit 14 that the kings of the monarchical
Mahajanapadas and the Kshatriya chiefs of the gana-samghas used to live in cities like
Kausambi. Champa, Sravasti, Rajagriha and Vaisali. It is not only big cities which emerged
at this time. Along with agriculture-based villages, there existed market centres, small
towns, big towns and other types of settlements.

2. An Artists' view of a city in Ancient India

WHAT IS AN URBAN CENTRE?

Many scholars have tried to define an urban centre. On the face of it, it seems fairly easy to
define an urban centre. But when we get down to details the problem becomes complicated.
For example. some writers believe that the urban centre is characterised by a large
population. However, it has been pointed out that some modem Indian villages have
populations larger than those of some Australian towns. Similarly, some scholars argue that
urban centres are larger in size than villages. However, it is difficult to determine a standard
size for the towns. We know that some of the villages today are larger in size than say a
Harappan town like Kalibangan. Thus, the number of people or the size of the settlement
cannot be the reliable criteria for defining an urban or nual centre. Hence it is important to
identify the kinds of activities people are performing. In a village most of the people are
engaged in food production. So, the social landscape of the villages is dominated by fields
and farmers. In the towns, on the other hand, the dominant people are either rulers or
rherchants or priests. It is possible that many people in the town might engage in agricultural
activities but it is essentially the non-agricultural activities that define a town.
Let us take the example of Benaras which is among the oldest surviving cities of India. Its
fame rests not on the very good quality rice produced there but on its being a very important
pilgrimage centre. Benaras attracts pilgrims from all over India. These pilgrims offer various
kinds of gifts to the deities in the temples. In this way the keepers of the temples are able to
draw upon the resources of the people coming from all over the country. Thus, the other
characteristic of an urban centre is that it functions in relationship to a large hinterland. The
residents of the city might provide administrative, economic or religious sewides to a
population residing in an area much larger than the physical space of the city. This
relationship with the population of the hinterland is advantageous to the urban centre. This
means that the residents of the city are able to harness the resources of the people living in
the hinterland. This might be done in the form of taxation in kind or tribute. The merchant
living in the city is also able to appropriate a share of the resources of nual areas by
controlling the supply of metals, minerals or some luxury items. This means that the class of
20 Kamesh Mechrocks
kings, priests and merchants Iiving in the cities have more wealth than a common man.
These classes use their wealth for acquiring more wealth, prestige and power. Now, the rich
and powerful in every society have their own way of showing off. The rich in some societies
build large palaces. others build beautiful temples. still others perform grand sacrifices.
Some others are content with the possession of precious metals and stones.
Apart from the kings. prlests and merchants and farmers various groups of craft specialists
also stay in the city who produce luxury items for the city and other objects needed by the
people outside the city. Thea craft specialists need not enjoy the same privileges as the rich.

For example. the administrator or merchant might be very rich but blacksmiths or masons or
carpenters might be quite poor. Thus, the city is characterised by the presence of rich and
poor people.

We can say that an urban centre refers to a place where the most powerful and visible
sections of population are engaged in activities other than food production.

Such diverse socio-economicactivities create the problem of proper coordination among

those engaged in them. For example, the blacksmith would need fzod from the cultivator or
the merchant will need protection from robbers while transporting his goods to and from
distant areas. In a situation where each of the groups cannot survive without the other there
is a need for a centralized agency coordinating their activities. The need to keep in check
hostilities between the rich and poor and the need for mobilising agricultural produce for
urban consumption also create the possibilities for the emergence of a centralized power.
The emergence of centralized decision-making groups coincides with the emergence of
groups exercising monopoly over the use of force. This kind of social structure also implies
the coming into being of a state society.

I
-

Thus, the urban society is characterised by the presence of craft specialists, rich and poor
people and a state administration.

15.3 THE BACKGROUND TO THE SIXTH

CENTURY B.C.
In the previous unit we discussed the emergence of Mahajanapadas and centralized polities
in ancient India. We have seen how over a period of time the Brahmins emerged as a caste
category, who specialized in ritual activity. Then came the class of Kshatriya warriors and
landowners pho gradually started levying taxes over cultivators and merchants. The later
Vedic chieftains seem to have burnt up or distributed their wealth during sacrifices. The
competition among the chiefs to perform more and more sacrifices on a larger and larger
scale meant that they had to look for more and more booty, taxes and tribute. In this settled
agricultural society agricultural produce and cattle were the most important fonns of wealth.
Especially agricultural produce was one fonn of wealth which could be augmented from
year to year by either extending the cultivable land or adopting more intensive agricultural
practices. The rulers' desire for more and more wealth probably led to the cultivation of
more land and settling down of many more pastoralists and forages. The archaeological
records indicate that many agricultural settlements came into existence between 8th to 6th
century B.C. Two factors which proved to be of great help in increasing agricultural
production were the increasing use of iron tools and the practice of wet rice cultivation in
the middle Gangetic Valley.
Use of Iron and Wet Rice Cultivation
By about 1000 B.C. Indians had learnt the art of smelting iron. Over the next three or four
centuries iron came into increasing use. That is why a large number of iron tools and
implements have been found from Uiain, Sravasti and Hastinapur. Iron weapons in
, particular have been found in large numbers. These would have increased the power of the

warrior classes vis-a-vis the peasants. With more powerful weapons the warrior classes
cquld extract more wealth from the peasants. Iron weapons also increased their desire for
war, conquest and booty.
Iron had a direct impact on the economy too. Iron axes could be used to clear forests and
iron plough shares could facilitate agricultural operations. This was especially useful in the
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middle Gangetic Valley (the areas between Allahabad and Bhagalpur) where wet rice
 et rice cultivation are substantially higher than tho5e of
wheat or millet in traditional agriculture. As such there was much larger output of
foodgrains in the rice producing middle Gangetic Valley than the wheat producing upper
Gangetic Valley. It has been observed that varieties of rice and paddy fields are repeatedly
mentioned in the early Buddhist texts. This indicates a decisive shlft to wet rice cultivation.
Larger food production made it possible to sustain increased population, which is reflected
in an increase in the number of settlements in the archaeological records of this perlod. All
this created the possibility of the emergence of social groups not engaged in food
production.

S,!
" I/,,
, I
cub)

,
# b , 4",
I,

3. Wet Rice Cultivation

The Vedic sacrifices meant that most of the surplus accumulated by the chiefs was gifted
away at the time of performing sacrifices. In the areas of the middle Gangetic Valley de'
Vedic rituals and sacrifices did not have the kind of hold as in the upper Gangetic Valley.
This meant that the surpluses which were collected by the chiefs were not spent away during
sacrifices. The groups that grew up conirolling this surplus wealth became the ruling class of
the newly emergent kingdoms. And on the foundation of this wealth were born the cities of
the sixth century B.C.

Check Your Progress 1

1) Mark the correct answer.

For the historian of urbanism the significance of the story of Harishchandra lies in
A) the disobedience of the son Rohit
B) the buying of Sunahsepa
C) the fact of King Harishchandra living not in a city but in a village
D) the different roles played by God Varuna and Indra.
2) Read the following statements and mark right (4) or wrong (x)
i) An urban centre can be distinguished from a rural centre on the basis of the number
of the people and the size of the settlement.
ii) The increasing use of iron tools helped in increasing agricultural production.
iii) The wheat producing upper Gangetic Valley. produced more foodgrains than the
rice producing middle Gangetic Valley.
iv) The making of ircn weapons increased the powers of the ruling classes.

15.4 CITIES OF THE SIXTH CENTURY B.C.

Our information about the cities of the sixth century B.C. comes from many sources. This is
because it was the period which saw the beginn~ngsof the written tradition in ancient Indian
History.Brahmanical. Buddhist and Jain texts refer to the conditions of this period. The
excavation repons of many urban and rural centres of this period also enrich our
understanding.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Map 2. Main Cities

15.4.1 Types of Cities and Towns in Literature

The terms that are frequently used to denote cities in ancient Indian literature are Pura,
Durga, Nigama. Nagar, etc. Let us see how the ancient Indians defined them.

Pura-the term pura is mentioned even in the early vedic literature. Where it referred to
fortified settlements or temporary places of refuge or cattle pens. Later on it is often used for
f the residence of the king and his retinue or for the families of the ruling group in the Gana
Samghas. Gradually the connotation of fortification became less important and it came to
-- - - -.... Kamesh Mechrocks
CenturyB.C. Durga-this is the other term used for denoting the fortified capital of a king. Fortifications
protected the urban centres and separated them from the surrounding rural areas. Also.
fortifications made it easier for the ruling classes to control the activities of the population
residing in the city. .

Nigama-it is frequently used in the Pali literature to denote a town. It probably meant a
merchant town where the sale and purchase of goods used to take place. In fact some
scholars believe that some of the Nigamas evolved out of villages specializing in pottery.
catpentry or salt making. That the Nigamas were market towns is also proved by the fact
that certain ,coins of a later period carrying the legend 'Nigama' have been found. These
coins indicate that they were minted by the Nigama. Sometimes literary texts would refer to
a particular section of a city as Nigama where craft specialists would live and work.

Nagara-it is the most commonly used word for a town or city in literature. This word is
used for the first time in the Taittiriya Aranyaka. This text has been roughly dated to the
7th 6th century B.C. Another word Mahanagara also referred to cities. These centres
combined the political functions of the Pura and the commercial functions of the Nigama.
Kings, merchants and preachers resided in these cities.

The Buddhist literature refers to six Mahanagaras. All of them were located in the middle
Gangetic Valley. They were Champa, Rajagriha, Kashi. Sravasti, Saketa and Kausambi.
Other terms like Pattana, Sthaniya etc. are also used to refer to towns and cities.

It appears that the terms Pura and Durga are amongst the earliest terms used in Indian
literature for denoting a town. Other terns came in use in subsequent phases. What is
significant for us is that both these terms referred to fortified settlements. This might
indicate that kings and their followers lived in fortified settlements. They extracted taxes
from the surrounding population. Their ability to store wealth and collect luxury items might
have stimulated trade. Thus, these fortified settlements led to the development of a network '

of relationships. This led to the emergence of urban centres. This idea is supported by the
fact that the Brahmanical tradition ascribes the foundation of almost all the cities to certain
kings. For example, a ~ i n called
g Kusamba is said to have founded Kausambi. Similarly,
Hastin founded Hastinapura and Sravasta founded Sravasti. In Buddhist literature cities are
associated with sages, plants and animals. For example, Kapilavastu is said to have been
named after the sage. Kapila, and Kausambi was named after the Kusarnba trees growing in
that region. Howeve;, the tradition of cities being founded by kings is quite strong. The
Pandavas are said to have founded Indraprastha. In the Ramayana also princes of the,ruling
family are supposed to have founded various cities.

Some of the political centres also became great commercial centres in the. suhsequent period.
Soon. centres which were important for Wth the political and commercial reasons
overshadowed those which were only political centres. For example, capital cities like
Hastinapura never experienced the kind of prosperity that we associate with Kasi or
Kausambi. Once long distance trade prospered, political leaders tried to enrich their
treasuries by taxing traders. At Least in two cases political capitals were relocated in areas
connected with impprtant trade-routes. The capital of Kosala was shifted from Ayodhya to
Skiasti and the capital of Magadha was shifted from Rajagriha to Pataliputra. This indicates
the importance of emerging trading networks with an important section of the ancient
uttarapatha stretching along the Himalayan foothills and finally connecting Taxila with
Rajagriha. Similarly, Pataliputra was located at a point where it could exploit the trade route
passing through the river Ganges. It was the patronage of kings and merchants that led to the
development of cities in ancient India. The literature of this period is full of descriptions of
caravans of merchants going to distant areas to conduct trade. Rich merchants along with
princes are described as the main supporters of the Buddha.

15.43 The Image of City in Ancient India

The following recbnstruction is based on references in the Buddhist and Brahmanical
litemure of slightly later period. Books :ike the Divyavadana and Apastamber Dharma*
rub.provide us with an idea of the city in those times. Ancient Indian literature gives an
W s e d view of cities. Ayodhya described in Ramayana or Vaisali described in the
Kamesh Mechrocks
Buddhist texts would be almost identical if one goes by their description. Ideally the cities
craftsmen. The cities were surrounded by defensive walls and moats. Wide streets, high
mansions with colourful banners, busy markets, flowering gardens, ponds filled with lotus
and geese are part of this description. Well dressed men, beautiful women dancing and
singing complete the picture of the city. This timeless description of an idealised city gives
us an unsatisfactory idea of what ancient Indian cities actually looked like. Other incidental
references may help us get a better view of the cities.

15.4.3 A Walk through the City

Towns seem to have grown around the intersection of two highways or along river banks.
When you entered the city streets, what would you see? Well, the contemporary literary
sources give a vivid description in this regard. The haze of dust raised by horses hoofs and
caravans of merchants which the pious Brahmans disliked so much. The crowds of people
clamouring around shops selling various kinds of eatables such as fruits like mangoes, jack-
fruits and bananas or sugar candy, cooked rice, etc. The din and bustle created by women
selling trinkets and bangles of conch shell and by flower sellers filled the air. If one had taste
for liquor, shops selling various kinds of them would be found. The houses were generally
made of earth or timber with tiled roofing-the kind of houses still visible in the countryside
of the Gangetic plains. In some cases the houses might be made of stone or burnt brick. One
could see women looking down from their balconies. Sometimes one might come across a
prostitute. If you were fond of gambling, there were arrangements for that too. On the roads
you could also come across the processions of the king and his retinue seated on their
elephants and chariots. In some parts of the city you could see the king's armymen
practising archery, training elephants and improving their skills of warfare. The other kind
of procession you were likely to encounter was that of the wandering mendicants clad in .
brown or white robes, sometimes not wearing anything at all. These wandering ascetics
belonging to the various sects that emerged in this period could be seen lecturing on various
religious problems, in the groves and gardens given to them. The audiences could be varied.
Sometimes it was the exclusive assembly of the rich merchants or powerful princes, at other
times it could be groups of people who came from the poorest sections of society. The rich
lavished their wealth upon these monks. Gardens and monasteries meant for the exclusive
use of monks were also a part of the urban landscape.

15.4.4 Items of Exchange

Markets involved the buying and selling of commodities. People could be seen buying
utensils and tools made of metals like iron, copper, tin and silver. Groups of merchants
specialising in the procurement and selling of salt could be seen in the streets earmarked for
them. The cotton cloth of Kasi attracted quite a large numbers of buyers. Woollen blankets
brought from the distant north-westeni province of Gandhara could attract only the rich.
Horses brought from Sind and Kamboja would also be on sale. Here the buyers were only
the super-rich of those days. Bangles of conch shell, beautiful ornaments of gold and combs
and ornaments made of ivory and various kinds of precious stones were also in high demand
among the aristocracy.

Literary sources also point out that each item was sold in a separate street. Those who
manufactured or brought them also sold them. There were no shops selling a variety of
items. There were various kinds of traders: the shopkeepers (apanika), retailers (Kraya-
Vikrayika) and the money investors (Setthi-Gahapati). Atleast the richer people were
using coins. The coin of highest value was the silver satamana. This was followed by the
Karsapana. The copper masas and kakani were coins of smaller denomination. Amidst this
glitter of the cities was hidden a whole category of poor people who went unnoticed. In a
Buddhist story it is said that the daughter of a merchant on seeing a chandala (i.e. of the
outcaste categories) washed here eyes for fear of pollution. With tbe emergence of cities a
class of washennen, scavengers, beggars and sweepers also came into existence..The
services of sweepers, and the people involved in cremating corpses were essential for-cities.
However, these people were the most impoverished and deprived sections of society. These
outcastes had to stay on the fringes of the city with no hopes of economic or social
improvement in their condition. The group of beggars also emerged as a result of the
breakdown of kin-based society and increasing demands on the produce by the rulers. There
is a story which says that the king's men looted the village in day time and the robbers at
night. Kamesh Mechrocks
India :6th to 4th Century B.C.
15.5 THE CITY IN ARCHAEOLOGY
The literary sources available to us have undergone several alterations and additions in the
subsequent periods. The written manuscripts of these texts which are available to us are less
than a thousand years old. Thus, it is difficult to sift out the material of the later phases of
history from the early phases of history. As such the information derived from excavation
reports gives us a more dependable idea regarding the cities of the period. This is because
the archaeological data can be dated with greater certainty. Also, the literary sources
exaggerate the opulence and splendour of the cities. The excavated material does not have
such a bias. Let us see what kind of information is provided by excavation reports.

By about 700 B.C. .in places like Ayodhya, Kausambi and Sravasti small settlements came
into existence. The people living in these settlements used various kinds of potteries. Among
them a particular kind of pottery called the Painted Grey Ware is important because many
people lividg in the upper Gangetic Valley were also using this pottery. People in other
settlements of the middle Gangetic Valley were using a pottery called the Black and Red
Ware. By about the sixth century B.C. people of this entire zone started using along with
other varieties of pottery, a particular kind of pottery having glossy surface. This pottery is
called the Northern Black Polished ware. This deluxe pottery is one of the indicators of the
broad cultural uniformity in the Gangetic Valley towns of the sixth century B.C. Probably
this pottery was made in a few places and exported over large areas by merchants. Another
item which starts appearing at the archaeological sites at this phase is coins. Coins came into
use in this period for the first time in ancient India. The coins are made of silver and copper
and are commonly those which are called Punchmarked coins. They bear various kinds of
symbols on one side and were probably initially issued by merchants. The introduction of
coinage proqioted organised commerce. In addition, copper cast irons which, like
Punchmarkdd coins did not have any writings on them, appear in this phase at some sites.

4. Punch Marked Coins

The barter system requires two persons willing to exchange their produce. Suppose a person
has a cow which he wants to exchange for hay. There is a person who has hay but he wants
to exchange it for rice. In that case barter cannot take place. Coins on the other hand carry
standard values for buying and selling. Besides it is easier to carry coins than to cany cows
for buying something. The introduction of money also led to the emergence of the class of
money-lenders.

The larger settlements in this period show the use of baked bricks for housing. Soak Pits
made from superimposed Jars or rings of terracotta used for the disposal of dirty water have
also been reported. They indicate some kind of planning. In the preceding phase people
lived in mud brick hutments. There is also evidence of a larger number of settlements of
larger size. This would indicate a higher density of population. In some sites drains and
refuse bins have been reported. However, the excavated materials indicate that many details
regarding cities given in literature are either highly exaggerated or that they belong to a later
period. None of the cities of the sixth century B.C. show evidence of a planned layout,
whereas literary works always talk about planned layouts of cities. Large scale excavations
in the ancient site of Taxila show that this town might have come into existence by 8th-7th '

hntury B.C. However, planned township came into existence only around the 2nd century
B.C. Similarly, literature repeatedly mentions that cities like Ayodhya and Vaisali covered
, anywhere between 30 to 50 square kilometres. The excavations indicate that none of these
cities would exceed 4 to 5 square kilometre. Likewise the descriptions of large palaces and
wide streets seem to be exaggerated. So far except in Kausambi no palatial structure has
been reported in the 6th century B.C. The houses were more like humble hutments. No
Kamesh Mechrocks
monumental buildings are in evidence. Many early cities like Ujjain, Kausambi, Rajagriha,
etc. show evidences of fortification. Fortifications are indicative of increased apprehension R
ise of Urban Centres I
of warfare. Also fortifications are a way in which the urban community is demarcated from
the rest of the population. This population could be easily controlled by the king. This also
supports the literary evidence that Pura meaning fortified settlement were the earliest forms
of urban settlement in ancient India.

It is now believed that prosperous cities with large palaces came into existence during the
Mauryan period. The literature available to us seems to have used Mauryan cities as the
standard description for the cities of the preceding period too.

5. Soaked Pits found in Ancient Cities

Check Your Progress 2

1) Write ten lines on the kind of cities which are referred to in the contemporary
' literatures.

...........................................................................................................................................
% .

...........................................................................................................................................
2) What do the archaeological source tell about the cities? Write in ten lines.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 -
India :6th to 4th Century B.C.

3) Read the following statements and mark right (d ) or wrong (x )

i) There was a tradition of cities being named after the name of the kings as well as
trees.
ii) We do not get an accurate picture' of the cities from the Ancient Texts.
iii) With ttfe coming of the cities the groups of beggars, sweepers and other
impoverished sections completely disappeared.
iv) The introduction of coins made the barter system redundant and facilitated
organised commerce. ,

15.6 LET US SUM UP

In this unit you learnt about the emergence of urban centres in the sixth century B.C.
Emergence of the city was a result of two crucial processes. One was in relationship with
nature i.e. by the use of iron and mastering the technique of paddy transplantation the people
of the Gangetic Valley achieved greater mastery over the process of agricultural production.
The other process was the changes in the internal structure of the sixth century B.C. society.
This meant that the ruling aastes like the Kshatriyas and Brahmanas along with the class of
the Gahapatis could extract surplus food and other social products. The place where the
rich and powerful lived was called the city. Of course the presence of these people meant the
presence of a large number of poor people. That is why some scholars have said that the
emergence of Buddhism was a response to urban misery. The ancient Indian literature
describes cities of various kinds like Pura, Pattana and Nagara. However, literature seems
to exaggerate the size and opulence of the cities. This was found out by the archaeologists -
who excavated the ancient sites of these cities.

15.7 KEY WORDS

Hinterland: region lying inside the area of influence of a town.
Literate tradition: refers to traditions in which writing was known.
Paddy transplantation: the practice of removing the seedling where it has grown and
planting it in another place.
State Society: society characterised by the presence of rulers and ruled, rich and poor.
Surplus: refers to the produce which is siphoned off by the rul'ers from the producers.
Taxation: contribution exacted by the rulers from individuals or groups on a regular basis.
Tribute: an irregular payment in acknowledgment of subjection.
Wet Rice Cultivation :The practice of cultivation in which paddy seedlings are
transplanted into fields which are water-logged. This is distinct from the dry rice cultivation
in which seeds are simply broadcast in the fields. Wet rice cultivation is immensely more
productive. '

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Rise of Urban Centres
15.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) c
2) (i)x (ii) d (iii) x (iv) d
3) In your answer, you should refer to the following points: a dominant non-agricultural
population; functioning in an advantageous relationship with a large hinterland; centre
for governing religious, administrative and economic activity; greater differentiation in
wealth and status and the existence of a centralised administrative agency. See Section
15.2.
Check Your Progress 2 f

1) In your answer you should explain various terms (like Pura, Durga, Nigarna, Nagara)
used in the literature and point out their differences. See Sub-sec. 15.4.1
2) You should refer to the use of a new kind of pottery (NBP Ware), introduction of coins,
and the use of baked bricks for housing. Also point out how an extremely exaggerated
picture given by the literary sources has been corrected-by archaeology. See Section
15.5.
3) (i) d (ii) d (iii) x (iv) d

Kamesh Mechrocks 29
UNIT 16 SOCIETY AND ECONOMY

Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Our Sources of Information
Society
16.3.1 Kshatriyas
16.3.2 Brahmanas
16.3.3 Vaishyas and the Gahapati
16.3.4 Shudras
16.3.5 Wandering Ascetics
16.3.6 Condition of Women
Economy
16.4.1 Factors in the Growth of Food Roducing Economy
16.4.2 Rural Economy
16.4.3 Urban Economy
16.4.4 Urban Occupations
16.4.5 Trade and Trade doutes
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Checkyour Progress Exercises

In this unit you will get to know in general about the main social and economic changes
which crystallised by the period of second urbanization and specially about the : .
main segments of the society, social order and the disabilities imposed onthe sudras,
evidences and the causative factors for the growth of food producing economy,
main features of rural and urban economy, and
.main crafts and occupations along with the nature of trade and trade routes during the
period.

16.1 INTRODUCTION
Before we discuss in any details the major aspects of society and economy in the period
between the 6th century B.C. and 4th century B.C., it is necessary, as an introduction. to
recapitulate some of the points already discussed. First, the later Vedic'society seems to
reflect a shift to a new geographical region i.e., upper and middle Ganga Valley. as well as
consolidation of agrarian economy. Second, the appearance of rulers and others who
enjoyed shares of wealth produced by society without producing any wealth themselves, and
institutionalized inequality in society. This institutionalization of inequality meant the
emergence of State and the state apparatus. It also meant further consolidation of the theory
of the division of society into four varnas, because the varna theory e l a k ~ the d ways in
which different sections in society should perform their duties.

16.2 OUR SOURCES OF INFORMATION

We ha9e a variety of texts which provide us with information about the society and
economy of the 6th to 4th century B.C. period. There are many brahmanical texts meant to
instruct people in the performance of day-to-day rites and rituals. They arc called Crihya-
sutras, Srautsutras and Dharma sutras. Among these manuals some texts like those of
kpastamba belong to this period. The grammar of Panini provides brief references to many
communities in those times. However. our primary source of information about this period
Kamesh Mechrocks
srp thr v s r i n r r r RrrAAh;cr t e r t c W A t t e n in t h o nnli Isnannsao tho r s r l u W n A A h i c t re-.' A ~ t r
back to the period between the sixth and fourth centuries B.C. Our information about the Society and
contemporary society is also enriched by the study of the archaeological sites related to the
Northern Black Polished Ware.

16.3 SOCIETY
The society of the sixth to fourth century B.C. is a society undergoing tremendous change.
Preachers, princess and merchants vie for our attention. This was the time when cities came
into existence for the first time in historical India. (You have read about it in unit 15). This
was also the time when a literate tradition began. Towards the end of this period the society
had acquired the knowledge of writing and the earliest script of ancient India is called the
Brahmi script. The invention of writing expanded the horizon of knowledge. Socially
acquired knowledge had been transmitted through memorisation from one generation to
another. There was a possibility of lots of things being forgotten or changed over a period of
time. The invention of writing meant that knowledge could be stored without tampering with
it. Thfs fact heightened the consciodsness of change. This was because social structure and
beliefs kept changing in time. Once things were written down those changes became
observable to the people of the subsequent period when ideas and beliefs had changed.Let
us discuss about the various sections of society who are caught in the flux of change.

16.3.1 Kshatriyas
The Kshamyas appear to be the most visible and powerful section of society in the
contemporary literature. Buddha and Mahavira belonged to this group. In the Brahmanical
texts the Kshatriyas have'been equated with the warrior caste. This is the second highest
caste in the varna order. They were supposed to be the rulers of the society. However, the
Buddhist literature gives a different picture of the KShatriyas. They did not have the
compactness and strict rules of marriage which characterise a caste. They are mentioned as
the ruling lineages of the Ganasamghas like those of Vaisali and Kapilavastu, referred to as
the Shakyas, Licchavis, Mallas etc. They were groups who owned land collectively. Their
land was cultivated by slaves and labourers called the Dasa, Karmakaras. They do not
seem to have performed the Brahmanical rituals. As such we find that the Buddhist literature
generally talks of only two groups in the Ganasamghas. They are the high caste and the low
caste. In these areas instead of the four-fold Brahmanical caste structure there is a two-fold
division. The Brahmans and Shudras are missing. These Kshatriya clans practiced various
kinds of marriage customs which included the cross-cousin marriage. In fact they were so
particular about whom to marry and not to marry that the Shakyas are supposed to have been
destroyed because of this. According to a story their overlord, the King of Koshala called
Prasenajita, wanted to marry a Shakya girl. The Shakyas could not refuse the offer. So, they
sent a Shakya slave girl who was married to the King. The progeny of this marriage
succeeded to the thione. Upon discovering this ruse played by the Shakyas, he destroyed
them in anger. Although both, the Koshalan monarch and the Shakyas were Kshatriyas they
did not inter-marry. This indicates that the Kshatriyas were not a caste in the sense we
understand it. The Kshatriyas were very proud of their lineage and status. The Shakyas,
Licchavis, Mallas and other such clans jealously guarded their rights of entry in their
assemblies and other people were not allowed into these places. These assemblies decided
most of the socio-political issues bf their society. They did not pay land taxes and they did
not have a standing army. In times of war the entire lineage would take to arms.

In the Kingdoms of Kosala, Kashi etc. the rulers are referred to as Kshatriyas. However
unlike the Brahmankal sources the Buddhist sources place them at the top of the four caste
structure. In one of the discourses Buddha says 'even when a Kshatriya has fallen into the
lowest depths, he is still the best and the Brahmans are low in comparison to him.' Some of
the Kshatriyas are shown as learned teachers and thinkers. Some others are described as
taking to trade. As such one can say that the Brahmanical r:etion of Kshatriya as the warrior
caste was applicable to only some princely families in the upper and middle Gangetic plains.
They performed a variety of activities like preaching, trading and supervising agriculture.
Especially in eastern India Kshatriyas did not exist as a caste. Rather there were many
separate groups who called themselves Kshatriyas.

Kamesh Mechrocks
16.3.2 Brahmanas
The Brahmanas mentioned in the contemporary texts seem more like a caste group.
Brahman is one who is born a Brahman. He may change his profession, still he remains a
Brahman. The Brahmanical texts give them the privilege of mediation between man and
god. They had the exclusive rights of performing sacrifices. This group was imbued with a
consciousness of being the highest caste. They also seem to have followed certain rules of
avoiding impure food and habitations. The Shatapatha Brahmana a contemporary
Brahmanical text mentions four important marks of a Brahmana. They are Brahmanical
parentage, suitable behaviour, attainment of fame and teaching of men. For doing this they
were supposed to enjoy certain privileges. They were to be respected, given presents. and
were given immunity from death sentence. Many Brahmanas did follow the life of
renouncement and teaching. The Buddhist literature is generally critical of the Brahmanas.
However, it is critical of the Brahmanas who had deviated from pious ethical life. They
criticised the excessive ritualism and greediness of the Brahmanas. Many Brahmanas
embraced Buddhism. It had been found that among the early followers of the Buddha
Brahmanas were present in largest number. However. the Pali literature also indicates that
the Brahmanas had taken to various kinds of professions. In the Dasabrahmana Jataka we
are told a story which will give us an idea of the Buddhist attitude towards the Brahmanas.
"In ancient times there reigned in the city of Indpatta in the Kingdom of Kuru. King
Koravya of the family of Yuddhitth'ila: He was advised by his minister Vidhura in worldly
and spiritual things...He (the King) gave him a seat and asked his advice. "Seek Brahmanas.
Vidhura, that are virtuous and learned. who eschewing sensual pleasures would enjoy my
gifts, gifts, 0 friend, we will make where. what is given will bear rich fruit."
"Very difficult to find are Brahmanas. 0 King. that are virtuous and learned, who,
eschewing sensual pleasures, would enjoy your gifts.
"Verily, there are ten classes of Brahmanas, 0 King. Here when I distinguish and classify
them clearly: Provided with roots, they gather herbs, bathe and mutterwhorisma.
Physicians they resemble, 0 King, even if they call themselves Brahmanas. they are now
known to you, 0 great King, to such we will go."
"Strayed-have they" replies King Koravya" .....
"Little bells they cany before you and ring, messages also they cany and they know how to
drive wagons, servants they resemble" .....

"Carrying a waterpot and a bent stickihey run behind the Kings into the villages and the
Country towns, saying 'If nothing is given, we will not leave the village or the forests'. Tax
Collectors they resemble" .....
"With long nails and hair on the body;filthy teeth, filthy hair. covered with dust and din,
they go out as beggars. Wood-cutters they resemble".....
"Myrobalans, mango and jack fruits. baskets made of sugar, scents, honey and ointment, the
most diverse wares they sell, 0 Lord. Tradesmen they resemble." .....
"Agriculture and trade they cany on. they breed goats and sheep, their daughters they give
away (for money). marriages they arrange for their daughters and sons. The Ambattha and
versa they resemble" .....
"Some purohitas eat food brought from outside. many people ask them (regarding omens).
animals they castrate and lucky signs they prepare. Sheep are also slaughtered there (in the
houses of the putohitas), as also buffaloes, swine land goats; slaughterer. they resemble." .....
"Armed with the sword and the shield axe in hand. they stand in the roads of the varsas
(it., in thebusiness streets) lead the caravans. (Through roads exposed to robbers).
Cowherds they resemble and nishadas" ......
"Building huts in the forest, they make nooses; hares. cats, lizards, fish and tortoises they
kill. Hunters are they* .......
''Others lie for love of money under the bed of kings; the latter bathe over them after a Soma
offering is ready. Bathers they resemble" .......
Kamesh Mechrocks
thrc drunes of acrsons and niaces as given in the original text have been retained)
This story gives us an idea of the variety of activities-performed by the Brahmanas. It also Society and Economy
gives us a glimpse of the range of professions present in the contemporary society. Even
with the changes in profession they are considered unworthy Brahmanas. They do not lose
their caste. References to learned Brahmans are also legion. So are the references to
Brahman agriculturists who cultivated their own land or got their land cultivated by slaves
and servants. However, their primary identity as a caste concerned with the divine, had
already been formed.

16.3.3 Vaishyas and the Gahapati

In the Brahmanical varna system Vaishya was the third caste in the ritual order. They were
entrusted with cattle herding, agriculture and trade. The Buddhist literature on the other.
hand uses the term Gahapati mgre frequently. Gahapati literally means the master of the
household. This community of landholders, cultivated its land with the family labour or the
labour of slaves and servants. They seem to have emerged out of the rajanya and groups
mentioned in the Vedic literature. Their emergence represents the emergence of family and
individual ownership of wealth. Earlier wealth was collectively owned by the entire lineage.
Apart from the Gahapatis the Buddhist literature mentions a whole range of professionals
and merchants who would fall under the category of the Vaishyas of the Brahmanical texts.
Each of them were closed kinship groups who would not inter-marry. Their identity was
defined by the kind of professions they followed and by their geographical location. As such
there never was a Vaishya caste in the Brahmanical sense of the term. Rather there were
many groups having caste like formations. Let us look at some of these groups.

As'already mentioned the Gahapatis form a prominent category of landowners.

Interestingly enough they are rarely found in the Ganasamghas where land was owned by
Kshatriya lineages. They are frequently mentioned in the monarchies of the middle Gangetic
VaUey. They were the primary exploiters of agriculture and the source of revenue for the
Kings. Gdrapatis included men of wealth who were also associated'with carpentry,
medicine etc. The Pali texts use another term Kutumbika in a synonymous sense which
would mean the head of the household (Kutumba). They are shown as rich landowners,
dealing in corn or money transactions.

6. Coins from 6th Century B.C.

It was from the class of rich landowners that a section of rich traders evolved. The
Gahapatis are mentioned in trading towns too. Individual ownership of wealth and weak
-- .,
11 -L. .
A
. - 2 , .
Brahmanical influence helped the Gahapatis use their wealth for trade. In the Western
Kamesh Mechrocks
-9 0 .r rm PAL' L ..
India :6th to 4th Century B.C. off, emerges the class of Setthi. The word Setthi literally means 'a person having the best!'.
The Setthi-Gahapati referred to very rich merchants and bankers having close contacts with
the king. Anathapindika who donated the Jetavbna in Sravasti to Buddha was one such
rich Setthi. A Setthi in Benaras engages in trade and drives a caravan of five hundred
wagons. Their profession as bankers flourished with the invention of coined money. Coins
called Shatamana, Karshapana, etc. are mentioned in the contemporary literature.
Excavation: have also shown that coins had come in use by this period. Long distance trade
is frequently mentioned.

Apan from the big merchants and landlords many small scale traders are also mentioned.
Among them shopkeeper, retailer, trader, pedlars, selling pots and pans, carpenters, ivory-
carvers, garland makers and smiths can be mentioned. These groups formed professional
unions. No one else but a family member could take up that profession. This local division
of different kinds of works and the hereditary character of various professions. gave them
the character of guilds. They used to have a head who would look after their interests. The
King was supposed to respect the internal rules of the guild and protect it. The presence of
the guild indicates increased trading and manufacturing activity. It meant that groups
identified specifically on the basis of their economic activity came into existence. These
groups did have the character of caste. Each of these groups would marry inside the group
only and their rules were considered inviolable.

16.3.4 Shudras
The Shudras were the lowest caste in the Brahmanical order. Their only duty was service to
the other three castes. The non-brahmanical texts give us a picture of many oppressed and
poor people who are bracketed as Shudras. The Pali literature frequently mentions dasas
(slaves) and karmakaras (wage labourers)..The term dalidda is used for denoting
extremely poor people who did not have anything to eat and no covering for their back. So,
for the first time we have references to the rich living in luxury. and the poor destitute. The
process of such impoverishment and the formation of the Shudra caste may be attributed to
the appropriation of land and other resources by the powerful groups. The Shudras without
any resources were reduced to servility and forced to work on the land of the rich. The more
general reference to the Shudras included artisans and craftsmen also. The Dhsrmasutras
ascribe the origins of various groups of the Shudras by the notion of the Sankirna jati,
which means that if there is an inter-caste marriage, their progeny would be of a very low
caste. This was the counterpatt in ritual status to the economic and social deprivation of the
peasants, slaves and craftsmen. They had the most to lose from the erosion of kinship ties,
characterising the Vedic society.
Dasasudda is frequently mentioned in the contemporary literature. They were slaves who
did not have any legal status. War-prisoners and people who could not pay back their debts
seemed to be the chief sources of supply of the Shudra labour. They were forced to work on
the land of the rich. The dasas, karmakaras and kassakas were the sources of labour
supply in rural areas. With the emergence of cities the inequality between the rich and poor
further increased.
-
All the groups mentioned above by no means exhaust the list of social categories present in
the time of the Buddha. Wandering dancers and musicians moved from village to village
and impressed their audiences with their skills. Tricksters, tramps, elephant tamers, stage
managers, soldiers, writers; archers, hunters and barbers were some of the groups which
come in our view. It is difficult to place them in the caste order. Probably, they would be
considered out-castes. Most of them were outside the pale of the newly emerged agrarian
society. As such they were generally despised. Sometimes these groups rose in revolt. The
Jataka stories are full of descriptions of war. The poor Shudras are'mentioned as living
outside the city. The logical outcome of this process was the emergence of untouchability.
The candalas are described I living in separate villages. Their prerence was believed to be
so polluting that the daughter of a Setthi washes her eyes on seeing a candala. Similarly, a
Brahmana is disturbed about the fact that a breeze blowing past a candala would touch him.
The candalas were supposed to wear the garments of the dead and eat their food out of
broken pots. Other such despised groups were the Pukkusas. Nishadas and Venas. One of
the justifications of the King's rule was that they protected the villages from the plundering,
pillaging tribes. These were the primitive communities who were gradually evicted from
Kamesh Mechrocks
in the f n r ~ c t cThev either he~arneclavec nr rnhbrc Thprp ~ n ref~rt-nrpc
thpir h n m ~ c = tn
16.3.5 Wandering Ascetics
One very visible groupm this period was of the Paribrajakas and Sramanas. These were
people who had renounced their homes. They travelled from place to place and held
discussions on the meaning - them were m
- of life, society and spirituality. Among . u.l e like
the Buddha and Maha\ ira.

16.3.6 Condition of Women

The changes in the economy and society of the sixth century B.C. also affected the condition
of women. Since, property was inherited from father to son, there was obsession with the
need to prevent adultery. The books repeatedly say that the two most important functions .of
the King are punishing the violation of property and of the family. The meek slave like wife
was considered the ideal wife. However. this was true of the wives of the rich. For them the
main function of a wife was producing legitimate heirs. However, there were a larger
number of women who spent their lives labouring for their masters and mistresses. Women
were looked down in com~arison
' to men.
~ ---.
~~
Thev
-~
-
~ were
- ,described as inca~able
..r..... of sitting in a
..................
-~~-
public assembly. They were permanently in the charge of men-father, brother or son. Even if
they join the Samgha they were treated as inferior to men.

Check Your Progress 1

1 ) What kinds of conclusion can you draw frsmthi: story of the Dssabrahmana Jataka?
Answer in about 5 lines.
...........................................................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................................................
~.

...........................................................................................................................................
2) What are the dissimilarities between the Kshatriyas and the Brahrnanas.

...........................................................................................................................................
.............................:.............................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................................................
3) Acccunt for the deteriorating condition of the Shudras.
...........................................................................................................................................

16.4 ECONOMY
We have seen that the process of state formation and social stratification gathered
momentum and assumed significance in the middle of the first millennium B.C. The two
phenomena which were closely interlinked. appeared because the new agriculture could not
only sustain agriculturists but also many others who were not engaged directly in this vital
task of primary production. Literary and archaeological sources, which reflect the economic
pattern of the country during sixth, fifth century B.C.. contain evidence of the enhanced
production of agricultural wealth: (Sources of these have been noted earlier Unit 14)
Besides : Kamesh Mechrocks
--
Century B.C. 1) The growth of monastic orders living exclusively on alms and donations, presupposes
enough agricultural produce.
2) The establishment of sixteen Mahajanapadas along with their capita cities and standing
armies would not have been possible if agricultural produce could not sustain non-
agriculturists.
3) The location of the capital towns of this period having variety of crafts and trades in
river Valleys with broad flood plains and on main trade routes also presupposes some
surplus food production.

Let us discuss some of the important aspects of economic life during this period.

16.4.1 Factors in the Growth of Food Producing Economy

Some of the main causative factors which seem to have influenced agricultural growth were
as follows:
1) The crucial role of iron implements in clearing the thick vegetation cover of the Ganga
Plains from about 600 B.C. onwards. Cereals like rice, barley, wheat and millets were
produced over the wider areas of land.
2) Buddhists insisted on the protection of cattle and Suttanipata clearly states that they
should not be slaughtered because they constituted a source of grain and strength. Thus
the preservation of cattle wealth for agricultural purposes was encouraged.
3) What further distinguishes the force of production in the age of Buddha from those In
later Vedic times is the beginning of paddy transplantation.
4) The rice producing economy was supplemented by domestication and hunting of
animals. This was another major means of their economic life and the source of
livelihood. Archaeologists have recovered large number of bones of cattle, sheep, goat,
horses and pigs from the number of archaeological sites. Thus, the animals were not .
only used for draught and the plough of fields but a section of the society was also
probably non-vegetarian.

7. Agricultural Implements

16.4.2 Rural Economy

As a rich agricultural hinterland was cultivated, trade too received an impetus. The transition
was being made from a subsistence economy to a market economy. The introduction of
coinage facilitated this development. It led to greater mobility, accelerated trade and
commerce and facilitated intercourse over a vast area which resulted in the growth of a
comp1:x rural and urban economic system.

That the village centres had their own economic pattern is revealed from a number of
literary sburces belonging to our period of study. It was based on a system of village
Kamesh Mechrocks
communities of peasant proprietorship. The Pali texts speak of three types of villages:
 Society and Economy
1) the typical village inhabited by various castes and communities.
2) suburban villages were in the nature of craft villages. These served as markets for other
villages and linked the town with countryside.
3) border villages consisting of hunters, fowlers etc., who were leading a simple life.
The rural economy developed through the establishment of new settlements by shifting
surplus population fromzhe overpopulated areas, and also by rehabilitating the decaying
villages. In such cases cattles, seed, money and irrigational facilities were given by rulers.
Remission of taxes and other concessions were allowed. Retired officials and priests were
granted lands in such area. Lands in these areas could not be sold, mortgaged or inherited.
Grassland was owned in common. They had an independent internal economy. The chief
occupation in the rural area remained to be agriculture. The village supplied surplus produce
to the towns and the towns supplied other necessities to the villagers.

Whereas agriculture was the main occupation cattle rearing and certain small crafts
connected with land, forest and animals catering to local requirements, were the other
features of the rural economy.

16.4.3 Urban Economy

The urban economy was dominated by traders and craftsmen who produced goods for a
wider market on a larger scale. The necessary concomitants for the growth of urban
economy were surplus food production, crafts specialization, trade, centres of exchange, use
of metallic money, political organisation ensuring order and a literate society. The urban
economy revolved found two important features-Firstly, industry with a larger number of
professionals and craftsmen. Secondly, trade--both internal and external. We will discuss
each factor one by one.

8. An Artists' Impression o f a City Market

16.4.4 Urban Occupations

The urban occupations can be broadly categorised into two groups i.e. those connected with
productive activities and those which had nothing to do with production as such. The second
group which was mainly composed of administrative officials had hardly any direct impact
on the urban econQmy. The merchants, however, who belonged to this category were an
intermediary group playing a vital role in the system of distribution. The material remains
discovered from the various archaeological sites of northern India such as pottery
(particularly NBP);terracotta animal and human figurines; terracotta objects of games and
amusement; objects of bone and ivory; coins; stone and glass objects; beads; copper and iron
objects; etc., attest to the existence of various important crafts industries which can be
classified under the following heads :
Kamesh Mechrocks
: 6th to 4th Century B.C. 1) clay working like pottery, terracotta figurines. modelling and to some extent also brick-
making etc.
2) carpentry and wood-working
3) metal-working
4) stone-working
5) glass industry
6) bone and ivory-working
7) other miscellaneous industries like garland-makers, makers of bows and arrows, comb,
baskets, perfume, liquor oil and musical instruments.

16.4.5 Trade and Trade Routes

Linked with the growth of specialisation of crafts is the uevelopinent of trade. In those days
trade, both inland and foreign, was fairly brisk. Merchants made fortunes by dealing in
articles like silks, muslin, amour, perfumes, ivory, ivory works and jewellery etc. They
travelled long distances up and down the great rivers of the country, and even undertook
coastal voyages to Burma and Sri Lanka from Tamluk in the east and from Broach in the
west. Inland, the traders followed certain well established routes. One of them ran from
Sravasti to Pratisthana; another linked Sravasti with Rajagriha; a third skirted along the base
of the Himalayas from Taxila to Sravasti; and a fourth connected Kashi with the ports of
western coast. Long distance trade was, however, centred in the towns rather than at rural
sites because the former were centres of production and consequently of distribution besides
being better protected.

The age of barter was almost drawing to a close. Now the ordinary medium of exchange was
a coin called Kahapana (Karsapana). It was of copper and silver and marks were punched
on it by merchants or ruler's guilds, guaranteeing its standard. Banks were unknown, and
surplus money was either converted into ornaments, or hoarded in jars and buried in the
ground, or put in the custody of a friend.

9. %larksnn Punched Marked Coins

Check Your Progress 2 -- .

I ) What mere the main factors which influenced agricultural groh th?
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 ........................................................................................................................................... Society and Economy

...........................................................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................................................
2) How did rural economy develop?
...........................................................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................................................

...........................................................................................................................................
3) What were the important trade routes during the period under review?

16.5 LET US SUM UP

In our study, a good portion of what is said about the social and economic condition of India
is based on the early Pali texts and archaeology of the NBPW phase. The process of state
formation and social stratification gathered momentum and assumed significance in the
middle of the first millennium B.C. Renewed emphasis was given to the four different roles
that the Brahmanas, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras were called upon to. The nature of
the later Vedic society1PGW culture in which only the Brahmanas and the Kshatriyas
played the important role got disturbed due to the rise of a trading class, the Vaishyas,
whose strength emerged from the money earned. All kinds of restrictions were imposed on
the Shudras. The food producing economy was immensely strengthened by the use of iron
implements, transplantation of paddy, and by religious sanction for the preservation of
'
cattle. The transition was from the subsistence economy to market economy. Trade and the
system of coinage also played its role in the development of urban economy. Whereas
agriculture, cattle rearing and certain small crafts connected with land, forest and animals
were the chief features of rural economy, urban economy was dominated by a large number
of professionals and craftsmen who produced for wider circulation and more consumption.
This led to greater mobility, increased trade and trade routes and resulted in the growth of a
complicated rural and urban economic system.

KEY WORDS
PGW: the abbreviation stands for the Painted Grey Ware. This pottery was grey in colour
and painted with black pigment in several designs.
NBP: the abbreviation stands for the Northern Black Polished Ware (NBPW) which was a
very glossy, shining type of pottery found in a variety of colours.
Subsistence: means of supporting life.
Kinship: relationship by birth or marriage.
Mortgage: give a money-lender a claim on (Property) as a security for money borrowed.
Progeny : Soddaughter.

Kamesh Mechrocks
India : 6th to 4th Century B.C.
16.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) See Sub-sec. 16.3.2. Your answer could indicate that the Jataka reflects the flexibility in
the choice of professions of Brahmanas and varieties of professions the Brahmanas
were engaged in.
2) See Sub-sec. 16.3.1. Your answer could include the different roles assigned to the two
groups by the literature of the period. Also focus on different functions they performed.
3) See Sub-sec. 16.3.4. Your answer could indicate how appropriation of land by more
powerful groups, chronic indebtedness, lack of legal status and origin, notion of purity
(of upper caste-groups) and pollution(of Shudras) contributed to the deteriorating
conditions of Shudras.

Check Your Progress 2

1) See Sub-sec. 16.4.1. You answer could indicate the crucial role of iron in food
production, preservation of cattle wealth for agricultural purposes, technique of paddy
transplantation as factors contributing to the enhanced agricultural growth.
2) See Sub-sec. 16.4.2. Your answer could indicate as to how the rural economy developed
through the establishment of new settlements.
3) See Sub-sec. 16.4.5. Your answer should indicate the foreign trade routes from Tamluk
and Broach to Burma and Sri Lanka. The four inland trade routes from Sravasti to
Pratishthana; Sravasti to Rajagriha; Taxila to Sravasti and Kashi to Westem Portz
should be referred.

Kamesh Mechrocks
- - -

UNIT 17 BUDDHISM, JAINISM AND

OTHER RELIGIOUS IDEAS

Structure

17.0 Objectives
17.1 Introduction
17.2 Rise of New Religious Ideas
17.3 Gautama Buddha and Origin of Buddhism
17.4 Teachings of Buddha
17.5 Development of Buddhism
17.5.1 Spread of Buddhism
17.5.2 The Institution of the Sangha
17.5.3 Buddhist Councils
17.5.4 Buddhist Schools
17.6 Origins of Jainism
17.6.1 Parsvanatha
17.6.2 Mahavira
17.7 Teachings of Mahavira
17.8 Development of Jainism
17.8.1 Spread of Jainism
17.8.2 Jain Councils
17.8.3 Sects
17.9 Other Heterodox Ideas
17.9.1 A j i v h
17.9.2 Other Ideas
17.10 Impact of the New Religious Movements
17.li LetUsSumUp
17.12 Keywords
17.13 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

17.0 OBJECTIVES
After studying this Unit you should be able to know about :
the background to the rise of new religious ideas during the sixth century B.C.,
the emergence and growth of Buddhism and Jainism,
the main tenets of these religions,
the influence these religions came to wield on contemporary society,
the other heterodox ideas prevalent in the sixth century B.C., and,
the significance of these religious movements.

17.1 INTRODUCTION
The sixth century B.C. was an important stage in Indian history as far as the development of
new religions is concerned. In this period, we notice a growing opposition to the ritualistic
orthodox ideas of the Brahmanas. This ultimately led to the emergence of many heterodox
religious movements. Among these Buddhism and Jainism developed into well organised
popular religions. This Unit attempts to analyse the emergence andsignificance of these new
religious ideas.
Firstly it deals with the factors that were responsible for the emergence and growth of
heterodox ideas. Then it goes on to explain how Buddha and Mahavira tried to find a
solution in their own ways to end human suffering. Since the causes for the emergence of
the& two religions are common in nature, the? is some similarity in the principles adopted
by these religions. However, they differ completely on some of the basic principles. We
Kamesh Mechrocks
have diact~saedthe.w nnints in the 1Tnit~
India :6th to 4th Century B.C. The other heterodox religious ideas which were current during the sixth century B.C. have
also been dealt with. Finally we examine the impact of these religious movements on
contemporary economy and society.

17.2 RISE OF NEW RELIGIOUS IDEAS

The new religious ideas during this period emerged out of the prevailing social, economic
and religious conditions. Let us examine some of the basic reasons which contributed to
their emergence:
i) The Vedic religious practices had become cumbersome, and in the context of the new
society of the period had become in many cases meaningless ceremonies. Sacrifices and
rituals increased and became more elaborate and expensive. With the breakup of
communities, the participation in these practices also became restricted and as such
irrelevant to many sections in the society.
ii) Growing importance of sacrifices and rituals established the domination of the
Brahmanas in the society. They acted both as priests and teachers and through their
monopoly of performing sacred religious rites, they claimed the highest position in the
society which was now divided into four vamas.
iii) Contemporary economic and political developments, on the other hand, helped the
emergence of new social groups which acquired considerable economic power. You
have seen that merchants living in cities or even rich agricultural householders
possessed considerable wealth. Similarly, the Kshatriyas, whether in the monarchies or
in the gana-samghas, came to wield much more political power than before. These
social groups were opposed to the social positions defined for them by the Brahrnanas
on the basis of their heredity. As Buddhism and Jainism did not give much importance
to the notion of birth for social status, they attracted the Vaisyas to their folds.
Similarly, the Kshatriyas i.e. the ruling class were also unhappy with Brahmanical
domination. Briefly put, it was basically the discontent generated hy the dominant
position of the Brahmanas in the society, which contributed to the social support behind
the new religious ideas. It is worth remembering that both Buddha and Mahavira came
from Kshatriya class but in their search for answers to the pressing problems of society
they went beyond boundaries set by their birth. Further, when we try to find out how
their ideas were received by their contemporaries, we notice that they had a range of
people responding to them: Kings, big merchants, rich householders, Brahmans and
even courtesans. They all represented the new society which was emerging in the sixth
century B.C. and Buddha and Mahavira, and other thinkers of those times, in their own
ways, responded to the problems of a new social order. The Vedic ritualistic practices
had ceased to be of much relevance to this new social order.

Buddha and Mahavira, were by no means, the first to criticise the existing religious beliefs.
Many religious preachers before them, like Kapila, Makkali Gosala, Ajita Kesakambalin and
Pakuda Kachchayana had already highlighted the evils of the Vedic religions. They also
developed new ideas on life and God. New philosophies were also being preached.
iiowever, it was Buddha and Mahavira, who provided an alternative religious order.

This was the background which helped the emergence and establishment of new religious
orders in the sixth century B.C. Among these Buddhism and Jainism were most popular and
well organised. We will now discuss the origin and development of Buddhism and Jainism
separately.

17.3 GAUTAMA BUDDHA AND ORIGIN OF BUDDHISM

Buddhism was founded by Gautama Buddha who had been given the name Siddhartha by
his parents. His father was Suddhodana, the chief of the Sakya clan and mother was Maya,
princess of the Koliya clan He was born in the Lumbini grove (modem Rumindei) in Nepal
Tarai. We know this through an inscribed pillar of Asoka. The date of birth of Buddha is a
matter of dispute but most of the scholars place it about 566 B.C.
Kamesh Mechrocks
traditions describe it, he was deeply affected by the sight of an old man, a sick person, a Buddhism, Jainism and
Other Religious Ideas
dead body and an ascetic. The misery of the human life cast a deep spell on Gautama.
In order to find a solution to the misery of-mankind, he left home at the age of 29.

Gautama spent six years as a wandering ascetic. From a sage named Alara Kalama he
learned the technique of meditation and the teachings of the upanishadas. Since these
teachings did not lead Gautama to the final liberation, he left him with five Brahmana
ascetics.

10. The Birth of Buddha

He practised rigid austerities and resorted to different kinds of self torture to find the truth.
Ultimately abandoning this he went to Uruvela (near, modem Bodh Gaya on the banks of
Niranjiina river) and sat under a pipal tree (Bodhi tree-). Here he attained the supreme
knowledge (Enlightenment) on the 49th day of his continuous meditation. Since then he was
called the Buddha (the enlightened one). From here he proceeded to the Deer park at Sarnath
near Varinasi and gave his first sermon which is known as 'Dharmachakra Pravartana'
(setting in motion the wheel of Dharma).

Asvajit, Upali, Mogallana. Sari-putra and Anada were the first five disciples of Buddha.
Buddhl hid the foundations of the Buddhist Sangha. He preached most of his sermons at
Srdvasti. Anathapindika. the rich merchant of Sravasti became his follower and made liberal
donations to the Buddhist order.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Soon he started visiting various places to propagate hi\ \emon\. Cte visited Sarnath,
Indh : 6th to 4th Century B-C. Mathura, Rajgir, Gaya and Padiputra. Kings like Bimbisara, Ajatasatru (Magadha),
Prasenajita (Kosala) and Udayana (Kausarnbi) accepted his doctrines and became his
disciples. He also visited Kapilavastu and converted his foster mother and his son Rahula to
his faith.

At the age of 80 (486 B.C.) he died at KusinagaraQCasiain Deoria district in Uttar Pradesh),
the capital of the Mallas. Let us examine the teachings of Buddha which became popular
and gave a new direction to the religious ideas of the time.

17.4 TEACHINGS OF BUDDHA

The basic teachings of Buddha are contained in:
a) Four Noble Truths, and
b) Eight Fold Path
The following are the Four Noble Truths:
i) The world is full of sufferings.
ii) All sufferings have a cause: desire, ignorance and attachment are the causes of
sufferings.
iii) The suffering could be removed by destroying its cause.
iv) In order to end sufferings one must know the right path. This path is the Eight Fold Path
(Ashtangika Marga).
The Eight Fold Path consists of the following principles:
i) Finding the right view. It is to understand that the world is filled with sorrow generated
by desire. The ending of desire will lead to the liberation of the soul.
ii) Right aim. It seeks to avoid the enjoyment of the senses and luxury. It aims to love
humanity and increase the happiness of others.
iii) Right speech, which seeks to emphasise the speaking of truth always.
iv) Right action, which is understood to be unselfish action.
V) Right livelihood. It instructs that a man should live by honest means.
vi) Right effort. It is the proper way of controlling one's senses so as to prevent bad
thoughts. It is through correct mental exercises that one can destroy desire and
attachment.
vii) Right mindfulness. It is the understanding of the idea that the body is impermanent and
meditation is the means for the removal of worldly evils.
viii) Right concentration. The observation of it will lead to peace. Meditation will unravel
the real truth.

Buddhism laid great emphasis on the law of 'karma'. According to this law present is
determined by the past actions. The condition of a man in this life and the next depends
upon his own actions.

Every individual is the maker of his own destiny. We are born again and again to reap the
fruits of our 'karma'. If an individual has no sins, he is not born again. Thus the doctrine of
k m a is the essential part of the teachings of Buddha.

Buddha preached 'nirvana', the ultimate goal in the life of a man. It means the shedding of
all desires, and ending of sufferings, which finally leads to freedom from rebirth. By a
process of elimination of desire, one can attain 'nirvana'. Therefore, Buddha preached that
annihilation of desire is the real problem. Prayers and sacrifices will not end the desire. So
unlike the emphasis on rituals and ceremonies in Vedic religion he laid emphasis on the
moral life of an individual.

Buddha neither accepted nor rejected the existence of God. He was more concerned about
Kamesh Mechrocks
the individual and his actions. Buddhism also did not believe in the existence of soul.
Besides these Buddha laid stress on certain other aspects: Buddhism, Jainism and
Other Religious Ideas
Buddha emphasised on the spirit of love. Love could be expressed on all living beings by
following 'ahimsa' (non-killing). Though the principle was well understood, it was not
emphasised as much as in Jainism.
An individual should pursue the middle path and both severe asceticism as well as
luxurious life are to be avoided.
Teachings of Buddha put forward a serious challenge to the existing Brahmanical ideas:
i) Buddha's liberal and democratic approach quickly attracted the people of all sections.
His attack on the caste system and the supremacy of the Brahmins was welcomed by the
people of the lower orders. Irrespective of caste and sex people were taken into the .
Buddhist order. In Buddhism salvation lay in one's good deals. So there was no need of
a priest or middle man to achieve 'nirvana' the ultimate goal of life.
ii) Buddha rejected the authority of the Vedas and condernnccl animal sacrifices. He
protested against the complicated and meaningless ritt1.r I\. He said that neither a
sacrifice to gods can wash away sin, nor any prayer ol any priest do any good to a
sinner.

Buddhism in a very short period emerged into an organised religion and Buddha's teachings
were codified.

The Buddhist canons (collection of teachings) are divided into three sections namely:
i) The Sutta Pitaka consists of five sections (nikayas) of religious discourses and sayings
of Buddha. The fifth section contains the Jataka tales (birth stories of Buddha).

Kamesh Mechrocks
11. Preaching Buddha (Gupta Period)
India :6th to 4th Century B.C. ii) The Vinaya Pitaka contains the rules of monastic discipline.
iii) The Abhidhamma Pitaka contains the philosophical ideas of teachings of Buddha. It is
written in the form of questions and answers.

Let us examine the factors which contributed to the popularity of Buddhism.

17.5.1 Spread of Buddhism

Even during the life time of its founder, Buddhism was accepted by a large section of
people. For example people of Magadha, Kosala and Kausambi had embraced Buddhism.
The republics of Sakyas, Vajjis and Mallas also followed the process. Later on, Asoka and
Kanishka made Buddhism state religion and it spread into central Asia, West Asia and Sri
Lanka. This appeal of Buddhism to a large section of population was because of the
following factors :
Emphasis on practical morality, an easily acceptable solution to the problems of mankind
and a simple philosophy, attracted the masses towards Buddhism.
The ideas of social equality laid down in the codes of Buddhism made many lay
followers accept Buddhism.
Merchants, like Anathirpindika, and courtesans, like Amrapali, accepted the faith because
they got due respect in this religion.
The use of popular language (Pali) to explain the doctrines also helped in the spread of
the religion. This was because the Brahmanical religion had limited itself so the use of
Sanskrit which was not the language of the masses.
The patronage extended by kings was another important reason for the rapid growth of
Buddhism. For example according to tradition Asoka sent his son Mahendra and his
daughter Sangamitra to Sri Lanka to preach Buddhism. He also established many
monastries and contributed liberally to the Sangha.
The institution of Sangha had helped to organise the spread of Buddhism effectively.

17.5.2 The Institution of the Sangha

The Sangha was the religious order of the Buddhists. It was a well organised and powerful
institution which popularised Buddhism. Membership was open to all persons, irrespective
of caste, above fifteen years of age. Criminals, lepers and persons affected by infectious
diseases were not given admission into the Sangha. Initially Buddha was not in favour of
admitting women in the Surgha. However he admitted them at the repeated requests of his
chief disciple Ananda and his foster mother Mahapajapati Gotami.

On admission, the monks had to ceremonially shave their head and wear yellow or saffron
robes. Monks were expected to go on a daily round in order to preach Buddhism and seek
alms. During the four months of the rainy season they took up a fixed abode and meditated.
This was called the retreat or 'vasa'. The Sanghas also promoted education among the
people. Unlike Brahmanism people of different orders of the society had entry .to education.
Naturally the non-Brahmins who were deprived of education got access to education in
Buddhism and thus education reached wider sections of the society.

The Sangha was governed by democratic principles and was empowered to enforce
discipline amongst its members. There was a code of conduct for the monks and nuns and
they were bound to obey it. The Sangha had the power to punish the emng members.

17.5.3 Buddhist Cauncils

According to tradition s h d y after the death of Buddha the first Buddhist Council was held
in 483 B.C. in the Saptapmi cave near Rajagriha. Mahakassapa presided over the assembly.
Kamesh Mechrocks
All the teachings of Buddha were divided into two Pitakas, namely
a) Vinaya Pitaka, and Buddhism, Jainim and
Other Religious Ideas
b) Sutta Pitaka.
The text of Vinaya Pitaka was established under the leadership of Upali and those of Sutta
Pitaka was settled under the leadership of Ananda.
The second Council was held at Vaisali in 383 B.C. The monks of Vaisali and Pataliputra
had accepted certain rules which were declared as contrary to the teaching of Buddha by the
monks of Kausarnbi and Avanti. The Council failed to bring about a compromise between
the two opposing groups; Nence the council ended in a permanent split of the Buddhist order
into Sthaviravadins and Mahasangikas. The former upheld the orthodox Vinaya Pitaka
while the latter favoured the new rules and their further relaxation.

The third Council was held at Pataliputra during the reign of Asoka under the chairmanship
of Moggaliputta Tissa. In this Council the philosophical interpretations of the doctrines of
Buddha were collected into the third Pitaka called Abhidhamma Pitaka. An attempt was
made in this Council to free the Buddhist order from the dissidents and innovations.
Heretical monks numbering sixty thousand were expelled from the order. The true canonical
literature was defmed and authoritatively settled to eliminate all disruptive tendencies.

The fourth Council was held during the reign of Kanishka in Kashrnir. This council was a
gathering of Hinayanists of North India. It compiled three commentaries (Vibhashas) of
the three Pitalcas. It decided certain controversial questions of differences that arose
between the Sarvastivada teachers of Kashrnir and Gandhara.

17.5.4 Buddhist Schools

In the second Council held at Vaisali, the Buddhist order was split into two schools namely :
a) Sthaviravadins, and
b) Mahasangikas
The Sthaviravadins followed strict monastic life and rigid disciplinary laws as originally
prescribed.
The group which followed a modified disciplinary rules was called the Mahasangikas.

Mahayanism developed after the fourth Buddhist Council. In opposition to the group
(Hinayana sect) who believed in orthodox teaching of Buddha those who accepted the new
ideas were called the Mahayana sect. They made an image of Buddha and worshipped it as
god. In the first century A.D., during the period of Kanishka some doctrinal changes were
made.

Check Your Progress 1

1) Explain the Buddhist philosophy of 'Nirvana' and 'Karma'. Answer in five lines.

...........................................................................................................................................
2) List the factors responsible for the growth of Buddhism. Answer in five lines.

...........................................................................................................................................
3) Mark which of the statements is right (4 ) or wrong (x).
Kamesh Mechrocks
1 Indh :6th to 4th Century B.C. ii) Buddha delivered his first sermon at Bodh Gaya.
iii) Severe asceticism was preached by Buddha.
iv) Buddha did not believe in rebirth.
v) Buddha believed in the existence of God.

17.6 ORIGINS OF JAINISM

According to Jaina traditions, twenty four Tirthankaras were responsible for the origin and
development of Jaina religion and philosophy. Of these, the fust twenty two are of doubtful
historicity. In the case of the last two, Parsvanatha and Mahavira, Buddhist works also
c o n f i their historicity.

17.6.1 Parsvanatha
According to Jaina tradition the twenty-third Tirthankara, Parsvanatha was the son of King
Asvasena of Varanasi and his Queen Vama. He abandoned the throne at the age of t h i i and
became an ascetic. He received enlightenment after 84 days of penance. He died at the age
of 100 years, nearly 250 years before Mahavira. Parsvanatha believed in the eternity of
'matter'. He left behind him a good number of followers. The followers of Parsvanatha wore
a white garment. Thus it is cbar that even before Mahavira some kind of Jaina faith existed.

17;6.2 Mahavira
The twenty-fourth Tirthankara was Vardhamana Mahavira. He was born in Kundagrama
(Basukunda), a suburb of Vaisali (Muzzaffarpur district, Bihar) in 540 B.C. His father,
Siddhartha was the head of Jnatrikas, a Kshatriya clan. His mother was Trishala, a
Lichchhavi princess. Vardhamana was given a good education and was married to Yashoda.
He had a daughter by her.

At the age of thirty, Vardhamana left his home and became an ascetic. At first he wore a
single garment which he abandoned after 13 months and began to wander as a 'naked
monk'. For twelve years he lived the life of an ascetic following severe austerities. In the
13th year of his asceticism, at the age of 42, he attained the 'supreme knowledge'. He was
later known as 'Mahavir' (the supreme hero), or 'Jina' (the conqueror). He was also hailed
as 'Nugrantha' (free from fetters).

For the next t h i i years he moved from place to place and preached his doctrines in Kosala,
Magadha and further east. He wandered for eight months in a year and spent the four
months of the rainy season in some famous town of eastern India. He often visited the courts
of Bimbisara and Ajatasatru. He died at Pawa (near Rajagriha) in Patna district at the age of
72 (468 B.C.).

17.7 TEACHINGS OF MAHAVIRA

Mahavira accepted most of the religious doctrines laid down by Parsvanatha. However, he
made some alterations and additions to them.

Parsvanatha advocated the following four principles:

b) non-violence,
c) non-possession, and
d) not to receive anything which was not voluntarily given. To this Mahavira added
celibacy (brahmacharya).

.. Kamesh
.. . .. .Mechrocks
-. . .. . . . . ..
Mahavira believed that soul (jiva) and matter (ajiva) are the two basic existing elements.
I previous births. By means of continued efforts the soul can be relieved of bondage. This is
the final liberation (moksha) of the soul. The liberated soul then becomes 'the pure soul'.
Buddhism, Jainism and
Other Religious Ideas

12. Jein Tlrthankere (Gupta Perlod)

According ta Jainism, man is the creator of his own destiny and he could attain 'moksha' by
pursuing a life of purity, virtue andnnunciation. Moksha (nirvana) can be attained by
observing the following three principles (ratnatraya):
i) Right belief.
ii) ~ i g hknowledge,
t and
iii) Right action.
He advocated a life of severe asceticism and extreme penance for the attainment of
'nirvana' or the highest spiritual state.
He believed that the world was not created by any supreme creator. The world functions
according to an eternal law of decay and development.
He thought that all objects, animate and inanimate had a soul. He believed that they feel pain
or the influence of injury.
He rejected the authority of Vedas and objected to Vedic rituals and the supremacy of the
Brahmanas.
A code of conduct was prescribed both for householders and for monks. For the purpose of
avoiding evil karmas, a householder had to observe the following five vows:
Kamesh Mechrocks
i) non-injury,
ii) non-stealing,
iii) non-adultery,
iv) speaking the truth, and
V) non-possession.

It was also prescribed that a householder should feed cooked food to the needy everyday.

He preached that lay worshippers should not take to agriculture, since this involved the
d e h c t i o n of plants and insects.

A monk had to observe certain strict rules. He had to abandon all worldly possessions. He
had to root out every hair of his head by his own hands. He could walk only during the day,
taking care that he did not kill or injure any being. He had to train himself so as not to be
affected by objects of the senses.

Jainism believed that the monastic life was essential to attain salvation and a householder
could not att;tin it.

According to tradition the original doctrines taught by Mahavira were contained in 14 old
texts known as 'purvas'. In the first Council at Pataliputra, Sthulabhadra divided the Jaina
canon into 12 'angas' or sections. This was accepted by Svetambaras. However, the
Digambaras refused to accept this claiming that all the old scriptures were lost. At the
second Council held at Vallabhi new additions were made in the f o m of 'Upangas' or
minor sections.

Among the 12 angas the Acharanga sutta k d Bhagavati sutta are the most important.
While the former deals with the code of conduct which a Jaina monk is required to follow,
the later expounds the Jaina doctrines in a comprehensive manner.

DEVELOPMENT OF JAINISM
Teachings of Mahavira became very popular among the masses and different sections of the
society were attracted to it. Like Buddhism in Jainism also with the change of time a lot of
changes came in. We will now see what contributed to the spread of this religion and what
were the developments in it.

17.8.1 Spread of Jainism

Mahavira had eleven disciples known as Ganadharas or heads of schools. Arya Sudharma
was the only Ganadhara who survived Mahavira and became the first 'Thera' (chief
preceptor) of the Jaina order. He died 20 years after Mahavira's death. The Jain order in the
days of the late Nanda King was administered by two Theras :
a) Sambhutavijaya, and
b) Bhadrabahu.

The sixth Thera was Bhadrabahu, a contemporary of the Maurya King Chandragupta
Maurya.

The followers of Mahavira slowly spread over the who?e country. In many regions royal
patronage was bestowed upon Jainism. According to Jain tradition, Udayin, the successor of
Ajatsatru was a devoted Jain. Jain monks were seen on the banks of the river Indus, when
Alexander invaded India. Chiindragupta Maurya was a follower of Jainism and he migrated
with Bhadrabahu to the South and spread Jainism. During 'the early centdies of the
Christian era Mathura and Ujjain became great Fentres of Jainism.

The success of Jainism was more remarkable than Buddhism. One of the important causes
for the success was the popular dialect (Prakrit, Religious literature was also written in
Kamesh Mechrocks
Ardhamagadhi) used in place of Sanskrit by Mahavira and his followers. The simple and
 homely morals prescribed to the masses attracted the people. The patronage extended by Buddhism, Jainism and
Other Religious Ideas
Kings helped Jainism to gain a place in the minds of the people.

17.8.2 Jain Councils

Towards the close of Chandragupta Maurya's rule a terrible famine broke out in South
Bihar. It lasted for about 12 years. Bhadrabahu and his disciples migrated to Sravanabelgola
in Karnataka. Other Jains remained in Magadha with Sthulabhadra as their leader. They
summoned a council at Pataliputra at about 300 B.C. In that council the sacred teachings of
Mahavira were divided into twelve angas.

The second Jain Council was held at Vallabhi (Gujarat) in 5 12 A.D. and was presided over
by Devardhi Kshemasarmana. The purpose of this Council was to collect the Sacred texts
and write them down systematically. However this time the 12th anga drawn at the first
Council was lost. All the remaining angas were written in Ardhamagadhi.

17.8.3 Sects
The split in the Jaina order is widest from the third century B.C. The differences over
wearing a garment was apparent even during the times of Mahavira. The followers of
Bhadrabahu, after their return from Sravanabelgola to Magadha refused to acknowledge the
canon holding that all the 14 purvas were lost. Moreover a wide gulf had developed
between those who emigrated and those who stayed in Magadha. The latter had becoine
accustomed to wearing white garments and made a departure from Mahavira's teachings,
while the former still continued going naked and strictly followed his teachings. Hence, the
first split in the Jaina order was between the Digambaras (sky clad or naked) and
Svetambaras (clad in white).

During the later years further splits took place among both the sections, the most important
of them being one that renounced idol worship altogether and devoted itself to the worship
of the scriptures. They were called the Terapanthis among the Svetambaras and the
Samaiyas among the Digambaras. (This sect came into existence about the sixth century
A.D.)

17.9 OTHER HETERODOX IDEAS

Many non-vedic ideas were prevalent in this period. They later developed into small sects.
Among them the Ajivika sect had a considerable number of followers with a recognised
organisation.

17.9.1. Ajivikas

The Ajivikas are said to be sudra sanyasins. The sect was said to be established by Nanda
Vachcha, who was followed by Kisa Sankichcha. The third religious chief was Makkali
Gosala, who popularised this sect. He denied the theory of 'karma' and argued that man is
subject to the laws of nature. The Ajivikas believed that the thought and deed of an
individual were predetermined (decided before birth). They did not believe that there was
any special cause for either the misery of human beings or for their deliverance. They did
not believe in human effort and held that all creatures were helpless against destiny. Gosala
maintained that all creatures had to face misery and it would end after the completion of
fixed cycles. No human effort would reduce or lengthen the period. Gosala's followers
centred round Sravasti, the capital of Kosala where Gos.ala preached and died sixteen years
before Mahavira.

17.9.2 Other Ideas

The Charvakas believed in complete materialism. They held that an individual's body is
formed of matter and finally would end in matter. Therefore, the aim of human life should
be to enjoy all the material pleasures of life.

I Kamesh Mechrocks
Purana Kassapa preached the doctrine of Akriya or non-action. He was a Brahman teacher
I India : 0th to 4th Century B.C. whose main doctrine was that action did not lead to either merit or demerit. According to
him, even if a man killed all the creatures on earth he would not incur any sin. Similarly, he
would not e m any merit through a good deed or even by standing on the bank of Ganges.
Similarly self-control, gifts and truthfulness would not e m him any credit.

Ajita Kesakambalin preached that everything ended with death and there is no further life
after death. -Hedid no1 believe in the fruits of good or bad acts or persons possessing higher
or supernatural powers. According to this sect there is nothing wrong in enjoying the
pleasures of the world, and there is no sin in killing.

Pakudha Kachchayna preached the doctrine of Asasvatavada. According to it, there are
seven elements, which are immutable and do not in any way contribute to pleasure or pain.
The body is ultimately dissolved into these seven elements.

IMPACT OF THE NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS

The rise and development of the new religious ideas had brought some significant changes
in the contemporary social life. Following are some of the important changes.
i) The idea of social equality was popularised in this period. The Buddhists and Jains did
not give any importance to the caste system. They accepted members of different castes
in their religious order. This was a great threat to the age long domination of the
Brahmanas in the society. Acceptance of women in the Buddhist order also had an
important impact in the society because this gave women equal status with men in the
society.
ii) Brahmanical texts had assigned an inferior position to traders. Sea voyages were also
condemned. But as Buddhists and Jains did not give any importance to caste and did not
look down upon sea voyages so the trading community was very much encouraged by
these new religious ideas. Moreover the emphasis on 'karma' by this new religious
ideas for future life also indirectly favoured the activities of the trading community.
iii) The new religions gave importance to languages like Prakrit, Pali and Ardha Magadhi.
Buddhist and Jaina philosophies were discussed in these languages and later, canons
were written in the local language\. This paved the way for the development of
vernacular literature. Thus the Jains, tor the first time, gave a literary shape to the mixed
dialect, Ardha Magadhi, by writing their i.anons in this dialect.

Check Your Progress 2

1) What are the basic principles of Jainism? Answer in 100 words.

2) Who are Ajivikas ? What are their ideas? Answer in five lines.
...........................................................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................................................
. . ...........................................................................................................................................
Kamesh Mechrocks
i 3) Mark which of the statement is right (4 ) or wrong (x ). Buddhism, Jeinism and
Other Religious Ideas
8

i) Mahavira added the idea of celibacy to the four principles of Parsvanatha.

ii) Mahavira did not believe in the supreme creator.
iii) The concept of 'Nirvana' is same in Buddhism and Jainism.
iv) The original texts of the doctrines of Mahavira are known as 'Purvas'.
V) The rise of heterodox sects resulted in the development of vernacular literature.
d

17.11 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit you have seen the emergence and establishment of new religious ideas in the
sixth century B.C. in North India. The contemporary socio-economic needs largely
contributed to the emergence of these new religious ideas. Among these, Buddhism and
Jainism became very popular among the people. In spite of some differences, both the
religions put emphasis on humanity, moral life, 'Karma' and 'Ahimsa'. Both of them were
highly critical of caste system, domination of the Brahmanas, animal sacrifices and the ideas
of God. This was a direct challenge to the existing Vedic religion. Besides this, you haw
also learnt about other heterodox sects like Ajivikas and their ideas. All these brought about
a significant change in the attitude of the people and they, as a result, began to question the
age long supremacy of the Brahmanical religion.

17.12 KEY WORDS

Ahimsa: Non-killing or non-violence
Heterodox: Non-orthodox
Karma: Action of an individual
Pitakas: Buddhist religious texts
Purvas: Jain religious texts
Schism: Division of an organisation into two or more groups.
Sect: Group of people united by beliefs or opinions.
Tirthankara: Refers to the Jain preachers who acquired supreme knowledge.

17.13 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) You have to write here, what Buddha meant by 'Nirvana' and 'Karma'. See Section
17.4.
2) Your answer should include the practical aspect of Buddhism, its emphasis on social
equality, popular language, etc. See Sub-see. 17.5.1.
3) i) J
ii) x
iii) x
iv) J
v) x

Check Your Progress 2

1) You have to discuss the five principles i.e. truth, non-violence, non-possession, not to
receive anything, celibacy and then how one can attain nirvana by following the
Kamesh Mechrocks
principles of right belief, right knowledge and right action.
India :6th to 4th Century B.C. See Section 17.7
2) The sect founded by Nan& Vachcha and is said to b e s f Sudra Sllnydns. They
believed that man is subject to the laws of nature. See Sub-sec. 17.10.1.
3) i) J
ii) J
iii) x
iv) J
v)

SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

Allchin, Bridget and Raymond; The Rise of Civilisations in India and Pakistan, New Delhi,
1988
Kosambi, D.D;The Culture and Civilisation of Ancient fndia in Historical Outline,
New Delhi, 1987
Ghosh, A, The City in Early Historical India, Simla, 1973
Sharrna R.S; Material Cultures and Social Formations in Ancient India, New Delhi 1983
Shanna, R S ; Perspectives in the Social and Economic History of Ancient India
Wagle, N; Sociefy at the Time of the Buddha, Bombay, 1966.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT MAGADHAN TERRITORIAL
EXPANSION
Structure
18.0 Objectives
18.1 Introduction
18.2 Location of Magadha
18.3 Note on Sources
18.4 Political History of Pre-Mauryan Magadha
18.5 Notion of 'Empire'
18.5.1 Modern views on definition of 'Empire'
18.5.2 Indian notion of ~hakravarti-~setra
18.6 Origin of Mauryan rule
18.7 Asoka Maurya
18.7.1 The Kalinga War
18.7.;' Magadha at Asoka's death
18.8 Let US Sum Up
18.9 Key Words
18.10 Answers To Check Your Progress Exercises

18.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit we shall outline the territorial expansion of the kingdom of Magadha.
This will provide an understanding of how and why it was possible for Magadha to
,. becolne an 'empire'. After reading this Unit you should be able to:
0. identify the location of Magadha and its environs and note its strategic importance.
learn about some of the sources that historians use for writing on this period,
have a brief idea of the political history of Magadha during the two centuries
preceding Mauryan rule.

/;I
underst d the notion of 'empire' in the context of early periods of history,
trac the chief events leading to the establishment of Mauryan rule,
learn about the early Mauryan kings -Chandragupta and Bindusara -and their
expansionist activities,
explain the context of the accession and coronation of Asoka Maurya and the
importance of the Kalinga War, and
finally, identify the boundaries of the Magadhan 'empire' at the death of Ashoka.

18.1 INTRODUCTION
In Unit 15 you were introduced to the various Janapadas and Mahajanapadas that
are known to us from primarily early Buddhist and Jaina texts. The rise of these
Janapadas and Mahajanapadas, which were situated mostly north of the Vindhyas,
is dated around the second half of the first millennium B.C. In this Unit we shall be
discussing in detail the growth of one of these Mahajanapadas, namely Magadha.
Magadha has drawn the attention of historians for the last two hundred years. This
is so because it had become the nucleus of the pokitical power of the well-known
Mauryan dynasty.
However, in this Unit we do not intend to highlight only the achievements of the
Mauryan kings in expanding the temtorial frontiers o ~ ~ a ~ a dWeh ashall
. also
discuss the notion of an 'empire' in the pre-modern context at two levels:
i) Various meanings of the term 'empire' which does not simply mean a territorially
vast kingdom, and
ii) the early Indian notions of state and empire.
By discussing these various definitions, it would be possible to understand the various
Kamesh Mechrocks
 MAURYAN EMPIRE

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Mngsdhsn Territorial Expansion
views of scholars o n the characterization of the Magadhan empire, particularly under
the Mauryas.
In this Unit we shall also take into account the political events throughout the period
from the fifth to the third century B.C.
The Magadhan Kingdom began t o grow during the sixth century B.C. itself.
However, this process accelerated considerably under the Nandas and the Mauryas.
The location of the Asokan inscriptions indicate that a major part of the Indian
sub-continent, excluding the eastern and southern extremities, had come under
Magadhan suzerainty. However, after discussing the details of how this expansion
took place. we shall introduce you to the view that the composition and texture of
the Magadhan empire, in its various parts, was so diverse that to be able to hold it
together, direct political control was probably very difficult. This may perhaps explain
why Asoka endeavoured to resolve the inherent social tensions in the,empire through
the introduction of his policy of Dhamma (You will learn more about it in Unit-21).

18.2 LOCATION OF MAGADHA

I
You have been generally introduced t o the Kingdom of Magadha as one of the sixteen
Mahajanapadas in Unit 14 of Block-4.
The Mahajanapadas were located over a major part of the Ganga Valley with a few
to the north-west and south-west of it. However, of the four most powerful kingdoms,
three Kosala. the Vajji Confederacy and Magadha - lay in the middle Ganga Valley
-

and the fourth, Avanti was in Western Malwa. 'The kingdoms that surrounded
Magadha were Anga in the east, the Vajji Confederacy to the north, t o its immediate
wcst the kingdom of Kasi and further west, the kingdom of Kosala.
I
Magadha can be identified with the modern districts of Patna, Ciaya, Nalanda and
parts of Shahabaci in the present day State of Bihar. Geographically, Magadha's
t location is such that it has in its vicinity large tracts of alluvial soil: Interestingly, the
earliest capital of Magadha, Rajgriha was situated to the south of the river. and not

I ncar it. This is most plausibly explained from the point of view of its strategic location
and. secondly, due t o the fact that it lay in the vicinity of iron-encrusted outcrops. It

I
has also been suggested that its accessibility to copper as well as the forests of the
present-day southern Bihar region can effectivley explain why early Magadhan kings
did not choose to have their capital. in the most fertile plains of the Ganges Valley
but in a comparatively isolated region. The capital of Magadha did however, shift to
I Pataliputra (originally Pataligramma). situated on the confluence of several rivers like
thc Ganga, Gandak, Son and Pun Pun. Pataliputra became the capital of Magadha

I under the Mauryas. This enabled Magadha to effectively command the uttarapatha
(northern route) which lay t o the north of the river Ganges, along the foothills of the
Himalayas. The river also came to be used as one of the main arteries connecting
Magadha with different regions and making heavy transport along the river possible.
Thus Magadha had certain natural advantages over other contemperaneous
kingdoms, though some of which like Avanti t o its south-west. Kosala to its
I north-west and the Vajji Confederacy to its north were equally powerful at the turn
of the sixth century B.C.
L Recent researches have suggested that accessibility t o the iron mining areas in
1 particular enabled kingdoms like Magadha and Avanti t o not only produce good
weapons of warfare but also in other ways. It facilitated expansion of agrarian
I
economy and thereby. the generation of substantial surplus, extracted by the State
in the form of taxes. This in turn enabled them t o expand and develop their territorial
base. Avanti. it must be noted, became a serious competitor of Magadha for quite
some time and was also located not far from the iron mines in eastern Madhya
Pradesh.

18.3 NOTE ON SOURCES

I
The events and traditions of the middle Ganga plains where Magadha was
Kamesh Mechrocks
prominently located. are well preserved in the early Buddhist and Jain literature.
Po!ity. Society and Economy : Some of the texts of the Buddhist tradition are compiled as the Tripitikas and the
320 B.C. to 200 B.C
Jatakas. Those pertaining to the early Jain tradition are the Acaranga Sutra and
Sutrakritanga which are considered earlier than the others. All these were however
written or compiled well after the sixth century B.C., at different times. For
particularly the early events of a political nature, Buddhist and Jaina traditions
represent them more authentically and directly than do the later Brahmanical
accounts of the various Puranas which attempt to provide histories of royal dynasties
to the period of the Guptas. Later Buddhist chronicles like the Mahavamsa and
Dipavamsa compiled in Sri Lanka are significant sources for the events related
particularly to Asoka Maurya's reign. These, along with the Divyavadana (which is
preserved outside India in the Tibetan and Chinese Buddhist sources)'not being
contemporary to the period under discussion, have'to be used cautiously as they
developed in the context of Buddhism's spread outside India.
Foreign sources of information which are considerably more relevant and are
near-contemporary, are accounts gathered from classical writings in Greek and Latin.
These are impressions of travellers who visited India around that time, and the name
of Megasthenes, who visited the court of Chandragupta Maurya, is famou4 in this
respect. Megasthenes is, however, known to us only through quotation\ in later =

Greek writings of Strabo and Diodorus of the first century B.C ,111cl Arrian of the
second century A.D. Since north-west India from about the sixth century B.C. till
about the fourth century B.C. was under the sphere of foreign rule. some of the
information on the phase of Achaemenian (Persian) rule and later, on the Invasion
of Alexander, comes to us from the Persian inscriptions and Greek sources l ~ k e
Herodotus' account.
Ever since its discovery in 1905, the Arthasastra of Kautilya has been considered an
important sources of information for the Mauryan period. Today, several new views
on the date of the Arthasastra have emerged, some of which suggest that it should
not be considered in totality a text written in the Mauryan period. Thus, it is
suggested on the basis of a statistical method that some of the chapters of the
Arthasastra should be dated to the first two centuries of the Christian era. However,
many other scholars would like to use a major portion of this text for the Mauryan
period. They suggest that the text was originally written by Kautilya, the minister of
Chandragupta, and commented upon and edited by other writers during a subsequent
period.
Both inscriptions and coins as important sources of information for understanding the
early history of India become significant during the Mauryan period. The coins of
this period however do not bear names of kings, and they are called punch-marked
coins because different symbols are punched on them separately. Though this type
of coin is known from roughly about the fifth century B.C., the Mauryan
punch-marked series are significant in that they were probably issued by a central
authority as is indicated by the uniformity of the symbols used. In contrast to the
coins, the inscriptional material for particularly Asoka Maurya's rule is extremely
significant and unique in content. Thcre are fourteen major edicts, seven minor rock
edicts, seven pillar edicts and other inscriptions of Asoka located at prominent places
near t'owns and trade routes in various parts of the Indian sub-continent. They
markedly stand out as a physical testimony to the length and breadth of the Magadhan
empire at the close of Asoka's reign.

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Archaeology as a source of information has, in recent years,yielded considerable
data on the material cultures of the Ganga Valley. The nature of this archaeological
material has already been discussed in Unit 15 of Block 4. We know that the
archaeological phase associated with the Northern Black Polished Ware was the
period when cities and towns emerged, and during the Mauryan period, as
archaeology suggests, there were further changes in the material life of the people.
From Archaeology we also know that many elements of material culture started
spreading to areas outside the Ganga Valley and that they came to be associated with
Mauryan rule.
Check Your Progress 1
1) Tick the right answer ( d ) .
Magadha was surrounded by the following three kingdoms:
a) Avanti, Kosala, Anga
b) Anga, Kosala, Vajji Confederacy
c) Anga, Vajji Confederacy, Kassi
d) Avanti, Kasi, Kosala
2) Describe the important sources for reconstructing the history of Magadha in about
five lines.

3) List three important factors which were advantageaus for the growth of the
Magadhan Kingdom.

4) Mark which of the following statements is right ( d ) or wrong (x).

a) Inscriptions are the most important source of information for the pre-Mauryan
period.
b) The Mauryan punch-marked coins have uniform symbols.
c) The uttarapatha was a route which followed the course of the river Ganges.
d) Pataliputra was situated south of the river Ganges.
e) Megasthenes.' account of India is known to us through later writers.

18.4 POLITICAL HISTORY OF PRE-MAURYAN

MAGADHA
Under Bimbisara who was a contemporary of the Buddha and who, like the Buddha,
lived in the 6th - 5th century B.C. Magadha emerged as a controller of the middle
Ganga plains. Bimbisara is considered t o be the first important ruler ofmagadha.
With political foresight he reaiised the importance of establishing dynastic relations
through marriage with the royal house of Kosala. Through this alliance he acquired
a part of the district of Kasi as dowry. He had cordial relations with the king of
Gandhara. These diplomatic relations can be considered as a sign of the strength of
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Magadha. T o the east of Magadha lay the Kingdom of Anga whose capital Champa
Polity, Soeiety and Economy : ruled over 80,000 villages. Tradition tells us that Bimbisara was imprisoned by his
328 B.C. to U)O B.C
son Ajatasatru who is said to have starved him to death. This is reported to,have
taken place around 492 B.C.
Internal troubles and the succession of Ajatasatru to the throneof Magadha did not
change its fortune. In terms of expansionist policies the new Magadhan king followed
a decisively more aggressive policy. He gained complete control over Kasi and broke
the earlier amicable relations by attacking his maternal uncle Prasenajit, the king of '
Kosala. The Vajji Confederation of people whose Mahajanapada lay to the north of
the Ganga was Ajatasatru's next target of attack. This war was a lengthy one and
tradition tells us that after a long period of sixteen years he was able to defeat the
Vajjis only through deceit by sowing the seeds of dissension amongst them. His
invasion of the kingdom of Avanti, the strongest rival of Magadha at that time did
not materialise though preparations are said to have been made for it. However.
during his reign Kasi and Vaisali, the capital of Vajji Mahajanapada, had been added
to Magadha, making it the most powerful territorial power in the Ganga Valley.
Ajatasatru is said to have ruled from 492 B.C. to 460 B.C. He was succeeded by
Udayin (460-444 B.C.). During Udayin's reign the Magadhan kingdom extended in
the north to the Himalayan ranges and in the south to the Chhota Nagpur hills. He
is said to have built a fort on the confluence of the Ganga and the son. Despite the
vastness of Magadha's territories, Udayin and the four kings who succeeded him were
unable to effectively rule and the last of these is said to have been overthrown by the
people of Magadha. Shishunaga, a viceroy at Banaras, was placed on the throne in
413 B.C. The rule of the Shishunaga dynasty too was of short duration and gave way
to the rule of the Nanda dynasty headed by the usurper Mahapadma Nanda.
It was during the rule of the Nandas in Magadha and the Ganga Plains as a whole
that the invasion of Alexander took place in north-west India in 326 B.C., often
considered the beginning of the historic period in India. The Nandas are therefore,
often described as the first empire-builders of India. It must however be underlined
that they did inherit a large kingdom of Magadha which they then extended to more
distant frontiers.
In the 1atcr.Puraaa writings Mahapadma Nanda is described as the exterminator of
all kshatriyas. It is fufiher suggested that he overthrew all the contemporary ruling
houses. The Greek classical writings describe the might of the Nanda empire when
they tell us about their vast arnly which is said to have consisted of 20,000 cavalry,
200,000 infantry, 2000 chariots and 3000 elephants. We also have some indications
that the Nandas had contact with the Deccan and South India. Their control of some
parts of Kalinga (modem Orissa) is indicated in the Hathigumpha inscription of king
Kharavela, who ruled in Orissa from the middle of the first century B.C. Some very
late inscriptions from the south Kamataka region also suggest that parts of the
Deccan may have been included in the Magadhan empire under the Nandas. Most
historians suggest that by the end cf the reign of Mahapadma Nanda the first phase
of the expansion and consolidation of the Kingdom of Magadha had taken place.
That the north-west was still under various small chiefdcms is attested by the Greek
writings describing Alexander'sinvasion of the Punjab around this time. It is clear,
however, that there was no encounter between the K~ngdomof Magadha and the
Greek conqueror.
The Nanda rule came to an end by 321 B.C. Nine Nanda kings-are said to have ruled
and by the end of their rule they are said to have become very unpopular.
Chand~aguptaMaurya took advantage of this situation to ascend the throne of
Magadha. Despite all these dynastic ehanges, Megadbe conhinued to remain the
foremost kingdom in &heGanga Valley. Deeper reasons for the success of Magadha
lay in itc advantageous g e o g r a p k a l location, its access to the iron mines and the
control it had come to exercise over important land and river trade routes. In the
mmt part of this Unit we twn to take a look at Magadha as an 'empire' and the
hkwyem control of it.

18.5 NOTION OF 'EMPIRE'

Before we talk of the Mauryan empire, let us try to understand what an 'empiie'
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means. This is necessary because we often indiscriminately use the term empire in
relation to all types of kingdoms or states. Further, we somehow seem to think that
ancient, medieval and modem empires were all identical in nature. Obviously, the
nature of the British empire of modem times or even the Central Asian Mongol
empire of the medieval times could not have been identical with the nature of the
Mauryan empire. There were important differences between empires in different
periods of history, and when we study the history of an ancient empire, it is important
that we understand what essential elements constituted an empire.

18.5.1 Modern Views on Definition of 'Empire'

Most often 'empire' is understood to designate a political system which has under a
central control a vast expanse of territories not all of which are necessarily culturally
homogeneous. The centre in this definition is embodied either in the person of the
king or emperor or, in the political institution which is organised to hold together the
territories under one control. The term 'Imperial' comes from the Latin word
imperium. This indicates relative concentration of authority at the centre. The centre
controls territorially contiguous units which ultimately attain some symbols of
common political identity. Generally, the Roman empire in the ancient world is taken
as the classical example to which all others, including the Mauryan, are then
compared.
This definition, however, should not be understood as connoting sovereign nation
states some of which built vast empires in modem times. The nanye of the central
authority in early empires was either dependent on the charismatic personality of
rulers and leaders and their exploits and most importantly, their upholding of a ,
certain order of things which are sanctioned by tradition.
The Common view about the Magadhan empire of the Mauryas is that it could best
be understood as a centralized bureaucratic empire. This kind of an 'empire' was
prevalent in other parts of the world as well.
Centralized bureaucratic empires were usually established through the military and
other exploits of individuals, generally in periods of turmoil, strife and unrest of
various kinds, and thus the establishment of their rule is considered'to have brought
about peace and order. At the same time it would be natural for such empires to
have enemies because in their rise to power they must have either usurped or
challenged various interest groups. In new temtories their policy of aggrandizement
nurtures gnimosity. The rulers have therefore, to make allies, passive or active, to
implement their aims through either matrimonial or diplomatic alliances.
In terms of political goals such empires visualize a unified centralized polity in which
decision making is monopolized. This means that they replace earlier traditional or
local tribal authorities. In the rise and success of such empires geo-political factors
are usually said to shape their,activities. It was absolutely essential for such empires
to be able to mobilize various resources, those of economic raw materials and
man-power in particular. For active political support these empires were usually
dependent on urban economic, cultural and professional groups and in a passive
sense, from the wider social strata of peasants and urban lower classes. Recruitment
from upper class groups ensured the proper functioning of administrative bodies. In
the ultimate analysis the administration thus evolved was expected to work for
exploitative purposes. In other words, in the early empires, there was a high degree
of inequality in society, p,ermitting the privileged groups and the prihleged regions
to exploit the resources produced by others.

18.5.2 Indian Notion of Chakravarti-Kshetra

In understanding the Mauryan phase of the Magadhan empire, or indeed, any other
'empire7of ancient India, it may be useful to know how an ideal emperor was viewed

L
in ancient literature. The idea of an emperor i expressed through the Sanskrit term
Chakravarti and the sphere of his 'imperial le' by the term chakravarti-ksetra.
Though in early Brahmanic texts kings perfo ming sacrifices like Ashvamedha and
Rqjasuya are mentioned, it is only in the Arth a that a clear idea is given of what
a chakravarti-ksetra was. It is said to be the lahd which extended north to south from
the Himalaya to the seas (of the Indian Ocean) and measured a thousand yojanes.
There is no doubt that the Chakravarti ideal reflected conventional ideas about
Indian ruler's sphele of influence and, infact, it was an ideal never achieved, except
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perhaps by Asoka. On the other hand, this aspiration of universal conquest is
, F d l t y , ~ u d ~ y : constantly emphasized in exaggerated terms in both literary and epigraphical sources.
32) B.C. to 280 B.C
Historians have often taken these reflections to indicate the actual achievement of
large temtorial conquests by kings and thus misreading the ideal for the actual
achievements.
The Artbsastra, and several other texts, also list the different limbs (angas) which
together made a rashtra (state). Of the seven limbs of the State mentioned in the
Arthasastra, the king, is made out to be the most powerful. The seven elements
(saptanga) of the State in the general texts on ancient Indian polity are stated to be
ministers (mantri), ally,(mitra), taxes (kara), army (sena), fort (durga), land or
temtory (desh) and to,'these, the Arthasastra significantly adds an eighth element,
the enemy (shatru). In defining the king as the most powerful being in the State,
Kautilya the author of Arthasastra also expects him to have exceptional qualities.
You will read more about how the king organised the State and administered his
empire in Unit 20. Some of these ideas about state and empire as defined above have
led historians for some time to consider Magadha under the Mauryas to have become
a despotic state with the king controlling all regions of the empire through a
centralized administration. This has now been questioned, and we shall review ome
of these views below. One can, however, clearly say that the success of Magadha
7
marked the triumph of a monarchical form of political organisation over other, such
as ganga-samgha forms, of political organisation.

Check Your Progress 2

Use space given below for your answers:
1) Tick the right answers using the code given below:
The'early kings of Magadha entrenched its stability by achieving the following:
i) shifting the capital to Pataliputra
ii) conquering the Anga capital of Champa
iii) expanding the frontier upto Gandhara
iv) incorporating the neighbouring kingdoms through war and alliance
v) capturing the iron mines of Avanti
code . ,

a) i, ii, iii
b) i, iv, v
c) ii, iv
>.
d) iii, v

2) T o what extent do you think that the Nanda rule in Magadha was significant?
Write in five lines.
..........................................................................................................
........;......J..........................................................................................
1

3) On the basis of the definitions given above about what constitutes an empire, how
would you describe the Mauryan empire? Answer in about five lines. Also discuss
it with the Counsellor at the Study Centre.

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4) Mention which of the following statements are correct ( V') o r wrong (x). Economy of Ute Nlourpan Empire

a) T h e Magadhan empire can be described as a conquest empire.

b) The Magadhan empire can be described as a centralised bureaucratic empire.
c) The most important element of State in early texts was the army;
d ) The ideal of a Chakravarti was achieved by most ancient Indian kings.
c) The king in the Arthasastra was expected t o have exceptional qualities.

18.6 ORIGIN OF MAURYAN RULE

It has been ~uggestedby D.D. Kosambi that the most immediate and unexpected
byproduct of Alexander's invasion of the north-west was that "it hastened the
Mauryan conquest of the whole country." H e has argued thus because since the tribe?
of Punjab had already been weakened, it was not difficult for the Magadhan army
under Chandragupta t o conquer the whole of Punjab. Most of the Gangetic Valley
was already under the control of Magadha. According t o Classical sources,
Chandragupta is supposed to have even met Alexander and advised him t o attack
Magadha which was under the unpopular rule of the Nandas. Though this is difficult
t o verify, both Indian and Classical sources suggest that Alexander's retreat resulted
in the creation of a vacuum, m d , therefore, it was not difficult for Chandragupta to
subdue the Greek garrisons left there. However, what i5 not clear is whether he did
this after his accession to the throne of Magadha or before it. Some scholars date his
accession to 324 B.C. while now it is generally accepted as 321 B.C.
According to Indian tradition Chandragupta was assisted by the Brahmin Kautilya,
also known as Chanakya or Vishnugupta. to rise t o power. It is further suggested on
the basis of a play of the sixth century A . D . which in its description of the overthrow
of the Nandas @ Chandragupta, hints that at his accession to the throne at twenty-five
years of age, he was in fact a weak ruler and the real ruler of the empire was
Chanakya. T h e Arthasastra is attributed to chanakyaawhois said to have been
well-versed in not only the political principles of warfare and aggrandisement, but
was also deeply knowledgeable about the orgarlisation of the State and society to
ensure that the empire did not collapse.
Though the early years of Chandragupta's reign are little known, most historians
agree to assign either a 'low caste' o r a tribal origin to the Maurya family. Accordidg
to some accounts Chandragupta was the son of the last Nanda king by a "low born"
woman called Mura; from her came the family name Maurya. The Buddhist tradition
tells us that he was a member of the Moriya clan of Pipphalivana and thus suggests
that this dynasty was in some way linked to the tribe of the Sakyas to which the
Buddha belonged. In this explanation the family name Maurya is said to have been
derived from the name of the tribe. This also indirectly implies that as an old family
of chiefs they were in somc senses Kshatriyas. The Puranas d o not link the Nanda
and Maurya dynasties, though they too describe the latter to be Shudras. The
Brahrnanical perception about them is however based on its earlier idea 01 rhe
Magadhan society generally being unrighteous and of mixed caste origin. The
Classical sources which know of the last Nanda king also d o not link these two
dynasties, though Chandragupta, known to them as Sandrakottus, is described to be
of low origin. It is also suggested that the name ending 'Gupta' in Chandragupta's
name, and the later cpisode of-Asoka's marriage.to the daughter of a merchant of
Vidisa, lend credence to the view that the Mauryas could have been of Vaishya origin.
Though the caste affiliation of the Mauryas remains obscure, it is significant that the
most important rulers of this dynasty turned to the heterodox sects later in their lives.
O n the other hand, the several sources that point to the role of the Brahmin Kautilya
as the advisor and the motivating force 6ehind Chandragupta cannot be ignored. Tlie
Puranas even suggest that Chanakya had appointed Chandragupta as the king of the
realm. One can p ~ l h a p ssuggest that the hlIauryas rose to power in a society which
was never very orthodox. In the north-west there had been considerable contact with
the foreigners a n d Magadha. itself was looked down upon in Orthodox Brahmanical
tradition. Besides, it was considerably exposed to the ideas of Buddha and Mahavira.
.it was thus amidst considerable turmoil-social and political--that Chandragupta
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was'successful in ascending the throne of Magadha.
 Many historians who understand the Mauryan state as an empire primarily in terms
of its territorial extent, attribute great importance to the role Chandragupta Maurya
played in ruthledy stcming the tide of foreign interference in the north-west .and '
suppressing indigenous rulers in west and south India. Source material on the exact
nature of these military exploits is wanting and therefore, one has to construct these
details on the basis of accounts which are available for his successors who inherited
this empire.

Both Indian and Classical sources agree that Chandragupta overthrew the last of the
Nanda kings and occupied his capital Pataliputra and this success is linked with his
. accession to the throne in around 321 B.C. As mentioned earlier, the pblitical rise of
Chandragupta was also linked 4 t h the invasion of Alexander in the north-west. The
-
years 325 B.C. 323 B.C. were crucial in the sense that many of the governors who
were stationed in the north-west aiter Alexander's invasion were assassinated or had
to retreat and this enabled Chandragupta to gain control of this region rather quickly.
Here, it needs to be stated that there is an uncertainty about whether Chandragupta
routed the foreigners first or defeated the Nandas. In any case both these tasks were
complete by 321 B.C. and the state was set for further consolidation.
One of the first major achievements of Chandragupta Maurya on the military front
was his contact with Seleucus Nikator who ruled over the area west of the Indus
around 305 B.C. In the war that ensued Chandragupta is said to have turned out
victorious and eventually, peace was established with this Greek viceroy in around
303 B.C. In return for 500 elephants Seleucus gave him eastern Afghanistan,
Baluchistan and the area west of the Indus. The Satrapies thus called were Arachosia,
Paropanisadae, Aria and Gedrosia. A marriage alliance was also concluded. Further,
- Seleucus sent an ambassador called Megasthenes who lived in the court of
Chandragupta for many years. This achievement meant that the territorial foundation
of the Mauryan empire had been firmly laid with the Indus and Gangetic plains well
under Chandragupta's control.
It is suggested by a majority of scholars that Chandragupta ultimately established his
control not only in the north-west and the Ganges plains, but also in western India
and the Deccan. The only parts left out of his empire were thus present day Kerala,
Tamil Nadu and parts of North-eastern India. Details of the conquests in different
parts of India are lacking. The Greek writers simply mention that Chandragupta
Maurya bverran the whole country with an army of 600,000. The conquest and
subjugation of Surashtra or Kathiawar in the extreme west is attested in the
JunagadhRock Inscription of Rudradaman of the middle of the second century A.D.
This record refers to Chandragupta's viceroy or governor, Pushyagupta by name, who
is said to have constructed the famous Sudarshana Lake. This further implies that
Chandragupta had under the control the ~ a l w a q e g i o nas well. With regard to his
control over the Deccan too we have late sources. These are some medieval epigraphs
informing us that Chandragupta had protected parts of Karnataka.
The Tamil writers of the S a n g a ~ t e x t of
s the early centuries A.D. make allusion to
the "Moriyar" which is said to referho the Mauryas and their contact with the south,
but this probably refers to the reign of Chandragupta's successor. Finally, the Jaina
tradition informs us that Chandragupta haviqg become a Jain abdicated the throne
and went South with Bhadrabahu, the Jain saint. At Sravana Belgola, the Jaina
religious centre in south Karnataka, he spent the rest of his life and died in the
orthodox Jain way by sbw starvation.
Bindusara, the son of Chandragupta, is said to have ascended the throne in 297 B.C.
There is comparatively little known about him from either Indian or Classical sources.
To the latter he is known as Amitrochates. They also inform us that he had contacts
with the Seleucid king af Syria, hntiochus I , whom he requested to send-him sweet
wine, dried figs and a sophist.
In a very late source of the sixteenth century, in the work of the Buddhist monk
Taranath of Tibet, we are told of Bindusara's warlike activities. He is said'to have
destroyed kings and nobles of about sixteen cities and reduced to submission all the
territory between the eastern and western seas. The descriptions of early Tamil poets'
of the Mauryan chariots thundering across the land probably refer to his reign. Many
scholars believe that sirice Asoka is credited to have conquered only Kalinga, the
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extension of the Mauryan empire beyond the Tungabhadra must have been the work
of his predecessors. It can therefore be suggested thatit was probably in Bindusara's
reign that the Mauryan control of the Deccan, and the Mysore plateau in particular,
was firmly entrenched.
Though Bindusara is called "slayer of foes", his reign is not very well documented,
and, therefore, the extent of his conquests can only be arrived at by looking at a map
of the empire of Asoka who conquered only Kalinga (Orissa). His religious leanings
are said to have been towards the Ajivikas. Buddhist sources suggest the death of
Bindusara a r w d 273-272 B.C. After his death there was a stqggle for succession
among his sons for about four years. Ultimately, around 269-268 B.C. Asoka was
-
crowmzd Bindusara's successor.
.-:
Check Your Progress 3
1) Mention which of the statements are correct (V), or wrong (x).
a) On the advise of Chandragupta, Alexander invaded Magadha.
b) The Nanda and Mauryan families were related by blood.
c) Chandragupta was able to defeat Seleucus Nikator.
d) Chandragupta and Bindusara conquered India upto Kanyakumari.
e) Bindusara had contacts with the Seleucid king, Antiochus-I.
2) What are the various ways in which the castelorigin of the Mauryan family can be
explained? Give some of the views in about five lines.

18.7 ASOKA MAURYA

Till about 1837 A.D. Asoka Maurya was not a very well known king. In that year
James Prinsep deciphered a Brahmi inscription referring to a king called
Devanampiya Piyadasi (Beloved of the Gods). This was compared with what was
known from the Sri Lankan chronicle Mahavamsa and then it could be established
that the king of the inscription was indeed Asoka Maurya. The fame of Asoka is due
to the fact that he turned away from war and tried to establish a system of rule based
on the principle of Dhamma. Below, we discuss some relevant details of his early
life, the Kalinga War and the extent of the Mauryan empire during his reign.

18.7.1 The Kalinga War

During his father'i reign Asoka served as a Viceroy at Ujjain and also at Taxila. It
is suggested that he was sent to Taxila for a special purpbse, namely, to quell a revolt.
After being successful at Taxila, the Buddhist sources tell us, he was sent to Ujjain
as Viceroy. The events in his personal life here, like his marriage to a Vidisha
merchant's daughter and the birth of their two.children Mahinda and Sanghamita,
are said to have had a great influence in turning Asoka towards ~u'ddhism.Many of
the details about his early life come from the Buddhist cMonicles, and, therefore,
certain ambiguities in them cannot be denied.
About the accession of Asoka too there are several versions, but there is some
general agreement that he was in fact not the crown prince (Yuvaraja). Therefore, he
was involved in a struggle against other princes before he ascended the throne His
portrayal as an extremely wicked king before his conversion to Buddhism is
undoubtedly exaggerated in Buddhist accounts so as to enhance his piety as a
Buddhist. It is necessary to point out that though Buddhism played a sign.lfjcsnt role
in Asoka's later life, one has to discount those versions that depict him as a fanatic
or bigot. An idea of the King's personality and beliefs comes through more clearly
from his many inscriptions in Which his public and political role are both described.
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2. A m b n Pillar (huriya. Nandpngprh) 3. Bull Crowned Cdumn (Rampurva)

Kamesh Mechrocks
4. Asakan Capital Column (Sarnath)
They also suggest his conversion to Buddhism to have taken place after the Kalinga
War.
Though Asoka's predecessors had intruded into the Deccan and the South and
perhaps conquered parts of it, Kalinga, i.e., the present-day State of Orissa, still had
to be brought under Mauryan control. It was of strategic importance as it controlled
routes to South India both by land and sea. Asoka himself in Rock Edict XI11
describes his conquest of Kalinga which is said to have taken place eight years after
his consecration, around 260 B.C. In this war the Kalingans were completely routed
and "One hundred thousand were slain, and many times that number died." Though
on the battlefield Asoka, was victorious, the inscription goes on to describe his
remorse which then ultimately turned him towards Dhamma. A policy of conquest
through war was given up and replaced by a policy of conquest through
Dhamrnavijaya. This was meant to work both at the State and personal levels, and
totally transformed the attitude of the king and his officials towards their subjects.

18.7.2 Magadha at Asoka's Death

The location of the various Rock Edicts and Pillar Edicts through which Asoka
preached his policy of Dhamma gives us a fair idea of the extent of the Magadha
empire during his reign. There are fourteen Major Rock Edicts, seven Pillar Edicts
and some Minor Rock Inscriptions which give us this information. The Major Rock
Edicts are located at Shahbazgarhi and Maneshra near Peshawar, Kalsi near Dehra
Dun, Sopara in Thana district, Girnar near Junagarh in Kathiawar, Dhauli near
Bhuvaneshwar and Jaugada in Gangam district of Orissa. In Karnataka, the Minor
Rock Edicts appear among other places at Siddapura, Jatinga-Rarneshwara and
Brahmagiri. Other Minor Rock Edicts are found at Rupnath near Jabalpur in
Madhya Pradesh, Sahasram in Bihar, Bairat near Jaipur in Rajasthan and Maski in
Karnataka. The Pillars bearing Asoka's inscriptions are found in Delhi (originally
located at Topara near Ambala and Meerut), Kausambi in Uttar Pradesh, Lauriya
Araraj, Lauriya Nandagarh and Rampurva in Bihar; Sanchi, near Bhopal; Sarnath,
near Benaras: and Rummindei in Nepal. The exact location of these sites is indicated
in the map attached to this Unit and gives a clear idea of the large territorial spread
of the empire under Asoka. The placement of the edicts also highlights the care with
which they were located on important trade routes linking river and road traffic.
Therefore, as suggested by recent writings on the subject, access to raw materials
appears to have been the main motivation particularly in controlling the peninsula.
The Edicts also describe people on the borders of the empire and this confirms the
delineation of the empire noted above. In the South are mentioned the Cholas,
Pandyas, Sataputras and Keralaputras as people living outside the Mauryan empire.
Inside the empire too there were people of diverse origins and diverse cultures. For
example, in the north-west are mentioned the Kambojas and Yavanas. They are
mentioned along with other peoples like the Bhojas, Pitinikas, Andhras and Pulindas
who can be located in parts of western India and the Deccan.
Apart from studying the locations of Asoka's edicts on a map, the exact extent
of his empire can be ascertained, to.some extent by distinguishing the 'Conquest
territories' (Vijita) and 'royal territories' (Rajavishaya) from the bordering territories
(pratyanta). Just as the territory of the Seleucid king Antiochus-I1 lay outside his
empire in the north-west, so were the territories of the Cholas, the Pandyas, the
Keralaputras and the Satyaputras, as also the island of Srilanka outside his empire in
the south. In the east the empire of the Mauryas seems to have included north and
south Bengal.
The Magadhan empire thus reached its greatest territorial expansion under Asoka.
However, simultaneously, there was also a conscious attempt to end all wars in his
empire. The extension of the principle of non~violenceto state policy was a unique
experiment that was never repeated in the annals of the political history of India.
Often, in writings of different historians, Asoka has been idealized as a benevolent
despot. This tends to overlook the more enabled Asoka to ideologically control a vast
empire which otherwise would perhaps have been difficult to rule. Finally, though
the findspots of the Mauryan inscriptions are on well known trade routes, some of
them bordering peripherial zones of the empire, it still remains to be conclusively
decided whether the regions where no evidence of inscriptions is found, were
controlled in the same way as those where they were found. Both, the questions
Kamesh Mechrocks
about the administrative control of the Mauryas and the policy of Dhamma shalr be
taken up for detailed study in Units 20 and 21.

Check Your Progress 4

1) Write a note in about five to six lines on why there was a change in the policy of
conquest under Asoka?

2) Use the code given below to identify which of the following statements about
Asoka are correct:
i) Asoka was the crown prince and the successor to Bindusara.
ii) During the latter half of his life he turned towards Buddhism.
iii) Asoka inscriptions were inscribed when conquest of a region had been made.
iv) He replaced the policy of conquest of war by conequest of dhamma.
v) Asoka in his inscriptions is usually known as Davanampiya Piyadassi.
Code:
a) ii, iv, v
b) i, iii, iv
c) ii, iii, iv
d) i, iv, v

18.8 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit we have attempted to introduce to you the way in which the first historical
empire can be s t ~ d i e dand also the details on the rise and territorial expansion of
Magadha. It is hoped that after going through this Unit you have been able to learn:
the importance of the strategic location of Magadha and factors responsible for its
rise,
the sources that can be used for writing about the political history of Magadha, in
particular with Mauryan rule,
the chief events in the early history of Magadha before the rise of Mauryan rule,
the explanation about the notion of 'empire' in the context of early period of
history,
details pertaining to the origin of the Mauryan family and their early history,
the expansionist policies of Chandragupta Maurya and Bindusara, \

issues surrounding the accession of Asoka Maurya and his activities upto the
Kalinga War, and
the extent of the Magadhan empire at the death of Asoka.

18.9 KEY WORDS

Aggrandizement: Aggression.
Autocratic: An absolute ruler whose authority is unchallenged.
Benevolent Despotism: Good or benign ruler but who exerts absolute control.
Chakravarti-Ksetra; The sphere of influence of a chakravarti or universal emperor.
Confederacy: League or alliance of states
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Magadhao Territorial Expansion
Contigums: Adjacent or adjoining each others.
Dhammarnhanna: Literally 'universal order' but in its use in Asokan inscriptions it
is translated to mean 'piety'.
Satrapy/Satraoues: A term originally derived from an old Iranian institution, it
referred to the provinces into which an empire was divided and which were placed
under the charge of satraps.
Saptanga: Seven limbs or parts.
Sophist: A philosopher, literally 'one meant to deceive'.
Surplus: 'Amount left over when all consumption requirements have been met'. In
an economic sense the difference between the value of goods produced and wages
paid.
Uttarapatha: Northern route usually referring to the land route running along the
foothills of the Himalayas.
Yojanas: Unit of measurement in ancient India.

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) (c) 0)'
2) Consult Sec. 18.3
3) See Sec. 18.2
4) (a) x (b) ( V ) (c) x (4 x (el ( t ' )
Check ,Your Progress 2
1) (c) 0')
2) See last part of Sec. 18.4
3) See Sec. 18.5 and also consult Sec. 18.6

Check Your Progress 3

1) (a) x (b) x fc) (4 x (el ( d )
2) Consult Sec. 18.7.1

Check Your Progress 4

1) See Sub-sec. 18.8.2 and Map
2) Consult Sub-sec. 18.8.1
3) (a) ( d )

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 19 ECONOMY OF'THE MAURYAN
PERIOD
Structure
Objectives
~ntroduction
Material and Social Basis of Production
Agriculture and Land Revenue
19.3.1 General Features of Agrarian Economy
19.3.2 Land Revenue Organisation
Trade and Towns
19.4.1 Organisation of Trade
19.4.2 Growth of Urban Economy
19.4.3 Socio-Economic Changes in Mauryan India
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

19.0 OBJECTIVES
The main aim of this Unit is to introduce to you one of the most important aspects
dgf Mauryan history, namely, the organisation and changes that took place in the
economy of India during this period. Though our focus will be on the Mauryan
heartland, the Ganges Valley, we also intend to draw your attention to significant
changes that were initiated in this period in other parts of India. After going through
this Unit you should be able to:
understand how different types of resources which are necessary for sustaining an
empire were utilised,
understand the main features of agrarian economy, agfarian expansion and land
revenue during this period,
explain how trade was organised and how it expanded, opening up new areas of
activity,
understand the nature of urban economy as also how towns and cities grew in the
period,
discuss improvements in technology that occurred during this period and;
analyse how the above developments led to significant socio-economic changes.

19.1 INTRODUCTION
In Unit-18 of this Block you studied about the establishment and expansion of the
Mauryan empire. Here, in this Unit we will familiarise you with the economy of the
Mauryan period. In Block-4 you must have read about the nature of economy in the
period before the establishment of Mauryan rule. Here we will concentrate on the
developments which took place during the Mauryan period. We shall start with a
general discussion on material and social basis of agricultural and non-agricultural
production. Study of agrarian economy is very crucial because the bulk of the
population was involved in agriculture. We shall also familiarise you with the
organisation of land revenue collection. We shall also take into account the impact
of agrarian economy on other spheres of economic activity.
This impact was more evident in craft production and commercial activities. Growth
- in these areas led to:
improvement in technology,
increased circulation of coined money, and
growth of urban centres.
One more important question which deserves our attention is the role of the state in
Kamesh Mechrocks
the overall economic activity. We shall therefore examine to what extent the state
intervened in the economy? Did this intervention help the growth of economy or libnomy or the hlauryan ~m~~

hamper it? Such and related questions would be discussed in the course of this Unit.

19.2 MATERIAL AND SOCIAL BASIS OF PRODUCTION

You read in Block-4 about the use of iron technology in agriculture during the second
half of the first millennium B.C. A substantial surplus of agricultural produce was
now created. This surplus not only transformed the material basis of society, but also
gave rise to new social groups. Many of these new social groups began living in the
newly emerging towns.
The Greek writer Arrian stated that it was not possible to record with accuracy the
number of cities because of their immense numbers. This can be taken to indicate
that there may have been an increase in the number of towns in this period.
Descriptions by Megasthenes of the well organised administration of towns indicate
large concentration of population in these centres. For living in these towns
regulations were apparently stringent. Excavations have however, failed to produce
any substantial evidence of city planning in this period and the remains of Mauryan
architecture are few. That many of the building structures were made of burnt bricks
can be deduced from the fact that they have been found in large quantities from
excavations in sites spread over Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Houses were made also of
timber because Megasthenes speaks of wooden structures at the Mauryan capital,
Pataliputra. At Kumrahar (modern Patna) excavations also revealed some structures
which have been indentified as a pillared hall of a Mauryan palace. In terms of
structures one of the most important finds of this period are a large number of
ringwells which were probably used to supply water for domestic purposes. They
became widespread in other parts of the country in the subsequent ages. The
hallmark of the structural development was thus the extensive use of ringwells and
burnt bricks. They imply the easy availability of timber for them to be made. Use of
burnt bricks, and finds of Northern Black Polished Ware sherds and other remains
help us gauge how widely towns were distributed in several'parts of the Mauryan
empire. We shall take up these for discussion later in this Unit.

5. Remains of 8 Wooden Palace (Patliputra).

In the Ganges Valley the existence of towns with the above mentioned material
remains implies a significantly strong technological base. Thus, it has been
emphatically argued in the writings of D.D. Kosambi and R.S. Sharma that this was
provided by the widespread use of iron. It was pointed out in Unit-18 that the
Magadhan kingdom was located near the rich iron ore areas of southern Bihar, and had
access to important river and land routes. During excavations different types of iron
tools like socketed axes, sickles and possibly ploughshares, have been found. These
tools must have made the task of clearing the thick forests of the Eastern Ganges
Plains easy and also facilitated the efficiency of agriculture. Numerous small heaps
of iron slag have been found scattered all over the iron belt of South Bihar. Such
refuse material left behind indicates that iron smelting may not have been of a very
Kamesh Mechrocks
Polity, Soclety and Economy :
320 B.C. to 200 B.C
high quality. Local furnaces which have been discovered may*suggest that ordinary
people probably had access to the use and manufacture of iron. Sophisticated
techniques of making different kinds of iron were also known, as can be gleaned from
the Arthasastra.
The use of iron did not, however, diffuse from the Ganges Valley to other parts of
the country. Independent evidence for its use and availability has been found in
excavated material dated to both pre-Mauryan and Mauryan times in other parts of
India as well. However, it is clear that in the Ganges Valley atleast, the soil being
heavy and loamy, the necessity of heavy iron tipped ploughs and plough-shares was
most essential to make intensive agriculture possible. The use of iron for agricultural
purposes cannot be over emphasized. That this was recognised by the State is evident
from the Arthasastra which advocates that the King should maintain s monopoly over
certain kinds of mining. This was perhaps also suggested because of the crucial need
of metals for military progress.

6. Ironsmith's Furnance

Apart from sound technology, most expanding agrarian societies require a regular
and cheap supply of labour for production of food grains and other commodities.
How this labour is controlled and maintained is of crucial importance to understand
the social basis of production. We have already indicated above that a new kind of
cultivation had become important in the middle Ganges Valley, namely, paddy
cultivation. This was labour-intensive and required more than the peasant family's
labour at particular seasons of transplanting and harvesting. This kind of cultivation
had become popular during this period. We also find that great stress was laid on
bringing new land under cultivation. In these newly settled tracts shortage of labour
was expected. and from the Arthasastra we learn how the State could make special
attempts to settle the new areas.
In this context it is suggested that the sudras were to settle these areas. They in any
case formed the bulk of agricultural and other types of manual labour. Settling new
groups could be done by transferring them from overpopulated areas or deporting
them from the defeated kingdoms. The latter was probably the case with the 150,000
people who were deported after the Kalinga War. The Arthasastra suggests that new
villages could be formed also by inducing foreigners to immigrate to them. Other
groups like carpenters and merchants were also probably settled in a similar manner.
The sudra settlers were expected to be given some fiscal concessions and also a supply
of cattle and seeds along with implements. This was probably an encouragement to
enable them to cultivate virgin soil. Decaying or ruined settlements were similarly to
be repopulated because with a rehabilitated settlement only could agricultural
production be augmented.
In many cases the newly settled areas formed part of the cwwn lands, known as the .
sita lands. On occasions they were granted to ex-village officials for cultivation. In
these cases the failure on the part of the farmers to cultivate would lead to their
transfer to someone else. Since these villages were a part of crown lands, obviously
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the King and his officials exercised strict control over them.
Thus, during the Mauryan period the two major pre-requisites, namely the use and Eeoaolny of tbe Maury.a Em*
control of raw materials and manpower made it possible for agrarian expansion-to
take place. We next turn to take a more detailed look at the material and economic
expansion, in particular in the Ganges Valley, and on a general level, in other parts
of India under the Mauryas.

Check Your Progress 1

1) Mark which of the following statements are right ( v ) or wrong (x).
a) Sudras were employed for large scale agricultural operations. ( 1
b) The use of iron technology helped agrarian expansion to a large extent. ( )
c) All villages in Mauryan India were under direct state control.
2
( 1
2) List the material changes that took place in the Ganges Valley under the Mauryas
in about four lines.

3) Explain why iron was able to transform the nature of agrarian growth in about
two-three lines.

19.3 AGRICULTURE AND LAND REVENUE

In this section we will discuss the general features of agrarian economy and land
revenue organisation.

19.3.1 General Features of Agrarian Economy

In the earlier section we have seen that settlement of permanent villages was
recognised in the Arthsastra as a method for the expansion of agrarian economy.
These settlements ensured a sound and stable resource base for the State to extract
taxes and the land tax formed the bulk of it. This process of settlement was called
janapadanivesa, but the extent of how this was done is not clearly known. According
to R.S. Sharma it would be reasonable to presume that most of the Ganges Basin
was brought under cultivation in this manner and some efforts may have been made
in the outlying areas as well.
Growth o f agriculture meant that the cultivator began to assume an increasingly
important role. Megast henes in his account of the Indian society and its division into
seven classes mentions the farmers as the second class, next only to the philosophers
who are mentioned as the first class and followed by the soldiers who are mentioned
as the third class. 'Though his perception of the division of Indian society was not
absolutely correct, the farmers drew his attention because they were numerically a
large class devoted to land. 'The Classical sources specifically mention that the
cultivators were without arms. Megasthenes also maintains that the peasants were left
untouched during war. 'This seems difficult to believe as the example of the Kalinga
War and the figures quoted in the Asokan inscriptions of those dead and deported
must have included a fair number of peasants.
We have already seen that some lands were sita or crown lands. In these areas the
King's and the State's rights of possession, cultivation, mortgage and sale were
naturally superior. Infact, in the Arthasastra a sitadhyaksa or superintendent of
agriculture is mentioned who probably supervised the cultivation works here. These
areas were in all probability fertile and suited to high productivity. It is difficult to
identify the origin of these State farms. It is possible that their origin lay in large
estates owned by individual landowners in pre-Mauryan times. These were also areas
Kamesh Mechrocks
where slaves were deployed wbrking under direct State supervision. The advanced
I
Polity. Society and Economy :
knowledge of agricultural techniques, described in depth in the Arthasastra, also
320 B.C. to 200 B.C
probably refer to these lands.
Agriculture in other areas of the Mauryan State, known as janapada territories, was
in all probability, carried on privately. In the Jataka stories there are frequent
references to gahapatis and grambhojakas. These groups are said to have employed
hired labourers on land indicating their capacity to do so as a land-owning gentry. In
contrast, the labourers are described to be in a pitiable condition and sometimes,
slaves are also mentioned. The King could own land in his personal capacity in both
sita and janapada areas though direct references to this for this period are lacking.
Thus though it is not possible to discuss the full complexities of the land ownership
pattern for the whole of India in detail, for the Ganges Valley alone one can suggest
that different types of it existed. This naturally entailed varied systems of cultivations
and also different levels of agricultural development. The Arthasastra references to
different types of agricultural operations supervised by officials thus refer to lands
owned by either the State or King. However, a small section of the text deals with
the sale of land and buildings. This suggests that individuals could own small areas
of cultivable land which they could cultivate themselves.
The most important reason for the success of agriculture in the state owned lands was
the facility of irrigation provided by the State. There were rules for the regulation of -
water supply for the benefit of agriculturists. Megasthenes informs us that a number
of officers were employed who measured the land and inspected sluices by which
water was distributed into the branch channels. That irrigation facilities existed in
other areas as well is indicated by the mention of an irrigation cess amounting to a
fifth, a fourth or a third of the produce in the Arthasastra. Since this cess was levied
only on irrigated soil it can be deduced that the State regulated irrigat~onfacilities in
areas where rainfall was scarce. In these areas a regular supply of water could ensure
a normal yield of crops. Pushyagupta, one of the governors of Chandragupta
Maurya, is said to have built a dam for creating a reservoir of water near Girnar in
Saurashtra. This was known as Sudarshana tadaga (water tank). This reservoir
became so famous that its history can be traced to the middle of the fifth century
A.D. for a period of about eight hundred years.

19.3.2 Land Revenue Organisation

The Classical writers state that some villages were exempted from taxation. They
were probably rare exceptions and in fact, it has been suggested that this was so
because these villages may have provided soldiers to the State. It is also suggested
by scholars that in order to bring virgin soil under cultivation in some villages
remission of taxes was allowed for a period of time.
The essential resources needed for the Mauryan State could only be got from land
revenue. Therefore, the land revenue collection had to be efficiently organised so as
to expropriate the maximum possible surplus from the people. It is generally stated
that the Mauryan rule oonstitutes a landmark in the history of the improvement of
tfie system of taxation in ancient India. The Mauryas in fact attached great importance
to the assessment of land revenue and the highest officer in charge of this was the
samsharta. The sannidhata was the chief custodian of the State treasury. Since the
revenue was also collected in kind, providing storage facilities was also the duty of
the latter.
The classical writers mention that 114th of the produce was paid in tax by the peasants.
They also suggest that a tribute was paid by them. Land tax (bhaga) was the main
item of revenue. According to the texts, it was levied at the rate of 116th of the
produce. But it is possible that in the M a u ~ y aperiod it was quite high and levied at
the rate of 114th of the produce. The Lumbini Edict of Asoka says that when he visited
Lumbini. the birthplace of the Buddha, he exempted the village from the payment
of bali and reduced the payment of bhaga to '1s. Even Asoka's great respect for the
Buddha did not prompt the emperor to exempt the village totally from the payment
of taxes.

Sharecropping was another way by which the State collected agricultural resources.
The sharecroppers were in the first place provided with seeds, oxen, etc., and received
arable land for cultivation. In this kind of situation the peasants probably gave half
Kamesh Mechrocks
of the produce to the State.
 Economy of the M.ury.n Empire
The above taxes were further supplemented by a large number of customary dues
that the peasants had to pay. The Mauryas also introduced some new taxes and made
already existing ones more effective. The peasants paid a tax called pindakara paid
by husbandsmen, which was assessed on groups of villages. This was also customary
in nature. Often the villages had to supply provisions to the royal army passing
through their respective territories and this naturally increased their burden. The
exact nature of hiranya is also not known, but it was probably a tax paid in cash
because hiranya literally means gold. Bali, the traditionally known levy from the
Vedic times, continued under the Mauryas, and all the above taxes which are
described by Kautilya in the Arthasastra must have burdened the peasantry
considerably. Nonetheless, he continues to recommend that in case the State still falls
short of its needs, several other fiscal measures for periods of emergency could be
made use of. For example one such measure was the levy of pranaya which literally
meant a gift of affection. This is a tax first mentioned by Panini but elaborated upon
for the first time in the Arthasastra. It amounted to I t 3 or '14 of the produce according
to the nature of the soil. It is usually interpreted as a voluntary gift but once put into
practice, in reality it must have become obligatory. Further, in times of emergency
the cultivators could be forced to raise two crops. The importance of these measures
was constantly emphasized as the country did face famines, and during these bleak
periods the level of revenue collection must have naturally fallen.
As land revenue was the backbone o i the Mauryan economy, the Arthasastra is
careful in designing the revenue system of the State. It is particular in defining the
different types of villages to be taxed as the fertility of soil varied from place to place.
There is also attention paid to special categories of revenue collectors and assessors.
Undoubtedly then, the Mauryan State, atleast in its major areas, must have ensured
a substantial land revenue collection without which the government machinery and

I
- the army would have been difficult to maintain.

Check Your Progress 2

1) Match the Sankskrit words in Column I with their equivalent meaning in Column
, I1 by ticking the right ( V ) answer in the Code given below :
Column I Column I1
i) Janapadanivesa A) Landed gentry
ii) Sitadhyaksa B) Official in Crown lands
iii) Gahapati C) Revenue Assessor
iv) Samaharta D) Process of Settlement
, a) I I1 111 IV
1:
B
A B C D
i i b)I I1 111 IV
D E A C
1 c) 1
D
I1
B
111
A
IV
C
j II HI IV
B D A
I
/2) Tick ( \/) which one of the following revenue items was collected only in cash:
a) kara
b) bhaga
c) hiranya
d) pranaya
3) List the fiscal measures which were expected to be adopted by the State during
periods of emergency in about five lines.

Kamesh Mechrocks
- b - r l E a r y t 4) List the main taxes and revenue officials of the Mauryan period.
jw B.C. to 240 B.C

TRADE AND TOWNS

The non-agrarian economy of the Magadhan empire revolved around two interrelated
developments:
i) expansion of trade and commerce, and
ii) establishment of new towns and markets.
The development of the agrarian economy had given a solid economic basis to the
Mauryan empire particularly in the Ganges Valley: However, it was the expansion
of commercial economy that enabled it to extend its resource base to other parts of
the country. '

19.4.1 Organisation of Trade

Trade did not suddenly develop during this period. It was part of the larger process
of economic change which had begun much before the Mauryan times. The Jataka
stories have frequent references to caravan traders carrying large quantities of goods
to different parts of the country. The security provided by Mauryan rule enabled
internal trade to blossom. Major trade routes to West Asia and Central Asia passed
through north-west India. The main trade routes in northern Indian were along the
river Ganges and the Himalayan foothills. Major centres like Rajagriha in Magadha
and Kausambi, near present-day Allahabad, were connected in this way. Pataliputra,
the capital of the Mauryas, had a particularly strategic location and was connected
by river and road in all four directions. The northern route going to such sites as
Sravasti and Kapilavastu was connected through the city of Vaisali. From Kapilavastu
this route linked up Kalsi, Hazara.and eventually led up to'peshawar. Megasthenes
also talks of a land route connecting the north-west with Pataliputra. In the south it
was connected to Central India and in the South-east t o Kalinga. This eastern route
turned southwards to finally reach Andhra and Karnataka. The other part of the
eastern route continued down to the Ganges delta to Tamralipti which acted as an
exit point for the south and south-east. From Kausambi moving westwards another
route led to Ujjain. This continued either further west to the coast of Gujarat or west
south across the Narmada and was regarded as dakshinapatha (southern route). The
overland route to countries of the West went via Taxila near Islamabad.
The opening up of communications in various parts of the Indian sub-continent was
the direct result oi the expansion of settlements, as it facilitated movement from one
place to another. This naturally fostered trade. Internal trade was considerably
benefited because river transport had been improved once the forests around the
Valleys had been cleared under State initiative. The State's policy particularly under
Bindusara and Asoka to have peaceful and friendly relations with the Greeks gave
fillip to foreign trade as well.
I
Trade was canied on in different ways. It was intrinsically linked to the methods of
production and its organisation. Primarily in north India craft production was
organised on guild (sreni) lines. This was so in the pre-Mauryan period as well. Under
the Mauryas when the number of artisan groups had increased we find guilds
organised in different towns, inhabiting particular sections of them. These guilds
generally worked and lived together in a closely .knit relationship. Craft was
necessarily hereditary and in most cases specialization was handed down from father
to son. These guilds became very powerful in the post-Mauryan period as is evident
from a number of inscriptions. Megasthenes also mentions the artisans as one of the
seven castes/classes he noticed during his stay in India. The well-known guilds of the
period were those of metallurgists of various kinds, carpenters, potters,
Kamesh Mechrocks
leatherworkers; painters, textile workers, etc. ~ a k i n of
g the Northern Black Polished
Ware is a good example of craft activities. It became a spccialized kind of
pottery-making craft and its availability outside the Ganges Valley is limited. his
indicates that it was a technique developed in this-part of the country and was perhaps
dependent on a particular type of clay available here.
Like the artisans, the merchants were aiso organised along guild lines. Certain kinds
of merchants were connected to particular artisan groups which made distribution of
goods easier. They too inhabited identifiable parts of the cities which came to be
associated with their professions.
It is however, important to note that the State administration under the Mauryas also
took up the organisation of trade. This administrative control on production and
distribution made it more efficient. This did not mean ihat it directly interfered with
and changed the guild organisations. On the other hand, it increased its control on
the distribution of their goods and itself became a producer. At another level, it
gradually converted some crafts into some sort of small-sca!e industries. The State
did this by directly employing some of the artisans like. armourers, shipbuilders,
builders in stone, etc. They were exempt from payment of tax because they rendered
compulsory labour service to the State. Other artisans like spinners, weavers, miners
etc., who worked for the State were liable to tax.
The above mentioned steps to organise trade and commodity production were part
and parcel of State policy. This policy was aimed at augmenting its efficiency in
economic spheres of activity and its revenues. Megasthenes mentions a
superintendent of commerce whose duty was to fix prices of goods and also to
interfere if there was a glut in any commodity. He is also mentioned in the
Arthasastra as panyadhyaksa. This text lists the various officials that were in chargc
of the different economic activities. The offfice of the samsthadhyaksa that looked
after the markets was infact to check the wrong practices of the traders. The
pautavadbyaksa or superintendent of weights and measures exerted a strict control
on maintaining standard weights and measures. State boats that facilitated transport
were put under the charge of a navadhyaksa. He helped in-regulating river transport
and collecting ferry charges. All traders had to pay taxes and custom's dues ranging
from '15th to '125th of the value of goods. These were supposed to be collected by
a superintendent of tolls called the sulkadhyaksa.
Where the State produced goods, different qtegories of officials looked after
particulaf departments. These goods were called rajapanya. The State was careful to
choose those areas of commodity production and trade that were essential for its
functio~ingand yielded good revenues. Sometimes State goods could also be sold by
private traders as their network of distribution was more well-organised and
widespread. Despite the above changes ~twould be right to conclude that the majority
of artisans either continued to work individually or within the complex structure of
the guilds. The guilds continued to serve the very important purpose of cohesivdy
organising petty producers and most importantly, controlling them, Even the artisans
found it advantageous t o join them since this eliminated the expenses of working
alone or competing with others of the same profession. From the State's point of view
the guilds facilitated the collection of taxes. Finally since they concentrated locally
and also specialized in particular crafts there was a strengthening of that particular
trade. We need however, to conclude with the point that guilds were not found to
flourish in all parts of India during this period. Particularly in the extreme South,
even in the post-Mauryan period it is difficult to find mention of them. The major
pfe-requisite for guilds to flourish was of course an urban milieu to which we now
turn our attention.

19.4.2 Growth of Urban Economy

The p r w s s of urbanism which had begun in the pre-Mauryan period witnessed
further growth in the Mauryan period. Two major sections of population inhabited
the towns, namely, artisans and merchants and the officials of the government. The
urban economy characterised by the activities of the manufacturers of goods and of
merchants as also by a system of exchange began t o spread from the Ganges Valley
t o other areas of Western and &.ntral India, the Deccan and South India.
Proliferation of rural settlements and the prosperity of the ghhapatis enabled the
social base of urban centres to expand further. In many cases it. were the rich rural
Kamesh Mechrocks
Polity, Society and Economy : families that developed contacts with towns and provided financial support needed
320 B.C. to 200 B.C
particularly by merchant groups.
We introduced this Unit with a discussion-on the material remains of the Mauryan
phase to show that the urban centres had definitely increased during this period. It
is however impossible to measure this growth. Going by Kautilya's Arthasastra we
learn that through a process of durganivesa or durgavidhana, the State founded
walled towns. These towns were said to be peopled by priests, nobles, soldiers and .
also merchants, artisans and others. There are also detailed descriptions in this text
on the protection of towns and their lay-out so that economic regulations could be
carried out properly. Indeed, the Arthasastra viewed towns (durga), as it viewed the
janapadas, as an important source of revenue. The taxes received from towns paid
rich dividends to the State and therefore, development and administration of towns
was given much importance by the ~ a u r ~ aIns fact,
. when mention is made of taxing
guilds located in the capital or durga, we get an impression that those in the
countryside dnjoyed exemption. This may have been because town population was
easier to regulate and organise.
Megasthenes' detailed description of the Mauryan capital gives us some idea about
how towns were administered and which areas of urban economy were regulated in
the interest of the State. H e tells us that Pataliputra was administered by thirty
officials who were divided into six Committees of five members each. Of these six
Committees four were related t o economic activity. These were Committees dealing
with industrial arts, trade and commerce, the supervision of the public sale of
manufactured goods and the collection of tax on articles sold. The other two .
committees were concerned with the welfare of foreigners and the registration of '
births and deaths. The general administration of law and order in the cities was thus
important to ensure the proper functioning of its economic activities.
The above description may apply to other similar big and developed cities in the
heartland of the Mauryan Empire. In the absence of enough information it is not
possible to describe the exact nature of the administration of small cities, port towns
and pilgrimage centres. What is however, important to emphasize is that the
development to the Mauryan economy in general made it possible for towns of
various kinds to flourish. Population mobility and interaction between social groups
was necessary for the urban economy to remain healthy and prosperous. This could
be ensured by a certain degree of political stability in the metropolitan and core areas
of the empire.
Another significant aspect of the urban economy is that it created the situation for
the development of transactions in cash and the circulation of coined money. Though
the use of currency began in an earlier period, it became fairly common during the
Mauryan period because of the development of commerce. Its use in trade is
self-evident but the importance of cash in the economy can be gauged from the fact
that it was probably used to pay salaries of the officials. The Arthasastra lists for us
the range of salaries expected to be paid and this varied from 48,000 panas to 60
panas annually. For such a powerful cash economy to function the minting of coins
and the supply of metajs like silver and copper required t o do so were of prime
importance. That these were harnessed by the Mauryas is evident from the
innumerable punch-marked, inostly silver, coins which are assignable to this period.
Of these the majority are stated to be from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar which constituted
the core area of the empire.
For the kind of urban economy that envisaged substantial State control, the State
also had to maintain a monopoly in certain important spheres of activity. Thus, the
Arthasastra provides for a superintendent of mines called akaradhyaksa whose chief
function was to look for new mines and re?pen old ones. Like mining metals another
area of State monopoly was mining salt. The importance of different kind of metals
not only for minting coins but for such important commodities as making weapons.
cannot be we find the mention of a suaerintendent of iron
Apart from equipping soldiers wlth arms, the
govepment was probably also concerned about supplying implements for agriculture.
The bncern for keeping a mdnopoly over mining and trading in mineral products
thus secured for the Mauryan State the most crucial raw materials. Proper utilization
-
of these in turn secured for them a greater return in both agrarian and non-agrarian
sectors.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Economy of the ~ a " & a nEmpire
Once economic-control of urban centres was established and their administration
well-regulated, control over varlous janapadas through these towns also increased.
Due to an increase in commercial transactions, the centres of exchange and trade had
also increased in number. In the next sub-section we shall discuss the different
avenues through which socio-economic changes reached out to different parts of
Mauryan India. Again. as In other spheres of economy. the Mauryan control of such
centres varied from one region to another.

19.4.3 Socio-Economic Changes in Mauryan India

From the above discuqsion it appears that the most distinguishing feature of the Maur>an
Economy was the emphasis on State control in agriculture. trade and industry. We
have shown that it was necessary for the State to levy a variety of taxes. The
requirements of resources for the Mauryan State were very high. The taxes realised
from the region of Magadha and adjoining areas were not enough to ineet this
demand. Therefore, attempts were made to control resources in other parts of the
country as well. For example, Kalinga, the Karnataka plateau and Western India
where Asokan inscriptions are found, were such areas. To regulate certain types of
economic activities in such far off regions, the Mauryas worked out different
strategies. This depended on the nature of resources the particular region offered.
The conquest of Kalinga, for instance, offered control of an agriculturally rich area
as well as the control of important trade routes that passed through it to the mineral
rich areas of South India. Thus the main motive behind acquiring such regions as
Karnataka seems to have been that they were rich in gold andother precious materials.
What about those areas where Mauryan inscriptions are not found? It has been
recently argued by Romila Thapar that it is difficult to gauge the political or economic
control of the Mauryas in such regions. Northern Deccan, the Punjab and Sind and
Rajasthan may be cited as examples of such areas. What is the extent of their
influence on the economies of the areas where their presence is indicated? Here it
may be suggested that no large scale restructuring was done even in these areas. The
main interest of the Mauryas was the exploitation of resources of these areas and they
depended on influential sections of population in these areas for doing this. It may
be pointed out that most regions outside the Ganges Valley were at different levels
of economic development in this period. Because of this uneven development, radical
change and restructuring of all these regions was very difficult.
The Arthasastra and the inscriptions of Asoka tell us about the tribes (atavikas,
aranyacafas) that inhabited the various parts of the empire. They often separated the
more developed areas from the less developed areas. Kautilya's advice to the State
was to win them over to a settled agrarian life. He devotes a full chapter to how tribes
could be systematically broken up and several methods, fair or unfair, were deployed
to do this. This was necessary in order that groups of five to ten families could settle
down permanently for bringing more land under cultivation. Asoka's attitude towards
the tribes was paternalistic, but he too warns them that in case they failed to conform
or disobeyed orders of the Maharnatras, stern action would be taken against them.
Controlling of the forest tribes was important from two points of view:
i) First, it was necessary for new agrarian settlements to be secure as disturbances
from tribes would interrupt their economic development.
ii) Secondly, trade routes often bordered or passed through tribal regions and these
had to be made secure.
It is difficult to have an exact idea of how many tribal groups were thus converted to
peasants, but, that the process was encouraged by the State is significant to take note
of. Archaeological evidence for many parts of India shows habitation sites that were
not fully developed as urban centres during this periiod. The case of the innumerable
megalith sites, especially those dated to the third century B.C. or so, in many parts
of the Deccan and South India, indicate simple farming or pastoral communities with
only a limited knowledge of craft production.
It was impossible to totally change the cultural pattern of a vast country like India in
the third century B.C. but at the same time Mauryan rule did initiate some major
changes in the material and socio.-economic setting which bore fruits in the
subsequent centuries.
Some of these changes may be briefly hielighted. In many areas .of the Mauqan .
Kamesh Mechrocks
empire such as north and west Bengal, Kaliqga, the Deccan, and also in the
Polity, Sodety and ,-my :
neighbouring south, the beginning of early historical cultural pattern dated to only
3W B.C. to 2@l B.C
Mauryan or post-Mauryan periods. This means that, impressive human settlements
like towns and cities in which different social groups lived, use of coins, use of scripts,
use of sophisticated objects on a significant scale-all began in these regions only
from the Mauryan and post-Mauryan periods. This change in material culture implies
that there were not only changes in technology and material life in general but also
in social organisations and in ideas. Society started becoming organised in a much
more complex manner, resulting in separation between social groups and ultimately
in the institution of the State. The fact that we find local states appearing in many of
the regions after the Mauryas suggests that the process of major socio-economic
change associated with the production of surplus in society began in many parts of
-
India through contact with the important regions of the Magadhan Empire.
-
Check Your Progress 3
1) Using the words given below fill in the following blank spaces:
a) The official in charge of mines was called in the Arthasastra
(lohadhyaksalakaradhyaksa).
b) Kautilya lists the salaries of the highest ranking officials as 48,000 ;
(karsapanaslpanas).
c) The overall supervision of commerce in the cities was the duty of
(panyadbyaksdsamathrdhyaksa).
x d) The goods produced by the State were called
(durgavidhanalrajapanya).
2) Outline in brief the important trade routes in Mauryan 1ndia.

3) To what extent did the Mauryan State interfere in commodity production and
trade? Answer in five lines.

LET US SUM UP
In this Unit we have discussed various aspects related to economic changes in India
during the Mauryan period. With the help of recent writings wJhe subject we have
introduced you to the view that the Mauryas did not exert difect economic control
in equal measure in all regions of India. Their interest in establishing economic
contacts with different parts of the empire essentially varied. In the major regions of
the empire, the degree of control was certainly greater and more direct. In this Unit
you have studied:
the material and social basis of production which was fundamental for economic
growth,
the main elements of agrarian expansion and the patterns of land ownership,
how the State appropriated the agrarian surplus through the levy of various land
taxes,
the dynamics of trade and its organisation and the extent to which the State
interfered in this sphere of economic activity, and
the various aspects of the urban economy and technology.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 19.6 KEY WORDS
%

Cess: Tax.
Classical Sources: Refers to the Greek sources for example the lndika of
Megasthenes.
Diffusion: Spread from a centre of origin.
Fiscal: Economic and financial measures.
Gahapati: Head of rich land-owning family.
Megalith: Megaliths as a general term refer to burials in which big (mega) blocks of
stone (liths) are used. The megaliths could be of different phases of culture, and even
now megaliths are built in some areas of India. In the context of the present Block,
the megaliths more specifically relate to the cultures of regions like Vidarbha, the
Deccan and the south, where Megalithic culture phase preceded the emergence of
early historical culture characterised by the use of permanent structures, cities and
towns, use of scripts and coins, and of kingdoms.
Samaharta: Assessor of land revenue.
Sannidhata: Treasurer.
Sedentary: Settled permanently.
Sita Lands: Lands ownedlcontrolled directly by the King.
Varna: Generally translated as 'caste' or 'class' indicating the traditional division of
Brahmanical society into four groups.

19.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1)a)d b ) c)x
2) You should write about change in ~echnology,growth in urbanisation, use of
bricks in construction, etc. See Set. 19.2
3) You should write how iron was used in making different types of tools which
helped in agricultural operations and forest clearance. See Sec. 19.2
Check Your Progress 2
1) c
2) C "
3) You should write about the tax called pranaya and growing of more than one
crop. See Sub-sec. 19.3.2.
4) Read Sub-sec. 19.3.2 and note down the names.
Check Your Progress 3
1) a) Akaradhyaksa'
b) Panas
c) Panyadhyaksa
d) Rajapanya '
2) You should mention the main trade route along the river Ganges and other routes
which coinected the southern region of the country. See Sub-sec. 19.4.1.
3) In your answer you should refer to different regulations of the Mauryan State
about craft production and commercial activities like the four conlmittees which
regulated economy. See Sub-secs. 19.4.2 and 19.4.3.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 20 ADMINISTRATIVE ORGANIW-
TION AND RELATIONSHIP
WITH OTHER POWERS
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Background
Central Administration-I
20.3:l The King
20.3.2 Council of Ministers
20.3.3 City Administration
Central Administration-I1
20.4.1 Army
20.4.2 Espionage
20.4.3 Justice and Punishment
20.4.4 Revenue Administration
20.4.5 Public Works
Regional and Local Units of Administration
20.5.1 Provincial Administration
20.5.2 District and Village Level Administration
Relations with Other Powers
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

After reading this Unit you will be able to:

know about the vast administrative apparatus which the Magadhan empire built up,
familiarise yourself with its various branches and offices, their powers and functions
differentiate among forms of administration at various levels,
know about the importance and role of Army, espionage and the legal process, and
know about the relations of Mauryas with other powers and about changes in their
policy towards these powers.

20.1 INTRODUCTION
By the third century B.C. the Mauryan state with its centre in Magadha was firmly
established. It had a vdst territory to control and had an administrative apparatus for
doing it. This apparatus covered within its range various levels of administration;
administration of the core region (Magadha) of the empire, regional centres,
peripheral areas, cities, villages and so on. Besides sustaining the King's authority and
order, the administration took into its fold a wide range of activities concerning
justice, army, espionage, revenue collections, handicrafts, etc. These are the aspects
which have been dealt with in this Unit. From a variety of sources like the text of
Arthasatra, Greek accounts and the Asokan inscriptions we get a fairly good idea of
the Mauryan administrative system.
We also discuss in this Unit the relations which the Mauryan rulers maintained with
other contemporary powers both in India as well as in foreign countries. But before
dealing with these aspects let us discuss the background of the emergence of the
Kamesh Mechrocks
Mauryan administrative system.
 Administrative Organisstion and
20.2 BACKGROUND Relationship with Other Powers

The Mahajanapada of Magadha had become the centre of a formidable empire by

the time of Chandragupta Maurya. Its territories were no more limited to the Ganga
Valley as was the case during the 6th century B.C. By the time of Asoka, except for
the deep south and remote regions in eastern and north-eastern India, the entire
Indian sub-continent was virtually under the control of the Mauryas.
- However, it must be floted that during this time:
there were still extensive forests and regions inhabited by huntedgatherers,
there were regions, particularly the Ganga Valley, characterised by surplus
agricultural production,
urban settlements had emerged as centres for trade and craft production activities,
and
the state extracted the surplus and aimed at increasing its revenues.
A variety of reasons had contributed towards the territorial conquests undertaken by
Magadha which eventually emerged as an empire. The main reason obviously was
the skgite's desire to Increase its revenues. The state's efforts included bringing such
lands'bnder its control which produced surplus in order to extract it; imposition of
taxes on traders; control over trade routes and mines, etc. For example Asoka's
conquest of Kalinga may have been motivated by the desire to control coastal trade
in eastern India. Similarly the extension of control to Karnataka may have been
motivated by the desire to exploit the gold mines of Kolar.
Thus surplus production, extraction of surplus, its distribution or expenditure
necessitated a complex form of administrative system in order to control or ensure
various economic, social and political activities at various levels. For example if a
strong army was needed to conquer other areas, a strong administration was needed
to organise the army and cater to its requirements. Similarly if taxes were to be
collected from traders or surplus was to be extracted from producers, an
administrative set up was needed not only to frame rules for this but actually carry
.aut the process of extraction. The Mauryan administration carried on its activities in
an organised manner and we shall discuss the various aspects related to them.
Broadly speaking we shall discuss the central, provincial and'local units of
administration along with related aspects.

20.3 CENTRAL ADNIINISTRATION

The Mauryan Empire had many major administrative units like the centre and the
regions which had various sub-units down to the village. All these units had their own
administrative set up but they came under the central authority. The Central
administration can be classified under following heads:
I
i) The King v) Espionage network
ii) The Council of Ministers vi) Law and justice
iii) City Administration vii) Public Welfare
1
iv) Army

20.3.1 The King

The King was the supreme authority of the state. All basic policy matters as well as
crucial decisions were taken by the King. The Arthasastra forthrightly mentions that
if over an issue the traditional law (Shastra) holds a different point of view from that
of the King's law, it was the King's law which prevailed. The Mauryan Empire, in
I
fact, represents a centralised political system under which the monarchy had emerged
victorious over the gana-samghas. The Arthasastra gives final authority to the King
! Kamesh Mechrocks
in all aspects of administration. It gives the King primacy among the seven
Puliiy, Society and Eemomy : The Seven Components
320 B.C. io 200 B.C
. I
Mitra
(Friends)
K

-. rc- Danda
(Arm")
-.
swami
iKing)
Janapada
(Territory)

Kosa
2 \ Durga

(Treasury) (Fort)

The argument in favour of King's central position in the Arthasastra is because it is

the King who:
appoints or removes the ministers (Amatyas),
defends the treasury and the people,
works for the progress and welfare of the people,
punishes the.ew'l, and
influences the people (Praja) through his morality.
But not every one was fit to be a King and the Arthasastra also mentions certain
necessary virtues for the King like:
birth in a high family (uchchakula),
capability to keep under control various small kings and officials,
sharp intellect,
truthfulness, and
upholder of Dharma, etc.
Not only this but the Arthasastra specifies certain subjects which the King should
master in order to carry out his functions. He should undergo military training and
have knowledge of various departments of economic life (Vartta), writing (Lipi) etc.
The Arthasastra further goes on to explain his conduct and daily routine.
The Arthasastra also lays down three-basic pre-conditions for successful
'
administration of the empire by the King:
i) he should pay equal attention to all matters,
ii) he should remain vigilant and active for taking action or corrective measure, and
iii) he should dlaays discharge his duties.
Bes~des,he had to be constantly accessible to his advisors and officials. That the King
did so is also evident from the accounr of Megasthenes and from the Asokan edicts.
By the time of Asoka the Maurynn Empire had consolidated its position. An
im,portant development in the King's position now was the emergence of a paternal
attilude towards his subjects. In the Dhauli inscription Asoka states:
All men are my children and just as I desire for my children that they should
obtain welfare and happiness both in this world and the next, the same do I
desire for all men.
But in spite of this paternal attitude the monarch was conscious of his absolute -
authority. For example in the same in$cription, addressed to the officials at Tosali
and Samspa, he states:
'
Whatever I approve of,'that I desire either to achieve by taking action or to
obtain by effective means. .. .. and these are my instructions to you.
There is no doubt that Asoka kept the welfare of the people as the prime aim of '
administration but in terms of political analysis he was an absolute monarch. By
,i
adoption of the title Devanampiya (beloved of the Gods) Asoka;according to Romila r
Thapar, made "an attempt to emphasize the connection between kingship and divine
power, perhaps even to the degree of excluding the intermediaries, the priests." This,
-I-,.
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in fact, indicates that the King was now exercising his authority in religious matters
/en- lT-:. ?I\
20.3.2 Council of Ministers
The Arthasastra as well as the Asokan inscriptions refer to a Council of Ministers.
(Mantriparishad). The Arthasastra mentions that the work of the state cannot be
carried out without assistance. It mentions that "as the chariot cannot move on one
wheel hence the King should appoint ministers and listen to their advice". Similarly
the,Girnar Rock Edicts of Asoka mention about the functions of the Council:
kock Edict I11 implies that the Parishad was expected to see that new
administrative measures were carried out by different categories of officials.
Rock Edict VI mentions that the ministers can discuss the King's policy during his
absence; suggest amendments; and decide upon any important matter which the
King has left to them. Yet the Council had to report its opinion to the King
immediately.
The power of the Council might have varied from time to time; yet its primary role
remained that of an advisory body. This was because the final authority vested with
the King. There was no fixed number of ministers and Kautilya mentions that it
should be decided according to the needs. But he opined that "a large council is
beneficial for the King". He has also listed the issues on which the King should
consult his ministers. These included:
consultation o n how to start the works which the state wants to undertake,
to determine the manpower and finances involved in carrying out these works,
to determine the areas-where the works have to be carried out, and
finding solutions to deal with calamities, etc.
Kautilya mentions that the work should be carried out according to the majority
verdict (Bhuvyist) in the council but in case the King feels that the majority verdict
will not be able to achieve the goal, he should decide according to his own thinking.
He makes it clear that the "ministers should see to it that the King's orders are carried
out properly".
An interesting point mentioned in the Arthasastra is the criteria or the qualifications
for the appointment of ministers. For example the person should be such as not to
be iured by wealth, not to sucumb to pressure, etc. i.e., he should be a
Sarvopdashudha (purest of all). 'There are also references to an inner council
(Mantrins) - small group of ministers who would be consulted on issues which needed
immediate attention.
We do get references about eighteen departments (Tirthas) of the central government
in the Arthasastra. For example the Karmantika looked after the industries, the
Antarvamsika looked after the King's security and the Sannidhata looked after the
treasury, etc.

20.3.3 City Administration

Megasthenes has given a vivid description of administration in Palibothra
(Patliputra). This account, though different from that in the Arthasastra, helps us in
understanding the city administration during this period. In this account the city
council was divided into six sub-councils or committees and each committee had five
members:
1) The first committee looked after iiidustry and crafts. Its functions included
inspection of such centres; fixing the wages, etc.
2) The second committee looked after the foreigners. Its functions included;
arranging for their food, stay and comfort, security, etc.
3) The third committee's work was registration of births and deaths.
4) Looking after trade and commerce, the functions of the fourth committee
included: inspection of weights and measures, controlling the market, etc.
5) The fifth committee inspected the manufactured goods, made provisions for their
sale and a strict watch was kept to distinguish between new and second-hand
goods.
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Pdiiy, W i y md Eeonorny : Interestingly enough, there is no mention of such committees in the Arthasastra in
320 B.C. to 200 B.C
spite of the well defined plan of city administration. However, we do find in this
planning almost all the functions mentioned by Megasthenes. For example, in
Arthasastra the functions of the fourth committee are performed by the
Panyadhyaksha; the collection of taxes (Sixth Committee) was the responsibility of
Sulkadhyaksha and registration of births and deaths was the work of Gopa. The head
of the urban administration was called Nagariaka. He was assisted by two subordinate
officials - Gopa and Sthanika. Besides these there were a host of officials whose
functions have been elaborately defined. For example:
Bandhanagaradhyaksha looked after the jail.
Rakshi i.e. the police, was to look after the security of the people.
Work in the centres where goods were manufactured was looked after by a host
of superintendents like the Lohadhyaksha, Sauvarnika, etc.
The Arthasastra also refers to a variety'of activities of city administration, regulations
related to them and penalties on their breach. These included:
Sanitation and water sources
checking adulteration,
watch over inns, and
precautions against fire, etc.
The law enforcers were not above the law. For example in case the Rakshina
(policeman) maltreated a woman, he had to face severe punishments. At the same
time if the citizens broke any of the regulations they were subjected to penalties. For
example if any citizen moved out during the curfew hours at night and his explanation
for this did not come under the exempted categories, he had to pay a heavy fine.
Thus, we can say that the city administration during this period was elaborate and ,

well planned.
-v

.- - -- --
Check Your Progress I
1) Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark ( d )or ( x ) .
a) The state's efforts to increase its revenues contributed towards the expansion
of Magadha. ( )
b) According to Arthasastra the Council of Ministers verdict was final before
the King. ( )
c) The adoption of a paternal attitude towards his subjects was a new
development in relation to King's attitude in Indian polity. ( >.
d) There is no description of city administration in the account of
Megasthenes. ( )
e) The King was central to the seven components of the state in
Kautilya's scheme. ( 1
2) Discuss in about ten lines the relations between the King and the Council of
Ministers.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Administrative Organisation
! 3) Fill in the blanks: Relationship with Other Po
a) The Mauryas had a ......................... (simplelcomplex) form of
administration.
b) By adopting the title Devanampiya Asoka tried to .........................
(establish atdelink the) curlnection between the king and .................
(earthlytdevine) power.
c) According t o Megasthenes the City Council was divided into ...................
(threelsix) sub-committees of ..........................(twolfive) members each.
d ) T h e Arthasastra has ......................... (elaborately/minutely) defined the .
functions of various officials.

4) O n what basis we can say that the Mauryan city administration was well
organised? Write in about ten linct;

20.4 CENTRAL ADMINISTRATION-I1

Certain &her areas of administration also came under the purview of central
administration. However, in some cases like public welfare works. their
implerncntation depended on various lucal ;tdministr;itive units.

20.4.1 Army
T h e Nanda kings had a strong army. and i t i s interesting that the arniv which Kautilya
and Chandragupta had raised to defeirt thc Nanda King consisted of mercenary
soldiers. Both the Greek and Indian literary sources refer to this. Later on the size
and organisation of Chandraguptn's army became fairl!: large. For example.
:~ccordingto Pliiiy's acc\>uiit it co11siste{i 01' 0000 c!cpharit\. .30000 cavalry and 6000
infantry. ~ l u t a r c h ' saccount refers to 6(clO elephants. 80000 horses. 20000 foot
soldiers and 8000 wnr chariots. accourlts may bc exaggerated but the retreat
of Seleucus. descriptive account of army administratio~lin Arthasastra and the violent
Kalinga war in Asoka's time point towards a large and well organiscd military set u p
under the Maurya!. According to Megasttlenes rhe branches c~fthe army consisted of:
infantry,
cavalry,
elephants,
a chariots.
transport, and
admiral of the fleet
Each branch was looked after by a cornmittce of 5 members. Kautilya has referred to
Chaturangabala (i.e. infantry, cavalry, chariots and elephants) as the main
Kamesh Mechrocks
components of the army -each under a commander. Besidcs the5e he also mentions
...
 The oficers and soldiers were paid in cash.

Salaries of Army ORlcers

Senapati - 48000 Pana

Nayaka - lUnn,Pana
Mukhyas - 8000 Pana
Adhyakshas - 4000 Pana

There was a separate department to look after the production and maintenance of
a variety of armaments whose chief was known as Ayudhagaradhyaksha.
There is a detailed description of the work of various Adhyakshas. For example the
Rathadhyaksha also had to look after the construction of chariots and the
Hiastyadhyaksha looked after the elephant force. The Arthasastra also refers to the
recruitment policy, war plans and fortificaiions, etc.
There is no doubt that the state spent a large amount of revenue in maintaining its
army, which in the long run might have adversely affected its treasury.

20.4.2 Espionage
The Mauryan administration had a well knit system of espionage. A watch was kept
practically on all important officials as well as on general public. The main tasks of
the spies recruited involved:
keeping an eye over .the ministers,
reporting on government officials,
collecting impressions regarding the feelings of citizens, and
know the secrets of foreign rulers, etc.
For these activities they would seek the help of various people like cooks, barbers,
etc. They would themselves adopt various guises like ascetics, students,etc., to seek
information. At times they even directly reported to the King on matters of
importance. In fact the Arthasastra mentions a well knit system of espionage.

20.4.3 Justice and Punishment

In order to maintain social order, smooth functioning of the administrative system
and flow of revenues to the state an orderly legal system was established under the
Mauryas. The Arthasastra is full of codes listing punishments for various offences.
These included a vast range from violation of mamage laws, divorce, murder
adulteration, wrong weights, etc. There were various kinds of courts to try the
offenders of law or settle disputes at various levels. If the Gramika had judicial
powers at the village level there were also courts at the level of Janapada and the
centre. Two kinds of courts are mentioned in the Arthasastra:
1) Dharmasthiya i.e. courts which decided personal disputes.
2) Kanhkmaba i.e., courts which decided upon matters related to individuals and
the state.
For examplk,the first kind of courts would settle issues related to disputes over
Stridh~ (wife's wealth) or marriages etc., and the second category of courts dealt
wiih wages to workers, conduct of workers, murder, etc. The courts functioned under
certain regulations. Cases were properly registered and ample opportunity given to
produce witnesses and plead on one's behalf. The sources of law, as mentioned by
Kautilya, were:

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2) Vymvrharrr i.e., current legal codes,
 3) Chraritra i.c., customs, and
4) Raj~sasanai.e., the royal decree.
The king was the upholder of Dharma and held the supreme judicial power.
According to Megasthenes the incidence of crime committed in Maurya India was
not very high. But the range of punishments mentioned in the Arthasastra indicates
that breach of laws and crime were not uncommon in the Mauryan social fabric.
Hence, the need for a severe Penal code. However, due stress was laid on evidence
and the witness. Cases were decided by a "body of arbitrators' with a system of appeal
to the king. However, it is worth mentioning here that the penalties in ArthasastPa
were based on Varna hierarchies meaning that for the same kind of offence a
Brahmana was punished much less severely than a Sudra.

20.4.4 Revenue Administration

State revenues, during the Mauryan period, were derived from various channels
(details have been discussed in Unit-19). Kautilya has listed different resources from
where revenue flowed into the state treasury which was looked after by an official
Sannidhata.

Road and (Vanikpntha)

Cities
@urga)
State Treasury

Rural areas
(Rashba) lantations
(Setu)
Mines Forests
(Kbma) (Vans)

- All these resources had their own sources of collection in their areas. For example:
The cities collected revenues in the form of fines, sales tax (Sulka), exercise on
sale of liquor, a kind of income tax imposed on the rich, etc. (The Arthasastra lists
21 such taxes collected by the Durga)
The revenues from the rural areas were appropriated by the state in the form, of
income from Crown lands (Sita), land revenue (Bhaga) from cultivators, taxes on
orchards, ferry charges, etc.
As all the mines were under the control of the state, the mineral wealth was a
regular source of income for the state.
Taxes were levied on merchants travelling by road or water ways.
Taxes on exports and imports, etc.

There were certain collections made directly by the state from the ~oncernedpeople.
Far example, the gamblers had to part with five per cent of their winnings to the state
and the merchants had to pay when their weights were tested and certified by the
state officials. The state control over armament industry and salt trade increased its
revenues. The state was also empowered to impose taxes in case of emergency for
increasing its earnings. There were various departments to collect, regulate and
manage the state revenues. Most of the revenue collections which went to the state
treasury had their outflow in the form of expenditure on army, administration,
salaries, king, etc.
Outdow of Revenue

King's expenses Gifts

Maintenance of army & war
Salaries of officials

Construction
Public works
Religious donations

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The King had the right of granting remission of land revenue for we find that Asoka
had reduced the (Bhaga) (state's share in agricultural produce) of the village Lumbini
to 118 since it was the birth place of Buddha.

20.4.5 Public Works

The Mauryan state took a keen interest in public works. The account of Megasthenes
and the Arthasastra refer to these works:
The state took considerable interest in irrigation because it could be a major
source of revenue. Megasthenes has mentioned officials who supervised
irrigation. In Arthasastra also there are references to various modes of irrigation
like dams, ponds, canals etc. There were certain regulations regarding the use of
water resources and breaking these was a state offence. The state also
encouraged people for repairing dams at their own initiative and for this land ,,
revenue remissions were granted. In the inscription of Rudradaman (written in
the middle of second century A.D.) there is mention of the construction of a
water reservoir (tadaga) called Sudarsana during Chandragupta's times. This was
obviously built to facilitate the supply of water.
2) There are a many references to medicine men of various kinds during this period
like ordinary physicians (Chikitsakah), midwives (Garbhavyadhi) etc. From
Asokan inscriptions we know that medical treatment and medicines were
available to both men and animals.
3) The state also helped its citizens during natural calamities like floods, famines, ,

etc.
4) The Arthasastra mentions that the King should look after orphans, old
unattended women, etc. To what extent these were actually carried out we do
not know.
5) An important aspect of public works was the laying down and repair of roads and
opening inns.
Thus, we can say that the state did spend a certain amount from its revenues on public
works. This must have increased during the time of Asoka due to his concern for
public welfare and paternal attitude towards his subjects.

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 AdmhWatIve Chxdaalh rd
, 20.5 REGIONAL AND LOCAL UNITS OF ~ r
ADMINISTRATION
We know that in the Mauryan state all powers were vested in the King and that the
core area of the state was characterised by a highly centralised administrative system.
But at the same time no administrative control could be effective in a vast empire
unless it devised certain administrative means also to control the regional or local
levels. After its territorial expansion the Magadha state established administrative
cpntrol at the provincial and local levels.

20.5.1 Provincial Administration

The head of the Provincial administration was the Kumara (royal prince) who used
to govern the province as the King's representative. For example Asoka had been the
Kumara of Ujjayini and Taxila before becoming the King. The Kumara was in turn
assisted by Mahamatyas (Mahamatras during Asoka's period) and a council of
" ministers. From Asokan edicts we get the names of four provincial capitals-Tosali
(in the east), Ujjain (in the west), Suvarnagiri (in the south), and Taxila (in the
north). Certain areas within the province were administered by governors who may
have been minor rulers of the areas. We can say this because the Junagadh inscription
of Rudradaman mentions Tushaspa, a yavna, as a governor of Junagadh area during
the time of Asoka. The same inscription, however, says that during Chandragupta
Maurya's tjme his representative in that area was a vaisya Pushyagupta.
The council of ministers at the provincial level not only acted as a check on the
Kumara but at times had direct relations with the King.
Among the senior officials were the Mahamatras. The Arthasastra mentions them in
the sense of ministers where as the Asokan edicts mention them as performing
various activities like looking after the border areas, judicial work and Dbamma
Mahamatras who looked after religion. Their appointment, it appears, could be made
both by the King as well as the Kumara. Another category of high officials was that
of Amatyas. This category too must have held special powers for it was against their
arbitrary actions that the people of Taxila revolted during the reigns of Bindusara
and Asoka.

20.5.2 District and Village level Admiriistration

The administrative units included a set up at the district level consisting of a number
of villages and at the same time each village had its own administrative unit.
The officials listed at the level of district during this period were Pradeshta, Rajuka
and Yukta, the former being the overall incharge of the district. Their functions
included:
survey and assessment of land,
tours and inspections,
revenue collection, and
I maintaining law and order, etc.
1 At times, the King was in direct touch with these officers. For example in the 4th
Pillar Edict -Asoka grants to the RIljukas "independent authority" to carry out some
, of his instructions in relation to public welfare. He also vested in them certain powers
which they might not have had earlier. The Yukta was a junior officer giving
j secretarial kind of assistance to the other two. There were also checks and balances ,
on the powers of each category of officials.
! The Asokan edicts, however, do,not throw much light on village level administrabon.
But there are references to this unit of administration in the Arthasrrstra. It appears
1 that the officials at this level were local people appointed and assisted by the villagers.
The term mentioned for such officials is ~ppmika.The set up at this level must have
/
I
varied according to local conditions. But we do find Gopa and Sthanika, two types
of officers, acting as intermidiaries between the district and village level
, administrative units. Their functions included:
i
demarcating village boundaries,
I
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maintaining records of lands used for various Durnoses.
 recording income and expenditure of people, and
recording taxes, revenues and fines, etc.
But the villages did have a certain amount of autonomy in administering their affairs.
It is clear that the Mauryan state employed a large number of officials at all levels of
administration. An important aspect worth noting for this period is the payment of
salaries in cash. We have references to a commander-in-chief receiving 48,000 panas,
a soldier receiving 500 panas and a labourer 60 panas. This indicates the
predominance of money economy and at the same time tremendous burden on the
state treasurv. This ~ e r h a ex~lains
~s the obsession
-. - - - in
--- the
---- -Arthasastm
-- ..-v-- --.-
--- with the
problem of extracting and generating revenues and taxes -from land revenue to tax
on gambling, etc.

- - -

1) Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark ( d )or ( x )

a j The Mauryan state spent a huge amount on the maintenance of army. ( )
b) The Mauryas had nb system of espionage. '( 1
c) During this period there were certain rules and regulations for
the functioning of courts. ( )
d) The King had no right to grant revenue remissions. ( 1
e) The state spent money for public welfare. ( 1
2 Fill in the blanks.
i) The provincial administration was headed by (AmatyaIKumara).
ii) At the village level judicial powers were vested in I
(~radeshtat~ramika).
iii) State control over mines (decreasedlincreased) its sources of
revenue.
3) Discuss in about ten lines the sources of revenue and expenditure of the Mauryan
state.

4) List in five lines the main features of village administration. - 1

*
20.6 RELATIONS WITH OTHER POWERS
From the time of Chandragupta till the Empire came to an end we can divide the
foreign relations of the Mauryas into two distinct phases :
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 Administrative Oganlsation and
i) the initial phase or the phase of expansion Rehtbashlp with Other Powers
ii) the latter phase or the phase of consolidation,
We have a variety of sources which give information in this regard. The Asokan
inscriptions, for example. mention contemporary rulers in other parts of the world.
The initial phase was marked by a policy of securing trade routes and subjugating the
Greek settlements in the north and north-west regions. You have already read in Unit
18 about the encounter between Chandragupta Maurya and Seleucus. It appears that
after this the Mauryas did not face trouble from that frontier. The incorporation of
central India gave them control over Dakshinapatha and brought them into the
peninsula. It Ean b e said that with the Kalinga War the initial phase of expansion
came to an end. However, it is evident that this phase was marked by an aggressive
foreign policy. It was through war and subjugation that hostile regions were brought
under control.
Once the Mauryan expansion reached its limits the emphasis shifted to consolidation
and having friendly relations not only with immediate neighbours but with far-off
countries. But it has to be noted that the relations which the Mauryas established
with other powers were based on diplomatic requirements, geographical proximity
and trade needs.
Contacts had been established with the western world and during the times of
Bindusara there was a regular exchange of messengers, Strabo's account mentions
Demiachos as a successor to Megasthenes in the Mauryan court. These friendly
relations are also demonstrated from the account of Athenaeus which mentions the
1 Indian King's request of sending wine, figs and philosopher. In Rock Edict XI11 Asoka
has referred to five contemporary rulers:

Antiyoka (Antiochus I1 of Syria)

Turmaya (Ptolemy I1 Philadelphus of Egypt)
Antikini (Antigonas of Macedonia)
Maka (Magas of Cyrene), and
Aliksudaro (Alexander of Epirus).
The reference t o these rulers is in the context of dhammavijaya (victory by Dhamma)
indicating that missions were sent to these rulers with the message of Dhamma.
, These missions must have successfully established friendly contact for the Edict
mentions that the greatest victory i.e., victory by Dhamma had been achieved in these
regions. But we must also remember here that by this period regular trade was carried
with the Western world and the kind of exchanges that took place not only affected
various cultural aspects but also laid the foundations for new schools of art and
architecture. (You will read more about it in Block-6).
The relations of the Mauryas with the powers in the south seems to have been cordial.
No Asokan inscriptions have been discovered so far in the regions ruled by Cholas,
Pandyas, Keralputras and Satiyaputras -the major independent powers in the south.
But Rock Edict XI11 mentions about Dhammavijayain these regions too. This further
strengthens the argument about friendly relations and consolidation. Sri Lanka
remained another friendly neighbour again due t~ the policy of Dhamma.
Thus we see a marked shift in the relations of the Mauryas with other powers i.e.,
from a policy of expansion and subjugation to a policy of friendship and moral
conquest characterised by absence of military conquests.
Check Your Progress 3
1) Discuss the various phases in the relations of Mauryas with other powers. Answer
in about 10 lines.
..........................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
............................................................................................................
....................................... ..................................................................
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6
 2) List the names of Yavana rulers mentioned in RE XIII.

20.7 LET US SUM UP

We have seen in this Unit that the Mauryan administrative set up was highly
organised at the central level. All powers were vested in the King but the council of
ministers assisted him in various matters. The powers and functions of various
officials were well defined and the Arthasastra mentions their qualifications also. A
unique feature was the emergence of a paternal attitude of the monarchy at the time
of Asoka and the various kinds of public works undertaken by the state.
The state not only paid attention for surplus production but organised the methods
tosuccessfully extract the surplus. The administrative units at the levels of province,
city or village were a part of this process. The taxation system was well regulated but
the state spent a huge amount on army and salaries of various officials. Though the
Mauryas had built up their administrative system on systems prevalent earlier they
certainly brought about certain new administrative elements to strengthen-the empire.
The Mauryan foreign relations went through two phases of expansion and
consolidation. Once expansion reached its limits through a policy of war and
subjugation, the emphasis shifted to consolidation through friendly relations.

20.8 KEY WORDS

Dhammavijaya: a concept introduced by Emperer Asoka. The emphasis was on the
principle of non-violence and victory through peaceful and non-violent measures.
Espionage: spy system.
'Vice-royalties: administrativeunits under the jurisdiction of a Viceroy appointed by
the King.

20.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) a) d
x
c)
d) x
el
2) Your answer should i n ~ l u dthe
e powers of the council and how the King restricted
them. The Council was an advisory body aqd the King-was not under any
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mmnulsion to foHow its advice. See Sub-sec. 20.3.2.
3) a) Complex
b) Establish a; divine
c) Six; five
d) Elaborately
4) You should base your answer on the account of Megasthenes and its comparision
with Arthasastra. See Sub-sec. 20.3.3.
Check Your Progress 2
1) a) v
b) x
c) v
d) x
e3
2) i) Kumara
ii) Gramika
iii) Increased
3) Base your answer on Sub-sec. 20.4.4.
4) Mention the autonomous aspect of village administration and the functions of
officials at this level. See Sub-sec. 20.5.2.
Check Your Progress 3
1) You should mention and elaborate upon the two phases of expansion and
consolidation. See Sec. 20.6
2) These are : Antiochus 11 of Syria
Ptolemy I1 of Egypt
Autigonas of Macedonia
Magas of Cyrene, and
Alexander of Epirus

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UNIT 21 ASOKA'S POLICY OF DHAMMA
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Historical Background
21.2.1 Socio-Economic Background
21.2.2 Religious Conditions
21.2.3 Polity
Distributiop of Inscriptions
Dhamma - Causes
Contents of Dhamma
Asoka's Dhamma as State Policy
Dhamma - Interpretations
Let Us Sum U p
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

21.0 OBJECTIVES
This Unit deals with Asoka's Policy of Dhamma. After reading this Unit you will
be able to understand:
the historical background of the formulation of the policy of Dhamma,
the way Dhamma figures prominently in Asokan Edicts,
the essence of Asoka's policy of Dhamma as explained by him and as manifested
in his welfare activities, paternal attitude, etc.,
the distinction between Asoka as an individual-a believer in Buddhism and
Asoka as an emperor initiating a state policy, and
the various means employed by Asoka to propagate his policy of Dhamma-the
role of the Dhamma mahamatras.

21.1 INTRODUCTION
Asoka Maurya, succeeded to the Mauryan throne around 269 B.C. Many historians
consider him as one of the greatest kings of the ancient world. His policy of Dhamma
has been a topic of lively discussion among scholars. The word Dhamma is the Prakrit
form of the Sanskrit word Dharma. Dharnma has been variously translated as piety,
moral life, righteousness and so on, but the best way to understand what Asoka
means by Dhamma is to read his edicts. The edicts were written primarily to explain
to the people throughout the empire the principles of Dhamma. This is why most of
the edicts have something o r the other to say about Dhamma, about how keen Asoka
WS; that his subjects should practise Dhamma and how keen he was that the affairs
of the state too were carried out according to the principles of Dhamma. T o make
principles of Dhamma accessible and understandable to all, he put up edicts or
inscriptions at the important points throughout the empire and sent messengers of
Dhamma outside the empire.
It must be clearly understood that Dhamma was not any particular religious faith or
practice; so we should not translate Dhamma (or its Sanskrit equivalent Dharma) as
religion. It was also not an arbitrarily formulated royal policy. Dhamma related to
norms of social behaviour and activities in a very general sense and in his Dhamma
Asoka attempted a very careful synthesis of various norms which were current in his
time. T o understand why and how Asoka formulated Dhamma and what he meant
hy it, one has therefore to understand the characteristics of the time in which he lived'
and to refer to Buddhist, Brahmanical and various other texts where norms of social
Kamesh Mechrocks
behaviour are explained.
 Asoka's Policy of Dhnrnn
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
To understand the various aspects of the policy of Dhamma and the reasons for its
formulation we would necessarily need to sketch the historical background against
which it became possible for Asoka to enunciate it. In the next three sub-sections we
shall deal with this historical background.

21.2.1 Socio-economic Background

The Mauryan period witnessed a change in the economic structure of the society.
With the use of iron, resulting in surplus production, a changeover took place from
a simple rural economy to a pattern of economy in which cities and towns also played
an important part. It has been generally argued that the use of the Northern Black
Polished Ware P0ttery.i~an indicator of material prosperity of the period. The use
of Punch-marked silver coins and some other varieties of coins, the conscious
intervention of the State to safeguard trade routes and the rise of urban centres point
to a structural change in the economy requiring necessary adjustments in the society.
The commercial classes had also come to the forefront. The emergence of urban
culture by its very logic demanded a more flexible social organisation. The
incorporation of tribes and peoples from the outlaying areas into the social fabric
also presented a problem.
The responsk of the Brahmanical social order based on the four-fold varna division
was t o make the caste system more rigid and deny a higher status to the commercial
class. The rigidity of the Brahmanical class sharpened the division within the society.
The lower orders turned to the various heterodox sects and this created .social
tensions. It was this situation which emperor Asoka inherited when he ascended the
Mauryan throne.

21.2.2 Religious Conditions

The Brahmanical hold over society, assiduously built through the later Vedic period,
was coming under increasing attack. The privileges of the priests, the rigidity of the
caste system and the elaborate rituals were being questioned. The lower orders
among the four castes began to favour the new sects. The Vaisyas who were
technically included in the higher category were treated as inferior to both Brahmanas
and Kshatriyas. The opposition of the commercial class to Brahmanism was to give
a filip to the other sects of the society.
Buddhism began as a schismatic movement from the more orthodox outlook of
Brahmanism. Its basic tenet was an emphasis on misery and advocacy of the "middle
path:'. It was a set gf ethical principles. Buddhism opposed the dominance of the
Brahamanas and the concept of sacrifices and rituals. It thus appealed to the lower
orders and to the emerging social classes. The human approach to relations in society
preached by Buddhism further attracted different sections to Buddhism.

21.2.3 Polity
You have already read that the Mahajanapadas of the sixth century B.C., marked
the beginning of the state system in many parts of India. This means that only a small
section of society came t o have monopoly of power which they exercised over the
rest of the socikty in various ways and for various purposes. There were monarchies
in which the King was the supreme authority and there were gana-samghas in which
the rulers were a group of hereditary Kshatriyas or member of a clan. By the time,
Asoka ascended the throne, the state system, over a period of more than two hundred
years, had grown very elaborate and complex. It was characterized by:
The political supremacy of one region (Magadha) over a vast territory which
comprised many previous kingdoms, gana-samghas and areas where no organised
states had existed before.
Existence, within this vast temtory, of various geographical regions, cultural areas,
and of different faiths, beliefs and practices.
Monopoly of force by a ruling class of which the emperor was the supreme head.
Appropriation of a very substantial quantity of surplus from agriculture, commerce
and other sources.
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 Existence of an administrative apparatus.
The complexity of the state system demanded an imaginative policy from the emperor
which required minimal use of force in such a large empire having diverse forms of
economy and religions. It could not have been controlled by an army alone. A more
feasible alternative was the propagation of a policy that would work at an ideological
level and reach out to all sections of the society. The policy of Dhamma was such an
endeavour.

21.3 DISTRIBUTION OF INSCRIPTIONS

Asoka used the medium of his Edicts to expound the policy of Dhamma. Study the
map given in Unit 18 of this block. It shows to you the distribution of Asoka's
inscriptions of various kinds such as:
Major Rock Edicts
Minor Rock Edicts
Pillar Edicts and so on.
Asoka engraved his .views about Dhamma on these edicts which were meant to be
read by people of various areas. In doing so, Asoka was trying to establish direct
communication with his subjects. These inscriptions were written in different years
of his rule. An examination of the principles as expressed in them would give us a
clear idea of what Asoka meant by Dhamma.

8. An Asoknn lnsereption (Kandhnr)

The inscriptions can be divided into two categories. The smaller group of these
inscriptions reveal that the king was a follower of Buddhism and were addressed to
the Buddhist Church or the Samgha. In these there is declaration of Asoka's own
relationship with the Buddhist order. In one of the inscriptions he mentions by their
title some of the scriptures with which all Buddhists should be familiar with.
Inscriptions of the other category are known as the Major and Minor Rock Edicts
which were inscribed on rock surfaces. It included also the Pillar Edicts inscribed on
specially erected pillars.
All sites of Asokan inscriptions were chosen carefully to ensure that they were
accessible to a large number bf people. Thus, as has been pointed out, these edicts
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 may be described as proclamations to the public at large. They explain the idea of Asoka's Policy of Dhiunm
Dhamma. We must make a distinction between Asoka's policy of Dhamma which
stressed on social responsibility and Asoka's own commitment as a Buddhist. There
has been a tendency in the past amongst historians to study the policy of Dhamma
and Asoka as a Buddhist in the same context, without making any distinction. A
careful examination of the inscriptions would suggest that Asoka on the one hand
I
declared his personal association with the Buddhist order and on the other he tried
to teach, through the policy of Dhamma, the importance of social responsibility and
i toleration amongst different members of the society. We will discuss this in detail in
the subsequent sections.

) 21.4 DHAMMA - CAUSES

I
1
In examining the causes for the policy of Dhamma, we have already outlined the
historical background, earlier in this Unit. We have suggested that the policy of
Dhamma was an earnest attempt at solving some of the problems that a complex
society faced. However, the policy was nurtured in the mind of Asoka and through
it he attempted to resolve some of the tension$ within the society. Asoka's private
beliefs and his own perceptions of how he should respond to the problems of his
empire were responsible for the formulation of the policy of Dhamma. It is necessary
for us to understand the immediate social environment in which Asoka grew up as it
influenced him in the later years of his life.
The Mauryan kings are known to have adopted an eclectical outlook. Chandragupta
took recourse to Jainism in his later years and Bindusara favoured the Ajivikas.
Asoka himself adopted Buddhism in his personal life, though he never imposed
Buddhism on his subjects. Before studying 'the actual contents of Dhamma let us
briefly recapitulate the main points of the overall situation that shaped a policy such
as this:
By the time Asoka ascended the throne the Mauryan imperial system had become
a complex phenomenon. The imperial system encompassed various cultures,
beliefs and social and political patterns. Asoka had to either maintain the structure
by force, which would incur tremendous expenses, o r to define a set of social
norms which would be acceptable to all, cutting across all social practices and
religious beliefs. Asoka found his answer in the policy of Dhamma.
Asoka was aware of the tensions which the rise of heterodox sects like Buddhism,
Jainism and Ajivikism had generated in society. They were all opposed to the
domination of the Brahmanas in some way or the other and had a growing number
of supporters. But Brahmanas continued to have strong hold on society and some
measure of hostility was inevitable. It was essential to bring about a climate of
harmony and mutual trust in a situation such as this.
There were obviously many areas within the empire where neither Brahmanical
system nor following of the heterodox sects prevailed. Asoka himself refers to the
1 country of the Yavanas where neither Brahmanical nor Sramanical culture was in
vogue. Besides, there were many tribal areas in the empire where people were
I obviously not familiar either with Brahmanical o r heterodox ideas. To make the
1
I
empire survive and to bring some measure of cohesion within the empire in the
midst of such diversity it was essential that there should be some common pattern ,

of bebaviour and common approach to the problems of society.

a-

I Check Your Progress 1

! 1) Discuss briefly the historical background against which the policy of Dhamma
formulated. Your answer should not exceed 15 likles.

Kamesh Mechrocks
2) Mark right (v) or wrong ( x ) against the following statements.
i) Asoka used the medium of Edicts to expound his policy of Dhamma. ( )
ii) Asoka aimed at promoting Buddhism through the policy of Dhamma. ( )
iii) The Pillar Edicts were inscribed on specially erected pillars. ( 1
3) What were the' social tensions that the policy of Dhamma aimed,at resolving?
Explain in five lines.

CONTENTS OF DHAMMA
The principles of Dhamma were so formulated as to be acceptable to people
belonging to different communities and following any religious sect. Dhamma was not
given any formal definition or structure. It emphasised on toleration and general
behaviour. Dhamma stressed on dual toleration-it emphasised on toleration of
people themselves and also a n toleration of their various beliefs and ideas. There is
a stress on the notion of showing consideration towards slaves and servants; there is
stress also on ~ b e d i e n c eto elders; generosity towards the needy, Brahmanas and
Sramanas, etc. Asoka also pleaded for tolerance of different religious sects in an
attempt to create a sense of harmony.
The policy of Dhamma also laid stress on non-violence. Non-violence was to be
practised by giving up war and conquests and also as a restraint on the killing of
animals. However, Asoka realized that a certain display of his political might may be
necessary to keep the primitive forest tribes in check.
The policy of Dhamma also included certain welfare measures, like planting of trees,
digging of wells, etc. Asoka attacked ceremonies and'sacrifices practised regularly on
various occasions as meaningless. A group of officers known as.the Dhamma
mahamattah were instituted to implement and publicise the various aspects of
Dhamma. Asoka thrust a very heavy responsibility on them to carry his message to
the various sections of the society. However, they seem gradually to have developed
into a type of priesthood of Dhamma with great powers and soon began to interfere
in politics as well.
In order to make all these aspects of Dhamma clearer, we will see how the policy
chronologically developed by examining the contents of some of the Edicts.
Major Rock Edict I declards prohibition of animal sacrifice and holiday of festive
gatherings.
Major Rock Edict TI relates to certain measures of social welfare which are included
in the working of Dhamma. It mentions medical treatment for men and animals,
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construction of roads, wells, tree planting, etc.
 Major Rock Edict 111 declares that liberality towards Brahmanas and Sramanas is a
virtue, respect to mother and father, etc are all good qualities.
Major Rock Edict IV is a very important statment of the policy of Dhamma. The edict
comments that due to the policy of Dhamma the lack of morality and disrespect
towards Brahmanas and Sramanas, violence, unseemly behaviour to friends, relatives
and others and evils of this kind have been checked. The killing of animals to a large.
extent was also stopped.
Major Rock Edict V refers to the appointment of Dhamma-mahamattas for the first
time in the twelfth year of his reign. These special officers were appointed by the king
t o look after the interests of all sects and religions and spread the message of Dhamm~
in each nook and corner of the society. The implementation of the policy of J h m m a
was entrusted in their hands.
Major Rock Edict VI is an instruction to Dhamma-mahamattas. They are told that
they could bring their reports to the king at any time, irrespective of whatever activity
! he may be engaged in. The second paFt of the Edict deals with speedy administration
and transaction of smooth business.
Major Rock Edict VII is a plea for toleration amongst all the sects. It appears from
the edict that tensions among the sects were expressed intensely, perhaps in open
antagonism. The plea is part of the overall strategy t o maintain unity.
Major Rock Edict VIHstates that Dhammayatras (tours) would be undertaken by the
emperor, The earlier practice, of the emperor, of going out on hunting expeditions
was given up. Dhammayatras enabled the emperor to come into contact with various
sections of people in the empire.
Major Rock Edict IX attacks ceremonies performed after birth, illness, marriage and
before setting out for a journey. A censure is passed against ceremonies.observed by
wives and mothers. Asoka instead lays stress on the practice of Dharnma and
uselessness of ceremonies.
Major Rock Edict X denounces fame and glory and reasserts the merits of following
the policy of Dhamma.
Major Rock Edict XI is a further explanation of the policy of Dhamma. Emphasis is
on respect to elders, abstaining from killing animals, and liberality towards friends.
Major Rock Edict XI1 is again an appeal towards toleration among sects. This edict
reflects the anxiety the king felt due to the conflict between sects and carries his plea
for harmony.
Major Rock Edict XI11 is of paramount importance in understanding the Asokan
policy of Dhamma. The Rock Edict pleads for conquest by Dhamma instead of War.
This is a logical culmination of the thought processes which began from the first Rock
Edict, and by conquest what is perhaps meant is the adaptation of the policy of
I Dhamma by a country, rather than its territorial control. The text of the Edict reads:
t
1 "When he had been consecrated eight years the Beloved of the Gods, the king
Piyadassi, conquered Kalinga. A hundred and fifty thousand people were deported,
a hundred thousand were killed and many times that number perished. Afterwards,
now that Kalinga was annexed, the Beloved of the Gods very earnestly practised
Dhamma, desired Dhamma and taught Dhamma. On conquering Kalinga the Beloved
of the Gods felt remorse, for, when an independent country is conquered the
slaughter, death, and deportation of the people is extremely grievous to the Beloved
of the Gods, and weighs heavily on his mind. What is even more deplorable to the
Beloved of th Gods is that those who dwell there, whether Brahmans, Sramans, or
I those of other sects, or householders who show obedience to their superiors,
obedience to mother and father, obedience to their teachers and behave well and
devotedly towards their friends, acquaintances. colleagues, relatives, slaves and
servants-all suffer violence, murder and separation from their loved ones. Even
those who are fortunate to have escaped, and whose love is undiminished (by the
brutalizing effect of War), suffer from the misfortunes of their friends, acquaintances
colleagues and relatives. This participation of all men in suffering weighs heavily on
the mind of the Beloved of the Gods. Except among the Greeks, there is no land
where the religious orders of Brahmans and Sramans are not to be found, and there
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POWY.sodtty sad E C , ~ :Y is no land anywhere where men do not support one sect or another. Today, if a
320 B.C. to 200 B.C
hundredth or a thousandth part of those people who were killed or died or were
deported when Kalinga was annexed were to suffer similarly, it would weigh heavily
on the mind of the Beloved of the Gods."
"This inscription of Dhamma has been engraved so that any sons or great grandsons
that I may have should not think of gaining new conquests, and in whatever victories
they may gain should be satisfied with patience and light punishment. They should
only consider conquest by Dhamma to be a true Conquest, and delight in Dhamma
should be their whole delight, for this is of value in both this world and the next."
This is Asoka's testament against war. It graphically depicts the tragedy of war and
shows why he turned against it. It Is a unique event in the annals of the ancient world
because we do not know of any other contemporary monarch who renounced war.
Asoka embarked on the policy of Dhamma after this war.

9. Rock Edict of.Asoka (Gujarra).

-
... 21.6 ASOKA'S DHAMMA AND THE MAURYAN STATE

I Asoka's Dhamma was not simply a collection of high sounding phrases. He very
consciously tried to adopt it as a matter of state policy for he declared that "All men
are my children" and 'whatever exertion I make, I strive only to discharge the debt
that I owe to all living creatures". It was a totally new and inspiring ideal of kingship.
In the Arthasastra the King owed nothing to anyone. His only job was to rule the
state efficiently.
Asoka renounced war and conquest by violence and forbade the killing of many
animals. Asoka himself set the example of vegetarianism by almost stopping the
consumption of meat in the royal household. Since he wanted to conquer the world
through love and faith, he sent many missions to propagate Dhamma. Such missions
were sent to far off places like Egypt, Greece, Sri Lanka, etc. The propagation of
Dhamma included many measures for people's welfare. Centres for the medical
treatment of men and beasts were founded inside and outside the empire. Shady
groves, wells, fruit orchards and rest houses were laid out. This kind of charity work
was a radically different attitude from the king of Arthasastra who would not incur
any expenses unless they brought more revenues in return.
Asoka also prohibited useless sacrifices and certain forms of gatherings which led to
waste and indiscipline and superstition. As mentioned earlier, in order to implement
these policies he recruited a new cadre of officials called Dhammamahamattas. Part
of this group's duties wds to see to it that people of various sects were treated fairly.
Moreover they were especially asked to look after the welfare of prisoners. Many
convicts who were kept in fetters after their sentence had expired, were to be
released. Those sentenced to death were to be given a grace for three days. Asoka
also started Dhamma yatras. He and his high officials were to tour the country in
order to propagate Dhamma and establish direct contact with his subjects. It was
because of such a t t i t ~ ~ d eand
s policies that modem writers like Kern called him "a
monk in a king's garb."

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21.7 DHAMMA - INTERPRETATIONS
The Asokan policy of Dhamma has been an issue of intense controversy and debate
amongst scholars. Some scholars have suggested that Asoka was a partisan Buddhist
and have equated Dhamma with Buddhism.
It has also been suggested that it was the original Buddhist thought that was being
preached by Asoka as Dhamma and later on certain theological additions were made
to Buddhism. This kind of thinking is based on some Buddhist chronicles. It is
believed that the Kalinga war was a dramatic tuping point where Asoka out of
remorse for the death and destruction of war, decided to become a Buddhist. The
Buddhist records also credit him with the propagation. of Buddhism in India and
abroad. One cannot, however, lay the charge of being partisan against Asoka. There
are two strong arguments to prove that Asoka, as an emperor, did not favour
Buddhism at the expense of other religious faiths.
i) Asoka's creation of the institution of thc Dhammamahamattas convincingly
proves that Asoka's Dhamma did not favour any particular religious doctrine.
Had that been the case, then there would have been no need for such an office,
as Asoka could have utilized the organisation of Samgha to propagate Dhamma.
ii) A careful study of the Rock Edicts depicts that Asoka wanted to promote
tolerance and respect for all religious sects and the duty of the Dhammamahamattas
included working for the Brahmanas and the Sramans.
These two points-made it 'clear that the policy of Dhamma was not the policy of a
heretic but a system of beliefs created out of different religis3ils faiths.
There has been some discussion among historians about the results of Asoka's
propagation of Dhamma. Some historians believe that Asoka's banning of sacrifices
and the favour that he showed to the Buddhists led to a Brahmanical reaction. This
in turn led to the decline of the Mauryan empire. Others believe that the stopping of
wars and emphasis on non-violence crippled the military. might of the empire. This
led to the collapse of the empire, after the death of Asoka.
It has been shown by Romila Thapar that Asoka's Dhamma, apiyt fro'm' being a
superb document of his essential humaneness was also an answer to the socio-political
needs of the contemporary situation. That it was not anti-Brahmanical is proved by
the fact fiat respect for the Brahmanas and Sramans is an integral part of his
Dhamma. His emphasis on non-violence did not blind him to the needs of the state.
Thus, addressing the forest tribes he warns them that although he hates to use
coercion he may be required to resort to force if they continue to create trouble. By
the time Asoka stopped war, the entire Indian sub-continent was under his control.
In deep south he was on friendly terms with the Cholas and Pandyas. Sri Lanka was
an admiring ally. Thus, ASoka's no to war came at a time when his empire had
reached its natural boundaries. The plea for tolerance was a wise course of action in
an ethnically diverse, religiously varied and class divided society. A5oka's empire was
a conglomerate of diverse groups. There were farmers, pastoral r~omadsand
hunter-gatherers, there were Greeks, Kambojas and Bhojas and hundreds of groups
having divergent traditions. In this situation a plea for tolerance was the need of the
hour. Asoka tried to transcend the parochial cultural traditions by a broad set of
ethical principles.
Asoka's Dhamma could not survive him. As such it was a failure. However, we should
remember that he was not establishing a new religion. H e was simply trying to
Impress upon the society the need for ethical and moral principles.

Check Your Progress 2

1) Explain in ten lines the main principles of the policy of Dhamma.

Kamesh Mechrocks
'9 &
I.C.

2) Take a map of India and mark the following places where Edicts have been
located.
a) Brahmagiri d) Kalsi
b) Dhauli e) Gujarra
c) Girnar f) Allahabad
3) What is the importance of the Rock Edict XI11 in the understanding of the policy
of Dhmuna?Explain in ten lines.

4) State whether the following statements are True ( d )or False (x).
i) The fifth Rock Edict introduces the institute of Dh-ttas. ( )
ii) The policy of ~ h b m was
a an attempt at founding a new religion. ( )
iii) D k m a preached total non-violence . ( )

21.8 LET US SUM UP

Our sources of information about Asoka's Dhamma are his inscriptions on the basis
of which we can say that Asoka preached non-violence, toleration and social
responsibility. He followed these precepts in his administrative policy. It has to be
noted that Dhamma cannot be equated with Buddhism. It was a set of principles
gleaned from various religious traditions and was implemented to hold the empire
together.

21.9 KEY WORDS

..
Anumnypllp: Asoka refers Major Rock Edict 111 to anusamyana or 'tours of
, inspection' which some categories of officials had to undertake once every five years
for expounding Wamma and for official work.
Commerd classes :Section of society engaged in the activity of trade and exchange
as distinct from those who are engaged in activities of production.
Dbmmayarrs: Asoka's predecessors used to vihara-yatras for hunting and other
royal pleasures. After his visit to Bodhgaya Asoka gave up vihara-yatras and took
up dbamayatrrs. Dbmmayatrae or 'excursions of Wamma) gave him opportunities
to expound Wunmcr and come into direct contact with different sections of people
to spread the ideas of dhPnmP.
Eckctie: Borrowing freely frorn diverse ideas and philosophies.
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 EXERCISES
Check Your Prognss 1
1) See Sec. 21.2 and Sub-sea. 21.2.1 to 21.2.3. Your answer should broadly cover
the new socia1,economic and political conditions which gave rise to the need felt
by the state for a new ethical principle.
* 2) i) t/ ii) x iii) t/
3) See Sec. 21.4. Your answer could perhaps keep in mind varied and different kinds
of social forces whieh the king had to keep together.
Check Your Progress 2
1) See Sec. 21.5
2) Check their location with the Map in Unit 18. --.
3) See Sec. 21.5. Your answer could perhaps indicate as to how this edict hints at a
culmination of Asoka's thought processes.
4) i) ii) X. iii) X

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UNIT 22 DISINTEGRATION OF THE
EMPIRE
Structure
22.0 Objectives " ,

22.1 Introduction
22.2 Successors of Asoka
22.3 Other Political Factors for Disintegration
22.4 Asoka and His Problems
22.5 Economic Problems
22.6 Growth of Local Polities
22.6.1 Major Kingdoms
22.6.2 Local Kingdoms
22.7 Let Us Sum Up
22.8 Key Words
22.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

22.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you should be able to explain:
8 to what extent Asoka's successors are held responsible for the disintegration of the
empire,
8 how various other political factors are viewed as contributing to the weakening of
the empire,
8 how Asoka's policies in general are considered responsible for the decline of the
empire,
8 the economic problems that the Mauryan empire believed to have faced, and

8 the emergence of local polities in both north and south India following the decline
of the Mauryan rule.

22.1 INTRODUCTION - 2

Mauryan rule was the first experiment in imperial government in India.

Chandragupta Maurya, Bindusara and Asoka were successful in establishing the
imperial authority of the Mauryas over a large number of Janpadas or Kingdoms,
and they yere able to introduce a new concept in the governance of a large territory.
However, the imperial authority of the Mauryas began to weaken with a e death of
Asoka (232 B.C.) and finally collapsed in 180 B.C. What brought the disintegration
of the Mauryan empire is a very complicated question and it cannot be explained by
any single factor. There are more than one factors which led to the disintegration of .
the Mauryan emljire. In this Unit we have first discussed the responsibility of Asoka's
successors for the disintegration of the empire. Then we have dealt with Asoka's
policies, economic problems of the Mauryan s t a t a n d the collapse of the
administration of the Mauryas. Finally the growth of local polities has also been taken
into consideration in explaining the process of disintegration of the Mauryan empire. ,
- -

22.2 SUCCESSORS OF ASOKA

It is generally believed that Asoka died in 232 B.C. However, the Mauryan rulers
continued to rule for about half a century after his death. Several literary texts like
the Puranas, the Avdanas and the Jain accounts give different details of Asoka's
,L ---
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successors.The apparent confusion.in a41 these accounts may be due to the fact that
--.. L -..- L-,., AL,,:, C.,
,#.*,l:*:~,.o ,+;'.,-,,.l
" ,l:,,;,ln 1, ;= E , , R " P c + P ~
 that after the death of Asoka the empire was divided among the surviving sons. Some
of the names of Asoka's successors that we find in different texts are: Kunala,
Dasharatha, Samprati, Salishuka, Devavarman, Satadhanvan and Brihadratha.
However, it is difficult to ascertain their exact period. But it appears that after Asoka
the empire got fragmented and that there was quick succession of rulers.
The quick succession of rulers weakened the imperial control over administration.
The early three kings, Chandragupta, Bindusara and Asoka, had organised the
administration in such a way that it needed strict supervision. The quick succession
of kings made this difficult as none of the rulers could actually settle down and be in
the control of things. Linked to this is the fact that dynastic empires depend much
on the ability of its rulers. But the successors of Asoka failed in this respect. Each
one of them ruled only for a short period of time and therfore could not formulate
either new policies of governance o r maintain the old ones.
Despite the fact that full details for individual kings and their reigns are difficult to
get, we get the picture of post-Asokan Mauryan India as one in which a lasting
stability of even political control was impossible to achieve. One can generally say
that these successors politically weakened the empire and therefore, lost
administrative,economic and military control of it. The partition of the empire is in
itself enough to show that the process of disintegration had begun immediately after
the death of Asoka.

22.3 OTHER POLITICAL FACTORS FOR

DISINTEGRATION
The disorder that emerged in the administrative machinery after the death of Asoka
is regarded as one of the important factors for the disintegration of the Mauryan
empire. The immediate problem for Asoka's successors was whether to continue his
policy of Dhamma and its predominance in the government. This had truly been an
unconventional way of governance and not a very easy way of comprehending the
functioning of government. Ascka had been successful because he had the unique
vision of understanding the complex social problems of a society and also he had
accepted the importance of the principle of Dhamma in all its dimensions. It is not
clear whether despite Asoka's personal exhortations his successors attached the same
'kind of importance t o Dhamma, as he himself had done.
Another related feature of the political importance of Dhamma was the existence of
a large body of officials of the State called Dhammamahamattas. It has been suggested
by some historians that they had become very powerful and oppressive during the
latter half of Asoka's reign. Asoka himself in the First Separate Edict to the
Mahamattas, stationed at Dhauli and Jaugada, asked them to ensure against .,
oppression and to be just and humane. Though there is no doubt that Asoka was in
firm control of the administration, this cannot be said of the later kings.
It was not simply the question of the direct contact with the Dhamrnamahamattas to
ensure that they did not misuse their powers, but thst of controlling the whole of the .
Mauryan bureaucracy that was at stake. The nature of the Mauryan State necessitated
a king of strong abilities. It was a system which required the king to be in direct touch
with all aspects of the State's functionaries, Since these functionaries were ultimately
held together by a power structure with the king at its centre, once the king became
, weak, the w h d e administration naturally weakened. Once the centre became weak,
the provinces too started breaking away.
The officials of the State were personally selected by the king and owed loyalty only
t o him. Once weak rulers came, and ruled for short durations of time, it resulted in
an overwhelming number of new officials constanfty emerging and owing only
personat loyalty t o their respective kings and not t o the State. This norm of personal
loyalty had the danger of the officials either forcefully supporting the new king o r
opposing him. The later Mauryan kings were probably constantly faced with this
situation. I n fact, it were local rulers and princes that found it easy to emerge with
these traditional ties to support them, as important centres of power. The provincial
governments under the later Maurayas thus increasingly began to question the
A..tm'a s..,hr\r;tmr
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Though one cannot accept the notion that there were popular uprisings wrecking
Mauryan State control, one can strongly suggest that the social basis of the Mauryan
bureaucracy was under stress and strain resulting in an inefficient administration
unable to maintain social order in general.
Whereas under the first three Mauryas the extremely complex system of spies
employed for filtering in information on erring officials had worked efficiently, under
the later Mauryas it collapsed. There was thus no means through which the kings
could either gauge the public opinion in the empire, or, check on the corruption
which had inevitably set in once weak rulers were in power at the centre.
A conscious loosening of military control on behalf of the Mauryan kings has also
been suggested by some scholars as a major political reason for their decline. Since
this is largely attributed t o a conscious decision taken by Asdta on this matter, we
shall discuss it below in the next section. At this stage we need t o emphatically state
that the decline of the Magadhan empire cannot staisfactorily be explained by merely
stating that there were weak successors or, that there was military inactivity or, that
there were popular uprisings. Each of these was in fact, fundamentally linked to the
particular nature of the Mauryan imperial bureaucratic set-up and once this started
cracking up the whole political structure was at stake.
-
Chedc Your Progress 1 A
1) Mark which of the following statements are right ( V ) or wrong (X):
a) The quick succession of rulers led to the weakening of the imperial control. ( )
b) The Mauryan State was decentralized and therefore easy to control. ( )
c) The Mauryan officials had been selected on the basis of their personal
loyalty to kings. (
d) There were popular uprisings wrecking Mauryan State control. ( ) I

2) What were the immediate administrative problems faced by the successors of

Asoka. Use three or four lines to write your answer.

3) What in your opinion was the crux of the problem in the administrative system of
the Mauryas that caused disintergration under the later kings? Describe in 100
words.

22.4 ASOKA AND HIS POLICIES

Many scholars have opined that either Asoka's political decisions or the effects of
these decisions were responsible for the disintegration of the Mauryan empire. Their
arguments generally focus on the drawbaoks of Asoka's religious policy. These
Kamesh
a t m ~ m ~ nh
v~ t an Mechrocks
ctrandc.
twn
 ~ i d n t g r r ~ adnthe ~ ~ n p i r e
i) First, there are those scholars who maintain that Pushyamitra Sunga, who killed
the last Mauryan emperor represented a strong Brahmanical reaction against the
pro-Buddhist policy of Asoka and the pro-Jain policy of some of his successors.
Moreover, the Satavahanas who rose to power in the Deccan after the Mauryas
were also said to have been Brahmanas. These scholars list a series of acts done
by Asoka himself which may have antagonized the Brahmanas. For example the
ban on hima1 sacrifices is considered one which was especially resented, since
this action was taken by a Shudra King (according to the Purana accounts the
Mauryas are listed as Shudras). They suggest that the Dhammamahamattas, as
special officers of Dhamma appointed by Asoka, destroyed the prestige of the
Brahmanas. These officials disallowed Braemanas to continue their traditional
laws of punishment and other-Smriti injunctions.
However, there are no direct evidences to support the above arguments. These
are broad inferences which can be equally questioned. For example, the Asokan
inscriptions clearly say that the Dhammamahamattas were to respect the
Brahmans and the Sramans alike. It is, however, possible that in the later
years these officials may have become unpopular among the people. This can be
deduced on the basis of stories in the Buddhist sources. As officials meant for the
establishment of Dhamma they undoubtedly had special powers and sanctions of
the king and were therefore, feared by the people as a whole. Once they began
to wield great control, it prevented Asoka's direct contact with the people. But
this does not mean that these officials were specifically antagonistic to the
Brahmanas. Thus, to argue that the interests of the Brahmanas were harmed by
Asoka's policy and that Pushyamitra, a Brahman general engineered a revolt
cannot be accepted for the simple reason that if Asoka's pGlcies were so harmful,
this should have happened immediately after his death. In fact, Pushymitra Sunga's
action should at best be understood as a palace coup d'etat made at an opportune
time, having assessed the weak nature of the king's power, rather than looking for
any deliberate anti-Brahman policy of either A ~ o k aor his successors.
ii) According to another group of scholars emphasis should be given to Asoka's
pacifist policies as a factor for Mauryan decline. They think that this was
responsible for undermining the strength of the empire. This explanation focusses
on Asoka's policy of ahimsa or non-violence. The harmful effect of this policy is
provinces who had become oppressive and ought to have been controlled. Citing
s ~ a m p l e sfrom Buddhist stories in the Divyavadana , this argument goes on to
could not withstand the Greek invasions. Non-violence on the part of the king
also meant that he no longer exerted his control over officials particularly in the
provinces who had become oppressive and ought to have been controlled, Citing
examples from Buddhist stroes in the Divyavadana , this argument goes on to
show that revolts in the provinces had been taking place.
The above image of Asoka is far from correct. Just as the theory of anti-Brahmanical
activity under Asoka's reign has been discounted as a factor for Mauryan decline, so
also the impression of an over pacifist Asoka, lacking in vigour and determination to
rule has to be discarded. It is true that Asoka believed in non-violence as vital to
Dhamma. There was however, no extreme stand on this issue. A dislike for killing
of animals for food and sacrifice did not in fact terminate the policy of the palace to
continue killing animals for food, though on a reduced scale. Aslo in governance arid
criminal justice, death penalty should have been done away with but this was not so.
Further, we have no evidence of the army having been demobilized, nor, even a hint
in the inscriptions to such a policy being intended. The evidence one has is that of
only one campaign conducted against Kalinga which had ended in a ruthless defeat
of the latter. Had Asoka been such a pacifist he should have reinstated Kalinga as
an independent kingdom but, as a practical ruler, he maintained the supremacy of
Magadha over it. There are innumerable other indications of Asoka's assertion of his
control over the different people of his empire, particularly his warning to the tribes.
He had made it very clear that the misconduct of the tribes Living within his empire
would be t o h a t e d up to a point only and not beyond that. All these steps were taken
by Asoka to see that the empire was kept secure.
Thus, to conelude, the policy of ahimra in no way weakened the army and
administrative machintry of the Mauryan empire. Pushyamitra Sunga was M e r dl a
general of the Mauryan army and even half a century after Asoka he is said to have
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prevented the Greeks from entering Madhyadesa. According to Romila Thapar even
Ponty,sakty r d I h l I 0 m y : an entire generation of pacificism cannot weaken an empire and lead to its
3 d B.C. (e ld) B.C
disintegration : "Battles and territorial acquisition are not alone responsible for the
creation and destruction of empires. The causes must be sought in other directions
as well."

22.5 ECONOMIC PROBLEMS

D.D. Kosambi stressed on the economic problems that the Maurya\ faced. These
contributed substantially to the &cline of the Mauryan empire. His agruments centre
around two themes indicating that there were financial constraints on the Mauryan
economy:
a) that the State took excessive measurer to increase the taxes on a variety of things,
and
b) that the punch-marked coins of this period show evidence of debasement of the
currency.
The latter argument is based on his statistical analysis of the punch-,markedcoins of
the period.
Some of Kosambi's views which have now generally been accepted as crucial factors
in bringing about major changes in the Magadhan empire and thereby, its ultimate
decline are briefly as follows:
i) It is suggested that gradually the State monopoly of metals was being lost. The
demands on iron, so crucial for the expanding agrarian economy, could no longer
be met by Magadha alone. In fact, there were attempts to locate and develop new
sources of it in the Deccan. Though such pockets of iron ore were found in
Arndhra and Karnataka, the Magadha State found it a costly operation to tap these
pockets. Of the many problems they faced in this connection was also the
protection of the mining areas from intrusion by the local chiefs.
ii) The other point which is stressed is that expansion in cultivation, extensive use of
forestwood and deforestation in general may have led to and famines.
There is in fact evidence of a big famine in north Bengal in the Mauryan period.
Thus many factors may have combined to bring down drastically the amount of
the state revenue. In years of famine, the state was expected to provide relief'on
a substantial scale.
In a centralized administrative system, the problem of not having enough
revenues created many other acute difficulties. To enhance the revenues, the
Arthasastra suggested that taxes should be imposed &en on actors, prostitutes
and so on. The tendency to tax everything that could be taxed, emerged out of
the necessity of the treasury needing more funds or, the currency having become
debased due to inflation. The Arthasastnr measures to be adopted in times of
emergency are interpreted in this light. Further, the decreasing silver content of
the punch-marked coins attributed to the later Maurya rulers indicate that
debaskment had actually taken piace to meet the needs of a depleted treasury.
The burden of expenditure had also increased. This can be seen in the large
amounts of money spent under Asoka for public works. Also his tours and those
of his officials meant using up the surplus wherever it was available. The earlier
stringent measures df the State's control on its finances had thus begun to change
even during Asoka's reign.
Romila Thapar has further commented on these issues. According to her the
debasement of coins need not necessarily have meant a pressure on the general
economy. In fact,-it is difficult to say precisely when and where the debasement of
coinage took place. In positive terms she argues that for many parts of the Indian
sub-continent the general picture of the economy on the basis of the material
evidknck in fact indicates an,improvement. This is particularly seen in the use of better
quality materials which indicates a technical advance. There may have been
debasement of coinage but in her opinion it was not because of a decline in material
standards, but rather, because of extreme political confusion, particularly in the
Ganges Valley. This must have led to hoarding of money by merchant classes and
debasement of coinage. However, she concludes : "There is no doubt of the economic
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nrncrurritv that nrevailcul with the nnlitiral rlrrline nf the Maiirvsln emnire "
I Check Your Progress 2
1 1) Mark which of the following statements are right ( g )or wrong (x):
a) Asoka was successful in providing conditions for a Brahmanical revolt. ( )
I
I b) None of ~soka's'~olicies advocated pacifism.
c) The silver content of the later Mauryan punch-marked coins had
( )

L increased. ( 1
' d) Hoarding of coins under the later Mauryas must have led to their debasement.
( 1
2) Which one of the following was not a cause for 'the decline of the Mauryas? Tick
( V ) the right answer.
a) Deforestation in the Ganges Valley led to the incidence of floods.
I
b) Ban of animal sacrifices led to popular uprisings.
c) Certain powerful officials could not be controlled by the later Mauryas.
! d) Increased expenditure of various sorts was a strain on the imperial treasury.
3) List the views of those scholars that advocate Asoka's policies being responsible
for Mauryan decline in about six lines.

4) Would you agree with Kosambi that the major f a c t o ~for Mauryan decline were
the economic problems that the empire faced. Give reasons for your answer in
100 words.

GROWTH OF LOCAL POLITIES

If the material and technical advance of the country was not hampered by the political
decline of the Mauryas, it can then be said that the material basis of many of the
local politieslkingdoms was strong enough for them to emerge with renewed strengh
in the, post-Mauryan period. ?he Mauryas in fact, had directly governed only the major
and vital areas of the empir6 the centre of which was Magadha. It is most probable
that its govcrnors/officials administering the core areas were selected from amongst
the local peoples. These officials were often very powerful and acted as a check on
the Viceroy or representative of the kings. A s mentioned earlier, the political loyalty
of these officials was crpcial for the imperial structure to continue. A change of king
meant a re-alignment of these loyalties. If this happened often, as it did in the
post-Asokan period, fundamental weaknesses would begin t o inevitably creep in and
nrove the svstem unsuccessful. Kamesh Mechrocks
The half I dozen kings that had succeeded Asoka had made no basic change in the
policy of governance adopted by the first three Mauryas. It has also been suggested
that some of these kings probably ruled more or less concurrently over several parts
of the empire. This indicates a segmentation of the empire even under the Mauryas.

22.6.1 Major Kingdoms

The disintegration of the Mauryan empire was followed by the rise of a number of
kingdoms in different parts of India. Immediately after the Mauryas Pushyamitra
established the Sunga dynasty and the Sungas were able to control only a part of the
erstwhile Mauryan empire. The Sunga family had held the Viceroyship-at Ujjain in
western Malwa or the neighbouring region of Vidisha in eastern Malwa under the
Mauryas. The Sungas tried to revive Vedic practices and sacrifices which may have
perhaps been necessary to face the new inuaders, namely the Gteeks and to establish
their strength after their first king had usurped the throne. The Sungas were followed
by the short-lived rule of the Kanvas. The Greeks, however, in due course of time
became exceedingly successful in most parts of north-west India. Their rule could
only be terminated by the Sakas who had settled along the Indus. The Parthian or
Pahlavas also made inroads in north-western India. But, the most successful foreign
intrusions were made from the first half of the first century A.D. with the
establishment of the Kushana empire.
In the Ganga valley, Rajasthan, eastern India and the Deccan many ruling families
came to power. It is clear that under the Mauryas the maximum settlements of
villages had been in the Ganges Valley. The hills and plains of Assam and Bengal
still remained to be opened up. Similarly, the south and south-east of India had
confact with the Magadhan empire but a large scale agrarian economy had yet to
come up in these regions. After the decline of Mauryan rule many local rulers started
ruling in regions like Vidarbha, eastern Deccan, Karnataka and western
Maharashpa. Gradually, the family of the Satavahanas built up an empire in the
Deccan by bringing together many local centres (you will read the details in Unit 27,
Block-7).
At about the same time when the early Satavahanas were establishing themselves,
Kharavela of Kalinga emerged as a powerful king in the Mahanadi region. In an
inscription written during his reign and found at the Hathigumpha cave of Udayagiri
hill near Bhubaneshwar, Kharvela claims that he was the third ruler of the
Mahameghavana family of Ka1inga;'that this family was a branch of the ancient Chedi
family. H e is said to have raided a major part of the country including Magadha and
the Satavahana and Pandya countries. H e was an ardent follower of Jainism.
In the extreme South the three important chiefdoms that continued to be prominent
from the Maurya period were the Cheras who controlled the Malabar area, the Cholas
who held sway on the south-eastem coast and the Kaveri Valley and the Pandyas
whose power centre lay around the tip of the Peninsula. The Sangam texts of this
period give us a considerable amount of information on the society, ecology, polity
and economy of the region these three kingdoms ruled.
The above outline briefly discusses the geographical areas and the political
complexion of the major foreign and indigenous kingd~mswhich became powerful
for varied periods of time in the immediately post-Mauryan period.

22.6.2 Local Kingdoms

Numerous local or sub-regional powers also grew in this period either under the
ctimulus of the advancing agrarian economy or, in some regions under the stimulus
of trade. Various Indian literary sources, like the Puranas, mention of such tribal
names as Naga, Gardabhila and Abhira during this period. They were being ruled by
their kings. Thus four Naga kings, seven Gardabhila kings, thirteen Pusyamitras, ten
Abhira kings of the post-Mauryan period are listed. The Gardabhilas probably
emerged from the large Bhila tribe (the Bhils) of the forests of central and western
India. Some of the Abhiras are known to have developed into Ahir castes, some of
them famous as pastoralists. Along with these we have other tribes who underwent
change during this period and are known through the coins they minted in their own
names or with names of their janapadas. m e Yaucheyas were famous even in the
time of Panini as professional warriors and during this period were said t o have been
suppressed by Rudradaman, the Saka king. Their temtory is said to have comprised
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the land between the Sutlej and the Yamuna. Similarly, to the south-east of Mathura,
the Arjunaya had established their autonomy towards the end of the Sunga rule.
In the Punjab, occupying the land between the Ravi and the Beas we have mention
of the Audumbaras. The Kunindas are said to have become prominent between the
Beas and the Yamuna around the foothills of Sivalik hills. Other tribal republics, as
they are popularly known, for this period are those of the Sibis, Malavas, Trigartas
and so on. These janapadas interspersed the region of northern and north-westem
India and at the same time independent principalities like Ayodhya, Kausharnbi,
Mathura and Ahichchhatra also re-asserted their power having earlier succumbed to
the Mauryas.
For the Deccan we have some information mainly derived from coins of many minor
local rulers and ruling families over whom the Satavahanas were able to establish
their superamacy. For example, the families of Maharathis, Kuras and Anardas are
known from Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra. Besides, many local chiefs of the
Deccan who issued coins emerged during this period. For the extreme south we know
that the chiefs of the three main chiefdoms (Cheras, Cholas, Pandyas) were
constantly at war with the minor chiefs of the less developed regions. The Velir
chieftains, for instance, were famous as they controlled important outlets to the
Roman trade on the south-east coast.
Though attempts were made in the post-Mauryan period by various dynasties to build
empires, there were several instances of each of them contending the other. Further
sub-regional powers could not totally be suppressed. Whereas, on the one hand, the
political decline of the Mauryas created a situation for many of these local powers to
arise, on the other, the economic expansion witnessed in the Mauryan period
continued unabated. The crisis in the Magadhan empire under the Mauryas was thus
one of organisation and control of its resources and not a lack of them.

Check Your Progress 3 -.-

-. .-.
1) Mark which of the following statments are right ( d )or wrong (x).
a) Pushyamitra Sunga was probably a governor at Ujjain under the
Mauryas. ( )
b) The Satavahanas succeeded the Mauryas in the extreme south. ( )
c) The Sangam texts tell us about the three kingdoms of the Cholas,
Cberas and Pandyas. ( 1
d) The tribal kingdoms in the post-Mauryan period were able to drive
out Cheras and Pandyas. 1
e) Ayodhya, Kausambi, Mathura, Ahichchhatra were tribal republics. ( )
2) Outline the major political changes in north and south India in the post-Mauryan
period in about 100 words.

3) .Using the code given below identify three of the most important factors for
Mauryan decline: .
1) Rebellion of the Brahmanas
Kamesh Mechrocks
2) Weakening of State Control
 ' 4-

3) Increase in imperial expenditure

. 4) Invasions by. foreign powers
5) Inability to create effective resources base
6) Inactivity of the army
Code
a) 1, 6, 4
b) 2, 3, 4
c) 2, 3, 5

22.7 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit we have analysed the various factors for the disintegration of the
Mauryan empire and the rise of local polities in its wake. The successors of Asoka
failed to maintain the integrity of the empire which they inherited from Asoka. The
partition of the empire after Asoka and quick succession of rulers no doubt weakened
the basis of the empire. But more important is the fact that the inherent
contradictions in the Mauryan imperial set up accentuated the crisis. The highly
centralised bureaucracy with its loyalty to the king and not to the state made the
administration completely individual based. And the change of king meant the
change of officials and this had a very adverse effect on administration after Asoka.
We have seen that how some of the views of the earlier scholars that hold Asoka and
his policies responsibk for the decline of the Mauryas are not acceptable in the light
of the contemporary evidence. The attempt by some scholars to explain the
disintegration of the Mauryan empire in terms of economic problems has also been
taken into consideration. Finally,we have also highlighted the growth of local polities
both in the North and South which accelerated the process of disintegration of the
Mauryan Empire.

22.8 KEY WORDS

Bureaucracy: System of government by officials responsible to an authotity.
Coup d'etat: A violent or unconstitutional change in government.
Erring: Those staying away from the right path.
Exploitation: An act of using for selfish purposes at the expense of others.
Local: Pertaining to a particular place or area.
Paciflst: Opposed to war or one who believes all war is wrong.
Polities; Forms of political organisation -some could be monarchical, or republican
or tribal.
Regional: Characterized in a particular wav referring to a tract of country or area or
district.

22.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progrws 1
1) a) V .
b) x
c) V
d) x
2) You have to write about the problem in the continuation of Asoha's policy of
Dhamma and controlling the WsmmemobPmottas. See Sec. 22.3
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3) Your answer should include the following points; centralised administration,
officials' loyalty to the king not to the state, nature of bureaucracy, etc.
See Sec. 22.3
Check Your Progress 2
a) x
b) v
c) x
d) v

3) Your answer should include : pro-Buddhist policy of Asoka, pacifist policies of

Asoka and the reaction of the 'Brahmanas to this. Sec. 22.4.
4) Read Sec. 22.5 and write the answer giving your own argument.

Check Your Progress 3

a) v
b) v
c) v
d) x
e) x
2) You have to write abo~ltthe emergence of major indigenous and foreign kingdoms
as well as the tribal kingdoms following the disintegration of the Mauryan empire.
See Sub-Secs. 22.6.1. and 22.6.2.

SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

Basham A.L., The Wonder That Was India, New Delhi, 1967.
Bongard-Levin, G.M., Mauryan India, New Delhi, 1985.
Jha, D.N., Ancient India : An Introductory Outline, New Delhi, 1977.
Kosambi, *D.D.,An Introduction to the Study of Indian History, ~ o r n d a 1956.
~,
Kosambi, D.D., The Culture and Civilisation of Ancient India in Historical Outline,
New Delhi, 1970.
Nilakanta Sastri, K.A., Age of the Nandas and Mauryas (Ed.), Delhi, 1967.
Thapar, Romila, Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, Delki, 1960.

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 -
-

UNIT 23 NORTHERN-WESTERN AND

NORTHERN INDIA
Structure
23.0 Objectives
23.1 Introduction
23.2 Sources
23.3 The Sungas
23.4 The Indo-Greeks
23.5 The Sakas
23.6 The Parthians
23.7 The Kushanas
23.8 Local Powers of North India
23.9 Significance of Contacts between Central Asia and North India
23.9.1 Trade and Technology
23.9 2 Material Remains
23.9.3 Pol~ty
23.9.4 Religion and Art Fonns
23.10 Let Us Sum Up
23.11 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

2 3 . 0 OBJECTIVES

After reading this unit, you will be able to comprehend :

political events in India from the close of the Mauryan period to about 300 A.D.
the assimilation of diverse foreign elements into the mainstream of Indian society.
the impact of Central Asian contacts in the fields of trade and technology, religion, art
and material remains of that period.

23.1 INTRODUCTION

In Block V, you read about the emergence and consolidation of the first empire in India, that
of the Mauryas. You read in detail about the political expansion, the polity, the policy of
Dhamma as em isaged by Asoka, and finally, the disintegration of the Mauryan Empire. You
will recall that the final blow to the last of the Mauryan Kings was rendered by Pushyarnitra
Sunga in about 180 B.C. The period which commenced from about 200 B.C. did not wimess
a large empire, 5 ~ittis historically important as one in which there were widespread cultural
contacts with Central Asia, and the assimilation of foreign elements into the Indian society.
This period witnessed the emergence of a number of political regions in north and north-
western India. We will take up for our study some of the more prominent dynasties like the
Sungas, the Indo-Greeks, the Sakas, the Parthians and the Kushanas. We will also study the
cultural contacts in various fields, like trade, technology, art, and religion.

23.2 SOURCES

The political history of this period has to be pieced together by going through different types
of sources. For some regions, the Puranic lists of dynasties and rulers become important
sources of information. Inscriptional souices are also very important and in some cases, they
supplement the information that we get from the Puranas.
For the period immediately succeeding the overthrow of the Mauryas scraps of information
are found in such texts as: the Gargi Samhita, the Mahabhashya of Patanjali, the
Divyavadana, the Malavikagnimitra of Kalidasa and the Harshacharita of Bana.
Evidence of Sunga history comes to us alsb from the inscriptions from Ayodhya, Vidisa and
Bharhut.
Kamesh Mechrocks
India : Century 200 B.C. In the post-Mauryan period political power did not remain in the hands of one family. Two
to 300 A.D.
main trends are seen in this period. One is that in the north west, there was a succession of
rulers, first of Greek Origin, then of Saka or Parthian origin and next of Yuch-chi origin.
The second trend was that in the major part of northern India minor local ruling families
came up. In some areas, we also find gana-samghas distributed over a wide area in this
period. For all these ruling families, the most important data are provided by the different
types of coins minted by them. Coins, with the names of rulers appearing on them, thus
become a major source now, but for the political history of this period, this source has to be
supplemented by other sources. Cultural contacts with parts of Western Asia but more with
Central Asia became regular in this period. So for the north western region some other types
of sources become important in this period. For example in addition to coins, inscriptions
written in Kharosthi script are found in large numbers in this period in the region of
Gandhara and there are many Kharosthi documents found in Central Asia as well. Similarly,
there are stray references in Greek and Latin sources to regions of north western India and its
rulers. In the Buddhist sources too we find evidence regarding this period. For example, the
Pali work Milinda-Panha (The questions of Milinda) bears on the Yavana King
Menander and on Buddhism in this period. The Chinese historical chronicles too contain
references to contemporary events in Central Asia, Bactria and north west India. For
example, for information on the early history of the Yuch-chis or the Kushanas, we have to
depend on the chronicles of early Han and later Han dynasties of China.

THE SUNGAS

The Sungas, a brahmana family, possibly originally belonged to the region of Ujjain in
Western India, where they worked as officials under the Maurya Kings. The founder of the
Sunga dynasty was Pushyamitra Sunga who according to tradition, assassinated the last of
the Maurya Kings Brihadratha in 180 B.C. n i s is corroborated by Bana, the Sanskrit prose
writer and court poet of Harshvardhana of Kanauj. Pushyamitra appears to have been a keen
supporter of Brahmanism and is known to have underiaken the performance of the
asvamedha or horse sacrifice, a Vedic ritual symbolising royal glory. In the Ayodhya
inscription of Dhanadeva, Pushyamitra is credited with the performance of two horse
sacrifices. This is indicative of Pushyamitra's hold over a large territory and also of
Brahmanical orthodoxy. Buddhist sources claim that he persecuted the Buddhists. The
Buddhist tradition as is preserved in the Divyavadana depicts Pushyamitra as a destroyer of
Buddhist monasteries and places of worship, particularly those constructed by Asoka. (For
further discussion on this read Unit 25 in this Block.)

The Puranas assign a reign of 36 years to Pshyamitra, who was succeeded by his gon
Agnimitra. Very little information has been gathered about his rule. Muladeva appears to be
an important King with whom may have started the disintegration of the Sunga dynasty.
Some historians have identified him as the King whose coins have been found at Ayodhya
and he may be regarded as a predecessor of Dhanadeva described as 'Lord of Kosala' in the
Ayodhya inscription. Muladeva has been regarded as the ruler of the independent principality
of Kosala. The original Sungas soon came to be confined only to Magadha and the Central
Indian territories only. The last Sunga King was Devabhuti. He was the fourth ruler of the
line and if we believe Banabhatta, author of Harsha-Charita he fell victim to the
conspiracy of his brahmana minister Vasudeva. Thus, the Sunga line came to an end around
75 B.C. and although Vasudeva started a new line of rulers, called Kanva, it lasted only four
generations.

23.4 THE INDO-GREEKS

From about 200 B.C. a series of movements across the north western borders of the Indian
sub-continent took place. Among the first to cross the Hindukush were the Greeks, who
ruled Bactria, south of the Oxus river in the area covered by North Afghanistan. Alexander's
invasion in north western India did not result in Greece and India coming together in any
significant manner. The mingling of the two cultures came about in the second century B.C.
through the ~ r k e kings
k of Bactria who moved into northwest India and came to be called the
Indo - Greeks.

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After the fall of the Achaemenid rule in Iran and the death of Alexander, Iran and the Northern-Western and
neighbouring areas passed under the rule of Alexander's generals. Gradually the Greek rulers Northern India
of Bactria who were originally subordinate to the Seleacids, and the Arsacid rulers of Parthia
started asserting their autonomy. The Greek rulers faced a severe threat from the Scythian
tribes. With the construction of the Chinese Wall the Scythians could not move towards
China and in turn attacked the Greeks and Parthians. Pushed by the Scythian tribes the
Bactrian Greeks were forced to move towards India. These invasions had begun by the end of
the Mauryan rule and the successors of Asoka were not strong to resist them. From the first
half of the second century B.C. the Indo -Greeks occupied a large part of north western
India. They also undertook occasional expeditions to the Ganga basin and other parts of the
country and they came as far as Panchala, Saketa and Pataliputra.
One of the most famous Indo - Greek rulers was Menander or Milinda. During the period of
his rule, the Indo -Greek power extended from the Swat Valley to Punjab as far as the Ravi
river. He had his capital at Sakala (modem Sialkot) in Punjab. Menander is best remembered
for his conversion to Buddhism by Nagasena, a Buddhist monk and philosopher. Menander
asked Nagasena many questions relating to Buddhism. These questions and Nagasena's
answers were recorded in the form of a book known as Milinda - Panha or The
Questions of Milinda.
The names of at least thirty Bactrian Greek rulers are known from a large number of coins.
Menander's coins have been located as far as Kabul in the north and Mathura near Delhi. The
history of the Indo - Greeks has been reconstructed mostly with the help of their coins
bearing legends in Greek and later in Kharosthi and Brahmi as well. The evidence is
sometimes confusing, as many kings had identical names and the coins of one ruler can be
distinguished from those of another only with great difficulty. Influence of Indo -Greek
coinage, particularly silver coinage, which was excellent in workmanship is found present in
some coin series issued by some local rulers of the period. The nature of the coinage and the
wide area in which it circulated suggest wide trade cqntacts. The Indo - Greeks are also
important for their introduction of Hellenistic art features in north-western India which
culminated in the Gandhara art style.

23.5 THE SAKAS

The Sakas are referred to also as Scythians. In the Indian context, the sources sometimes
mention the Scythians arid Parthians together as Saka-Pahlawa. Even from the names of the
rulers it is at times impo.ssible to distinguish between a Saka and a Pahlawa. Even so some
families of rulers, which were associated with different regions of north-westem, northern
and western have been distinguished as Saka. The Sakas poured into India through the Bolan
Pass and may have first settled in lower Indus region. There are coins and other sources
associated with different branches of the Sakas. One branch is believed to have settled in
Afghanistan. Another line of the Sakas settled in Punjab with Taxila as the capital. There
was another that ruled from Mathura. A fourth branch was that which established itself in
Western and Central India from where they continued their rule till about the fourth century
A.D.
The Sakas were successful in destroying the Greek suzerainty over Bactria. They belonged to
the nomad hordes of Central Asia. The Sakas were forced by another Central Asian tribe, the
Yueh -chi to leave their habitat on the Bactrian border and follow the Greeks into India. The
Sakas gradually spread their supremacy over the northern and north-western regions of India
at the expense of the local Indo - Greek rulers. There are different types of sources for the
reconstruction of the Sakas in India. There are references to the people in Greek and Graeco-
Roman annals and in early Chinese accounts. Epigraphic and numismatic sources are also
useful. The earliest Indian textual reference to the Sakas is perhaps to be found in the
Mahabhashya. The Puranic and epic texts also mention the Sakas along with the Kambojas
and the Yavanas in the extreme north.
The first Saka King in India was Maues or Moga, who established Saka power in Gandhara.
Maues is known from a series of coins and also from inscriptions, one of which contains a
date. A dated copper plate inscript~ondiscovered in Taxila records the establishment of the
relics of Buddha in a Stupa during the period of Maues. Maues was succeeded by Azes who
successfully attacked the last of the Greek kings in Northern India, Hippostratos.
Kamesh Mechrocks
India : Century 200 B.C. Although the Sakas established their rule in different parts of the country, it was only in
to 300 A.D.
Western India that they could hold power for about four centuries. The most famous of the
Saka rulers of Western India was Rudradaman I (C. A. D. 130 -152). His sway extended to
Sindh, Kutch, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Konkan, the Narmada Valley, Malwa, Kathiawar and
Western Deccan. His militar);achievements, his temtories and his many personal qualities
#
are highlighted in the famous Junagadh inscription, written in 150 A.D. This inscription
also records in detail the repairs which his officials undertook of the damaged Mauryan dam
of Sudarsana Lake in the semi-arid zone of Kathiawar. This lake had been in use for
imgational purposes from the time of the Mauryas. This lengthy inscription is the first
major inscription to be written in Sanskrit. It is evident that Rudradaman patronized
Sanskrit. After the death of Rudradaman the Sakas of this area continued to' rule, despite
occasional upsets until the end of the fourth century A.D.
The Sakas along with the Parthians introduced the Satrap system of government which was
similar to that of the Achaemenid and Seleucid systems in Iran. Under this system the
kingdom was divided into provinces each under a military governor called Mahakshatrapa
(great Satrap). Governors with lower status were called Kshatrapas (Satraps). These
governors issued their own inscriptions and also minted their own coins. This is indicative
of a more independent status than was otherwise normal in an administrative set-up. The
Saka kings used such prestigious titles as 'king of kings' (rajadhiraja) in addition to 'great
king' (Maharaja) which they took over from the Greeks.

23.6 THE PARTHIANS

We have already mentioned that there are references in the ancient Indian Sanskrit texts to the
Sakas and the Parthians together as Saka-Pahlawas. The rgle of the Sakas and Parthians was
simultaneous in different pockets of north western and northern India.
The Parthians originated in Iran and families of Parthian rulers may have moved into Indo-
Iranian borderlands and into north-westem India as representatives of Parthian rulers. The '
Sakas of Seistan were in close contact with the Parthians and this is why we find among the
Indian Sakas admixture of original Scythian and Iranian Parthian elements.
The most prominent Parthian King was Gondophaes. His rule extended from Kabul to
Panjab and possibly included certain Iranian areas of the Parthian empire. Different stages of
his coinage show his rise from subordinate to independent status. His name is believed to be
associated with that of St. Thomas. There is a tradition which suggests that St. Thomas
travelled from Israel and came to the court of Gondophaes. He came to India for the
propagation of Christianity.
There is a conspicuous scarcity of silver coins attributed to the Parthians. This might testify
to the indifferent economic condition of the Indo - Parthian empire. It has been suggested by
some scholars that it is not unlikely that the large number of silver coins that were issued in
these regions by their predecessors, the Sakas and the Indo - Greeks, served the needs of the
higher currency of the Parthian State in India. They might have been supplemented by coins
of lesser value in which a smdl amount of precious metal was mixed up with comparatively
cheap metal. '
Abdagases appears to have been the immediate successor of Gondophaes. He was for
sometime the subordinate ruler under his uncle as suggested by joint issues of some coins.
There are many coins which bear the names of Gondophaes and his nephew Abdagases. The
end of the Parthian rule in India is marked by several groups of small coins that were
excavated at the Sirkap site of Taxila. The Parthians became assimilated into the Indian
society in course of time.
- ..' -

* Check Your Progress 1

1) Read the following statements and mark right (4)
or wrong (x ).
i) The Sungas were the immediate successors of the Mauryas.
ii) The Puranic chronicles are important sources of information for the period between
200 B.C. - 300 A.D.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 iii) The author of Harshacharita is Kalidasa. Northern-Western and
Northern India
iv) Menander was a Buddhist convert.
v) The Junagarh Rock inscription was written in Sanskrit.
2) Who were the Sungas? Give an outline of their rule. Answer in 10 lines.
'

3.) What was the significance of the rule of the Sakas in north west India? Explain in 10
lines.

4) What is the most important source for the reconstruction of the history between 200
B.C. - 300 A.D. ? Explain in five lines.

23.7 THE KUSHANAS

We now take up for our study another dynasty, the Kushanas who succeeded the Parthians
in the extreme north-west and spread themselves in successive stages in the regions of
Northern India. The Kushanas are also referred to as Yueh-chis or Tocharians. They belonged
to one of the five clans of the Yueh-chi tribe. They were a nomadic people, originally from
the steppes of North Central Asia, living in the vicinity of China. They were responsible for
ousting the Sakas in Bactria and also the Parthians in the Gandhara region. The Kushanas
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first consolidated territories beyond the Indian border. Gradually their authority in India
India : Century B.C. expanded and came to extend to over lower Indus basin and most of the Gangetic plain down
to 300 A.D. Varanasi. Although their empire lasted for about one century and a little more, their
connection with India, their assimilation into Indian society as well as their contribution to
Indian culture left a deep impression on the Indian mind. Like the Sakas and Pahlavas, they
too are mentioned in Epic, Puranic and other literature. The Kushanas were particularly
important as their empire became a meeting point of civilizations of the Mediterranean
world, Westem Asia, Central Asia, China and India.

We have coins, inscriptions and other sources which provide evidence about two successive
dynasties of the Kushanas. The first line was started by Kujula Kadphises who is believed to
have united the five tribes of the Yueh-chi and made successful inroads into India,
establishing himself in Kabul and Kashmir. Kujula Kadphises minted different types of coins
in copper and cne type of his coins has a Roman-style male bust on it. Kujula Kadphises
was succeeded by Vima Kadphises. Vima introduced a new phase of coinage in India. The
practice of issuing gold coins by Indian rulers regularly started with him. He minted different
types of gold coins which broadly followed the weitht system of Roman gold coins and this
system continued, with certain modifications, till the Gupta period. Obviously, Vima's gold
coins and copper coins indicate further intensification of contact with the Roman world of
the time.
The Kadphises rulers were succeeded by Kanishka I, who is the best known Kushana ruler in
Indian history, particularly because of his association with Buddhism. The relationship
between the first two kings (Kadphises) and Kanishka is shrouded in mystery, but he too was
of Central Asian origin. He may not have been directly related to the first two kings. The
Kushanas reached the zenith of their power under Kanishka I. His period is historically
significant for general cultural development in Northem India as well as for the
intermingling of peoples of different geographical regions.
The accession of Kanishka Lto the throne has been variously dated somewhere between A.D.
78-144 and sometimes even later. An era with its initial date in A.D. 78 has popularly come
to be regarded as the Saka Era and this date seems to be the most likely date for Kanishka's
accession. The Kushana empire at its peak extended to Sanchi in Madhya Pradesh and to
Varanasi in Uttar Pradesh. Mathura appears to have been the second capital city, the first
being at Purushapura near modem Peshawar. At Purushapura, Kanishka erected a monastery
and a huge Stupa.
Kanishka I is an important figure in the history of Buddhism as being one of its great
patrons. He sponsored the fourth Buddhist council during his reign to discuss matters relating
to buddhist theology and doctrine. The doctrines of the Mahayana form of Buddhism were
finalized at the council. Missionary activity was given an impetus and during his period
Buddhist monks started travelling to Central Asia and to China. Kanishka was also a patron
of art and Sanskrit literature.
The successors of Kanishka I continued to rule for over a century, but Kushana power
gradually declined. Some of the rulers used very Indian names such as Vasudeva. The
Kushana empire in Afghanistan and in the region west of the Indus was superseded in the
mid-third century A.D. by the Sassanian power which began in Iran. Peshawar and Taxila
were lost to the Sassanians and the Kushanas were reduced to the position of subordinates of
these rulers.

23.8 LOCAL POWERS OF NORTH INDIA .

We have so far sketched the history of the prominent dynasties that ruled ndrthem and north
western India between 200 B.C. - 300 A.D. It may be pointed out that simultaneously with
major powers there were many pockets of local dynasties and powers that ruled for varying
lengths of time. We shall make a brief reference to them here.
We have already referred to the Kmvas or the Kanvayanas. Their rule was founded by
Vasudeva after the Sungas. Their,power was shortlived and perhaps confined only to
Magadha. This line of rulers is mentioned in the Puranas. Some types of coins may have
been minted by rulers of this family.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Further west, in the upper Ganga Yamuna basin, a number of local families came to power Northern-Western and
Northern India
and coins provide us with names of numerous rulers who minted them. Thus numismatic
evidence indicates that independent principalities came into existence at Ayodhya, Kausambi,
Mathura and Panchala almost simultaneously.
The Punjab, which was perhaps a part of the Sunga temtories during the reign of
Pushyamitra was lost to his successors. The Greeks occupied the area as far as Ravi. Taking
advantage of the weakness of the later Sungas and on the strength of their economic
prosperity, some of the Kshatriya tribes living between the Ravi and the Yamuna asserted
their autonomy. Some of them were the
a Audumbaras who occupied the land between the upper courses of Ravi and the Beas,
a Kunindas who ruled the temtory between the upper courses of the Beas and the Yamuna
along the foothills of the Siwalik ranges.
Trigartas who ruled the plain country between the rivers ~ a vand
i Sutlej,
a Yaudheyas who were famous as warriors and ruled the temtory between Sutlej and
Yamuna and parts of eastern Rajasthan,
a Arjunayanas, Malavas and Sibis distributed in different parts of Rajasthan.
Another region which came into prominence now was Kalinga in Orissa. You will recall
that Kalinga was reconquered by Asoka from the local power although we do not know who
Asoka's contemporary local ruler was. However, in the post-Maurya period we know of a
local line of rulers named Mahameghavahana. The Maharneghavahanas were descended from
the ancient line of the Chedis. Kharavela, the third ruler of this line, is known from his
Hathigumpha inscription which was engraved on the Udayagiri hills near Bhuvaneswar. The
inscription which gives year-wise account of his reign till its thirteenth year shows that
Kharavela was a great king with military victories in north India, western India and south
India to his credit; he also undertook many public works for his subjects and as a practising
jaina, he excavated cave-shelters for jaina monks on the Udayagiri hills.

23.9 SIGNIFICANCE OF CONTACTS BETWEEN

CENTRAL ASIA AND NORTH
. INDIA .

The political domination over northern and north western parts of India by rulers coming
from outside also implied coming in of new elements of culture, the assimilation of these
elements into the mainstream of Indian society and resultant impact of this contact on the
development of trade, technology, art forms etc. We shall examine the impact of Central
Asian contacts under different sub-headings.

23.9.1 Trade and Technology

The movement of foreigners into India established firmly the basis of regular trade contact
between Central Asia and India. Trade contacts with Afghanistan were already existing but
now Central Asia also opened up to trade with new routes. One of these routes became
famous as the old Silk Route. Traders of different ethnic origins established trading stations
and colonies from which the merchants operated. Examples of such places are Kashgar,
Yarkand, Khotan, Miran, etc.
The impetus to trade was given not only by Indian merchants but also by the Buddhist
missionaries. One result of trade movements was that communication with China improved.
The Kushanas controlled the silk route which started from China and passed through Central
Asia and Afghanistan and Western Asia. This route was a source of great income to the
Kushanas. They levied tolls from the traders. India received a good deal of gold from the
Altai mountains in Central Asia Gold could also have been received from trade with the
Roman Empire. It is significant that the Kushana rulers were the first to issue gold coins on
a significant scale. You will read about trade routes and contacts in Unit 24 of this Block in
greater length.
New elements in cavalry and techniques of war were introduced in India by the Sakas and the
Kushanas. Horse riding gained popularity. They popularized the use of reins and saddles
which find appearance in the Buddhist sculptures of this period. The passion for
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India : Century 200 B.C. horsemanShip is evident from the numerous terracotta figures excavated from Begram in
to 300 A.D.
Afghanistan depicting questrian scenes. The Central Asians also brought in cap, helmet and
boots which were used by the warriors. This military technology became popular in North
West India.

23.9.2 Material Remains

The material remains in the form of structures and pottery and coins give us a clear picture of
the introduction of new elements in the already existing techniques. The Saka-Kushana phase
is demonstrative of an advance in building activities. Excavations have revealed several layers
of structures in Northern India. They point to the use of burnt bricks for both the floor and
the roof. Brick wells may also have been introduced during this period. The pottery of this
period is red ware, both plain and polished, with sometimes medium and sometimes fine
fabric. The distinctive pots are sprinklers and spouted channels. They have resemblance to
the red fabrick found in the same period in the Kushana layers of Central Asia. Some of the
coins of the Kushanas borrowed many features of Roman coins. The Saka coins in many
cases were adaptations from those of the Indo-Greeks, though striking originalities are met
with.

23.9.3 Polity
The Sakas and the Kushana put great emphasis on the notion of the divine origin of
kingship. The Kushana kings were referred to as Sons of God. This title may have been
borrowed from the Chinese. They also sometimes used an Indian version of the Roman title
Ceasar. This was used to stress royal authority. Similar ideas are found in the work of the
Brahrnana Lawgiver, Manu.

The Sakas had introduced the satrapa system in the administrative set-up. The entire empire
, was divided to satraps. Evidence of governing through subordinate rulers is available. The
method of administering districts and other smaller units with the help of such officials as
meridarkhs was in vogue in the period of Indo - Greek rule. Epigraphic and numismdtic
data furnish us with names of a large number of Kshatrapas and Mahakshatrapas. (See
Sec. 23.5 of this Unit.)
Some of the foreign rulers also introduced the practice of hereditary dual rule which meant
two kings, holding higher and lower status, ruling in the same kingdom at the same time.
For example, father and son would rule simultaneously. The practice of military
governorship was also introduced probably by the Greeks. These governors were known by
the title of Strategos. They were important for two reasons : (a) for maintaining the power
of the rulers over the indigenous people and (b) for blocking invasions from the north west.

23.9.4 Religion and Art Forms

We have noted earlier in this unit that some of the kings like Menander and Kanishka were
converted to Buddhism. Some of the rulers were worshippers of Vishnu; others of Siva. We .
have an example of the Kushana ruler Vasudeva, whose name is one of the many names of
Krishna who was worshipped as an incarnation of Vishnu. Some Kushana rulers worshipped
both Siva and Buddha and the images of these two Gods appeared on some of the Kushana
coins. We can discern therefore that in the process of assimilation into Indian cultural
patterns, the foreigners adapted to Indian ideas and forms of worship. The foreign rulers were
also patrons of Indian art and literature. We have evidence that masons and other artisans
coming from outside interacted with local workers. Indian craftsmen thus came into contact
with those skilled in Greek and Roman craftmanship. We have the example of Gandhara in
which images of the Buddha were sculpted in a style which was typical of the synthesis of
many cultural elements present in the region. The influence of Gandhara art spread to
Mathura. Mathura also has given us many beautiful images of the Buddha and other
specimens of art of this period. Details of the art forms art fscussed in the unit on Art and
Architecture in this block.
s

Check Your Progress 2

1) Read the following statements and make right ( J or
) wrong (x ). ,

i) The Kushanas belonged to the Yueh-chi Tribe.

ii) The Kanvayanas were a local dynasty ruling from Magadha.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 iii) The Yaudheyas &re famous as wamors and ruled the temtory between the rivers Northern-Western and
Ravi and Sutlej. Northern India

iv) The Satrap system was introduced into India by the Sakas.
2) Write short notes on the following in about 15 lines.
a) Impact of Central Asian Contact.

......................................................................................................................
b) Assimilation of the foreigners into the Indian mainstream.

23.10 LET US SUM UP

The Greeks, the Sakas, the Parthians and the Kushanas gradually merged into Indian society.
They came to India as wamors and therefore most of them were absorbed in the Indian
society as the warrior class or the Kshatriyas. The problem of assimilating them by applying
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Indla : Century 200 B.C. Brahmanical norms to them was accomplished by Brahmana lawgivers in the following
to 300 A.D. manner. They were regarded as belonging to that category of Kshatiiyas who had fallen from
their duties. Large numbers of the foreigners were thus given a status in the brahmanical set-
up without which their assimilation in the Indian social order would have been incomplete.
We have, in the course of this unit, surveyed the main political trends in India from the post-
Mauryan period till about A.D. 300. In north India, political control was exercised mainly
by groups who originated in Central Asia and moved across India's north western border.
This opened up communications and trade routes between different countries and had a far-
reaching impact on the cultural patterns of the period through movements of peoples and
ideas.

23.11 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES

Check Your Progress 1

1) (i) J (ii) J (iii) x (iv ) J (v) J
2) See Sec. 23.3
3) See Sec. 23.5
4) You should find out from Sec. 23.2
Check Your Progress 2
1) (i) J (ii) J (iii) x (iv) J

2) a) You should emphasize the impact on trade and technology, polity and religion and
art forms. Read Sec. 23.9.
b) See Sec. 23.7.

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 -

UNIT 24 EXPANSION IN NETWORK

OF TRADE AND
URBANISATION
Structure
24.0 Objectives
24.1 Introduction
24.2 Geographical Background
24.3 Political Framework
24.4 Expansion of Trade and ;'loduction of Commodities
24.4.1 Internal Trade
24.4.2 External Trade
24.4.3 Principal Trade Routes
24.4.4 Urban Centres
24.5 Role of Religion in Trade
24.6 Position of Traders
24.7 Let Us Sum Up
24.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

24.0 OBJECTIVES

After reading this unit you will be able to learn :

how items of trade were acquired or manufactured,
how trade was conducted and organised,
which were the major trade routes in north India,
'about the important urban centres that developed,
about the commercial contacts between India and other countries, and
the position of traders in society.

24.1 INTRODUCTION

In Block 4 you learnt how developments in the later Vedic period led to the growth of cities
in the 6th century B.C. These early cities were located either on the banks of.the Ganga or
on its major tributaries which were used for communication. A majority of them, were
political centres and capitals of the early monarchical kingdoms. Some of them had mud
ramparts and earthen embankments, but by and large they were unplanned settlements.
Archaeological excavations at these early sites have been few and have failed to reveal any
evidence of early monuments. It is not until the Mauryan period when the capital was shifted
from Rajagriha to Pataliputra that there are traces of monumental architecture. As compared
to these early beginnings the pace of urbanisation accelerated in the post-Mauryan period.
The number of cities increased and these now combined political and commercial functions.
There was a greater use of brick, both for residential structures as well as for fortifications
and public buildings. It is also at this time that imposing religious monuments were built
and embellished.

Similarly, trade activities were carried out primarily in essential commodities such as salt,
metals, etc. The early trade routes gained more importance under the Mauryas. There were
two reasons for this :
i) Gold, gems and diamonds mined in the Deccan and transported along trade routes were
required to sustain the royal treasury.
ii) The state derived revenue by taxing the traders and hence encouraged trading activity.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 w

India: Century 200 B.C. The revenue from trade and agriculture was necessary to pay for the administrative machinery
to 300 A.D.
and the military maintained by the state. We also know that trade was camed on along land
routes as well as by sea. During the Mauryan period, maritime trade was carried on mainly
along the coast. The ports along the west coast were probably those of Bharuch at the mouth
of the Narmada and Sopara near present day Bombay. In the east, Tamralipti or present day
Tamluk provided an important outlet for ships sailing to Burma. We shall now see how
these land and sea routes expanded around the second and first centuries B.C.

GEOGRAPHICAL BACKGROUND

In this unit we shall discuss the developments that took place in the northem part of the
Indian sub-continent. The dividing line for this purpose will be the Vindhya range. Thus the
deccan will be largely outside the scope of this unit. 1
Some aspects of the geographical features are significant from a historical point of view. The
two major river systems that dominate the northern part of the Indian sub-continent are those
of the Indus and the Ganga. The Ganga river system is very different from that of the Indus
and this has influenced the location and growth of settlements in the north. The Ganga rises
in the Himalayas and in its journey to the Bay of Bengal it receives the waters of many
tributaries along the way. These tributaries such as the Yamuna, Gomati, Ghagara, Gandak,
etc. add to the flow of water in the Ganga with the result that even in the summer months
enough water is available for imgation and agriculture. The south-west monsoons bring
I
rainfall mainly to the middle and lower Ganga valley and the region is fertile and capable of
supporting large populations. Not only is the Ganga valley agriculturally productive but the
river itself is also navigable along its length. From ancient times there has been regular
traffic of men and commodities on the Ganga and the river has been the life-line of the north,
connecting the cities of the northwest with those near the coast.

As against this the Indus receives very little rainfall from the south-west monsoon. Its main
tributaries, the ~helum',Chenab, Ravi, Sutlej and Beas join it in the Punjab making the
region fertile. But for the rest of its course to the Arabian Sea, the Indus flows mainly
through the desert, constantly losing water in the process. This has considerably reduced the
usefulness of the river for agricultural production as well as for navigation. Thus, as
expected, the major cities of the north were located along the Ganga.
Another factor that has been crucial is the location of Dasses in the Himalayan ranges. These
passes have been impopant for the movement of trade commodities into India as well as for
forging links between India and Central Asia. We shall see later in this unit how routes once
established were used not only for commercial purposes, but also for the spread of religion.
I
POLITICAL FRAMEWORK

A review of the political situation in north India is essential as it is linked to one of the
questions that we shall discuss later in this unit. Who controlled trade? Was it controlled by
kings and rulers or was it in the hands of traders and merchants? You have seen earlier that
under the Mauryas the centre of power was Magadha. But with the decline of the Mauryan
dynasty Magadha lost its prime position and many centres of power developed in the
subsequent period. The Ganga valley, especially Magadha, continued to be ruled by the
Sungas and later by the Kanvas till the beginning of the Christian era.
In the north-west were the Indo-Greek kings whose history is known mainly from coins
issued by them. Their rule came to an end with attacks by nomadic tribes from Central Asia.
The first of these were the Sakas and the Parthians. The second was by the Yueh - chi tribes.
Thev established themselves in Kabul and Kashmir and started the line of Kusana kings.
The most important Kusana ruler was Kaniska-I though the exact dates of his rule are still
debated. The capital of the Kusanas was Purusapura near the modem Peshawar, while
Mathura had the status of almost the second capital. Their kingdom stretched as far east as
Varanasi and as far south as Sanchi. Under Kaniska close links were established with Central
Asia and China and overland trade with these regions prospered.
In addition to the major dynasties of the Sakas, Parthians and the Kusanas in north India,
there were a large number of'local chiefs who ruled in various pockets. Coins were issued by
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many of these chiefdoms located in Punjab and Rajasthan. Nearly 175 types of coins have Expansion in Network of
Trade and Urbanisation
been counted dating back from the late second century B.C. to the early fourth century A.D.
Similarly a large number of local issues known as Puri-Kusana coins have been found at
sites in the lower Ganga valley and the Orissa coast.

We can then say that north and north-western India were ruled by several major and minor
dynasties. As a result the land routes must have passed through many different kingdoms.
Each ruler perhaps levied taxes on the sale of merchandise at certain centres. Merchants by
and large were provided protection and trade was encouraged.

24.4 EXPANSION OF TRADE AND PRODUCTION

OF COMMODITIES
One of the questions that arises is : what were the reasons responsible for the increase in
trading activity in the post-Maurya period? There is no single answer as there were many
reasons for this increase:
Agriculture was now generating enough surplus. It had created such social classes which
required varieties of items that could be acquired only through trade. Agricultural produce
was itself now an item of trade because the majority of people living in cities did not
produce their own food.
Both Buddhism and Jainism which had a large following by now encouraged the
accumulation and reinvestment of wealth and trade was one of the occupations held in
'
high regard. Hence we find that there was one of the occupations held in high regard.
Hence we find that there was a close relationship between the traders and the Buddhist
Samgha and Buddhist monastic establishments were located at important points along
trade routes.
The expansion of urban centres meant that there was a growing class of consumers for
subsistence as well as luxury goods.
Together with these internal factors was an increased demand from outside for various Indian
goods. Two major empires that arose at this time were the Roman Empire in the west and
the later Han Empire in China. Within the Roman Empire there was greater demand for
products of the east such as spices, aromatic woods, etc. Similarly the rulers of the later Han
Empire adopted an encouraging approach towards merchants and this resulted in an
acceleration of contacts between India, Central Asia and China. In the section on trade routes
we shall discuss how inland trading circuits linked up with external networks, but first we
should analyse the evidence for craft production at this time.

A large number of inscriptions have been found at Buddhist sites all over the country. These
inscriptions record donations and gifts made to the Buddhist Samgha but at the same time
they also indicate the prosperity of certain professions and occupational groups.

Thus the inscriptions at Mathura refer to several categories of merchants such as vanik,
sarthavaha and sresthin and to occupations of the goldsmith, jeweller, treasurer, iron-
merchant, etc. In addition there are references to guilds - one of them being identified as the
flour-makers guild. Information about craftsmen and guilds is also available in early
Buddhist literature as well as the Arthasastra of Kautilya. There are references to
specialised groups living together in certain villages. For example the Jatakas mention a
border village in Kasi where a number of carpenters lived and merchants regularly visited the
village for trade. Another way of procuring goods was by visiting the ports. When a ship
arrived in port, merchants converged there to buy the goods and often had to pay money in
advance to secure a share in the cargo.

According to the Arthasastra some of the craftsmen worked independently with

apprentices, while others were organised into guilds. Inscriptions refer to donations made by
these craftsmen and archaeological excavations provide us with actual specimens of their
handiwork. Weaving was prominently represented among the crafts and cotton textiles were
exported from India. There were many centres of textile production in the north including
Mathura and Varanasi. One of the donations at Mathura was by the wife of a dyer. Other
categories of craftsmen included jewellers, perfumers and iron-mongers. Actual finds of beads
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and other ornaments are prolific at early historical sites. We have already referred to Ujjain as.
India: Century ZOO B.C. stones, glass, ivory and terracotta and these were in great demand from several centres in the
to 300 A.D.
north. Workers in ivory figure in the inscriptions at Sanchi and exquisite examples of ivory-
working have fortunately been preserved. A hoard of ivory figurines was recovered during
excavations at the site of Begram or ancient Kapisa in Afghanistan.
Thus we find that a diverse range of commodities were involved in trade at this time. These
included luxury items such as ivories, jewellery and beads, pearls, diamonds and other
precious stones as well as items of regular use such as cloth, agricultural products and iron
objects. No doubt many of these were also exported and we shall deal with them separately
in a later section. Wine was perhaps another item of trade. The Arthasastra deals in great
detail with the production of fermented juices and its popularity is confirmed by the depiction
of drinking scenes in the sculptures of the period, particularly from sites like Sanghol and
Mathura.

24.4.1 Internal Trade

While literary sources such as the Milindapanho and the Jatakas provide information on
the organisation of trade networks, further confirmation comes from archaeological artefacts
such as coins, seals and sealings. The Milindapanho was written about the beginning of
the Christian era. The original text is now lost and the present work is a Pali translation of a
copy made at a very early dace in Sri Lanka. Also written in Pali, the Jatakas are five
hundred in number and narrate stories connected with the previous births of the Buddha. At
the same time they provide a vivid account of the social and economic conditions of the
period. From the carvings on the Buddhist monuments we know that many of these stories
were known by the second-first centuries B.C. The Jatakas show that there were many
different types of commercial transactions and many ways in which the price of a commodity
was fixed. For example, horses, elephants and gems were used mainly by the ruling classes
and their price was fixed by a valuer present in the court. The best horses came from West
Asia and Central Asia. These were transported and sold by specialised merchants referred to as
horse dealers in the early Pali and Sanskrit texts.
Traders were organised into guilds; others traded with their own money ; while still others
were only financiers and provided the money to trade with. The terms used for these different
type of merchants also varied. A vanik was primarily a general trader, while a setthi was a
financier and a sarthavaha was a leader of a caravan which transported good over long
distances.
In addition to these literary references is the evidence of seals, sealings and coins. A seal is a
stamp either inscribed with the name of its owner or with some symbol, while its
impression on any material is called a sealing. Seals were made in a variety of materials such
as stone, ivory, copper or lead and were used both as identification marks as well as for
securing merchandise. In the case of goods, the merchandise was first fastened with strings or
rope and over the knot a lump of moist clay was applied and then stamped with a seal. The
clay was then dried either in the sun or by applying indirect heat. These clay sealings with
string-marks on the back have been found extensively at archaeological sites in the north.
A good indicator of trade transactions is the coinage system. In the Mauryan period silver
punch-marked coins were in use together with uninscribed cast copper coins. In the post-
Mauryan period, the variety, number and types of coins being minted increased rapidly.
Inscriptions were introduced on coins and the technique of minting coins showed great
improvement. Several thousand moulds for casting copper coins dating to 100 B.C. have
been found at different localities such as Khokrakot in district Rohtak, Sunet in district
Ludhiana, Taxila and Sanchi. Nearly 200 types of copper coins were issued by the local
dynasties and gana-samghas of north India.
The Indffireek kings in the north-west introduced a splendid series of portrait coinage -a
type that was followed in India for several centuries. These coins in silver and copper carried
bilingual inscriptions, written on one side Greek language and script and on the other in
Prakrit and generally in Kharosti script. In western India, the coins of the Kshatrapas are
important because these show the earliest use of the Saka era which henceforth provides a
firm basis for dating. Another remarkable coin series of the early centuries A.D. is that of
the Kusans. In addition to those in copper, the Kusanas minted a large number of gold coins
and these depict a variety of Indian, Greek and Iranian deities. This abundance of coin-types
and coinage systems indicates the extensive use of money.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 1. Indo-Greek Coins

Kamesh Mechrocks
India: Ckntury 200 B.C. The Arthasastra refers to wages- being - -paid in money while the Jatakas mention goods
to 300 A.D.
being purchased against securities and traders borrowing money against bonds. We also know
that guilds accepted money deposits and paid an interest on these as mentioned in an
inscription at Mathura. Together with the indigenous coins, foreign coins, especially Roman
coins also came,into the country by way of trade. Very few Romao coins have been found in
the noith, though imitations of these in clay &own as 'bullae' occur widely at the excavated '
sites. Many of these 'bullae' have a loop for threading and were probably used as ornaments.

Check Your Progress 1

1) Read the following statements and mark right ( d )or wrong ( x,) . ,
i) The cities of the sixth century B.C. were located on the banks of the maior rivers.
ii) Indus river system had more sources of water than Ganga.
iii) According to the Arthasastra, the craftsmen worked independently, without
organising into guilds. .
iv) The coinage system can be a good indicator of trade transactions.
2) How would you account for the increase in trade in the post-Mauryan period? Write in
100 words.

3) Write five lines on the importance of the Ganga valley in the early historical period.

24.4.2 External Trade

We have mentioned earlier that maritime trade started during the Mauryan period. The early
links flourished and expanded in the early centuries of the Christian era. One reason for this
was the demand from the two major empires that arose at the beginning of the Christian era.
In the west was the mighty Roman empire while in the east was the Han empire in China.
Information about the period is thus available in many foreign sources.
One of the works that tells us a great deal about early maritime trade is the Periplus of
the Erythraean Sea. This Greek text was written by an anonymous sailor in the first
century A.D. and contains an account of the ports that he visited during his travels between
the Red Sea and India. We also know of the commodities that were traded at each port from
his account.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 The two major ports to which trade goods were sent from the centres of north India were Expansion in Network of
Trade and Urbanisation
those of Barbarikon at the mouth of the Indus and Bhamch at the mouth of the Narmada. We
have already referred to the routes along the Indus that connected Barbarikon with Punjab and.
Gandhara. Bharuch or Barygaza as the Greeks called it, was linked to Ujjain, Mathura and the
Ganga plains. In the east, Tamluk was an important outlet for coastal trade with Andhra and
Tamil Coasts.
The Periplus tells us that the imports in the north included brocades, coral, frankincense,
glass vessels, money and some wine. The Romans are famous for the technological
improvements that they made in the manufacture of glass. As a result the different varieties
of glass objects made by them were highly valued in many countries including India and
China. Frankincense is a gum-resin produced by a tree indigenous to Arabia. It was used as
an incense and also for medicinal purposes. So far very few gold and silver Roman coins
I have been found in north India, although, as you will read in the next block, a large number
of them have been found in peninsular India. This has led some scholars to suggest that
these imported coins were melted and re-used by the Kusanas and the Ksatrapas to mint their
own currency.
In exchange for these, the exports from India were spices, precious stones like turquoise,
lapis lazuli and carnelian and Chinese silk and yam. We should not assume from here that
trade was controlled by the Roman merchants only. There were many partners in this trade
including the Arabs, Jews, Oriental Greeks and Roman.subjects based in Egypt. In addition,
Indian seamen sailed in their own ships to the ports of the Red Sea. The Jatakas narrate
several stories of Indian merchants who undertook long sea-voyages in order to make money.
This is also corroborated by references in the Arthasastra of Kautilya and by inscriptions.
Among the donors at Buddhist monasteries an important category is that of the navika or
mariner.
One category of goods that requires explanation is Chinese silk and yam. Why was Chinese
silk traded through India rather than being sent directly? The reason for this was the political
situation. The Parthians were powerful rulers along the north-westem boundary of the Indian
sub-continent. There was constant hostility between them and the Roman Empire and as a
result, overland routes between China and the west were disrupted.
Many of the products from China were hence traded along the land route to India.
Information about early contacts between India, Central Asia and China is to be found in
Chinese histories written at this time. It is generally accepted that together with merchants
Buddhism also spread to Central Asia and China around the first century B.C. - first century
A.D. A series of Buddhist caves were made along the northern route to Central Asia from the
first century A.D. onwards and from the third century A.D. many Buddhist texts were
translated into Chinese.
So far we have said very little about early trade with countries in Southeast Asia such as
Burma, Thailand and Indonesia. This is because no early written texts are available in these
countries, unlike the situation in the Roman and Chinese empires. Hence, our only source of
information are archaeological excavations. These show that many items of Indian .
workmanship such as seals and beads of semi-precious stones, ivory comb, etc., were
treasured and valued by Southeast Asian communities at this time. But in the absence of
written records it is difficult to say much more about the organisation of trade in the early
centuries of the Christian era.

24.4.3 Principal Trade Routes

Bactria in the Oxus valley in north Afghanistan was the main centre for the international
trade with Central Asia and China. From this city a route ran through Kapisa and the Kabul
valley to the core region of the Kusana empire. Within the Indian sub-continent there were
two major routes mentioned in the different sources. The uttarapatha or northern route
connected the major centres of the north while the dakshinapatha linked the centres of
peninsular India. The uttarapatha originated at Pushkalavati or modem Charsada and went
via Taxila, Mathura, Kausambi and Varanasi to Pataliputra and from there onwards to
Champa and Chandraketugarh. This ancient route was already in existence under the Mauryas
and references to it occur in Greek writings. From Mathura another route branched off
--.- ... Mechrocks
westward to Sindh and it was along this route that horses were brought to the north. Mathura
...." ..I-- ..----
-2 .-
7
1
:.
:
- --A .L- Kamesh
--A -a? D L I. .L- --...I. -a? +I.- Xl..-..A.. A +l.:...A
India: Century 200 B.C. route ran parallel to the river Indus and connected Taxila to Patala at the mouth of the river.
to 300 A.D.
A point to be noted here is that the major route followed the channel of the Ganga and there
are many references to the transportation of commodities by boat along the river. This major
route was linked to several minor routes, one of them going past Vaisali and Sravasti to
Nepal.

24.4.4 Urban Centres

We get information about the urban'centres of north India from descriptions found in early
Pali and Sanskrit texts. But many of these descriptions are of a rather general nature. The
best sources for the purpose however are archaeological excavations conducted at the
important urban sites. These tell us in detail about the way the houses were constructed and
the implements and other artefacts used by the people who lived there.
Excavations at Taxila (30 kms north-west of the modem Islamabad) were conducted many
decades ago by Sir John Marshall. The excavations started in 1913 and continued for nearly
twenty years. These showed that Taxila had been occupied from at least the Mauryan period
onwards, though it was under the Indo-Greeks that the first planned city developed. A
fortification wall was added later to this city. Fortification walls have been identified at many
other sites also but generally these were made of clay and well-rammed mud. The use of
burnt-brick was known and it was widely employed for various structures. Circular
structures, on the other hand, were made of wedge-shaped brick.
As compared to the Mauryan period, houses of the early historical period were better made
and there was extensive use of bumt-brick for walls and tiles for roofs. Artefacts of material
culture found during excavations show that the settlements were more prosperous than those
of the earlier period. A large number of beads were found suggesting the increased use of ,
ornaments and jewellery. Clay was used in a variety of ways. It was required for making pots
. and in addition was employed for modelling human and animal figurines. Some of these
figurines were produced in moulds and show intricate carving and details of ornamentation.
Another point to be noted is the increase in the number of urban centres. Excavations have
revealed many flourishing settlements such as Purana Quila, Mathura and Kausambi on the
banks of the Yamuna. Ahichhatra in Bareilly district was the capital of the north Panchalas.
Rajghat in Varanasi has provided evidence for ivory-working and the manufacture of textiles
at this time. Vaisali, identified with the present day Vaisali in north Bihar yielded a large
number of clay seals and sealings, many of them belonging to traders and artisans. Two
important sites in Bengal were Tamluk and Chandraketugarh. Excavations at
Chandraketugarh showed that the site was surrounded by a mudrampart in the early cennuies
A.D., while Tamluk was a port-town providing an outlet to traffic along the Ganga. Further
west was a fortified settlement at Ujjain which was also famous for its bead-making
industry. In addition excavations at all these sites have uncovered remains of extensive brick
walls and other structures.

24.5 ROLE OF RELIGION IN TRADE

We had earlier mentioned that Buddhism provided encouragement to traders and was also
patronised by a large number of occupational groups. We get information on this from
inscriptions found at several Buddhist sites. These are records of donations made by kings as
well as by a cross-section of the population. We also know that the important Buddhist
monasteries were located along the trade routes at this time.
A major centre was the region around Taxila where several Buddhist monasteries were
located. Here a'distinct style of art known as Gandhara art developed under the Kusanas. A
second stronghold of Buddhism was the region around Mathura which was equally famous as
a centre of art also. Here, however, both Buddhism and Jainism were patronised and
excavations have unearthed both Buddhist and Jaina monastic remains. Another large
Buddhist centre was at Sanchi pear prese- day Bhopal. Merchants from many centres in the
, Deccan and the north travelled to Sanchi and maC donation; their inscriptions being
significant indicators of routes. The major share of the money for building the Stupa at
Sanctii was provided by the residents of Ujjain. Also in central India was the Stupa at
Bhqhut.:Here donations were made by the residents of Nasik in the Deccan as well as by
Kamesh Mechrocks
, those of Pataliputra and Vaisali in the north.
 INDIA TRADE ROUTES
,
(200 BC to 300 AD)
:'-.- -
-

,/
'I -A Puskalavati
~ u r u s a ~ uA'--
ra Taksaslla
A.
A Main Cities
- - - - Inland Trade Routes

Kamesh Mechrocks
India: Century 200 B.C. These donations of money and land added to the wealth of the monasteries and led to a change
to 300 A.D.
in the role of the Buddhist Samgha in society. When Buddhism originated around the fifth
century B.C. monks led a very simple life. With the growth of the influence of Buddhism,
specific groups of Buddhist sects and teachers became very wealthy. Thus by the Kushana
period we find that certain Buddhist monastic centres possessed money and land and there are
many instances of monks and nuns themselves making donations of money.
One of the reasons for the division of the Buddhist Samgha was the dispute that arose about
the interpretation of certain rules. There was an ongoing debate about whether monks could
own property or not. Another question was about the defication of the Buddha and the
worship of his image. By the first century A.D. the Buddhist Sarngha had split into two
major schools known as Mahayana and Hinayana. Of these two, the Hinayana was the
more conservative. But what is important for our purpose is that the worship of the Buddha
image led to an increase in ritu4l observances. Monasteries now required oil for lighting
lamps, incense for fragrance and silk banners for decorating the Stupas. Once monks started
living permanently in monasteries, they required clothes. They now owned land and money
and were no longer dependent on begging for their food and other necessities. Thus, gradually
they became one of the major consumers of many of the items traded at this time.
Uptil now we have talked only about Buddhism and Jainism. What about Brahmanism or
Hinduism? There are references in inscriptions to money given to feed brahmanas and to the
performance of Vedic sacrifices. Early images of Siva and Vishnu dated to the Kusana period
have also been found. But the structure and form of the Br-ahmanicaltemple developed
mainly from the Gupta period onwards and it was later thahhe temple became the nucleus of
activity in society.

24.6 POSITION OF' TRADERS

Brahmanical texts in Sanskrit of the early centuries A.D. divide society into four categories,
i.e. brahrnana, kshatriya, vaisya and sudra. Agriculture and trade were generally
prescribed to the vaisya, though the profession of the artisan was associated with the
sudra. As contrasted to this, early Buddhist texts refer to a variety of ways in which society
could be divided. In addition to the varna or caste hierarchy they also mention distinctions
on the basis of work and craft. Here the division is on the basis of high and low.
Agriculture, trade and cattle-keeping were considered high work. Thus in many Buddhist
texts young men of good family are always associated with agriculture, trade and cattle-
keeping. Similarly, accounting and writing are rated high among crafts, while leather-
working, basket-making, weaving, etc. are considered low. On the whole, in Buddhist
society identification was on the basis of occupations and traders has a high place in society.
We find this reflected in the inscriptions as well. The donors at the ~uddhistmonastic sites
mention only their occupations and nowhere does the caste affiliation figure. Traders and
merchants are prominently represented and guilds occur in their own right.
Check Your Prog~ess2
1) According to the Greek text Periplus, which were the items imported into, and
exported out of India?

Kamesh Mechrocks
2) Why were the Chinese goods being traded from China to Europe through India? Answer Expansion in Network of
Trade and Urbanisalion
in five lines.

3) Read the following statements and mark right ( J )

or wrong ( x ).
i) We have no written accounts of Indian trade with the Roman and Chinese Empires.
ii) Large donations brought about a change in the life of Buddhist monks.
iii) There were two major trade routes in the early historical period - Uttarapatha
and Dakshinapatha.
iv) The position of trades was different in the ~;ahmanicaltexts as compared to the
Buddhist ones.

24.7 LET US SUM UP

To sum up, the period from 200 B.C. to A.D. 300 was perhaps the most prosperous in
terms of the expansion of trade networks and increase in the number of urban centres. The
major route in north India connected the centres in the north-west with ports along the
Bengal coast. Linked to this were several feeder routes and the southern route that led to the
Deccan and south India. In addition to urban centres, Buddhist monastic establishments were
also located along these rgutes. This was because of the supportive role that Buddhism
played at this time. Buddhism encouraged the accumulation and investment of wealth in
trading ventures and at the same time the Samgha benefited from donations of land and
money made by the devotees. This was also the period of increased demand from foreign
markets, especially those of the Mediterranean region. Trade contacts with Central Asia and
China opened up routes for the spread of Buddhism and several Buddhist monasteries were
carved in rock along the routes. Links with Southeast Asia were also being forged and
archaeologicalexcavations are providing increasing evidence of these.
--

24.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES

Check Your Progress 1

1) (i) J (ii) x (iii) x (iv) /

2) Your answer should refer to the role played by Buddhism and Jainism in promoting
trade; a growing class of consumer; and an increase in demand for Indian goods from
external markets mainly Europe and China. See Sec. 24.4.

3) The Ganga Valley was agriculturally productive, provided readily available water for
irrigation and also connected various cities thereby facilitating-trade. See Sec. 24.2.'
Check Your Progress 2
1) See Sec. 24.5
,
2) Because of constant hostility between the Parthians and the Roman ~ m ~ i rthe
e , overland
trade routes between China and the west were disrupted. Hence, trade between China and
the west had to be done through India. See Sec. 24.5

3) (i) x (ii) J (iii) J (iv) J

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT DEVELOPMENT
RELIGION
25.0 Objectives
25.1 Introduction
25.2 Buddhism
25.2.1 Expansion and Patronage
25.2.2 Rise of Mahayana Buddhism
25.2.3 Sects
25.2.4 Centres
25.3 Jainism
25.3.1 Spread and Patronage
25.3.2 Sects
25.3.3 Centres
25.4 Brahmanism
25.4.1 New Developments
25.4.2 Other Deities
25.5 Saivism
25.6 Vaishnavism
25.7 Let Us Sum Up
25.8 Key Words
25.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

2 5 . 0 OBJECTIVES

The purpose of this unit is to briefly discuss the development of religions in India during the
post-Mauryan period. After reading this unit you should be able to:
understand the stages of change which Buddhism and Jainism went through during this
period,
understand the nature of Brahmanism,
know about the growth of religious sects associated with Saivism and Vaishnavism, and
follow how new ideas were assimilated by these religions.

25.1 INTRODUCTION

In Unit 17 you read about the rise of Buddhism and Jainism and their devebpment upto 200
B.C. In this unit we take into account the conditions and development of various religions
during 200 B.C. to 300 A.D. The political situation of the post-Maurya period, that is, the
rise of the Sungas, the Satavahanas, and the appearance of such ruling powers as those of the
Indo-Greeks. Saka-Parthians and the Kushanas in the North-West influenced to an extent the
course of religion during this period. For example, after the patronage which Buddhism
received from Asoka, there was royal supporf to Brahmanism under the Sungas. Sim'ilarly. I
the liberal social attitude of Buddhism made the absorption of foreigners into Indian Society
comparatively easy, thus leading to social assimilation. This assimilation could very well
have influenced the support extended to Buddhism by the Indo-Greeks.
We already know that Buddhism had a large following among the merchant communities.
Hence, an increase in trade and commerce during this period helped the growth of Buddhism.
I
The traders, though involved in trade, also left traces of their personal religions in the areas
they visited. We will see how all these aspects brought changes in the religions of the
period. This period witnessed certain changes in orthodox Brahmanism and also in the
appearance of certain sects associated with Saivism and Vaishnavism.
Thus, the major points of change in religion in the post-Mauryan period were:

Kamesh Mechrocks
a After the fall of the Mauryan Empire Buddhism probably faced some hostility from the Development in Religion
Sungas but gradually it established a large network of centres and started expanding to
neighbouring countries.
a Buddhism started to split into distinct groups on the basis of ideological and theological
differences - the major one's being the Mahayana and Hinayana.
a Jainism too acquired a following and had its own organisation, although it was not as
widespread as Buddhism.
a Within Jainism too there were differences and they finally led to the division'of the
Jaina order into two major groups, i.e., the Svetambaras and the Digambaras. *

a What is known as Brahrnanical religion, which is distinguished sharply from heterodox

beliefs like Buddhism and Jainism, became very different in this period with the
popularity of Vaishnava and Saiva sects.
a Both orthodox and heterodox religious beliefs assimilated ideas from both inside and
outside the country. Some common elements, like deification of human beings and
worship of images, came to characterise both orthodox and heterodox religions.
. .

2 5 . 2 BUDDHISM

The growth of Buddhism had suffered a minor setback during the Sunga-Kanva period. This
was because both the Sungas and the Kanvas who succeeded the Mauryas in Magadha
professed Brahmanical faith.
The Buddhist work Divyavadana accuses Pushyarnitra Sunga as a vertible enemy of
Buddhism. It is said that he attempted to destroy the Kukuta Arama monastry at Pataliputra.
According to this source he also fixed a prize of 100 dinaras for the head of every monk.
However, although these rulers may have been personally opposed to Buddhism, it does not
mean that social support to Buddhism declined on any significant scale. In fact, the Bharhut
Stupa in Central India was built during the rule of the Sungas. The Sanchi Stupa was
enlarged twice its size and the gateways (torana) and the railings were added in their period
only. The version of Divyavadana seems to be highly exaggerated, but there is no doubt
that the kind of royal patronage Buddhism had enjoyed during the Mauryan rule was no more
there at the time of the Sungas and the Kanvas.

25.2.1 Expansion and Patronage

We notice expansion of Buddhism in all parts of India during the period 200 B.C. to 300
A.D. Buddhism gained a strong foothold in the north western India. Many of the foreigners
like the Indo-Greeks and the Kushanas, who invaded India during this time accepted
Buddhism.
Among the Indo-Greek kings, it was Menander who figures prominently as the ruler who
was drawn towards the doctrines of Buddhism. He accepted Buddhism. He is called king
Milinda of Sakala in a Buddhist work which gives the story of how he was converted. This
work, known as 'Milinda-Panha' (Question of Milinda) was writted in the form of a
dialogue between Menander and the Buddhist monk Nagasena.
Many Kushana kings adopted Buddhism. For example, Kujula Kadphises and Kaniska-I were
followers of Buddhism. It was in ~aniska'srule that Buddism reached a supreme position.
During his period the Fourth Buddhist Council was convened on the advice of Parsva -the
Buddhist monk. Though there is some controversy regarding the place of the meeting, it is
generally accepted, on the evidence of many contemporary authorities, that it was held
somewhere in Kashmir. Vasumitra acted as its president. A thorough discussion took place
on some dfficult passages of the scriptures and these discussions were compiled in the form
of commentaries known as 'Vibhasha sastras'. It was in this council that Buddhism got
split into Hinayana and Mahayana.
Kaniska-I helped to propagate Buddhism in different parts of the country. For example, he
built a Stupa and a monastery at Peshawar which se'rved as a great centre of Buddhist
learning and culture. However, in this period monks from India carried the doctrines of
Kamesh Mechrocks
Buddha also to Central Asia and China.
India: Century 200 B-C- In the Deccan the Satavahana kings and Kshtrapa rulers of western India patronised
To 300 A.D. Budahism. Many Stupas were built and were endowed with munificent gifts. For example,
the Amaravati Stupa was enlarged and enclosed in richly carved marble slabs in the days of
the Satavahana King Pulumavi.
Along the Western Coast, many caves were excavated on the Western ghats by the
Satavahanas and the Kshatrapas. They functioned as shelters for Buddhist monks and as
monasteries. These rock cut caves are found at places like Nasik, Karle, Bhaja, Gunnar,
Kanheri, etc.
Some traces of Buddhism are also noticed in the Tamil country during this period. The early
cave inscriptions from the Tamil country refer to some places occupied by the Buddhists.
I These inscriptions also record donations by the lay worshippers.

25.2..2 Rise of Mahayana Buddhism

The growth of Mahayana Buddhism contributed to the further development of Buddhism as
a popular faith all over India and beyond her frontiers. The religious emotions of a number of
people, with different origins and cultural affiliations gradually transformed Buddha into a
God. In the early centuries of the Christian era the installation and worship of Buddha images
came into vogue. This paved the way for the advent of Mahayana Buddhism.
Mahayana Buddhism originated in about the first century B.C. in the Andhra region. It
became a recognisable form of Buddhism at the time of Kaniska and then spread all over
'
North India in the first and Second centuries A.D. However, due to the opposition from
orthodox Buddhism it could not make much headway in the beginning. It was with the
advent of Nagarjuna, the most outstanding exponent of Mahayana that it started gaining
popularity. Although Mahayana Buddhism originated in the first century B.C. the formal
division of the Buddhist samgha into Hinayana and Mahayana on the basis of sharp
doctrinal differences seems to have taken place after the fourth Buddhist council at the time of
Kaniska-I. Literally, Hinayana means "Lesser Vehicle" and Mahayana, "Greater Vehicle",
but these were terms which were invented to show the superiority of Mahayena over
Hinayana. The essential difference lay in the Mahayana belief, first preached by a
Buddhist sect called Mahasanghika, that every being could aspire to Buddhahood and could
attain it-through various stages as Bodhisattva. One could become a Bodhisattva by
performing the meritorious acts or Paramitas. Other features associated with Mahayana
faith are: Belief in'sunyata or void or non-reality of objects; belief in mantras, belief in
numerous Buddhas and Bodhisattvas and the practice of worshipping gods and goddesses.
Most of these beliefs and practices, the Hinayanists thought, were not expounded by the
Buddha himself. They also thought that it was not practical to teach that the ideal of
Buddhahood could be attained by every being.

2 5 . 2 . 3 Sects
With the spread of Buddhism to different parts of the country many sects appeared. For
example, the Theravadins had their centre of activity at Kausambi; Mathura was the centre
for the Sarvastivadins; and the Bhadra Yanika sect flourished at Nasik and Kanheri.
The origin of these sects may not have been originally due to differences in the doctrines. In
fact, what contributed to their origin and growth were factors related to geographical
diversities of the country, attitudes of various communities at the local levels and perhaps
lack of coordination between the various exponents of the sects. Under the Satavahavas, the
I Dhanyakataka (Amaravati) region became the most important strorighold of Mahayana
Buddhism whereas the Sthaviravadins were popular in the north.
..
These sects brought about certain changes in Buddhism. Some of these were:
Whereas earlier Buddha was considered as a teacher only, now in the Mahayana sect he
was worshipped as God. This brought about a change in the form in which he was
worshipped. For example, earlier in sculpture he was represented through a pair of foot
prints; a white elephant and a flower, etc. But now people began to worship Buddha
images and idols.
The concepts Bodhisattvas also underwent a change. For example, according to one
sect the Bodhisattva was an inchation of the Buddha whereas another sect depicted
Bodhisattva as an unselfish individual working for the good of all.

Kamesh Mechrocks
a Now the idea of successive re-births was strengthened. It emphasised that one could Development in Religion
accumulate merit through successive births.
a Merit now could also bc transferred from one person to another person by conducting
appropriate pious acts.

25.2.4 Centres
The earlier religious and pilgrimage centres remained as p o p u l ~centres even in this period:
a Barhut, Bodhgaya and Sanchi continued to be celebrated places of pilgrimage during the
Sunga period and later.
Purushapura was a great centre of Buddhist culture under the Kushans. However, Taxila
continued to be the most important centre in this region. Infact, in the entire region of
Gandhara which included Purushapura and Taxila, Buddhism was so important that it
gave rise to a regional school of art called Gandhara art.
a Mathura was a major centre of Buddhism and like Gandhara produced its own school of
art. Bodhisattva images of Mathura were taken to far-off places. In western Deccan,
Nasik, Kanheri and Karle numerous other monasteries were excavated on the hills during
this period and provided residence to Buddhist monks.
In the eastern Deccan, Amaravati and Nagarjunakonda were the famous centres where
Buddhist art flourished. The Mahachaitya of Nagarjunakonda was a place of
pilgrimage among the Buddhists all over India.
Some of these centres developed into great educational centres also. For example Taxila,
Mathura, Benaras and Nalanda emerged as centres of Buddhist learning. Taxila attracted
students from many parts of the country. It offered the highest learning in humanities,
sciences, crafts, martial arts, law and medicine.
-

25.3 JAINISM

Jainism did not spread as fast as Buddhism. Further, royal patronage to Jainism was not as
extensive as it was in the case of Buddhism. Inspite of these difficulties, the monks were
active and organised missions to spread Jainism.
By the early centuries of the Christian era it had consolidated its position in India. But
Jainism, unlike Buddhism, did not attempt to spread its doctrines outside India.

2 5.3.1 Spread and Patronage

Generous patronage was extended to Jainism by some kings, and the name of Kharavela, the
ruler of Kalinga, stands foremost in this regard. Not only he and his queen practised Jainism
but they dedicated some caves for the use of the Jaina monlCs in the Udayagiri hills.
In the Kushana period Jainism was popular in Mathura. The Mathura School of Art produced
many images of the Tirthankaras and other objects of worship for the Jainas.

In the Tamil country the Tamil kings dedicated some caves to the Jainas. Athiyan Nedurnan
Anji dedicated a cave to the Jainas at Jambai in South Arcot district. The cave at Sittanavasal
(Pudukkottai district) was dedicated by the local people to a Jaina monk. This indicates the
popularity of the Jaina faith among the people of that region.
Jaina monks organised many missions to spread Jainism. These missions were originally
intended to provide relief and shelter to Jaina monks who were suffering from famine or
drought. However, these relief missions ultimately turned into religious missions for the
spread of Jainism.
The first such mission was organised in the Mauryan peiiod. According to tradition,
Bhadrabahu, contemporary of Chandragupta Maurya, migrated to provide shelter to the
monks. He, with the King Chandragupta Maurya, went south and established a centre at
Sravanabelgola in Karnataka. From this place the Jainas spread to different parts of the Tamil
country and the Andhra region.

29
Kamesh Mechrocks
India: Century 200 B.C. A Svetambara tradition mentions in the time of Kharavela, the migration of Jaina monks
To 300 A.D. from Magadha to the eastern Andhra coast. This trylition is supported by a late inscription
from Hathigumpha cave on the Udayagiri hills near'~huvaneswar. .
Another tradition mentions the migration of Jainas to Mathura. The ruins of the Kankali
Tila at Mathura and a number of dedicatory inscriptions testify to the existence of Jainism in
Mathura during the first-second centuries A.D.
The story of Kalakacharya refers to the movement of Jainas to Malwa as early as the first
century B.C.
From the evidence of Junagadh inscription-it is clear that by the early centuries of the
Christian era Jainism had spread to Gujarat.

25.3.2 Sects
The Svetambara and Digambara sects were known from as early as the second century
B.C. Those who discarded all garments and went about naked were called Digambaras and
those who wore a white garment were named Svetambaras. There is veryiittle doctrinal
differences between these two sects. This continued in this period also.
The Yapaniya developed as another Jaina sect around the first century A.D. It was probably
founded by Kalasa, a monk of Svetambara sect at Kalayanagara. A significant feature of
this sect was that it though that even women could attain moksha and that kevalins
should take their food in morsals.
By and large Jainism remained faithful to its original doctrines and hence the number of its
adherents remained fairly constant.

25.3.3 Centres
Among the many Jaina centres, Rajagriha or Rajgir developed into an important centre
during the first and second centuries A.D. Vajra Muni of the Svetambara sect was
associated with this place.
Mathura was another important centre. From the sculptures found in Mathura and from
the dedicated inscriptions on them, it is evident that the merchant class patronised Jainism
here on a significant scale. It continued to be an important centre of Jainism for many
centuries. According to a late tradition. Uijain was another important centre of Jainism in
this period.
In the northwest, Sirkap in Taxila grew into a Jaina centre from the early centuries of the
Christian era in addition to being a major Buddhist centre. It had a large Jain establishment.
Similarly, Broach and Sopara on the western coast were great centres and monks frequented
thete.
In Orissa, Udayagiri and Khandagiri hills near Bhuvaneswar were other centres from the
Mauryan times, and they continued tq flourish even after the rule of Kharavela.
In the Tamil country, Madurai and Sittannavasalmay be considered as important centres.
Large Jaina establishments existed at these places in the second century B.C. and afterwards.
#Check Your Progress 1
1) Mark which of the following statements are right (J)
or wrong (x)?
Barhut Stupa was built during the Sunga period.
a) ( 1 .
The Indo-Greek King Menander was converted to Buddhism.
b) ( )
C)
Jainism did not flourish in the Tamil country during the second century B.C. ( )
d)Yapaniya was a sect of Buddhism. ( 1
e) Hathigumpha was a Jaina centre under Kharavela. ( 1
2) Explain the basic aspects of Mahayanism. (Answer in five lines).

Kamesh Mechrocks
 ......................................................................................................................
3) Write a note in about five lines on important Jaina centres.
......................................................................................................................

25.4 BRAHMANISM

It has already been mentioned that Brahmanism received support from several kings during
this period. Contemporary sources refer to the performance of certain Vedic rituals by the
kings. For example Pushyamitra Sunga performed two horse sacrifices (Asvamedha
Yajna). Satakarni-I of the Satavahana dynastry performed Asvamedha, Rajasuya and a
few other sacrifices. The Chola and the Pandaya chiefs of the Tamil country are also said to
have performed many sacrifices.

2 5 . 4 . 1 New Developments
Brahmanism too acquired many new features during this period and we see the gradual
crystallization of what may be called Puranic Hinduism. The central feature of this was
worship of gods and goddesses and not performance of sacrifices. For example, the idea of a
supreme deity gained strength and this deity was either Vishnu or Siva. This sharply divided
the religious pantheon into two groups and led to the development of Saivism and
Vaishnavism. Though both the sects believed that salvation could be attained only by
devotion or bhakti, there was sharp division among the devotees of the two deities. There
also arose the concept of trinity of gods. All the gods in the Brahmanical pantheon were now
grouped under three major gods with Brahma as the creator, Vishnu as the protector and Siva
as destroyer. Though these three deities had their origins in the Vedic age, their importance
and significance rose to new heights in this period. While Siva and Vishnu attracted a large
following, in the case of Brahma it was not so.
The characteristic changes apparent in this period were:
a the shift from the pure ritual to bhakti or devotion, and
*
a assimilation of some of the local traditions into the Brahmanical religion.
Vaishnavism, for example, absorbed a number of different gods like the Vedic Vishnu,
deified sage Narayana and deified heroes Vasudeva and Balararna. The epic heroes Rama and
Krishna were accepted and they gained an enviable position among the Brahmanical deities.
The Tamil deities, mentioned in the Sangam literature, were adopted into the Brahmanical
faith. In the same way some of the ldcal deities of north India were also admitted into the
Brahrnanical pantheon.

2 5 . 4 . 2 Other Deities
A variety of deities were also worshipped. Among them Brahma, Agni, Surya and Indra were
some of the popular ones. The four guardian deities (dikpalas) namely, Yama, Varuna,
Kubera and Vasava were also worshipped. Beside these:
a Animals like elephant, horse and cow were worshipped,
a The Naga or Serpent worship was popular in.almost all parts of the country, and
a Many trees and tree spirits were also worshipped.

Kamesh Mechrocks
India: Century 200 B.C.
To 300 A.D. 25.5 SAIVISM

The origin of Saivism can be traced back to the pre-Vedic times and by the early centuries of
the Chrislian era it was a popular sect in almost all parts of India. Siva was the principle
deity of this sect and was worshipped in the linga (phallus) form. This form of worship
seems to have been popular from the beginning of the Christian era. Siva was also
worshipped in his human form, the descriptions of which are found in some literary texts.

Saivism also received some royal support during this period. Among the Kushana kings,
Wema Kadphises was an ardent devotee of Siva. On the reverse of his coins is found a
representation of Siva holding a trident. Although Kaniska was a Buddhist, the reverse of
some types of his coins bore the image of Siva. Worship of Siva was very popular in the
Deccan from the early days. We find reference to Siva worship in the Prakrit text,
Gathasaptasati of the Satavahana King Hala and one of the earliest stone sculptures of the
linga comes from eastern Andhra Pradesh.
In the Tamil country, Saivism was well rooted. The Tamil Sangam works refer to Siva as
the greatest of all the gods (mamudu mudalvan). Many of his exploits and his attributes
are know from the Sangam works which also mention his form and other qualities. For
example, he is described as having matted hair and wearing tiger skin. He was also know as
the deity who destroyed the three heavenly cities (Tripurantaka).

Along with Siva many other deities were also worshipped and thus came to be formed the
Saivite pantheon. Siva's consort Parvati assumed a place of importance and was adored as
'Sakti'. The idea that from her emanated all energy was now introduced. She was also
considered the mother of Skanda and Ganesa. She was worshipped in here ferocious form as
Durga. In the Satavahana kingdom she was also worshipped as Gauri, another form of
Parvati.
Skanda worship became popular in this period. He was regarded as the son of Siva. He was
identified with the leader of the forces of the Gods. Kartikeya and Kumara were identified
with him. In the Tamil country he was worshipped in the Muruga form. Many of his
attributes and his temples are known from the Sangam literature.
A less popular deity in this period was Ganesa, the elder brother of Skanda. He was the leader
of the Ganas (hosts of Siva) and was also known as Vinayaka.
Among the Saiva sects the most popular and well represented sect was the Pasupata sect. It
was started by Lakulisa in Gujarat sometime in the second century A.D. and Pasupata
ascetics spread to different parts of the country. Siva was worshipped in the form of
Pasupati. The Kapalika and the Kalamuka sects developed much later. All these sects
emphasised that Siva was the supreme god.

VAISHNAVISM
Vaishnavism was another popular sect of Brahmanism followed by a larger group of people
in all parts of India. The principal deity of this sect was Vishnu who is referred to as the
protector in the Brahmanical religion. The cult of Vishnu in the early period was known by
the name Bhagavatism, which was developed from the Vedic cult Vasudeva-Krishna.
Bhagavatism owed its origin to the Upanishadas. It arose around the Mathura region. It
stressed upon the idea of a supreme god called 'Hari' and sacrifices and other rituals were
regarded as of minor importance. Devotion to Vishnu was considered as the supreme virtue.
For quite sometime it was confined to the Mathura region. By the beginning of the Christian
era it spread to different regions in India. Inscriptions testifying to the worship of Vasudeva
are found in Maharashtra, Rajaputana and Central India.
Vasudeva who was the central figure in the Bhagavata cult came to acquire an important
position in the Brahmanical pantheon. Earlier he was considered equal to deities like Dharma
and Indra. In the second century A.D., in the Satavahana kingdom. Gautamiputra Satakarni
was described as equal to Balarama, Kesava, Aquna and Bhimasena, the epic heroes.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 It was sometime before the second century B.C., that the Vishnu and Narayana were united Development in Religion
and identified as one deity. This kind of amalgamation probably helped Brahmanism to check
'
the spread of Buddhism. The Bhagavata cult, centring around the worship of Vasudeva and
others was also a part of Vaishnavism.
Kings like Demetrius and Menander were followers of Buddhism but some of the Indo-
Greeks'also embraced Bhagavatism. For example, from the Besnagar Pillar Inscription we
know that Heliodorus of Takshasila (Taxila) who was an envoy of Indo-Greek King
Antialcidus to the court of a Sunga ruler was a follower of the Bhagavata cult and erected a
pillar with Garuda, the emblem of Vishnu, at Besnagar (Vidisa) near Bhopal in honour of
Vasudeva.
In the Tamil country also the worship of Vishnu was very popular. His different qualities
and attributes are mentioned in the Tamil Sangam works. He is identified with Krishna. He
was also worshipped in his avataras (incarnations) as Rama and Balarama.
Vishnu, the chief deity of the Vaishnava sect, had manifested himself in many avataras.
Vishnu, was thus worshipped also in his avatara forms. Krishna, Rama and Balarama were
: most respected avataras of Vishnu. But other avataras like Narasimha and Varaha were
also worshipped.
, The emblems associated with Vishnu were also worshipped. Thus, Garuda, the vahana of
Vishnu and Chakra, the circular weapon, came to be held in veneration. Garuda, his
emblem, was worshipped and pillars with Garuda emblem were set up to mark a place as
sacred for the Vaishnavas.
Lakshmi, Vishnu's consort was also now worshipped. Many of Vaishnava religious ideas
occur in the epics Ramayana and the Mahabharata. Some of the most important ideas
like the theory of Karma are explained in the Bhagavat Gita, a work supposed to have
been incorporated in Mahabharata during this period. It emphasised that one has to do his
worldly duties according to one's status in the society as prescribed in the scriptures. This
was expected to ultimately lead him to liberation.

Check Your Progress 2

1) Discuss the important aspects of Vaishhavism in 100 words.

2) Write about five lines on the new developments in Brahmanism during this period.
......................................................................................................................
......................................................................................................................
......................................................................................................................
......................................................................................................................
......................................................................................................................
3) Mark which of the following statements is right ( J or
) wrong (x).
i) The popular cults became very important in Brahmanical religion during this
period.
Kamesh Mechrocks
India: Century 200 B.C. ii) The concept of 'Avatara' in Vaishnavism was perhaps borrowed from Buddhism. .
To 300 A.D.
iii) The worship of God Siva evolved from the Rigvedic God Rudra.
iv) One of the important developments in Brahmanism during this period was the
growing importance of 'Bhakti' cult.

2 5 . 7 LET US SUM UP
-

In Unit 17 you have read that in the period around the 6th century B.C. Buddhism, Jainism
and other heterodox sects emerged as a challenge to Brahmanical orthodoxy. But by the 2nd
century A.D. these heterodox movements had witnessed many changes and developments and
assumed complex forms. Though royal patronage existed in some cases, the main initiative
for their spread came mainly from the monks and preachers.
This period witnessed a revival of Brahmanism which assimilated certain ideas from.other
religions. The number of deities increased. Many earlier prominent deities lost their
importance whereas many others gained importance. An important development in
Brahrnanical religion was the emergence of various cults-Saiva and Vaishnava being the '

prominent ones.

25.8 KEY WORDS - --

Avatara: Incarnation of god. It is believed that god (Vishnu) taking different forms like
Matsya, Varaha, Rama, Krishna, etc. appeared in this World in periods of crisis to save it
from total destruction.
Brahmanism: It is a term which is used to denote a wide range of religious and
philosophical ideas, beliefs, rituals and gods and goddesses. When it is reflected in written
texts, it generally accepts the authority of the Vedas and considers.the Brahmanas as the
highest Varna in society, and is opposed to heterodox ideas.
Monastery: A place in which a group of monks live together and perform religious
practices.
Sculptures: Different artistic figures or objects made of solid materials like stone, wood,
clay, etc.
Sect: A group following a religious faith who have separated from a larger group and
follow a particular set of religious beliefs.
Stupa: Memorial monument built over the remains of Buddha of his disciples and
worshipped by the Buddhists.

25.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES -- -
Check Your Progress 1
1) (a) J (b) J (c) x (dl x (el J
2) You have to elaborate the doctrines of Mahayana Buddhism, See Sub-sec. 25.2.2.
3) Your answer should include the names and importance of some main Jain centres.
See Sub-sec. 25.3.3
Check Your progress 2
1) You have to write about the doctrines of Vaishnavism, the development in Vaishnavism
during this period, the different forms of Vishnu, etc.
See Sec. 25.6
2) Your answer should include the importance of 'Bhakti' in Brahmanism, the
assimilation of some local traditions in Brahmanical religion, etc. See Sub-set. 25.4.1.
3 i Kamesh Mechrocks
(ii) J (iiil ,/ (iv) J
UNIT 26 ART AND ARCHITECTURE
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Background
Architecnrre
26.3.1 Residential Architecture
26.3.2 Temples and Towers
26.3.3 Stupas
26.3.4 Rock-cut Architecture
Sculptural Art
26.4.1 Gandhara School
26.4.2 Mathura Art
26.4.3 Amaravati Art
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

26.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit you will be able to :
familiarise yourself with important trends of art and architectural activities between 200
B.C. to 300 A.D.
learn about the techniques and styles adopted in the fields of architecture and sculpture,
distinguish between the major characteristics and forms of the Gandhara, Mathura and
Amravati schools of art, and
learn about the impact of religious and social conditions on art and architecture of the
period.

26.1 INTRODUCTION

In some of the earlier Units (Nos. 3, 10, 11) we have seen how artistic forms had started
emerging and to what extent they reflected the culture of a period. Works of art which were
related to work processes of daily life and were not exclusively produced for a previleged
group of society were many. They are found in the forms of rock paintings, terracotta
figurines, toys, etc. Gradually works of art, manufactured by specialist craftsmen, came to be
produced for exclusive purposes. The Mauryan period witnessed production of splendid
specimens of art by the state. With the emergence of social groups who could extend substal
patronage for production of specimens of art, new trends in art activities came about. In the
post-Mauryan period, patronage by different social groups was the main reason behind the
phenomenon that art activities became so widespread all over India and beyond; it was no
longer high art exclusively patronized by the state. There was also, from the Mauryan period
onward, a shift toward using non-perishable material i.e. stone as a medium of
creative expression. There was also constant interaction in this period with those art
forms that flourished beyond the frontiers of the Indian sub-continent. There emerged various
schools of art. In this unit we shall discuss the main characteristics of Gandhara and
Mathura art forms along with those of Sarnath and Amaravati. Most of the art forms
were inspired by Buddhism and ~ainismand very few Brahmanical monuments are to be
found. This unit also takes into account the architectural and sculptural aspects of various
Stupas, viharas and caves etc.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 India : Century 200 B.C.
To 300 A.D.
26.2 BACKGROUND

During the Mauryan period sculpture and architecture had reached a developed stage. The
Asokan pillars; the animals and carvings on the pillars - all represent mature art forms. A
unique feature of the specimens of Mauryan art fashioned in stone is the polish and the
smooth, glassy surface not to be found during any other period. In addition to the animal
figures, the most famous piece of art is the figure of Yakshini from Didarganj, Patna. This
superb art piece tells us about the hairstyle, ornaments and dress of women during that
period. The Mauryan levels at sites which have been excavated have yielded a large number
of terracotta figurines. They indicate that artistic creations were not confined to the Imperial
level alone, and even when Mauryan Imperial art declined and new forms of art emerged, the
practice of producing terracotta figurines on a substantial scale continued.
In the field of architecture we get information about Chandragupta's wooden palace from
Megasthenes. Excavations at Pataliputra have revealed wooden walls and columns. We also
have references about the construction of Stupas during the Mauryan period from the
accounts of Fa-heing, Hiuen-Tsang and in Buddhist literature. Sanchi, Sarnath, Taxila and
Bharhut were some of the religious centres in which Stupas may have been originally built
in the Mauryan period, and additions were made to them in the later period.
In the period between 200 B.C.- 300 A.D. certain general characteristics of art may be
highlighted :

1) Art activities in this period were mostly related to religions practised in this period and
symbols and units associated with them.
2) The Buddha image which began to be sculpted in this period was-a departure from earlier
representations of him in the form of Bodhi tree, Stupa, foot prints,,etc. Making of
images for worship became common among other religions as well.
3) The construction of Stupas, Chaityas and Viharas became popular.
4) The art forms and all of their symbolic representations were not exclusive toany
particular religion. For example, the Bharhut and Sanchi Stupas not only depict scenes
from the life of the Buddha but also the reliefs of Yakshas, Yakshinis, Nagas and other
popular deities.
5) Similarly, we find that the artists, in order to decorate the Stupas, carved many scenes
which they observed in nature along with religious ideas. In fact, these are examples of
secular art forms.
6) Because of regular interactions with other cultures in this period we also find elements
of non-Indian art in the artistic creations of this period. This is particularly true of the
Gandhara region which produced art typical to the region, in which many different
elements came to be assimilated.

If Let us now examine in some detail the various aspects of art and architecture of this period.

26.3 ARCHITECTURE

The architecture of this period can be broadly divided in two categories :

i) Residential structures
ii) Religious monuments
Under the first category we havetvery few surviving monuments since in the initial phase
they were built of perishable materials like wood. However, a number of monuments have
survived on unearthed through excavations which come under the second category.

26.3.1 Residential ~rchitecture

In Block 4 (Unit 15) we have already discussed the pattern of city life on the basis of both
literary and archaeological sources. We get similar kind of information for this period also.
For example, the Milinda Panha describes a city with moats, ramparts, gate houses,
Kamesh Mechrocks
towers, well.laidout streets, markets, parks, lakes and temples. There are references to Art and Architecture
buildings of several storeys with wagon-vaulted roofs and verandas -mostly constructed of
wood. This description to an extent is corroborated by archaeological sources. However, in
the countryside not much change is noticed in architectural style or types of hutrnents.

26.3.2 Temples and Towers

For this period, we have very insufficient data on temple structures from excavations. The
earliest known temples for this period are :
The temple at' Jhandial (Taxila)
The Sankarshana temple at Nagari (Rajasthan)
The temple at Besnagar (Madhya Pradesh)
An apsidal temple at Nagarjunakonda (Andhra Pradesh).
We know from Fa-hein's account, written several centuries, later of the existence of a tower
at Purushapura (Peshawar). It was a grand structure with 13 storeys surmounted by an iron
column with imposing umbrellas. The construction of this tower is attributed to
Kanishka-I.
In fact the constmction of temples in which deities were inshrined for worship became
common only at a later date and the Buddhist Stupas and other structures were the common
forms of religious architecture in this period.

2. Jhandial Temple

26.3.3 Stupas
The practice of preserving the remains of an important personality below accumulated earth
was long in existence. Buddhist art adopted this practice and the structure built over such a
site was known as Stupa. According to Buddhist sources, the remains of the Buddha's body
were divided into eight parts and placed under the Stupas. These during the time of Asoka,
were dug out and redistributed which led to the construction of other Stupas - the sacred
places of Buddhism. The worship of Stupas led to their ornamentation and a specific type
of architecture developed for their construction.
The Stupas had the shape of a bowl turned upside down. At the top, which was a bit flat,
used to be its harmika, i.e. the abode of the Gods. It was here that the urns containing the
remains of the Buddha or a great personality connected with the religion was placed in a gold
or silver casket. A wooden rod (Yashti) was placed in its'middle and the bottom of the rod
was fixed on the top of the Stupa. On the top of this rod were placed three small umbrella
type discs symbolising respect, veneration and magnanimity. Let us briefly discuss some of
the prominent Stupas:
i) Bodha Gaya (Bihar)

Kamesh Mechrocks
India : Century 290 B.C. Fifteen kilometres from Gaya is the site where Lord Buddha gained 'knowledge' (bodhi) and
To 300 A.D.
it was here that Asoka got a 'Bodhi-Manda' constructed. No trace of the original
construction has survived. We have only the remains of the stone pillars constructed during
the Sunga period like the raiting pillars found around other Stupas and they too have
sculpture the panels in relief. They illustrate storks from the Buddhist Jatakas.
ii) Sanchi Stupa (Madhya Pradesh)
Sanchi is about 14 kilometers from Vidisa (Bhilsa) and is perhaps the most famous Stupa
site in India. It has three Stupas all with gateways around them. But the most famous is
the Great Stupa which was originally made of brick in Asoka's time (C. 250 B.C.).
During the Sunga period this was later on nearly doubled in circumference in 150 B.C. The
bricks of Asokan times were replaced by stones, and a 'Vedika' was also constructed around
it. Four gates, one in each direction, were added to beautify it. From the Southern gate we
get an inscription from its architrave which tell us that it was donated by King Satakarni and
the incision work was done by those craftsmen who worked in ivory.

The northern gate and the panels depict stories from the Jatakas. The reliefs of Sanchi
display (among other representations) the following quite prominently :

1) The four great events of the Buddha's life, i.e. birth, attainment of knowledge,
dharmachakra - pravartana and Mahaparinirvana.
2) Representations of birds and animals like lion, elephant, camel, ox, etc. are abundant.
Some of the animals are shown with riders in heavy coats and boots.
3) Lotus and wishing-vines have been prominently and beautifully carved out as
ornamentation, and
4) Unique representation of forest animals in a manner which looks as if the whole animal
world turned out to worship the Buddha.
iii) Bharhut Stupa
This Stupa was located 21 kilometers south of Satna in Madhya Pradesh. The main Stupa
structure no longer exists.
The important features of this Stupa structures, remains from which are now preserved in
the Indian Museum, Calcutta and other museums are :
Gateways or toranas which are imitations in stone of wooden gateways.
Railings spreading out from the gateways. They also are imitation, in stone, of post and
rail fence, but the stone railings of Bharhut have, on top, a heavy stone border (coping).
Uprights or posts of these railings have carvings of Yakshas, Yakshis and other
divinities who come to be associated with Buddhism. Some of these divinities have
inscriptions on them, giving their identifications.
There are, as in other Stupa railings, representations of Buddhist themes like Jataka
stories in combination with various natural elements.
iv) Amaravati
Located 46 kilometres from Guntoor, the Stupa was built with white masble. Though the
Stupa itself has completely disappeared its sculptured panels have been preserved in Madras
and British Museums. The Stupa was primarily built with the help of the City-Chief and
the donations from the public.
This magnificant Stupa was 42 metre in diameter and its height was, about 29 metres. It
contained a circular prayer path which was 10 metres high and was made of stone. Vedika
pillars had beautiful carvings of garlanded gods, and Bodhi-tree, Stupa, dharmachakra and
the events from the life of Lord Buddha and stories from the Jatakas.
The entrance gate (torana) of the Stupa depicts four lions on the Vedika. Lotuses have
also been carved over the pillars. A number of images have also been found from the
Amravati Stupa. In the earlier stage Buddha was represented only through symbols but from
first century A.D. some Buddha images began to be found along with their symbols.
V)Nagarjunakonda

Kamesh Mechrocks
The Nagarjunakonda Stupa was built in a style different from that of North India. Here two Art and Architecture
circular walls, one at the hub and the other at the outer end, were joined by spoke like walls
and the intervenneing space was filled with mud or small stones or pieces of bricks. The
diameter of this Stupa was 30 metres and the height was 18 metres. The outer casing of the
drum consisted of richly carved marble slabs. The hemispherical top of the drum was
decorated with lime and mortar work. The four rectangular projections, one at each cardinal
point, supported a row of five free standing pillars.
The importance of this Stupa is because of the beautiful panels which illustrate episodes
from the life of the Buddha. The most important scenes are :
1) Gods praying to Boddhisthva to take birth on the earth.
2 ) Buddha's entry into womb in the form of a white elephant.
3) Birth of the Buddha under a flowering teak tree, etc.
vi) Taxila
Excavations at Taxila and nearby places have exposed a number of Stupas :
Sir John Marshall excavated the Chira-Tope Stupa at Taxila. The casing of the drum
in this Stupa was of stone - ornamentally decorated with images of Bodhisttvas.
In 1908 excavations revealed the existence of a Stupa at Shah-ji-ki dheri near
Peshawar. This Stupa was erected by Kanishka and is referred to in the accounts of Fa-
hien. The sculptures and other objects of art are products of Gandhara style (we shall
discuss this art form separately in this unit).
A Stupa built in the Scytha-Parthian style was found at Jhandial. Nearby was found a
small silver casket enclosing one of gold, with a relic bone inside.
Similarly, a number of Stupas have been found in many parts of the country. For example,
two Stupas were found in Mathura. In fact, this was a period when Stupa architecture
developed into particular styles and the presence of similar features in Stupas of various
regions suggests the mobility of and interaction between artisans who built the Stupas and
beautiful works of art associated with the Stupas.

3. Structural Plan of Stupa (Sanchi)

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 4. Parts of Stupa Sanchi

5. View of Great Stupa (Sanchi)

6. Chir-tope Stupa (Taxila)

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 Art and Architecture

7. A Sculptural Stupa Panel from Nagarjunakonda

26.3.4 Rock-Cut Architecture

Both the Buddhists and the Jainas built Chaityas and Viharas as places of worship.

I
A chaitya is a shrine cell with a
votive Stupa place in the
centre.
---- - 1

I!Viharas were primarily cut out of

rocks for the residence of monks.

Most of the major Chaityas and Viharas of this period were built in western and eastern
regions. For example in western India, they are located at Bhaja, Karle, Kondane, Nasik,
Chitaldo, Ajanta and Kanheri, etc. Similarly, in eastern India we have them in Udayagiri
(Orissa). The general features of the Chaityas are :
They have a long rectangular hall ending in a semi-circle at the rear end.

This long hall is internally divided into a nave, an apse and two side aisles.
a The aisles are separdted from the nave by two rows of pillars.
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India : Century 200 B.C. The pillars come round the votive Stupa placed in the centre of the apsidal part of the
To 300 A.D. nave.
The hall has a barrel-vaulted ceiling.
The doorway is usually placed facing the votive Stupa.
The facade has a horse-shoe shaped window called the chaitya window.
Another aspect of cave architecture is the excavation of Viharas or monasteries by both
Buddhists and Jainas for the use of monks.
In the earlier examples of the western Indian caves the plan is irregular. In the latter ones a
regular plan was adopted. The following are the general features of the Viharas :
They have a square or oblong hall in the centre.
The hall is preceded in front by a pillared veranda.
A number of small square cells are provided.
The cells and halls are usually provided with raised benches for the use of monks.

The earliest of the Viharas of western India are those at such sites as Bhaja, Bedsa, Ajanta,
Pitalkora, Nasik and Karle.
Among the Jaina Viharas, those at Udayagiri and Khandagiri (Orissa) were excavated during
the time of Kharavela. There are about 35 excavations laid out in two groups. Some of them
are provided with one cell and the others are multicelled ones with an open.courtyard in the
front. The inner facade consists of doorways surmounted by semi-circular arches above. The
double storied Ranigumpha cave on Udayagiri hills is the largest of all the caves.

9. Karle Chaitya (Cave)

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 10. Bhaja Chaitya Cave

11. Rani Gumpha Caves (Udaigiri)

Check Your Progress 1

I 1) Discuss in about five lines the main features of Mauryan Art.

2) What is a Stupa ? Discuss the main characteristics of Sanchi Stupa. Answer in about
ten lines.

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India : Century 200 B.C.
IC -3) Fill in the blanks .
To 300 A.D.
i) Most of the art forms were .......................................(inspiredldiscouraged)by
Buddhism and Jainism.
ii) The Mauryan art represents .......................................... (immaturelmature) art forms.
iii) The Nagarjunakonda Stupa is ......................................... (different/similar) in style
with those of North India.
iv) The Taxila excavations were initially carried out by ............................... ..(Mortimer
WheelerISir John Marshall).
- v) Viharas were used as places of ............................... (worship/residence) by monks.

26.4 SCULPTURAL ART

Sculptural art cannot be separated from architecture because sculptures form part of a total
complex like a Stupa or a Chaitya. When single images were fashioned they too were
generally housed in Viharas or were located at religious centres. In this period, we notice
the development of regional or local styles or schools in creations of sculptural art. Gandhara
and the Mathura schools developed in the north while in the south, Amaravati was the major
early centre in the lower Krishna-Godavari valley.
In general, the art of the post-Mauryan period was distinct in character from earlier Imperial
Mauryan Art. The Mauryan art has been described as palace art, whereas the art of the
Sunga-Kanva period had a much wider social base. It is also different in motive, technique
and significance.
The art of this period is mostly represented in the Buddhist images and relief sculptures
carved on the railings, gateways and plinths of the Stupas and also on the facades and walls
of the Viharas and Chaityas. Brahmanical sculptures for this period are very few.
However, an important development of this period is modelling of the image of the Buddha
both in the Mathura and Gandhara schools. Following the Buddhists and Jainas, the
Brahmanical religion also conceived of images of different gods and goddesses.
In addition to sculptures made in relief on panels, many sculptures were also made in the
round. These figures are large in size and well-modelled. However, they do not conform to
accurate anatomical proportions; they were not intended to do so. The Yakshas and
Yakshinis occupy the most important place in this group.
Icon or image worship among the Jainas may be traced to the Sunga period. The ,damaged
torso of a nude figure from Lohanipur (Patna) is identified with a Tirthankara. According
to the Hathigumpha inscription, the existence of image worship among the Jainas of eastern
India goes back to the pre-Mauryan times. some of the Jaina images found in the votive
tablets of the Jainas with ashtamangalas (eight auspicious marks) from Mathura suggest
that image worship among the Jainas too was becoming common by the firsr century A.D.
Among the Buddhists it was the Mahayana sect that propogated image worship. Seated and
standing images of Buddha were carved in Mathura and Gandhara.
The bas reliefs of Sanchi, Barhut and Bodh Gaya represent an early phase in the art of relief-
carving. Most of these sculptures are found on the medallions or rectangular panels on the
railings that surround a Stupa. The relief sculptures represent themes from Buddha's life and
scenes from Jataka stories, and the events are depicted in a continuous narration.

26.4.1 Gandhara School

Gandhara is located in the north-western part of the Indian sub-continent on both banks of
Fiver Indus. It included the valley of Peshawar, Svata, Buner and Bajjora. It was ruled by the
Achaneminds of Iran in the sixth-fifth centuries B.C. Later it was occupied by the Greeks,
Mauryas, Sakas, Pahlavas and Kusanas. As a result, this place produced a mixed culture. Its
art, which was mainly Buddhist. was profoundly influenced by Hellenistic art. For example
the depiction of transparent gamient draped in Graeco - Roman fahion and vary curly hair in
Buddha idols, (see illustrations). But at the same time we must remember that the chief
patrons of Gandhara art were the Sakas and the Kusanas.
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The main centres from where the art pieces of Gandhara School have been found are Art and Architecture
Jalalabad, Hadda, Bamaran, Begram and Taxila. Gandhara art can be divided into two schools-
early and later. During the early school, which existed during first and second century A.D.,
blue-grey schist stone was used to make idols. However, in the later school instead of schist
stone, mud, lime, pilaster and stucco was used to make the idols. These idols give a realistic
representation of the human figure clearly indicating limbs and other organs of the body .
They are depicted with sharp features and anatomical accuracy.

Besides idols we find beautiful carvings on reliefs and bas-reliefs the theme being the life of
Buddha and Bodhisattvas. For example :
a The drum of the Chira Stupa, at Taxila, is decorated by images of Bodhisattvas placed
in niches for worship.
a On the ramparts of small pillars, of the Sehribhelol Stupa, the images of Buddha,
Bodhisattvas and incidents from their 'life have been carved out.
a A bronze reliquary was recovered from the side walls of the Stupa at Shah-ji-kidheri. It
depicts Buddha, Kusana kings and flying geese (symbolic of wandering monks).
The Gandhara art had many other aspects also. For example a gold reliquary has been found
at Bimaran in which a series of figures are contained within an arcade. Similarly ivory
plaques have been found from Begram.
We give here some illustrations (See Nos. 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17 ) which reflect various
aspects related to Gandhara art. I

12. Decorative Ivory Panel .

14. Buddha in Meditation

13. Standing Buddha

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 16. Head of Buddha (Stucco)
15. Bodhisattva Sculpture in Schist

. .

17. Bar relief : Buddha eating in company of Monks

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II 26.4.2 Mathura Art
The origin of Mathura art form is traced back to the second century B.C. By the first century
A.D it had not only become a major centre of art but the art pieces of this school were in
Art and Architecture

demand in far off areas. In a time span of nearly four hundred years this school produced a
variety of sculptures and other pieces of art for the followers of Buddhist, Jaina and
Brahmanical faiths. A significant dimension of Mathura art is that it also produced, like
Afghanistan in the Kushana period, images of kings and other notables. This shows that
I
Mathura artists were aware of various forms of art activities of the period and were catering
to the requirements of different social groups of Indian and non-lndian origin. At the same
time what they were creating, from local red stone, were uniquely of Mathura. Another
aspect worth noting about this school is that it depicted various patterns of life on the votive
pillars. For example, we have scenes from forests where men and women are collecting
flowers; women playing with cranes or offering fruits to birds and women playing in gardens
and water tanks. The votive pillars from 'KankaliTila' demonstrate how feminine beauty has
been utilised by the sculptor. The themes handled by the Mathura artists are in fact many,
and, as in Sanchi and Bharhut, the artist chose elements from nature to enrich his creation.
The sculptures here were carved out of red sandstone which was available locally. Let us
brietly take a thematic study of the sculpture belonging to the Mathura school.

1) The Buddha idols: The earliest images of Bodhisattvas and Buddha were perhaps
made at Mathura and sent also to other regions. For example, the Samath image of standing
Bodhisttvas installed in the period of Kanishka-I was made at Mathura. We get Buddha
images mainly in two postures - standing and sitting. Among the sitting idols the one
found at Katra is among the oldest. The characteristics of this idol are:
a Buddha sitting under a Bodhi tree,

I a Right hand in abhaya posture,

I a Dharam chakra and tri-ratna chiselled in palms and at bottom of the feet, and
The head is shaven except one lock.
In fact, some of the general characteristics of the Buddha idols of this age are:

i) They are made of white spotted red stone.

ii) Images started getting fashioned in the round so that they could be seen from every
side.
iii) The head and face are shaven.
iv) The right hand is shown raised in abhaya posture.
v) There is no mark on the forehead.
vi) The dress is always tight on the body and the left hand holds the frill.
2) Jaina specimens : Mathura was a sacred centre of the Jains as it was of the followers
of ~&hmanicaland Buddhist faiths. It has yielded a number of inscriptions which refer to lay
followers of Jainism, to Jaina monks and nuns and to donations and dedications made by
them. For example, as early as the middle of the second century B.C., an inscription
(pasada-torana) by a Jaina Sravaka named Uttaradasaka. Kankali Tila was the main
Jaina site at Mathura and it has yielded an overwhelmingly large number of :
Sculptures
ayaqapatas or stone slabs with Jaina figures in centre and auspicious marks or with
representations of Jaina Stupas (these were objects of worship)
a various architectural fragments like pillars, capitals, crossbars, railing - posts, etc.
The representations of the Jainas or the Tirthankaras on the ayaqapatas date before the
Kushana period but regular images become common only from the Kushana period onward.
Of them Parsvanatha is recognizable from his canopy of snake hoods and Rishabhanatha
from rocks of hair falling on his shoulders but other Tirthankara images are not so easily
identified.
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India : 200 B.C. 3) Brahmanical Images: ~ u i t ea few Brahmanical images have been found in Mathura.
To 300 A.D. The earliest representations are of Siva, Lakshmi, Surya and Sankarshana or Balarma. During
the Kushana period Karttikeya, Vishnu, Sarasvati, Kubera and certain other gods, including
Naga images, were represented in sculpture. Some of iconographical features or features
which characterize each deity are present in images of this period.

For example Siva, though he is represented in the linga form, began to be carved in
the form of Chaturmukha linga. This refers to linga with four human faces of the
Siva on all four sides.
The ~ u r y ain the Kushana age is shown riding a chariot driven by two horses. He wears .
a heavy coat, a dress in the lower half of the body resembling a salwar, boots, a sword
in one hand and a lotus in the other.
Balarama has a heavy turban on his head.
Saraswati is seated with a hsary and manuscript in her hands. Dressed in a simple way
she wears no ornaments and is attended by two other figures.
Durga in her Mahisha-mardini form, is depicted as the killer of buffalo demon.
A number of Yaksha and Yakshini images have been discovered in Mathura. They are .
associated with all the three religions - Buddhism, Jainism and Brahmanism. Kubera was ,

another deity shown with a bulging belly. He is associated with wine and with parties where
participants indulge in drinks. He bears resemblance to Bachhus and Oionysius respecting the
Roman and Greek gods of wine.

4) The images of rulers: The Mat village in Mathura yeilded big images of ~ u s h a n a
Kings and other notables like Kanishka, Wima and Chastana. The idea of building reliquaries
or structures for housing portrait-statues of rulers and other dignitaries of the State possibly
came from Central Asia. This was done to give the rulers a divine status: The dresses which
the dignitaries wear were also of Central Asian origin.
Many heads of Scythian dignitaries have also been found at Mat. These discoveries indicate
that Mathura was the most important centre of the eastern part of the Kushana empire. They
also forcefully suggest interaction between Gandhara and Mathura art forms.
In due course Mathura art forms contributed significanily to the development of Gupta art
forms.
1

18. Woman doing her hair - ' 19. Head of a Tirthankara

A 0 Kamesh Mechrocks
 20. Sculptural depiction of a Jataka story

>.
.\
"

21. Surya 22. Kubera with his disciples

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India : Century 200 B.C.
To 300 A.D.

23. ~ t a i u e of Kaniska . 24. Chaturmukha ~ u r a l i n ~ a

26.4.3 Amaravati Art

In the eastem Deccan, in the lower valleys of the Krishna and the Godavari developed the
Amaravati school of art during this period. This was patronised by Satavahana rulers and
later by Ikshvaku rulers, by other political dignitaries and families, by officials, merchants,
etc. Inspired by Buddhist themes the main centres of this art were Nagarjunakonda,
Amaravati. Goli, Ghantasala, Jaggayyapeta etc. The most productive and prosperous phase of
this art has been dated to 150 8.C.-350 A.D. The sculptural forms again come to us from
the railings, plinths and other parts of several Stupas. The reliefs represent the traditional
narrative art taking themes from the Buddha's life and from Jataka stories. For example, on
a relief medallion at Amaravati is depicted the story of the taming of an elephant by the
Buddha and the commotion preceding it. The whole depiction of the story has been done by
the sculptor in a natural way:
an infuriatedelephantapproaching the Buddha on a street,
men and women are frightened; men throw up their hands and women cling to men,
Buddha moves towards the elephant in a spirit of adoration and humility,
the elephant kneels down in submission, and
the entire episode is being watched by wome2 and men from balcony and windows.
The entire story has been depicted in relief on a medallion by the sculptor.
The general features of Amaravati art are:
the figures are carved out of white marble,
they are well modelled with long legs and slender frames,
physical beauty and sensual expressions command this art,

though nature is depicted, the central characters are human beings, and
kings, princes and palaces figure prominently in sculptural representations.

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Amaravati art shows distinct evolution toward maturity of style in a period of five hundred Art and Architecture
years. For example, the earliest examples which we get from Jaggayyapeta date back to 150
B.C. In these, the figures are isolated units and are not interrelated in one composition.
However, "one can see here the beginning of that tall and slender human frame which is so
characteristic an ethnic form in the narrative reliefs of the Krishna valley, and later, of
Pallava sculpture". In later narrative reliefs the figures are well-shaped and interrelated.
In thematic treatment there is a striking similarity in certain cases with Mathura. For
example, a relief panel at Amaravati which shows a group of six bathing women with water
pots is very close to such depictions of Mathura. The way we have the representations of
Kushana kings from Mathura in the form of statues, we find the kings and princes as themes
represented in Amaravati sculpture also. However, at Amaravati, they are not individual
statues but are arts of a narrative. For example:

the story of King Udayana and his queen is depicted on a relief,

a relief medallion depicts a court scene where the king is receiving presents, and

in a relief panel is depicted a scene showing a king on march, with elephants, horse-
riders and footmen.

In fact, the Amaravati school, under its Satavahana patrons and master craftsmen, produced
some of the finest art pieces in ancient India.

25. A group of Women enjoying their hath

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26. Depiction of the Story of king
Udayana and his Queens

2 7 . Taming of an Elephant by Buddha

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 A r t and Architecture
Check Your Progress 2
1) Discuss in about ten lines the main characteristics of Gandhara art.

2) Give such examples of art which demonstrate that besides religious themes, political
personalities had drawn the sculptor's attention. Answer in about ten lines.

3) Fill in the blanks.

i) The relief sculptures represent themes from ............................

(MahabharataJJataka storiesJRamayana).
ii) The principal patrons of Gandhara art were .............................
(Mauryas/Satavahanas/Sakasand Kushanas).
iii) The foremost examples of nature being represented in sculpture come from
..........................................
(Amarava~axilajMathura).
iv) Idols related with Brahamanical religion have been found in ............................
(SarnaWathMagajunakonda).
4) Which of the following statements are right (d ) or wrong (x).
i) The Tirthankara images from Mathura have a well built body.
ii) Kubera idol represents sun worship.
iii) The Gandhara sculpture represents Greek themes in Indian style.
iv) Amaravati school of art flourished in Eastern India.

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 ----
India : Century 200 B.C.
To 300 A.D.
26.5 LET US SUM UP
We have seen that during this period both architecture and sculpture reached a high level of
maturity and artists produced requisite pieces of art. Unfortunately, we do not have any
information about these master craftsmen. What we have'is their art but not their names.
However, we do get the names of donors in certain cases. They show that the artisans were
no more dependent on royal patronage only because many merchants, devotees and other
categories of people also patronised them.

There was gradual development of art forms and thematic representation. For example, the
earlier creative expressions like rock paintings, terracotta figurines, etc. developed into
mature sculptural forms. Stone sculptures, both in relief and in the round, were being
produced in large numbers in this period. The symbolic representations ultimately gave way
to images and the images of the Buddha are the best examples of this change.
We have also seen in this unit that certain regions developed their own unique art forms.
This development is illustrated by the schools of Gandhara, Mathura and Amaravati. Though
most of the themes in these art forms are religious, we do find nature and man being in a
close relationship by the sculptor. The art specimens certainly give us a glimpse into the
social and economic life of the period. The bas relief of Mathura which depicts monks,
donors and attendants is an example in this regard. Indian activities during this period were
also influenced by art forms. Vigorous interaction with various non-Indian and the presence
of Hellenistic and central Asian elements in India art of this period shows how enriched
Indian culture became through contact with other contemporary cultures.

26.6 KEY WORDS

Aisle : The prayer path of a Stupa.
Architrave : Projected portion from the Stupa which is known as Banderi in H~ndi.
Apse : Halfcircular.
Hellenistic Influence : The influence of art forms in the Indian tradition by that of
Rome and Greece art styles.

Ivory : Images or figures made from the bones, primarily of elephant.

Moats : Deep wide ditch filled with water to act as a defence.
Nave : A place where monks assembled for prayer.
Schist : A type or quality of stone formed through layers.

Stucco : A type of pilaster used for making surface even.

Vaulted . In a cylindrical shape of 'dholak'.

26.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES -

Check Your Progress 1

1) See Sec. 26.1
2) See Sub-sec. 26.3.3
3) i) Inspired
ii) Mame
iii) Different
Kamesh Mechrocks
 iv) Sir John Marshall
V) Residence
Check Your Progress 2
1) On the basis of Sub-sec. 26.4.1, write your answer.
2) Mention about the idols of kings which have been found in excavations at Mathura and
sculptural representations at Amaravati. See Sub-secs. 26.4.2 and 26.4.3.
3) i) Jataka Stories
ii) Sakas and Kusanas
iii) Mathura
iv) Mathura
4) i) J ii) x iii) x iv) x

SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

Rornila Thaper, A History of India Vol. I .

J.C. Harle, Art and Architecture of India, Penguin Books.

K.A. Nilkanta Sastri (ed), A Comprehensive History of India Vol. 2 .
Himanshu Prabha Ray, Monastery and Guild, Oxford.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 27 EARLY STATE FORMATION
IN THE DECCAN
Structure
27.0 Objectives
27.1 Introduction
27.2 Sources
27.3 About State Formation
27.4 Antecedents
27.5 Geographical Background
27.6 Outline History of Satavahana Dynasty
27.7 Settlement Pattern
27.7.1 West Coast
27.7.2 Inland Settlements
27.8 Administration
27.9 Society
27.10 Let Us Sum Up
27.11 Key Words
27.12 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

27.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit you will be able t o learn about:
the Satavahana dynasty which founded the earliest state in the Deccan,
the nature of administration under the Satavahanas, and
tho changes in the society at this time,

27.1 INTRODUCTION
In Black 76 you learnt about the expansion of trade in north India in tho port-Mauryan
period. This was arrociated with an increase in the number of cities and with
developments in art and architecture. In this Unit we shall study the changes in the
Deccan. Themajor power that rose in the Deccan around the first century B.C. was the
Satavahana dynasty, Here we shall concentrate on the political and social structure of
the Deccan under the Satavahanas.

27.2 SOURCES
The names of the Satavahana rulers, also known as the Andhras, occur in the lists of
kings found in the Puranas. There are many difficulties in using these lists as sources of '
history without critically comparing them with other sources. For example the names
of the kings and the duration of their rule vary in the different Puranas. Moreover,
information about the kings is interwoven with myths and legends, and one has to
carefully distinguish between facts and legendary stories. The Puranasare nevertheless
useful when studied with other sources such as coins and inscriptions. The Satavahanas
minted a large number of coins in lead, silver and an alloy of copper. Their silver coins -
carry the portrait of the king and his name. The inscriptions are found in Buddhist caves
cut in the rock and record donations made by Satavahana kings and queens as well as
by a large number of ordinary people. By comparing the information available in these
different sources, scholars generally accept that the Satavahanas began theii rule
around the first cetury B.C. Their earliest record is found engraved on rock in a cave

Kamesh Mechrocks
Skate pnd Sodety in Swth Indb:
200 B.C. to ~ 0 A.D.
0 27.3 ABOUT STATE FORMATION
We should now pose the question: What is a state and how does the emergence of state
bring,qbout changes in society? There are many theories which seek to explain the
reasong for the emergence of a state. Reasons for the emergence of a state vary from
region to region. In certain cases the development of trade and the growth of urban
centres could lead to the rise of a state. Other theories suggest that population pressure
or conwest could also result in a change in the political structure.
~chola%&nerall~ agree that a state is a more efficient method of controlling expanding
populations. A state exercises control over a more or less well-defined territory and
maintains an admiddrative machinery to collect taxes and revenue. It pays for a regular
army that enforces law and order. But together with all this, the inequality and
stratification in society also increases. There is a well-marked distinction between the
rulers and the ruled. The rulers control the resources of society for their own benefit
and use. The ruled, on the other hand, provide the revenue and the money required to
maintain the members of the ruling family, the notables in the state, the various
categories of officials and the army. Thus the basic difference between a tribal society
and a state society is in the nature of political control. In a state system, a specialised
administrative machinery separates the rulers from ths ruled. In a tribal society,
political power is generally exercised by a clan which has no authority to enforce its
decisions. The position of the clan depends on the loyalty of the members and most
decisions are taken together.

27.4 ANTECEDENTS
In Block 3 you learnt about the spread of Chalcolithicsettlements in the western Deccan
in the second millennium B.C. The eastern Deccan was occupied a little later in the
second half of the first millennium B.C. by iron using communities.These were by and
large village settlements, the abode of a large number of tribes. Early Sanskrit
literature, particularly the Epics and the Puranas, mention several tribes such as the
Andhras, Sabaras, Pulindas, etc., who lived in the Deccan. Many of these are also
mentioned by Asoka in his inscriptions. But most of these references are of a general
nature and it is difficult to define the region where they lived in the Deccan.
The process of change perhaps started with Mauryan expansion in the Deccan. The
Mauryas were primarily interested in exploiting the mineral resources of the Deccan
peninsula. The gold, diamonds and gems from the mines in Karnataka and Andhra
were transported to Magadha in the north through a series of land and coastal routes.
Market centres developed at important points along these routes such as Dharanikota
on the banks of the Krishna in the Guntur district of Andhra and Karad in Satara
district of Maharashtra. Many chiefs known as maharathis became important in several
scattered pockets. But it was under the Satavahanas who were related by marriage to
the maharathis that the first state emerged in the Deccan.

27.5 GEOGRAPHICAL BACKGROUND

The Deccan peninsula is divided into the plateau region and the coastal plains by the
hill ranges of the Eastern and Western Ghats. The Andhra coast is much wider than the
Konkan coast to the west. The general slope of the plateau is to the east and as a result
the major rivers such as the Mahanadi, Godavari and Krishna flow eastwards into the
Bay of Bengal. The deltas and valleysof the rivers provide fertile areas for settlements.
Perhaps a significant aspect of the geography of the Deccan is the fact that the hill
ranges of the plateau Carl be crossed only along the passes.
?
Check Your Progress 1
1) The PUT- area useful source for studying the Satavahanas because:
i) in them we find information about kings interwoven with myths and legends
( 1
ii) in them we have enough myths and legends to tell us about the Satavahana

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 .
iEJ their information can be compared and verified by other sources such as coins ' lhriy 8(m
and inscriptions ( )
iv) the Puranas are the truth
(2) It may be said that:
i) a tribal society has the same political structure as the societies with a
developed State formation ( 1
ii) . in a developed state formation there is a well marked distinction between the
ruler and the ruled ( 1
iii) in a tribal society political decisions are taken by the entire tribe together
( )
iv) both (ii) and (iii) ( )
3) The process of change towards the formation of State and Deccan emerged perhaps
with:
i) invasion of Huns
ii) invasion of the Mughals
iii) invasion bf Greeks '

iv) Mauryan expansion in Deccan for gold etc. which were transported through
a series of routes, in turn leading to use of market centres and local chiefs.
'a

27.6 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE SATAVAHANA

DYNASTY
According to Purana tradition it was Simuka Satavahana who established Satavahana
power. Kanha or Krishna, his brother, is perhaps known to us from an inscription at
Nasik. Another record that lists several rulers of the dynasty is theNanaghat inscription
of Queen Nayanika, the widowed queen of Satakarni, who performed Vedic sacrifices.
Nanaghat was a major pass connecting Junnar with the coast, and in a cave at the head
of the pass portraits of the Satavahana rulers were carved. 'unfortunately, the
sculptures are now completely destroyed and all that remains are labels over their heads
giving their names.
We knowvery little about the rulers that followed Satakarni till we come to the reign of
Gautamiputra Satakarni. An inscription of his mother engraved on the entrance to a
cave at Nasik, provides us details about the extent of his kingdom and the events of his
reign. A major achievement of Gautamiputra Satakarni was the defeat of the
Kshatrapas of western Deccan and Gujarat. His mother's epigraph praises him as the
restorer of Satavahana glory and further proof of this comes from numismatic evidence.
After his victory, Gautamiputra counterstruck silver coins of the Kshatrapa Nahapana
with his own legend and symbols. According to the Periplus of the Erytheaen Sea,as a
result of the fivalry between the Kashatrapas and the Satavahanas, Greek ships
entering Kalyan, a port near present Bombay, were sent under guard to the port of
Bharuch. Perhaps control of the lucrative foreign trade was one of the causes for the
conflict. It would also seem that under Gautamiputra Satakarni, Satavahana rule
extended over Andhra as well.
Gautamiputra was succeeded by his son Pulumavi and it was at this timethat the
Satavahanas consolidated their power in the eastern Deccan. For the first time we find
Satavahana inscriptions outside the western Deccan at Amaravati. Yajnasri Satakarni
was the last important Satavahana ruler and after him the kingdom was splinterccl , ~ n d
divided between his successors -one line of kings ruling in the Andhra region I t was
also under the later Satavahanas that wins with bilingual leqends were issued and In
addition'to the name of the king in Prakrit these carried a legend in a south Indian
language -opinion being divided on its identification between Tamil and Telugu.
In addition to the Kshatrapas, an early Satavahana (ruler) had to contend with the
.power of Kharavela from Orissa or Kalinga. Khavavela rose to power in Kalinga in the
middle of the first century B.C. H e despatched an army t o the west without caring for
Satakani; this suggests that early Satavahana power suffered setbacks both at the
hands of the Kshatrapas and of Kharavela. It was revived only through the exploits of
Gautamiputra Satakarni.
One of the problems of Satavahana history is that we know very little about the

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State and Saclety In South India: different pockets of the Deccan. For etample, the inscriptions refer to marriage
200 B.C. lo 300 A.D.
, relations of the Satavahanas with the Maharathis and the Mahabhojas -in fact in the
Nanaghat labels inscriptions a Maharathi finds precedence over a Kumara or prince,
and Queen Nayanika herself was the daughter of a Maharathi. Maharathis are also
known to have made independent donations -most of their inscriptions having been
found around Karle, while the records of the Mahabhojas occur along the west coast.

27.7 SETTLEMENT PATTERN

On the basis of the find-spots of their earliest inscriptions, it can be said that the
Satavahanas began their rule in the western Deccan. A second century A.D. inscription
of Gautamiputra Satakarni's mother from Nasik provides information about the extent
of the kingdom under the Satavahanas. The mention of both the Western and the
Eastern Ghats as forming parts of Gautamiputra Satakarni's empire suggests that by
this time Satavahana rule covered the entire Deccan and that it was divided into aharas
or districts. We get the names of at least five aharas in the inscriptions:
Govardhana-ahara with its centre around Nasik; Soparaka-ahara on the west coast;
Mamala-ahara comprising the hilly portions of the Pune and Satara districts;
Satavahanihara covering the Bellery district of Karnataka; and Kapurachara perhaps
in Gujarat.

27.7.1 West Coast

On the west coast there were a series of ports at Bharuch, Kalyan, Sopara and Chaul
and continuing further south all along the Konkan coast. To these ports commodities
were brought from the inland centres through passes along the Western Ghats. An
important text for understanding the nature of travel and trade is the first century A.D.
Periplus of the Erytheaen Sea writted by an anonymous Greek sailor. It provides a
graphic account of the dangerous passage through the narrow mouth of the Gulf of
Cambay to Bharuch. As a result incoming ships were piloted into the port by royal
fishermen of the district. We have earlier referred to the conflict between the ,

Satavahanas and the Kshatrapas over control of the maritime trade and the competition
between the ports of Bharuch and Kalyan.

27.7.2 Inland Settlements

Across the Western Ghats on the inland side, the major concentrations of settlements
were around Nasik; Junnar; within a 30 Km. radius d K a r l e ; and further south in the
upper Krishna basin around Kolhapur. It should be emphasised that all these areas are
agriculturally rich and fertile and provided a valuable resource base for the ports on the
west coast. These ports handled much of the trade in the first century A.D. between
India and the Mediterranean regiop and were also linked by the overland
transpeninsular route across the Deccan to centres in Andhra and along the east coast.
It went from Bharuch to Paithan and Ter and further east to centres in Andhra. The
ancient site of Paithan spreads over 4 sq. km. along the Godavari and from time to time
a rich yield of antiquities like coins, moulds, terracottas and pottery have been carried
out in the areaso far and hence we know very little about the structural remainsof the
Satavahana period.
Ter lies in the major cotton produaing region of the Deccan. Excavations at the site
have yielded evidence of wooden fortifications and a number of vats, perhaps for
dyeing cloth. Ter is also well known for the find of an ivory figurine very similar to the
specimen found at Pompeii, but perhaps the most important ruin at the site is that of a
brick caitya subsequently converted into a Brahmanical temple.
Another route in the Deccan linked Ujjain to Maheshwar on the Narmada and past the
caves at Ajanta and Pitalkhora to Bhokardan and Paithan. Bhokardan was a major
bead-making centre and was idso known for shell and ivory-working. Inhabitants of
Bhokardan or Bhogavardhana are known to have made donations at the Buddhist
caves of Bharhut and Sanchi in central India.
Further south in the upper Krishna valley Karad is an early centre referred to in
Buddhist inscriptions. Also locatedin the same region is Kolhapur. In the western part
of the town a rich hord of bronze objects was found. Some of these like the statuette of
Poseidon were clearly imports, while others like carts and bronze vessels were of local.

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manufacture. An extensive site in the adjacent district of Belgaumis the site of Vadgaon ~~1y8blcfap.tb.i~~sa
Madhavpur, a suburb of Belgaum town where excavations have yielded large numbers
of coins and other antiquities. Further south is the site of Banavasi known as the
find-spot of one of the Satayahana inscription. It was perhaps a fortified settlement as
there are indications of a fortification wall and a moat.
The trans-peninsular route across the Deccan linked these sites in the western Deccan
to centres like Amaravgti in the lower Krishna valley and went past the Karimnagar
region of Andhra. The Karimnagar region has an extensive distribution of early
historical sites, an important centre being that of Kondapur about 70 Km. north-west
of Hyderabad. Excavaeions at the site have yielded a rich collection of coins and
terracottas and several structures of brick of various sizes laid in mud mortar.
Peddabankur is a small village now but was an important settlement during the
Satavahana period extending over a 30 hectare area. About 10km. from Peddabankur
was the fortified site of Shulikatta. It was surrounded by a mud-rampart and
exacavations have unearthed a large brick structure at the site. Another major
habitation site was at Kotalingala which was settled in the pre-Satavahana period as
indicated by recent coinfinds. The Satavahana settlement had a mud fortification and
extensive brick structures. Large quantities of iron slag and ore were found at the site.
Leading from the Karimnagar region, the route branched off into the lower Krishna
valley which has a large concentration of Early Historical sites. Prominent among these

-
MAP 1: SATAVAHANA SETTLEMENTS

are Amaravati and Dharanikota on both banks of the river Krishna, and Dharanikota
was connected to the river through a navigation channel. The earliest structural aktivity
at the site was marked by the construction of a wooden wharf which was later converted

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StatemdSoeMyInSoDth~ into a brick structure. But with the gradual silting up of the navigation channel the site
200 B.C. to 300 A.D.
was abandoned in the fourth century A.D. In addition to the transpeninsular route,
another alternative was to go to the region of Vidarbha into central India -the
important settlements in Vidarbha being those of Panuar, Pauni, Mandhal, Bhatkuli
and Adam.
One point that needs to be stressed is that it is only during the Satavahana period that
fortified settlements develop in the Deccan, and excavations indicate a marked
improvement in the quality of construction. Brick was increasingly used both for
fortification as well as for other structures. The floors were well of the made by means of
rammed clay and the roof supported by wooden posts and covered with tiles.
railway lines at present follow the same routes that were used in the ancient period.
The Bhorghat is still the only pass across the Western Ghats connecting Pune to
Bombay past a series of early Buddhist caves such as Shelarwadi, Bedsa, Bhaja, Karle,
Ambivale and Kondane.

27.8 ADMINISTRATION
Administration under the Satavahanas was much simpler that under the Mauryas.
Inscriptions refer to ministers who were incharge of various functions. Among other
things, they served as treasury officers and maintained land records. The exact number
of ministersis not known. These ministers were appointed directly by the king and the
post of a minister does not seem to have been hereditary, i.e. passed from father to son.
They were perhaps paid in money from the revenue collected by the state. We do not
have exact figures for the amount of revenue collected, but we do know that the state
collected taxes both from (agricultureand trade. One of the practice started by
Satavahana rulers in the first century A.D. was that of donating revenue of a village to ,
either a Brahmana or the Buddhist Sangha. This practice became much more
widespread under the Gupta rulers.
The importance of land-revenue for the king can be judged from the elaborate
procedure that was used to record donations of land. These donations were first
proclaimed in an assembly mnigama-sabha. It was then written down either on a
copper-plate or cloth by an officer or minister. This record was then delivered to the
donee to whom the grant had been made. There was a keeper of records who
maintained a detailed account of these donations.
The rulers at this time were eager to bring more land under cultivation so that they
could earn extra revenue. It seems that anyone who cleared the forest and tilled a plot
could claim ownership of the land. The revenue from trade was another major source
of income. We shall discussthe expansion of trade in a later unit. Here we should point
out that much of the trade was handled by guilds who also acted as bankers. The state
took elaborate measures to encourage trade. Highways were made secure and
rest-houses were constructed along them.

27.9 SOCIETY
The social structure of the Deccan under the Satavahanas shows many features which
are different from those prescribed in thedanskrit texts such as the Manusnuti. For
example, many inscriptions~fthe Satavahana rulers mention the names of their
mothers rather than those of their fathers, such as Gautamiputra Satakarni or
Satakarni, son of Gautami. This is not in keeping with the Dharmasastras which state
that in the approved forms of marriage the bride acquires the gotra of her husband and
loses that of the father.
Another interesting feature of the inscriptions is that the Satavahanas refer to
themselvesas unique Brahmanas who crushed the pride of the Kshatriyas. According to
the Brahmanical texts it was only the Kshatriyas who had the right to rule. The
inscriptionsare also usefull as they record donations by a cross-section of the population
and from this we can judge the prosperity of certain sectionsof the society. Traders and
merchants figure prominently as donors, but also important are blacksmiths,gardeners
and fishermen. No doubt these artisans and craftsmen benefitted from the increased
long-distance trade. What is noteworthy is that they mention their occupations with

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 their names and not their castes. In an earlier unit we had mentioned that Buddhist
texts prescribe a somewhat different division of society as compared to the Brahmanical
texts. Here the distinction was based on work and craft and in most cases people were
known by their occupations rather than their castes.
I
Another category of donors that is known at this time was that of yavanas or foreigners.
The term yavana originally denoted an Ionian Greek, but around the Christian era it
was used indiscriminately for any foreigner. Many of the yavanas adopted Prakrit
names and made donations to Buddhist monasteries. Women frequently made gifts
I
either on their own or sometimes with their husbands or sons. One of the Satavahana
queens named Nayanika also performed Vedic sacrifices and made large donations to
the Brahmana and Buddhist monks.
I

These examples indicate that society in the Deccan, as it is known from the records of
the period, were not governed by rules laid down by the Brahmanical texts. Thus any
, reconstruction of the ancient social structure shouldcarefully analyse textual references
and establish their veracity by comparing these with other sources such as inscriptional
or archaeological.
The role of the Buddhist monasteries mentioned in the records of the period had also
changed a great deal since the time of the Buddha. In the beginning Buddhist monks
were allowed very few personal possessions. These were limited to a few robes and a
begging bowl. Gradually the influence and membership of the Buddhist Sangha
increased. We have seen that Satavahana kings donated large sums of money and land
to the Buddhist monasteries. This added to the wealth of the Sangha. It is also at this
time that we get references to donations made by Buddhist monks and nuns themselves.

27.10 LET US SUM UP

The Satavahana period was important in the history of the Deccan because it was in the
first century B.C. that the earliest state came into being in peninsular India. The
administration of the state was simpler than that of the Mauryas. A crucial factor was
the expansion of overland and maritime trade networks. This provided additional
revenues to the rulers and also resulted in the prosperity of a large number of towns and -
cities throughout the Deccan in this period.
':
Check Your Progress 2
1) Can you name the scholars of society who donated land during this period?

Write a short note on the Inland trade routes of this period.

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UNIT 28 EARLY STATE FORMATION IN
SOUTH INDIA (TAMILAHAM)
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
The Region
The Five Eco-zones,andSubsistence Pattern
Evolution of Political Society
28.4.1 Different Kinds of Chiefdoms
28.4.2 Plunder and Booty Redistribution
28.4.3 Muvendar and Other Levels of Political Control
Let Us Sum Up'
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

28.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit, you should be able to understand:
what eco-zones constituted Tamilaham or south India of the early period
how the various forms of subsistence co-existed and interacted
how the different kinds of chiefdoms functioned, and
how they represented different levels of political control,

28.1 INTRODUCTION
In Unit 27you learn about early state formation in the Deccan under the Satavahanas.
A similar situation is not seen in Tamilaham during the period. We do not see the
existence of a state power in the region, but only chiefdoms. State presupposes the
existence of a centralised political authority over a territory. Its authority would be
based on the control of the territorial resources. It would have a regular system of
taxation and organised defence.Faci1itatingboth taxation and defence, the state would.
have a bureaucracy or a team of officials of different ranks and functions. On the other
hand, achiefdomwould have no such evolved features. A chiefdom would be a society
of hereditary status, ruled by a chief. His authority would be the one based on the
control of his people bound by the concerned tribal or clyish ties of kinship. The chief
would be the embodiment of the kinship relations of his people. There would be no
regular taxation or periodic exaction of any revenue from the people, but only
occasional voluntary payments to the chief. In this unit you will be made familiar with
the variety of chiefly powers and their levels of political development.

28.2 THE REGION

The land in between the hills of Venkatam and Kanyakumari is called Tamilaham. It
includes the whole of modem Tamil Nadu and Kerala. With forested hills, undulated
terrains, pastures, aiid zones, wet-lands and long sea coast, the region represented a
combination of diverse eco-zones. The three principal chiefdoms, the Cheras, Cholas
and Pandyas had their strongholds both in the interior as well as on the sea coast. The
Cheras had Karur in the interior and Muciris. the well known ancient port, on the west
coast. The Cholas had Uraijur in the interior and Puhar on the coromandelcoast as their
strongholds. Similarly, the Pandyas had Madurai and Korkar as their interior
headquarters and port respectively. These were the most important politicalcentres of
the period in the region.

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28.3 THE FIVE ECO-ZONES AND SUBSISTENCE
PATTERN
The ecological differences of the region are reflected in ancient Tamil poetry. This is in
the form of the concept of aintinai or five eco-zones. In ancient Tamil poetry
Tamilaham is portrayed as a comb~nationof five tinais, viz.. kurinji (hilly backwoods).
palai (arid zone), mullai (pastoral tracts), marutam (wet-land) and neital (sea coast).
There could be areas in which one tinai or the other dominates. But generally most of
the tinais are fragmented and mixed up all over the region. The mode of human
adaptation varied from tinai to tinai depending on its ecological conditions. The soc~al
groups also varied. The people of Kurinji took to hunting and gathering. Palai being
dry land. the ~nhabitantsover there could not produce anything. They took cattle
lifting and plundering. The people of mullai practised animal husbandry and shifting
cultivation. In the marutam, the people could pursue plough agriculture and in the
neital, fishing and salt making. Thus Tamilaham had different forms of subsistence as
determined by the ecological conditions of the five tinais. People from each tinai went
out interacting with the peoples of the other tinaisand entered into barter of goods. For
example, the people from the hilly backwoods came down to other zones for exchanging
their resources like honey, meat, fruits and other wild goods. The people of pastoral
tracts exchanged their dairy products and the coasted people fish and salt. Agrarian
zones attracted all of them. The small, self-sustaining tinais grew up into larger
eco-zones through such interaction and interdependence. There were larger zones of
productivity as well as non-productivity. The zones of better productivity had a
relatively developed social division of labour. In the zones of lesser productivity the
society was essentially simple and consisted of clans. By and large the peoples of
Tamilaham represented a complex society of unevenly developed components which
shared a common culture. The political level of the society varied from the simple
chiefdom of clans to complex chiefdom of ruling houses. A full @edgedstate power was
yet to take shape.

28.4 EVOLUTION OF POLITICAL SOCIETY

The earliest recognisable phase of the evolution of political society can be seen in the
chiefdoms of clans. There were several chiefdoms of clans, some big and others very
small. The chiefs of clan-chiefdoms were addressed to in the poems as the great son
(perumakan) or chiefly son (KO-makan)indicating the relation between chiefs and their
clan members. What is really indicated is the basis of kinship. Some such chiefdoms
must have grown beyond kinship through the conquests and subjugation of other clans.
The relatively larger chiefdoms of complex nature were born out of conquests and
subjugation. Marriage alliances of chiefs also were responsible for the formation of
larger chiefdoms, but the real basis of the enlargement of chiefdoms was their wealth.
Chiefdoms with large agricultural areas constituted the most powerful ones. There
were three such most powerful chiefdoms in contemporary Tamilaham, viz; the Chera,
Chola and Pandya. These chiefdoms represented the phase of the evolution of a
political society anticipating the emergence of a real state.

28.4.J Different Kinds of Chiefdoms

There were three different kinds of chiefdoms in Tamilaham. They were of the kizar
(little chiefs), velir (bigger chiefs) and vedar (the biggest chiefs) categories of chiefs.
The Kizar were headmen of small villages (Ur), generally bound by kinship. Many
Kizar are mentioned in the poems. They are referred to by being prefixed with the
name of their respective villages. Arnkantur-kizar or UrnturKizar may be cited as
examples. Some of them were subjugated by the bigger chiefs and had to serve them in
their campaigns. Poems refer to Kizar doing vidutozil (obligatory services) to bigger
chiefs like Cheras, Cholas and Pandyas in their campaigns. The bigger chiefs in their
turn rewarded the kizar through gifts which included grant of predatory control over
the subjugated villages. Such kizar sometimes received control over certain other
villages also as reward for serving bigger chiefs. The velir were mostly hill chieftains,
though there were velir controlling low-lands too. The hill chiefmere hunter chiefs,
vetar-koman o r kuravar-koma~or nedu vettuvan. Vetar, kuravar and vettuvar were
the major clansmen of the hills dominated by the velir. Venkatamalai, (the hills of

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 gtrbds.dayL-- Venkatam), Nanjilmalai (the high ranges south of Travancore), parampuralai
2 U LC. 1.10A.D.
(probably modem parampikkulam reserve forest near pollachchi), potyilmalai (high
ranges in the modem Madurai district) are some of the important centres of the hill
chiefs of the period. The Chera, Chola and Pandya were the three principal ruling
houses of the biggest category of chiefs. They were known as Muvendar, the three
cendar. These chiefly houses had control over peoples of larger areas. The Cheras
controlledthe peoples of the Kurinji dominated areas of the western ghats toward sea.
The Cholas had control over the peoples in the Kaveri area and the Pandyas, in the
south-central area toward seas. They had several lesser chiefs under their service and
paying tributes (tiarai). There was no notion of a preasely demarcated temtory. The
political authority functioned through control over peoples rather than privileges over
basic resources. For example, the control over the peoples like Kuravar, or vetar or
vettuvar by their chiefs made them chiefs. The hills as well as plains were collectively
owned by such peoples. The right of their chiefs emanated from their kinship with the
people. The resources were inherited not by individualsbut by groups whose members
were bound by ties of common ancestry. These were descent groups and they made
voluntary payments to their chiefs. Regular and periodic payment of taxes was not in
vogue. However, the productivity of the chiefdom determined the strength of the
chiefs. Compared to the chiefs of agricultural areas, the pastoral and hunter chiefs were
less powerful. Powerful chiefs tried to subjugate lesser ones and extracted tributes from
them. Plunder raid was the characteristic feature of comtemporary political practice.

28.4.2 Plunder and Booty Redistribution

AU chiefs, big and small, had to resort to plunder raids for satisfying the needs of their
people. The chiefs redistributed the booty among their wamors, bards and medicpnts
besides their own kinsmen. The institution of gift-giving (Kodai) was integral to the
practice of booty redistribution. Gift-giving was considered $0be the most important
responsibility of any chief. Most of the poems in Puranaruru (one of the anthologies
under Ettuttokai) praise the generosity of chieftains. Generosity and bravery are the
two major virtues of chieftains according to such poems. The insufficiency of local
resources made chiefly plunders an economic imperative. A poem in Puranaruru,
praising a chief namely Urtur-kizar, shows how meagre his resources were. When a
dependent approached him for gifts, he called his blacksmith to get him a new lance, so
that he could go for a raid and acquire booty to give gifts. Plunder raids and booty
redistributionthus became the characteristicfeature of contemporary polity. Chiefs of
all kinds indulged in plundering against one another. Lesser chiefs joined hands with
the big ones in plunder campaigns and obtained their shares of booty. Cattle and grain
constituted the routine items of booty. The bards of the period sing about the gifts of
elephants, horses, golden lotuses, chariots, gems and muslin. Sometimes the raids of
bigger chiefs involved subjugation of villages beyond their control. In such cases the
lesser chiefs assisting the bigger ones got the subjugated villages. It was not the land of
the village that was granted but the control over the people there.

28.4.3 Muvendar and Other levels of Political Control

The antiquity of the Muvendar as the principal ruling groups goes back to the Mauryan
period. Asokan Edicts mention them. The bards praise the Muvendar as 'crowned
kings' and mention that the whole of Tamizakam belonged to them. The title of
crowned kings need not necessarily indicate the establishment of state power. A state
presupposes the existence of standing militia, regular taxation, bureaucracy and local
administrative bodies. These had not evolved as yet. Nontheless, the authority of the
Muvendar was significantly different from that of the other categories of chiefs. Their
subjugation of lesser chiefs was an ongoing process. The main concern of all the three
ruling groups-Cheras, Cholas, and Pandyas-was subordination of velir chiefs who
were next in importance. The velir also had great antiquity. Along with Cheras, Cholas,
and Pandyas, Satyapu~asor the Adigaiman chiefs are also mentioned in the Asokan
Edicts. Satyaputraswere of the status of the velir chiefs. They held sway over the
communities in the high ranges of upper Kaveri area. The other prominent velir
chiefdoms lay on the highlands and sea coast along the fringes of the areas of Muvendar.
The modem districts of Dharmapuri, Nilgiris, Madurai North Arcot, Tiruchirapalli,
Padukkottai are the chief places of the hills and plains occupied by the velir chiefs.
There were about £ifteen important velir chiefdoms in all as scattered in TarniI@mn.
Someof them had control over communitiesin strategiccentres like points of exchange,
1
ports, junctions of highways and hill stations. Certain places and resources determined
14

Kamesh Mechrocks
the nature of their power. With the coming of the period of Indo-Roman trade and
control over strategic centres and trade goods added to the importance of the chiefs.
Pari of Parambumalai (near Pollachchi), Ariyar of Podiyilmalai (Madurai), Andiran of
Nanjilmalai (south of Travancore), Irunko-vel of Kodunbai (Pudukkottai) were some
of the prominent velir chiefs mentioned in the poems. Velir Chiefs controlling such
strategic centres had to face severe challenges from the superior chiefs like Muvendar. ,
sometimes such competitions led to the annihilation of the weak. The destruction of
the domain of Pan, the velir chief of Parambunadu by Muvendar is a wyll known
example. Apart from direct combats, the bigger chiefs tried to gain access to the velir
domains through marriage relations a1 o. There were several instances of the Cheras.
d
Cholas, and Pandyas taking their brid s from velir families. In the case of the village
chiefs of strategicareas the bigger chiefs adopted the method of military control. They
were subjugated and made subservient to the bigger chiefs. Muvendar had several such
subjugated chiefs as their subordinates serving them in plunder raids.
It is obvious that the Muvendar was most powerful political authority in contemporary
Tamizakam. Next to them was the political authority of velir. The village chiefs of Kizar
constituted the primary level of political authority. Although this gives the impression
of a political hierarchy, there was no determinate chain of political control uniting these
three levels of political authority. Integration of the lesser chiefs was in progress under
the subjugative and marital policies of Muvendar. But a unified political system was
still in the making. The traditional authority over resident communities based on
kinship remained fundamental to contemporary political control. Traditional assembly
of elders transacted the day to day affairs in every settlement. The assembly site was
called manram, a raised seating around the foot of a tree. It was also called podiyil. The
chief was assisted by a council of elders called avai (Sabha), the structure, composition
and functions of which are not known. Two other bodies often discussed as part of early
Tamil polity are aimperumkuzu or the five great groups and enperayam or the eight
great groups. These were relatively later bodies probabljl developed after third century
A.D. The structure and functions of these bodies also are not known.
@*- '
Check Your Progress
1) Read the following statements and mark right (v') or wrong (X)
i) The chiefdoms of Tamizakam were based on payment of regular taxes.
ii) The political authorityof the period was basedon the control of people rather
than resources.
iii) Muvendar were fullfledged state systems.
iv) Gift giving was a chiefs primary social responsibility.
2) How did different categories of chiefdoms co-exist and interact? Write in ten lines. i,
!
..........................................................................................................

28.5 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit you learnt about the various eco-zones, their subsistence pattern and the
various details of the chiefdom level political formation. You also learnt how the system
of plunder raids and booty redistribution functioned as the crucial factor in the political
practice of the time. Another important point you learnt is the basis of clan ties and
kinship in the political authority. You could also learn about the gradual process of
institution formation during the period after the third century A.D.

Kamesh Mechrocks
S t a t e M d ~ i n ~ ~
200 B.C. to 310 A.D. 28.6 KEY WORDS
Eco-zones: A small area with its own ecological characteristics such as climate, soil
conditions, organisms etc.
Tinai: A region with its special ecological factors, social groups and subsistence pattern.
Chiefdom: A society of hereditary status controlled by a chief who collected voluntary
tributes from his people.
Muvendar: The three principal ruling groups, namely Chera, Chola and Pandya.
Velir: The chiefly groups next to the principal ones.
Kizar: The smallest category of chiefs who had virtually the control over their descent
groups.
Manram or Podiyil: A raised seating around the foot of a tree.

28.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
1) (i) X (ii) q (iii) x (iv)
2) See sub-sec. 28.4.3

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 29 AGRARIAN SETTLEMENTS AND
AGRARIAN SOCIETY IN
PENINSULAR INDIA
(THE DECCAN AND THE SOUTH)
Structure
29.0 Objectives
29.1 Introduction
29.2 Forms of Subsistence
29.3 Spread of Agrarian Settlements
29.3.1 Agricultural Production in the Settlementsin Tamilaham
29.3.2 Settlements in the Deccan
29.4 Ownership Rights
29.5 Revenue and Surplus Extraction
29.5.1 Revenue from Agriculture
29.5.2 Modes of Acquiring and Distributing resources in Tamilaham
29.5.3 Excesses in Extraction
29.6 Social Organisation
29.6.1 Society in Tamilaham
29.6.2 Society in the Deccan
29.7 New Elements and Social Change
29.8 Let Us Sum Up
29.9 Key Words
29.10 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

29.0 OBJECTIVES
The main aim of this unit is to discuss the spread of agrarian settlements in the Deccan
and South India from 200 B.C. to 300 A.D. After reading this unit you should be able
to know about:
different forms of subsistence which were prevalent in different parts of South India,
the nature of the spread of agrarian settlements,
the nature of ownership of land,
revenue income from agriculture, and redistribution of resources in the agrarian
settlements,
the organisation of agrarian society, and
the introduction of new elements and the beginnings of change.

29.1 INTRODUCTION
The earliest evidence of cultivation in peninsular India is traced back to the later phase
of the new stone age which is dated in the first half of the second millennium B.C. The
new stone age people cultivated millets like ragi and bajra and also pulses like green
gram and horse gram. Making terraces on slopes of hills was an important feature of the'
settlement of the new stone age and the cultivation was limited to the terrace fields.
Rice was found in peninsular India roughly around the beginning of the first millennium
B.C. which is the starting point of the iron age in the south. The spread of rice
cultivation took place in the Deccan and south India during the iron age.
The earliest of the iron age settlements are seen in the upland areas. The introduction
of iron did not bring any sudden change in the techniques of cultivation. Technological
advancement came later with the introduction of the iron ploughshare. This coincided
with a concentration of settlements in the river valleys. Harnessing of bullocks to the
plough and the extensive use of iron ploughshare resulted in the expansion of area
under cultivation and an unprecedentedincrease in agricultural production. There was
a corresponding increase in the population too. A remarkable change occurred later in
the agrarian sector with the beginning of the practice of donating village land to
religious beneficiaries such as Buddhist monasteries and Brahmans. They had better
knowledge of seasons and ability to predict weather. The grants of land to the monks

Kamesh Mechrocks
State dSoclety In South Indh and Brahmans resulted in the coming in of non-cultivatinggroups in the agrarian sector.
200 B.C. to J00 A.D.
Thus we identify three phases is the spread of agrarian settlements in south India.
The first phase of primitive agriculture with a low level technoloev in which
cultivation was confined to the hill slopes.
A second phase, characterised by plough agriculturewith considerable advancement
in technology and spread~ofcultivation to the river valleys.
A third phase which witnessed the introduction of a noncultivating groups into the
agrarian sector. These groups were endowed with better knowledge of seasons,
managerial capacity and aids for method of cultivation.

29.2 FORMS OF SUBSISTENCE

Forms of subsistencewere &termined by several factors such as geographicallocation,
nature of terrain, material culture and the level of technology of the given region.
Primitive techniques lingered on for long in some pockets while some other areas
advanced in material production and social development. Diverse forms of subsistence
are more visible in the region of Tarnilaham. You will read in Unit 31 that early Tamil
Sangam poems speak of five eco-zones in terms of thud and the subsistencepattern of
each eco-zone was quite distinct. There wee:
Kuriqji, the hills and forests,
mullai, the pasture land with low hills and thin forests,
marutam, the fertile agricultural plains
n e w , the sea-coasts and
pnlai, the arid zone. The mullai or the kuriqji tracts could become an arid zone in
scorching summer.
The Kuriuji tracts had forest tribes who were variously known as kuravar, vetar etc.
Their main occupations were hunting and collecting forest produce like bamboo, rice,
honey and roots. They practised "slash and bum" cultivation on the hill slopes and
produced millets and pulses. They used various tools such as spades, sickles and
iron-tipped hoes. Such hill tracts were places where pepper and other spicewere
@own in plenty. There are literary references to the cultivation of pepper and facilities
for watering the gardens.
The pasture of the mullai were occupied by cowherds who were known as itayas. Their
source of livelihood was cattle rearing. They exchanged dairy products. They too
practised shifted cultivationand produced millets and pulses andlentils. The marutam
or the aparian areas were mostly in the fertile river valleys which were suitablefor the
wet land cultivation of paddy and sugarcane. The people, who were called uzhavar,
meaning ploughmen, engaged themselves in plough agriculture and produced
considerable surplus of paddy.
People of other t h i s depended on the marutam tracts for rice, the staple food.
The neytal people, who were paratavas, were engaged in fishing and salt producing.
They exchanged fish and salt for earning their livelihood. ,

The paiai zone was a seasonalphenomenon of the summer. During summer, cultivation
was not possible due to scarcity of water. Therefore there were some people in the
region who took to wayside robbery and cattle lifting. Salt merchants and dealers in
other articles often passed through the palai regions in caravans. Such caravans were
often plundered by people who belonged to the marava groups.
From the above discussion, the following forms of livelihood can be listed.
bunting and gathering forest produce
cattle rearing
plough agriculture
fishing and salt making
wayside robbery.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 - -
e
c h s r t I : P b y d o l p . p h i f D l ~ , ~ M d ~

faturc
hill and forests
xdnbirmtr

huntersand
gathers
(Kuravar,Vefcr)
"aT-'
huntmng, food
gathering
slash and burn
cultivation.
M W pasture land with shepherds Cattlerearing,
low hills and thin ( A y u and Itoyu) shifting cultivation
forests
Msrutlm ' River valleys and cultivators Plough agriculture
planes (uzhsvar and vellaler)
N m Sea-Coasts Fishermen Fishing, pearl diving
mavm) Salt making
RI.L Arid zone Robbers Ways~de
(transformation of Eyinar, Maravar) robbery and hunting.
the hill tracts of
pastureland in
the summer)

Check Your Progress 1

1) Mark the right (v)
or wrong ( x ) statements:
a) Diverse forms of subsistence are more visible in the region of Tamilaham.
)
b) The five Tinais were the Deccan, Andhra, Karnataka ,Tamil Nadu and
Kerala. ( 1
c) The palai zone is a seasonal phenomenon. ( 1
d) The third phase of agriculture in south India is characterised by introduction
of non-cultivating groups into agrarian sector. ( 1
2) Write five lines about the eco-zones of ancient Tamilaham.
, ,

<\
*/
...........................................................................
3) Write three'lines about the form of subsistence in the mullal or pasture lands.

29.3 SPREAD OF AGRARIAN SETTLEMENTS

I An increase in population is a notable change from the new stone age to the iron age in
the Deccan andSouth India. This increase is reflected in the number of the iron age
sites. As a result of this change there was a spread of settlements from the upland areas
I to the fertile river valleys and a transformation from partly cattle rearing and partly
shifting cultivatiqn to settled agriculturaleconomy. The main featuresof this way of life
were:
e a concentration of settlements in the river valleys,
a certain level of craft specialisation,
extensive use of iron tools and implements,
new technology of the iron ploughshare,
management of minor irrigational facilities and
a change from the dry land crops to a more surplus yielding wet land crop of paddy.
Archaeological sites which suggest these changes are scattered all over South India.
, They are generally known as megalithic sites. You have already studied about megaliths
in Block 3. Before discussing agrarian settlements we would mention in brief about
I megaliths.

Kamesh Mechrocks
SmtedsoekyhsoUthIdL: Magalith literally means big stone. The megaliths are associated not with the actual
ZOQ B.C. to J00 A.D.
settlements of the people but with the burial sites in the form of stone circles around the
graves. Some habitational sites such as Tirukkampuliyar, Alagarai etc. also have been
brought to light but they are very rare. The beginnings of the megaliths are traced to
about 1000 B.C.but in many cases they are dated in the fifth to the first century B.C.
In some places they continued'even later. The grave goods consisted of a variety of
articles like human bones, various types of pottery including the characteristicBlack
and Red ware, inscribed pot sherds, tools and weapons of iron, beads and ornaments,
cult objects, and severalother things. It is from these megalithicremains that we know
about the material culture of the agrarian settlemehts of the iron age in South India.
Further, they corroborate some evidence supplied by the contemporary Tamil poems.

29.3.1 Agricultural Production in the Settlements in Tarnilaham

Agriculture in Tamilaham was camed on with the help of the iron ploughshare. Spades,
hoes and sickles also were used for different agricultural purposes. Blacksmiths knew
the metallurgy of iron, a ~ some
~ d sites have yielded furnacesused for iron smelting. Iron
slags also have been obtained from such sites. Iron tipped plough is necessary for deep
ploughing. For rice and sugarcane land needed deep ploughing. The use of ploughs is
attested by literature and inscriptions. A dealer in ploughshare figures as a donor in a
cave inscription in Tamilaham. Bullocks and buffaloes were harnessed to the plough,
and theemployment of the draught animals combined with the use of the plough made
agricultural operations efficient.
Imgation facilitieswere organized at times by local cultivatorsand at times by kings and
chieftains. River water was channelised to the fields. Remains of an ancient reservoir
were discovered near Kavedpattinam in Tamilaham. Imgation was important because
rainfall was not sufficient in the region. Paddy and sugarcane were the two important
crops in the fertile marutam fields. Pulses also were grown. It is known from the
literature of the period that the people had some knowledge of the seasons, which was
necessary for successful cultivation.
Uzhavar and vellalar were the cultivatorsof the land. Uzhavar literally means
ploughmen and vellalar means the masters of soil. One of the sources of the labour for
agriculturewas the groups of ploughmen. Atiyor and Vihaivalar are also mentioned as
I
working in the fields.
Attyor probably means slaves and vinalvalar means workers earning 'wages'. Detailr
about the 'wage' rates and other conditions of labour are not known. In several context6
memben of big families are found engaged in agricultural production. Production
based on family labour alone did not yield large amount of rurplus. However, in rpite
of thir limitation, the agrarian rettlementr could rurtain different groupr of
tunctionarier like blackrmithr, carpenten, bardr, dancsrr, magidanr, priertr, monkr
etc.

29.3.2 Settlements In the Deccan

There was an overall increase in the number of settlementr In the Deccan in the river
basinr, on the wartr and on the plateau during the Satavahana period (let Century
B.C. to the 3rd Century A,D.). The Oodavari valley had the largert number of
rettlementr. The material culture of the Satavahana rqttlementr rhowed mme
improvementr from that of the megalithic rettlemeitr of the Deccan. The toolr and
implements included ploughrharer, dckler, rpader, axer and arrowheadr. The hoe
continued in the developed phare but it was properly'rocketed. Iron ore war available
in the arear of Karirnnagar and Warnagal. Iron working in there spas L indicated as
early as the megalithic period. Oold working also is atterted to in the Deccan in the
Satavahanaperiod. There developmentrrhow that metallurgy had progrerred in thew
areas.
Irrigation facilitier were known in the form of tankr and wells. The water wheel was
u d for lifting water. Digging tanks and wellr was conddered to be a meritoriow act.
Some rulers are praised in the inscriptionr as the maken of tanks. Rich people alw
conrtruqed tanks and wells.
The people of the Deccan had the knowledge of paddy transplantation. The river bash
of the Oodavari and Krishna became an extensive rice producing region in the first two

Kamesh Mechrocks
 centuries of the Christian era. Cotton was grown in the black soil areas and the cotton
products of Andhra became famous even in foreign countries. The cultivation of
coconut trees went a long way in the development of the coastal areas. Plantations of
mango tree and some other trees of timber are also heard of in different parts of the
Deccan.
The source of labour in the Deccan included waged labourers and slaves. The Periplus
of the Erythrean Sea states that slaves were brought from Arabia. This clearly shows
that there was sharp distinction and stratification in the society. The distinction between
the 'high' and the 'low' was prevalent in Tamilaham. The 'high' group consisted of
rulers and chieftains and the vellala and velir sections who were masters of the land. The
'low' section consisted of ordinary peasants, bards and dancers and the workers etc.
The distinction was more crystallised in the Deccan where a fusion of indigenous
developments and the northern ideals and ideology took place at an earlier stage.

The social distinction on the basis of wealth and property takes us to the problem of
ownership rights. In the far south, we have seen that there were some vellala groups
who were masters of the soil. This seems to suggest possession of land rather than work
on other's land for wages. Occasionally, the chieftains granted ur settlements to their
fighters and bards. In effect the person who wasgiven land received the right to collect
the income from the ur settlements which were granted to him. Generally, the field was
owned_collectivelyand the produce wire also enjoyedcollectively after paying the dues
to the chiefs. The nature of land rights is clearer in the Deccan..There were Gahapati
householders who were both landowners and merchants. According to an inscription
Ushavadata son-in-law of Kshatrapa ruler Nahapana of western Deccan, purchased a
plot of land form a Brahmin and donated it to a Buddhist Sangha. This was possible
because of the fact that landcould be owned privately. From this deal the private owner
received 40,000 kahapana coins. The Satavahana kings donated plots of land and even
villages t o religious beneficiaries. The lay devotees followed this practice only later.
From the inscriptions of the period we know that private individuals owned plots of
land.
I

Check Your Progress 2

1) Mark the'(V) or ( x ) against the following:
i) Megalithic monuments are the remains of the new stone age. ( 1
ii) Millet crops could not be cultivated with hoes, ( 1
iii) Imgational facilities were not known in the river valleysef Tamilaham, ( )
iv) The chieftains donated villtlges to the temple^. ( 1
v) Private individuals in the Becean were nat entitled ta own land. ( )
2) List six features sf the agrarian village8 in aneient South India,

I
I
I 3) Write five lines about the tools and implements and inigatisnal facilitiea in the
I agrarian settlements in the Deccan.

Kamesh Mechrocks
SM ad S o w In Bmth laWI:
200 B.C. to 300 A.D. . 4) Write five lines about the ownership of land in the Deccan. ,

29.5 REVENUE AND SURPLUS EXTRACTION

Land revenue was the main source of income. Its collection was done by the state
through an organised mechanism. In this section will discuss land revenue and its
collection.

29.5.1 Revenue from Agriculture

The Tamil literature mentions irai and tirai as the two types of contributionreceived by
the chieftains. The ird appears to have been a more regular contributionand the tirai,
tribute. Unfortunately we do not have much information from the contemporary
records about the rate and mode of collection of revenue. The rulers are often advised
to be gentle and moderate in the collection of revenue. This seems to suggest that
coercion and excesses were practiced by the authorities in collecting shares frbm the
cultivators.
Revenue,system was probably more regular in the Deccan under the Satavahanas but
again the& also the details are not very clear. We hear about some names of taxes like
kara, deya, meya, bhaga.
The actual significanceof these terms or the amount of revenue claimed by the state are
not known. The donation of villages to Buddhist San- and Brahmans included
revenues from donated villages. In such cases some immunities are mentioned. These
immunities were:
i) against entry by the king's soldiers for collecting any sort of fees;
ii) against royal officerstaking possession of articles from the village.
These would show that:
ordinarily, villagers had to pay some contribution of money or articles to soldiers
when they came to the village, or
the soldiers were authorised to collect the revenue.
It appears that in some Satavahana regions the rural areas were under the gaulmika
who was in charge of a small military unit, when land was granted to Buddhist
monasteries or Brahmanas, the state had to guarantee that their rights were not
interfered with by the troops operating in rural areas.

29.5.2 Modes of Acquiring and distributing resources in Tadaham

How did the resources reach the hands of those who required them? In the Deccan
under a well organised state system the modes of appropriation were regularised
according to rule and custom. You have read in Unit 28 that a regular state system was
yet to emerge in the far south; there was therefore no well-regulated system of
distribution of resources.
Several modes of distribution of resources were prevalent in the agrarian settlementsin
Tarnilaham. Here we shall take up the important form of redistribution through gift.
Gift was perhaps the most common mode of circulation of resources. Each producer
gave a part of his product to othersfor services rendered. Gift of a rich meal or a piece
of cloth was a simple fonn of redistribution. Fighting heroes were provided with feasts
both before and after plunder and raid. Poor singers and dancingwomen who sang and
danced in praise of chieftains travelled from court to court eager to get a full meal and
something to put on. At times the gift objects included fine importeawine, silk clothes
and even gold ornaments in addition to feast. Brahman priests and warrior heroes often

Kamesh Mechrocks
 received villages and cattle in gifts by way of remuneration for their services. Gift of Agrha-bdApvLn
sackty in F'mlamwladb
villages to Brahmans accounts for the Brahman settlements in ancient Tamilaham. The
acts of redistribution through gift were made by three groups of persons with wealth
and power, namely, the crowned kings (Vendam), the minor chieftains (velir) and the
well to do agricultural householders (vellalar) of the agrarian settlements.
:
k 29.5.3 Excesses in Extraction
L
In order to make distribution of gifts possible, it was necessary that resources were

i
w
collected in a centre, that is the residence of the chiefs. Distribution of gifts from a
centre was an important feature of redistribution. The pooling of resources often led to
plunder and pillage of agrarian tracts. Grains and Cattle were looted. What they could
not carry was destroyed. Setting fire to the peasant settlements, devastation of the
harvesting fields of the enemies and conversion of the rich gardens to waste land were
L some of the acts of the plunderers. The marva fighters of the hill tracts and the pasture
lands yere used by the chiefs to plunder settlements. The booty of such plunders was
redistributed among the marava fighters and the Brahman priests by way of
presentation and the remuneration for expiatory rituals. The defenceless plight of the
peasants and the way they were terrorised and exploited are attested to by a number of
songs of the Sangam anthologies.
Inspite of all such excess committed against the poor peasants, the war was celebrated
as a noble heroic act. It was even institutionalised. The cult of war was propagated
through the praise'of the courage of the warriors whose memorial stones were made
cult objects or objects of worship. The pana singers sang in praise of the warlike qualities
of the chieftain and his fighters. Booty capture was necessary because of the scarcity of
resources. At the'same time such activities of excesses resulted in the destruction of
resources. This was a contradiction which was inherent in the mechanism of
redistribution at the level of chieftains.
*C -
Check Your Progress 3
1) Mark the right (v) and wrong (x) from the following:
i) Iral and tlral were the two items of revenue to be paid in cash.
ii) gualmlkas were the rural administrators of.the Satavahanas.
iii) The bards and dancers travelled from court to court to receive rich
presentations of cattle and land.
iv) The plunder war was institutionalised in ahcient Tamilaham.
2) Write five lines about the plunder wars in ancient South India.

3) Write three lines about the excesses in the.appropriation of surplus in early

Tamilaham.

29.6 S0CIA.L ORGANISATION

In this section we will study the different social groups and customs in Tamilaham and
Deccan areas. Let us first discuss Tamilaham.

29.6.1 Society in Tamilaham

Societv in ancient Tamilaham was essentially tribal in character with its kinship

Kamesh Mechrocks
Stateud~bl8alLldbr eco-zones, tribal customs prevailed, but a change was gradually happening in the
206 B.C. to 300 A.D.
predominantly agricultural region. In this region social organization was becoming
complex. This was charactetised by the gradual breaking up of old kinship ties and the
introduction of the Brahmanical varna concept. Social stratification or inequality
between different social groups appeared and there was broad distinction between
'high' and 'low'. The landed vellalar and the velala peasants constituted the basic
producing groups in the agrarian settlements. -
Craft specialization was only rudimentary and subsidiary to agricultural production.
We hear of blacksmiths (Kdlao) and carpenters (tech@. The extended family was
their unit of production. Weaving was another profession.
Religious worship and cult practices of the village folk followed old tribal rituals which
necessitated the presence of ritual groups, such as Velan, Venttuvan etc. They looked
after the supernatural elements and their management. However, society was not
'priest-dominated'. There was considerable surplus which led to the prosperity of
trading groups. They were known after the commodity in which they traded. Thus we
hear of umanan (salt merchant), Koglavanikan (corn merchant), aruvaivanikan (textile
merchant), pon vanikan (gold merchant) etc. Towards the end of our period these
traders were accommodated within the varna order which had by that time taken roots
in the far south. Tokappiyam, theearliest available work on Tamil grammar, portrays
the Tamil Society as consistingof our varna divisions. According to this text the traders
belonged to the vaisya group. In the deep south, especially in the Madurai and
Tirunelveli regions the Pandya country, these traders are found associated with some
heterodox religious groups. They figure in the early inscriptions of this region as donors
of cave dwellings to the ascetics of the Jaina or the Buddhist order. The presence of the
ascetics of the heterodox sects suggests that they had some followers in the region.
It was quite natural that the chiefly groups established their centres in the agrarian
tracts marutam for the reason that surplus resources necessary for the sustenance of a
non-producing group were available there only. The chieftains of the marutam
agricultural tracts started claiming descent from Suryavamsa (Solar line) or
Chandravamsa (Umar line) as the Kshatriya of north India did.
The chieftains exploited the peasants in the agrarian settlements and extracted the
surplus with the help of the marava groups of the peripheral regions. They often
plundered the villages. In the Sangam poems war and the warlike qualities of the
warrior heroes were glorified. The function of the Pana singers and the Viral1 dancers
was to glorify the heroes and their heroism. Thus we find that the society in the agrarian
Marutam region of ancient Tamilaham was an amalgamation of old tribal prrictices and
of Brahmanical ideals and ideology.

29.6.2 Soclety In the Deccan

In the Deccan all the three major religious slystems i.e. Brahmani~m,Buddhism and
Jainism enjoyed large following.
The Sdtavahana ruler8 extended their patronage to Vedic ritualism. For example
Naganika, an early queen of the Satavahana family performed several Vedic rituals and
made gift mentioned in the Vedic texts. Jainism had 8ome following in the region and
some of the famous teachers of the Dlgambara sect flourislhed in this period,
Kondakundacharya, the founder of the Mulamngha which became popular in the
South, lived in the region, Buddhkm spread as a popular movement and that religion
could enlist participation of a large number of followers, mostly traders and artislane,
The Mahayana eect of Buddhism enjoyed good popularity, Ruling authoritie8, rich men
and workere donated liberally to the vlherm and rtupaa. Aeharya Nagajuna, the
greatest exponent of Mahayana faith flourished in the Deccan. Some foreign elements
like Yavanor, Soka and Pahlavaa embraced either the Brahmanical or the Buddhist
religion. Thus the period witnessed the fusion of variou8 cultural elements in society.
The rulers of foreign descent used Rakrlt and later on Sanskrit, in their inscriptions
and even adopted Indian personal and family names.
The idea of the four-fold division of society was familiar in the Deccan. The practice of
calling people according to their profession was popular. HPlaka (ploughman), g o b
(shepherd), vardhokl (carpenter), kollka (weaver), tilaploaka (oil presser) and Kamara
(smith) were some such professional labels. Caste rules were much flexible and this
might be due to mixing up with forei~nelements.Joint family system was the normal

Kamesh Mechrocks
 feature of society. Male domination is clearly attested to in social life. Sometimes some ~g~~ .ns
sodety lo d l uIndla
~ nt hkuau m l(rd~m
women are found accepting the titles of their husbands like Bhojiki, Maharathini,
Mahasenapatini etc.

29.7 NEW ELEMENTS AND SOCIAL CHANGE

In the Deccan some new elements made their first appearance in the agrarian order
during the first centuries A.D. The Satavahana and Kshatrapa rulers donated plots of
land and even entire villages to religious beneficiaries such as Buddhist monks and
Brahmanas. Along with land, certain economic privileges in the form of the right to
collect revenue from the village and to enjoy the right over mines were also transferred •

to the grantees. It appears that the land grants included some fiscal and administrative
rights over the peasants. The royal grants freed the village folk from obligatory
payments to administrative functionaries and soldiers who visited the village. In the
past many grants to individuals had been temporary. But now the trend was to make
the grant perpetual.
The privileges and immunities sanctioned by the rulers and the grant of permanent right
over land placed the religious beneficiaries in a highly powerful position. These new
developments in the agrarian sector brought about serious and far-reaching changes in
the land system and economy.
In the first place the religious beneficiaries became powerful authorities of the villages
received by them with the new economic and administrative privilepcs in addition to the
spiritual control which they exercised.
Secondly, land grants to monks and priests created a new class of non-cultivating land
owners. Buddhist monks and Brahman priests were not cultivators themselves. They
had to employ others to work on their land. The actualtillers were thus separated from
' the land and its produce.

Thirdly, this type of private ownership abolished earlier collective rights over forests,
pastures, fisheries, anbreservoirs.
Fourthly, the beneficiaries enjoyed the rights dot only over land but also over peasants
who worked on land. 'This led to an erosion of the rights of the peasants who became
servile.
These developments in the Deccan were to become prominent elsewhere in the
subsequent centuries. Finally, the practice of land grant contributed, with several other
features, to the creation of a social order which is described by some scholars as "Indian
feudalism".
F-
Check Your P r o m u 4
1) Mark the right (v) and the wrong (x) in the space provided:
a) Social complexity started appearing in the pasture lands. ( 1
b) According to Tolkapplyam the traders belonged to the bhatrlya groups.
( 1
c) In the Madurai and Tirunelveli regions the cave dwellings were donated to the
ascetics of the heterodox sectr like Jainism and Buddhism. ( 1
d) Kondakundacharya war the founder of the Mularangha of the D1gambara
sect . ( 1
e) The idea of the four-fold division of society war familiar in the Deccan. ( )
2) Write three liner about the craftsmen group8 in the Tarnilaham.

' 3) Write seven lines about the Satavahana land grants to the religious groups in the
' Deccan .

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Statc.ad.%klyLnSomlbladl.:
2M B.C. lo jOO A.D.

i 4) Write a paragraph about the results of the land grants to Buddhist monks and
Brahman priests.

29.8 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit we discussed sewral aspects of agrarian settlements and agrarian society in
peninsular India. You have learnt from this lesson about:
the economic activities of the different sub-regions in Tamilaham
the spread of agrarian settlements
the problem of ownership of land
collection and distribution of resources
main features of social organisation in Tamilaham and Deccan.
new elements which were introduced in the agrarian order in the early centuries of
the Christian era and the changes brought about by these elements.

29.9 KEY WORDS

Anthology: A collection of poems lyrics.
PMIL: A singer of ancient Tmilaham who sang in praise of chieftains. s

Shah and bum cultlvatlon: A primitive type of agriculture. Trees and bushes on the
hill-slopes are cut down and then burnt. Thus the ground is prepared and then the seed
is sown.
Shifting cultlvatlon: The mode of agriculture in which the plot of cultivation is shifted
periodically. This is to avoid exhaustion of land caused by continuous use of the same
plot.
Tinai: A generic term for a physiographic division of land in early Tamilaham.
Totem worship: Worship of the main symbol of a tribe. .

29.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) a) d
b)
c)
dl d
2) In your answer you should write about Kurinji mullai etc. zones. See Section 29.2
3) You should write about pastures and cattle rearing. Also see Section 29.2

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Check Your Progress 2
1) i) X
ii) X
iii) X
iv) X
v) x
2) See Section 29.3
3) You should write about such tools as ploughshare, sickles spades etc. and tank and
well irrigation. See Sub-section 29.3.2 \

4) You should write about vellala, Gahapati etc. and their rights. See Section 29.4

Check Your Progress 3

. l ) i) x
ii) d
iii) x
iv) d
2) You should write about the attacks in agrarian tracts. See Sub-section 29.5.3.
3) You should write about the excesses committed against peasants. See Sub-section
29.5.3
Check Your Progress 4

2) See Section 29.6, second para.

3) You should write about land and village grants for religious and other purposes. See
Section 29.7, first para.
4) You should write about the changes brought about in agrarian sector by the grants
to religious beneficiaries. See Section 29.7, from the second para.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 30 EXPANSION OF TRADE AND
URBAN CENTRES
Structure
30.0 Objectives
30 1 Introduction
30.2 Types of Trade
30.2.1 Local trade
30.2.2 Long distance overland trade
30.2.3 Long distance overseas trade
30.3 Aspects of commercial organisation
30.4 Exchange Facilities
30.5 Coins as media of Exchange
30.5.1 Local Coins
30.5.2 Punch-marked coins
30.5.3 Roman Coins
30.6 Revenue From Trade
30.7 Weights and Measures
30.8 Urban Centres
30.9 The Impact of Trade and Urban Centres on Society
30.10 Let Us Sum Up
30.11 Key Words
30.12 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises.

30.0 OBJECTIVES
The purpose of the Unit is to discuss briefly the different dimensions of the expansion
of trade and urban centres in south India from 200 B.C. 300 A.D. This Unit will focus
on the kingdom of the Satavahanas and the regions far south under the Cheras, the
Cholas and the Pandyas as well as the local Chieftains who were less important. After
reading this Unit you will be able to know about:
the nature of exchange which determined the character of trade at various levels in
early peninsular India,
transport and communicationfacilities,
coins as media of exchange in trade;
the interest of political authorities in trade,
urban Centres in South India, and
the impact of trade and urbanization on the society of early peninsular India.

In Unit 29 you read about agrarian settlements and agrarian society. In this Unit we
shall discuss other such aspects of economy as trade and urbanisation which helped
bringing about significant changes in the society of early peninsular India.
In peninsular India, growth of trade and emergence of urban centres were not isolated
phenomena but were very much associated with the other important changes which
were taking place in the region. They were generated by:
changes within society in different parts of peninsular India caused by growth of
agriculture in the major river valleys. To an extcnt this was connected with iron
technology of peninsular Megalithic culture (see Unit) and with irrigation. In some
parts agricultural surplus appears to have been available.
Mauryan expansion in peninsular India led to greater contact with the north and to
movement of traders, merchants and others. This is suggested by the advantages of
the southern route (dakshina-patha) highlighted in the Arthasastra. There were
further contacts along the coasts. Earlier system and network of exchange in
peninsular India thus underwent major changes.

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 To this was added another factor. From the close of the first century B.C. demand
for Indian goods brought merchants and ships from the Roman world in the west in
close contact with peninsular India. This provided a major impetus to the growth of
trade and of urban centres.
All these again are associated with the growth of crafts specialization or growth of
skill in producing crafts items which were required for members of the society either
in local exchange or for long-distance trade. For example, different types of pottery,
bead-making, glass-making, weaving of cloth, all required different skills.
It has however to be remembered that all corners of India were not uniformly affected
by these changes. There were, and there continued to be areas in which earlier forms
of culture persisted. Secondly between the Deccan and the far south, changes were
more prominent in different part$ of the Deccan. In the beginning, changes were slower
and limited temtorially in the far south.
Different aspects of the G I owth of trade and of urban centres can be studied under the
following heads;
Exchange mechanism in local transactions and long-distance trade,
Organisations of guilds,
Transportation. Storage and shipping,
Means of exchange,
Revenue from trade,
Urban centres, and
Economic and social changes brought about by trade and urbanisation

30.2 TYPES OF TRADE

You have learnt about the various geographical regions and their produces. Each
region had something to exchange for itemsof other regions. At the same time each of
these regions lacked some items which were essential for its own society. The
agricultural tracts produced food-grains and sugarcane but it had to depend on the
'
coastal areas for salt and fish. The coastal area produced considerable surplus in salt
and fish, but rice, the staple., food, had to be brought from the areas of paddy
cultivation. The hill ranges were rich in timber, spices etc. but they had to depend on
agricultural tracts and coastal areas for foodgrains and salt. The result of this kind of
interdependence was that exchange relationship had come to exist among the various
geographical regions.
some of the articles available in south India were required by other parts of the
sub-continent and even by other countries and civilizations. Contacts were established
through land-routes or sea-routes by those distant countries and the necessary articles
1 were procured. Thus we can identify three levels of trade:
i) Local trade
ii) Long distance overland trade, and
iii) Long distance overseas trade.

30.2.1 Local Trade

Barter was the most common mode of transaction in the context of local exchange.
Most of the items of barter were for immediate consumption. Salt, fish, paddy, dairy
products, roots, venison, honey and toddy were the regular iteins of barter in the far
C south.
Salt was exchanged for paddy; paddy was exchanged for milk, curd and ghee; honey
was given for taking fish oil and liquor; rice flakes and sugarcane were given for venison
and toddy. Very rarely, luxury items like pearls and elephant tusks also appeared as
I
items of barter. They were also bartered for articles of consumption such as rice, fish,
toddy etc. Loan was not unknown in the barter system of the Tamil south. A loan of a
fixed quantity of an article could be taken to be repaid in the same kind and quantity at
a later date. This was called Kurietirppai.
I
Exchange rate were not fiued. Petty bargaining was the only method of fixing the price
of articles. Paddy and salt were the only two items for which a set exchange rate was
known in the barter system of the far south. Salt was bartered for equal measure of
/ paddy.

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 trinkets were bartered in the rural areas.
In the barter system of the far south the following features can be noted:
i) Most of the items of exchange were of consumption articles.
ii) Exchange was not profit-oriented
iii) As in the case of production, distribution also was subsistence oriented.

30.2.2 Long Distance Overland Trade

Contacts in various spheres between the northQm and southern pans of India can be
traded back at least to the fourth century Be&,$hot earlier. Resources of the regions
which lay to the south of the Vindhyan ranges weire known to the north. Early Buddhist
literature seems to refer to a route which rab from the Ganga valley to the Godavari
Valley. This was known as the Dakshinapatha. Kautilya, the author of the Arthasastra,
has written about the advantage of this southern route. According to Kautilya, the
L
d southern territories abounded in conch-shells, diamonds, pearls, precious stones and
gold. Moreover, this route passed through territories rich in mines and valuable
merchandise. He says that this route was frequented by many during those days. The
Eakshinapatha touched many southern centres including the city of Pratishthana,
which\wasto become the capital of the Satavahanas at a later date. Most of the items of
this north-south tradkwere luxury articles such as pearls, precious stones-andgold.
Good varieties of textiles moved between the north and south also. Perhaps a fine
variety of silk came from Kalinga. The name of this thin silk was Kalinga, evidently
named after the place of its origin. This was an important item favoured by the Tamil
Chieftains. The bards who sang in praise of the chieftains received 'Kalinga' silk cloth '
'
as a valuable present. The fine types of pottery called Northern Black Polished were
(NBP) also found its way to the extreme south. Archaeologists have unearthed some
NBP sherds in the temtory of the early Pandyas.
Besides the above items some herbs and spices also were brought to the south. These
included spikenard and malabathrum (a herb for preparing ointment) which were
shipped to the west.
The northern traders also brought a large quantity of silver punch-marked coins. The
punch-marked coins in large boards have been unearthed from different parts of south
India. They bear testimony to the brisk commercial contactsbetween the north and the
south. As the long-distance trade with northern Indian was-mostly in luxury items the
benefit of this trade was enjoyed by a small section consisting of the ruling elites and
their men.

30.2.3 Long Distance Overseas Trade

Indian items such as spices, precious and semi-precious stones, timber, ivory and many
other articles were in great demand in the western countries. The main source of these
articles was south India. These articles were shipped to the west from very early times.
Considering the bulk of transactions and the resultant profit, direct trade withsthe I
Roman world, of which we have,evidencefrom the close of the first century B.C.
proved to very significant for the economy and society of peninsular India.
We shall identify two stages in the commercial contact of Rome with peninsular India.
i) An early stage with the Arabs as middlemen
ii) A second stage in which direct contact was established with the knowledge of the
monsoon winds.
For a long period navigation in the Arabian sea was coastal. It was tedious and
expensive. The Arabs had established commercial connections with India, making the
Sea as a highway of trade before the beginning of the Christian era. The geographical
positionof the Arabs was favourable to them in enjoying the monopoly in the East-West
trade. They had some knowledge of the wind systemsin the Arabian sea and they kept
it as a trade secret. Thus the Arabs played the role of middlemen and raised
considerable profit out of the trade with peninsular India.
With the 'discovery' of the monsoon winds which is attributed to a navigator named,
Hippalus direct contact was established by the Romans with India. This marked the
beginning of a period of increase in commerce between Rome and peninsular India.

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Kamesh Mechrocks
~.adSobtylaSoo(bladl.: The Romans brought to the south Indian ports their articles which included both raw
100 B.C. to 309 A.D.
materials and finished products. The raw materials consisted of copper, tin, lead, coral,
topaz, flint, glass (as a few material for making beads).
The finished products were the best quality of wine, clothes of fine texture, fine
ornaments, gold and sildr coins and different types of excellent pottery.
A large number of articles were shipped by the Romans from peninsular India to the
west. We shall identify the following categories among them.
i) Spices and medicinal herbs like the pepper, spikenard, malabathrum, cinnabar;
ii) Precious and semi-preciousstones such as beryl, agate, Carnelian, Jasper and onyx
as well as shells, pearls and tusk;
iii) Timber items like ebony, teak, sandalwood, bamboo;
iv) Textile item of coloyred cotton cloth and muslin-as well as dyes like indigo and lac.
Among the above items of export, beads and textile were the finished goods.
The Romans paid for the Indian articles mainly in gold. A majority of the export items
were locally available, and the collection of merchandise in the Deccan and south India
was done by the Indian merchants themselves. Wagons and pack animals were for
transporting them to the ports.
The shippingof merchandise to the western lands was carried out mostly by the foreign
merchants though there were Indian maritime traders in the Deccan and South India.
South India had commercial connections with Sri Lanka and South East Asia. The
important articles of this trade were some spices, camphor and sandalwood.
Merchants of Tamil origin were probably responsible in taking the initiative in this
trade. Sri Lankan merchants come to Tamilaham also. There are inscriptionswritten in
Tamil Brahmi Characters which refer to those who come from Elam (Sri Lanka).
However, details of this trade are not known.

30.3 ASPECTS OF COMMERCIAL ORGANISATION

In small scale local transactions quite often the producers were the dealers too.
Fishing and Salt making were done exclusively by the community of Paratavas,
mentioned in the Sangam region as living in the nytal (coastal) region, and so they had
to devote their whole time for these activities. Therefore, a different method was
followed in the distribution of fish and salt.
Fish was taken to the neighbouring areas of the sea-coast by the womenfolk of the
fishermen's family. They appeared in the places of village fairs and other rural
gatherings. As an essential item salt was in demand everywhere. A separate group took
to the distribution of salt. The salt merchants were known as umanas in Tamilaham.
In the Coastal aieas and the neighbouring villages the umana hawker girls carried salt
in head loads and bartered it mainly with paddy.
In the interior rural villages salt was taken by the umanas. Big bags of salt were
transported in carts drawn by bullocks or asses. The salt merchants moved in large
groups. These salt carvanas were called umanchathu. They bartered salt for the local
products. Thus the umanchathu acted as the collectors of merchandise from different
parts of the regions.
The umanas moved in caravans with their family. No organisation other than the family
is known to have existed among the salt merchants.
Besides the salt dealers, there were dealers in corn (Koolavanikan) cloth
(aruvaivanikan), gold (pon vanikan), sugar (panita vanikan) etc. They figure in some
ancient cave inscriptions of Tamilaham as donors of dwelling places to some ascetics.
This indicates that they were affluent. Details of their trade and organisation are not
known. There is a single epirgraphic reference to a traders' organisation of Tiruvellarai
in the deep south. The members of the organisation at Tiruvellarai are described as
nilrpmnttnr meaning the members of the nigama, a guild.
InTamilaham the organisation of traders was perhaps a rare thing. But in the Deccan
merchants' guilds or associations were a regular phenomenon. There were numerous

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 Another route ran from the Western hilly region to Kanchipuram which was a seat of a
local chieftain and a famous 'City' on the east coast.
Salt-Caravans and other merchants were the travellers who traversed these routes. The
Caravans moved in large groups. Besides merchants, very often wandering bards,
dancers, messengers, mendicants etc. also moved from place to place along such routes.
These groups chose to join the caravans because the journey wasoften hazardous. Most
of the routes passed through dense forests and over hills where wild tribes lived.
Wayside robbery was a perpetual threat to the merchants and the carvans employed
guards of their own, in the absence of effective protection from the rulers.
In the territories under the Satavahanas the picture was somewhat different. The main
route to the Deccan from the north came from Ujjaini to the city of Pratishthana
(Paithan) the capital of the Satavahanas. From Pratishthana it passed across the Deccan
Plateau to the lower Krishna and then went further south to reach the famous southern
cities of Kanchi and Madurai. A network of roads developed early in the Christian era
from this old route linking the producing areas in the interior with inland markets and
towns and the port towns on the western coast. The fertile river valleys of Godavari and
Krishna also had such network of routes to connect the interior with the coastal towns.
It is interesting to note that some of the famous ancient Buddhist cave sites and religious
centres in the Deccan were situated on such trade routes. These religious centres were
helpful in many ways to the merchant-caravans. Besides providing food and shelter
they even issued loans.
The rulers also showed interest in the conditions of the routes. They donated liberally
to Buddhist religious establishments which were located on the routes. They
constructed rest houses at port towns and established watersheds on the routes.
Officials also were appointed for the upkeep of them. Unfortunately information is not
available regarding policing on the roads.
Often the routes had to cross over rivers. Femes were established at such points and a
toll was also collected from the merchants. Some of the ferries were toll-free.
Due to familiarity with a long coast-line and several rivery systems, navigation both on
sea as well as river was known to the south Indians. Smaller boats were used for
ferry-crossing and river navigation. Navigation on the sea was made possible by
construction and use of bigger vessels.
>
Navigation in Tamilaham was mainly coastal. There were some trade connections with
Y Sri Lanka. Sri Lankan (Elam) traders figure in some ancient inscriptionsof south India.
Similarly, Tamil traders appear as donors in some early inscriptions of Sri Lanka. These
evidences show that traders from Tamilaham participated in maritime trade.
The Deccan too had merchants who were particularly engaged in sea-borne trade.
Ships fitted out of Bharukaccha are known from literature of this period.
Merchants of peninsular India, particularly those of the Deccan, participated in foreign
trade. The presence of some Indian traders in Egypt and Alexandria is attested by
foreign writings of this period.
The royal authorities were aware of the importance of maritime trade. They provided
facilities for the traders. The ships arriving at Bharukaccha were piloted by local boats
and conducted to separate berths at the docks.
In the far south the big chieftains of Tamilaham encouraged sea-trade in different ways.
Lighthouses were erected on the shores; there were wharves where the Roman ships
1 unloaded their merchandise to be stamped with the chieftains emblem. Storage
facilities were provided, and protection of goods was also arranged at the warehouses.
Sea-borne trade in the far south as well as in the Deccan shows some features of what
is described as "administered trade" by some modern scholars. The difference between
the two regions is that the features are more prominent in the Deccan whereas in
Tamilaham they are at the rudimentary level.

1 30.5 COINS AS MEDIA OF EXCHANGE

Though barter was the most common mode of transaction, the use of coins as a means
of exchange became current in the period that we are discussing. The Coins which were

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~ d ~ t a 8 a t L towns
~ and each town seems to have had a guild r a nigama. Each guild had an elderman
200 B.C. to J00 A.D.
(Setthi) and its owq office. The organisation 01 traders acted as a bank. It received
deposits and lent out money. The guilds of weavers, potters, oil pressers, bamboo
workers, braziers etc. are known from the inscriptions of the Deccan.
The guild as a working unit is more efficient than the family unit. Besides the strength
of unity, guild was capable of providing all sorts of help to its members including
financial assistance. Further, the individual member was relieved from the
responsibility of finding out a customer.
Thus the territories under the Satavahanashad a comparativelyadvanced system in the
organisation of trade.

Check Yoor Rogrem I

1) Write three features of the barter system in the ancient south India.

2) Mark which of the following statements are right ( d )or wrong (x).
a) Most of the items of barter were for luxury. ( )
b) 'Kdetirppai' means barter in which a loan of a fixed quantity of an article is
taken to be repaid in the same kind and quantity at a later date. ( )
c) Kautilya thought that the southern route was superior because it was less
dangerous than othet routes. ( 1
d) South India exported only raw material to the West and imported finished
products from the West. ( 1
e) The trade guilds in the Deccan acted as a bank which received deposits and
lent out money.
( 1
3) Write about three lines on the Salt Caravans in Tamilaham.

..........................................................................................................
4) Write in five lines about the trade organisations in the Deccan.

The question of facilities for transportation, storage and shipping is relevant

particularly in the context of long distance trade in which the movement of bulk items
is a problem. In the far south, pepper, paddy and salt were the main items which
required movement in bulk. In western Deccan timber also was a bplk item of demand
from the West. Pack animals and carts were used for inland transport.
In Tamilaham there were several routes which connected the interior tracts with the
settlements in the river valleys, port towns and seats of rulers. One such route went
from the western areas of the Kaveri valley to the Chola port town Kaveripumpattinam.

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 known to early peninsular India can broadly be divided into two broad categories:
(*) Local coins of different varieties
(*) Roman coins.

30.5.1 Local Coins

Local coins of different varieties were prevalent in different regions in peninsular India.
Ancient Tamil literature speaks about some of them such as Kasu, Kanam, P w and
Ven Pon. But actual coins which may correspond to these names have not been
discovered. In the Deccan, inscriptions refer t o theuse of Kahapanas which were silver
coins locally minted and tosuvarnas which refer to gold coins either of the Romans or
I
the Kushans.
Actualcoins of different varieties and minted in different metals like lead, potin
I
(Copper mixed with tin and other metals), copper and silver were in use. The earliest
among them were punchmarked coins which, as you have learnt in Block IV, came to
be minted in north-west and north India from 6th-5th century B.C. onward. In
peninsular India too different varieties of punchmarked coins were minted in different
regions. Other varieties of coins, manufactured by using other techniques like casting
and die-striking, gradually came into use. From the second century B.C. Kings of small
localities of members of the important,Maharathi and other families started minting
coins in their own name. To these were added coins of Satavahana rulers minted in
different metals, possibly from the first century B.C. onward. In the northern Deccan,
Gujarat, Malwa and adjacent regions, silver coins of the Kshatrapas were in great
demand. Thus, between the second century B.C. and the close of the second century
A.D., the largest varieties of local coins were minted and were in circulation in
peninsular India.

30.5.2 Roman Coins

Ancient Tamil literature refers to Yavana (Roman) ships bringing large quantities of
gold to Tamilaham to be exchanged for pepper. The Roman emperor Tiberius &rote to
the Senate in 22 A.D. that the wealth of the empire was being drained off to foreign
lands in exchange of petty things. In the 1st Century A.D., Pliny, the author of The
Natural History,complained that every year a huge amount of Roman wealth went out
to India, China and Arabia for luxury articles. These statements are well supported by
the large number of Roman Coins found in hoards in various places of peninsular India
like Andhra, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Kerala. Most of the coins belong to a period
between the lstcentury B.C. and the 3rd Century A.D. This suggests that Roman
Contact with peninsular India was brisk during this period.
The Roman coins are mostly in gold and silver. Copper coins are extremely rare but not
altogether unknown.
Roman money was brought to purchase items which were dear to the Westerners.
These items could not be procured by exchanging Roman things in bulk. Big
transactions were done by means of gold wins. Silver coins were used for comparatively
small purchases. Some scholars are of the view that Roman gold was accepted not as
coin but as bullion. It is also held by certain scholars that Roman gold was used as
I ornament by the South Indians.
some numismatists have mainr'ained that the Roman coins and the punch-marked coins
were current in the country side by side. The Roman coins were of roughly the same
1 weight as the punch-marked coins. In some hoards they are found along with the
punch-marked coins. Both types are equally worn out, and this suggests that they were
current for a long time before they were placed in hoards. Imitations of Roman coins
were also current in south India, especially on the Coromandal Coast, where there were
some Roman trading stations. These imitated coins may have been manufactured to
satisfy the needs of such 'colonies'.

30.6 REVENUE FROM TRADE

Collection of revenue as a regular source of income t o the treasury depends on several
I
factors including the efficiency of the government. Political developments in different
reeions in en insular 1ndiain our period were not uniform in character. So the revenue

Kamesh Mechrocks
~ m d ~ ~ n system
~ ~also varied
b : from region to region.
Sd0 B.C. to 300 A.D.
Toll was collected for merchandise moving on pack animals and carts. This toll was
known as Ulku, a derivative of the Sanskrit term s u b , meaning toll. This seems to
indicate that the idea of toll was borrowed from the north. However, all the crowned
chieftains and the lesser chieftains of the south are said to have been interested in trade,
especially with the Yavanas, evidently with an eye on the income from commerce.
In the Chola port town of Kaveripumpattinam there were the Chola ruler's agents to
affix the Chola emblem of the tiger on the merchandise. Toll was also levied on the
articles. Detailed information about this aspect is not available.
Further north, in the territory of the Satavahanas, taxation seems to have been more
regular and systematic. Toll was collected on each item of trade. Custom duties and
various tolls were levied on merchants at each major town. The rates of such duties and
tolls are not specified anywhere. Ferry duties were another source of income.
Ushavdata, son-in-law and representative of the Kshatrapa ruler Nahapana of western
India is said to have made artangements for toll-free ferries on some rivers.
Revenue was received in kind or in cash.
Artisans had to pay tax on their products. This was known as Kanrkara (Karu = artisan
and Kara = tax).
From this fragmentary information one can only say that the ruling authorities derived
considerable income from trade and commerce.
%.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Mention which of the following statements is right (v)or wrong (x).
i) In Tamilaham there were several routes which connected the interior tracts
with the settlements in river valleys, the coastal towns and the seats of ruling
chieftains.
ii) Satavahana rulers established watersheds on the trade routes and appointed
officials for the up keep of,them.
iii) Whether found in the north or south the punch marked coins carried a
standard weight.
iv) In ancient South India the Roman gold coins were used exclusively as
ornaments.
v) The tax paid by the merchants was called Karukara.
2) Bring out the contrasting experience on the trade routes in ancient Deccan and
South India in about 50 words.

..........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
3) Write three lines on the local coins in South India.
..........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
4) Write about five lines on the silver Punch-marked coin. I/

...........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................

Kamesh Mechrocks
5) Write seven lines on the Roman Coins and their use in South India.

30.7 WEIGHTS AND MEASURES

A developed system of exchange requires regular weights and measures. When it is
possible to weigh, measure and count objects which one is buying or selling, exchange
becomes both easy and efficient. The buyer and the seller do not have to feel uncertain
about the quantity or size of the object bought or sold.
In the Deccan, where dealing with different kinds of items in the trading centres was a
regular practice, the idea of exact measurements must have been prevalent. Coins were
issued in different denominations, and land was measured in terms of nivartanas.
Ma and Veli were measures of land in the far south. Here, grain was measured in
ambanam, probably a large measure, in the context of paying tributes. Smaller
measures such as nali, ulakku and alakku were also known.
Weight was known by means of balance. Balance was perhaps a rod with marks on it.
Even minute weight could be balanced for we are told about weighinggold on balance.
In the day-to-day transactions the linear measurement was expressed in terms of length
of gingilly grain (el), paddy grain (nel), finger and hand.

30.8 URBAN CENTRES

In the course of the above discussion we touched upon various aspects of commercial
expansion of trade id early peninsular India. This early trade provided great impetus to
the rise and growth of a number of urban centres. We shall begin with the centres of the
Deccan where the features of urban growth are clearly visible.
The Western and Eastern coasts had several port-towns. In the coastal Andhra region,
in the deltaof the Godavariand the Krishna, there were some important centres. Ships
sailed from there to the Malay peninsula and eastern archipelago. The western port
towns of Bharukaccha (Broach), Sopara and Kalyana however appear to be older and
more important in the early phase of Indo-Roman trade.
In the interior there were big and small urban centres: Pratishthana (Paithan), Tagara
(Ter), Bhogavardhana (Bhokardan), Karahataka (Karad), Nasik, Vaijayanti,
Dhanyakataka, Vijayapuri Nagarjunakonda etc. We may identify the following factors
which led to the rise of these centres which were distinct from ordinary rural
settlements:
i) An agricultural hinterland capable of producing the necessary surplus for the
consumption of different social groups living in urban centres.
ii) Emergence of such groups as those of traders, artisans and handicraftsmen who
were not directly involved in food production.
iii) Emergence of the guilds which organized the activities of traders and craftsmen.
iv) Facilities for collection of commodities required in local and foreign exchange and
development of shipping.
v) A mling class capable of channelising the surplus to the centres and also providing
help and protection.
vi) Emergence of a monetary system.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 *
s u c r d ~ h B a t L ~ Functionally, the urban centres belonged to different categories: Administrative
2W LC. C 3W AD.
centres, collection centres, cantonments, centres of foreign trade, markets and
manufacturing centres. However, most of these functions could be carried out at a
single urban centre.
Three distinct types of centres can be identified in the Tamilaham mostly on the basis
of references in Sangam poems and other literary writings and to some extent on the
basis of archaeology:
rural exchange centres,
inland market towns, and
a port towns.
In the process of exchanging articles for subsistence between the different tlnais or
eco-zones, there emerged several centres as points of contact. These contact points
were often junctions on the traditional routes.
Some of these centres became more active because of regular exchangeactivities. It will
not be appropriate to call them 'urban' in the modern sense of that term. However, the
contemporary society viewed them as distinct from ordinary peasant settlements.
Inland towns like Uraiyur (near modern Tiruchirapalli) Kanchi (Kanchipuram) and
Madurai had markets. They too had not developed into full-fledged urbancentres.
Pattinams or port-towns were more active unuer the patronage of the rulers. There
were several such centres. On the east coast: Puhar or Kaveripumpattinam (of the
Cholas), Arikamdu, Korhai (of the Pandyas); On the west coast: Muziris and Tyndis
(of the Cheras), Bakare and Neleynda. They were centres of maritime trade and some
of them like Arikamedu had 'colonies' of the 'Yavanas'. Muziris was a busy centre with
a port crowded with ships of all kinds, with large warehouses and markets.
Since the emphasis of trade at the port-towns was on luxury items, the pattinams were
not closely linked with the local exchange network. They remained as "pockets of
foreign trade" with mainly the rulers and the rich as the clientele. The growth of these
centres was thus a result of external trade. With the decline of external trade, these
centres too dwindled and disappeared slowly.
The nature of these urban centres was thus characterized by the absence of:
a) Linkage with the local exchange networks
b) craft specialisation
c) support of such institutions as monastery and guild.

30.9 THE IMPACT OF TRADE AND URBAN CENTRES

I ON SOCIETY
Early trade and urban developments do not seem to have brought about very
fundamental changes in the social life of Tamilaham. Local exchange was
subsistence-oriented. This means that the items which changed hands through local
exchange were used for regular consumption by different groups of people. Long
distance trade was mostly in luxury goods which did not circulate beyond the kinship
circles of the chieftains and their men.
Individual merchants' wealth and prosperity, as seen in their gifts to monks, were not
very impressive.
Craftsmen and traders were not organised in guilds. They functioned together as
members of a family or as close relatives. They thus acted only according to the norms
of the kind relations of a tribal nature.
In the Deccan the situatidn was different. The participation of local trading groups was
necessary also for 1ong:distance trade. So the advantage of this trade filtered down to
the other levels of society. The wealth and prosperity of the artisans, craftsman and
traders are reflected in their donations to the Buddhist monasteries.
The guild organisations of artisans and traders were instrumental in breaking old
kinship ties and introducing
- a new type
. . of relations in production of handicrafts and in

trading ventures.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 ,
The relationship between rulers, commercial groups and Buddhist monastic Expsll.km of Trade and
Urban Centred
establishments was responsible in introducing important changes in society and
econoxy of the ~ e c c a n .

Check Your Progress 3

1) Mark right (v) or wrong (x) statements given below:
a) Ma and Veli were linear measurements ( )
b) Inland towns were more active than the coastal towns in early South India
( 1
c) Guilds introduced some change in the production relations among the artisans
1,
and traders (
d) The circulation of the luxury good was among the members of the crowned
monarchs and their family ( )
e) Long distance trade was not dependent on the local exchange net works in the
Deccan ( )
2) Write five lines on the relations between the monasteries and the traders.

3) Write five lines on the impact of trade and urbanism on the local traders and artisans.

30.10 LET US SUM UP

Our attempt in this Unit was to discuss with you certain important aspects of expansion
of trade and of urban centres in ancient peninsular India. You have learnt from this
Unit about:
Different types of trade and ways in which exchange was carried on,
Guilds of artisans and traders,
Exchange facilities like transportation, storage and shipping,
Different kinds of coins which were used as means of exchange,
Revenue from trade,
Distinctive features and functions of urban centres, and
Impact of trade and urbanism in different regions of peninsular India.

30.11 KEY WORDS

Punch-marked coins: In manufacturing these coins, the metal was beaten into flat
sheets and then cut into strips. The blank sheets were cut into desired weights. The
blank pieces were square or rectangular in the first instance. For getting +heactual
weight the edges were clipped. So most of the coins are irregular in shape. Symbols
were stamped on them with punches, each punch having one distinct symbol.
Administered trade: This refers to trade in which existed centres of trade offering
faciIities like those of anchorage and storage, civil and legal protection, and agreement
on the mode of payment.
Nigama: A guild of traders or artisans.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 31 GROWTH OF TAMIL LANGUAGE
AND LITERATURE
Structure
31.0 Objectives
31.1 Introduction
31.2 Early Evidences
- 31.3 Heroic Poems
31.3.1 Classification
31.3.2 Techniques of Composition
31.3.3 Roblems of Dating
31.3.4 The Poetics
31.3.5 Literary Development
b 31.4 Other Compositions
31.5 Let Us Sum Up
31.6 Key Words
31.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercise

31.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will be able to learn:
how old is the Tamil language and literature,
what are the Tamil Heroic Poems,
how were they composed and classified,
what are their literary merits, and
which are the other compositions of the period.

31.1 INTRODUCTION
In the previous Units you learnt how settlementsgrew up, agriculture began to expand
and trade flourished in Tamilzakam. Trade brings in immigrants and opens up avenues
of interaction between local people and outsiders within the region. Interaction of
cultures helps the growth of language and literature in a region. In this Unit you will be
made familiar with the growth of the Tamil language and literature.

31.2 EARLY EVIDENCES

Tamil had become aliterary language i.e., a full-blown language with its own system of
writing, at least by third century B.C. if not earlier. The earliest evidence for the Tamil
literary tradition i.e. the tradition of writings in the language comes from the Tamil
Brahmi inscriptions in the Jain and Buddhist caves from the Tamil Brahmi hills. These
inscriptions are in the form of labels of persons or bodies who donated the caverns. The
major centres of these label inscriptions are Arittappatti (Mauylam, Madurai),
Karungalakkuti (Melur, Madurai) ,Kongarpuliyamkulam(Madurai),Azakarmalai
b
(Madurai). Many Tamil words along with the local adaptations of Sanskrit and
PrakriWali occur in the labels. Nigamattor (the member of a nigaman and Vanikan (he
who is engaged in Vanibham trade) may be cited as two examples for the Tamil
adaptations of the Sanskrit words. It has \ro be noted that the Tamil language used in
these labels was different hom the literary Tamil. The difference was due to the Jain
and Buddhist immigrants from the north who were introducing a (considerable
I
member) of Sanskrit and PrakriWali terms. These terms were adapted to suit the
linguistic structure of the Tamil language. The combination of names of persons,
I professions and places that figure in the inscriptionsgives clues to the currency of Tamil
as a literary language. The period of these label inscriptions is roughly between c. 200
b B.C. and A.D. 300. The Tamil heroic poems, popularly called the Sangam literature,
constitute the major evidence for the old Tamil literary tradition.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 -
State and Suclety In South Indla:
-
200 B.C. to 300 A.D.
31.3 HEROIC POEMS
The Tamil heroic poems are called the Sangam literature since they were collected and
classified by the Sangam which was an academy of scholars. Poems by themselves were
not the product of the Sangam. The poems were, in fact, much earlier than the Sangam.
The history of the Sangam is clogged in legends. Tradition says that
there were originally three Sangams among which the works of the
last one alone have survived. Perviously it was believed that the Sangams were
academies of cour\poets. But now it is a matter of conqensus that they were
constituted by scholars in literature. The time lag between the Sangam and the
heroic poems shows that the name Sangam literature is a misonmer. &and large the
Tamil heroic poems were the products of the folk. They signify the tradition of bards
who roamed about singing the praise of their patron chiefs. However, all the poetic
compositions were not of wandering bards. Some of them were composed'by scholarly
poets who followed the bardic tradition. Kapilar, Paranar, ~ v v a ~anda r Gautamanar
were some of the well known poets of the period. They were scholarly bards, namely
the pulavar as distinguished from the common bards, namely the panar. It is thus not
the literature of any particular social group but part of a common way of life. Spanned
over a few centuries, the poems reflect the gradual development of the Tamil language
and literature. They survive not in their original independent form, but as classified
anthologies or choice collections.

31.3.1 Classification
Now we see the poems in the form of classified collections of specific poetic themes and
conventions. Ettuttogai or the eight collections of poems and Pattupattu or the ten
idylls are the two categories of anthologies that comprise the heroic poems. Narrinai,
Kuruntokai, Ainkurunuru, Patirruppattu etc. are the few examples of anthologies
grouped under Ettuttokai, Mullaippattu, Madurikkanj, Kurunjippattu etc. are the
example of anthologies under Pattupattu. (See the table) The anthologies are divided
into akam, dealing with themes of subjective experience like love or affection, and
puram, dealing with themes of objectification like raid or plunder. Both the above
categories of anthologies comprise collections of poems based on akam.and puram
themes. Akananuru, a collection of four hundred poems based on akam themes and
Purananuru, a similar collection based on puram themes are two examples of Ettuttogai
category. In the same manner there are examples of both akam and puram anthologies
in the Pattupattu category. Apart from the heroic anthologies, the classified corpus of
Sangam literature includes Tolkappiyam, a treatise on Tamil grammar and
Patinenkizkanakku, the eighteen didactic texts also. The famous Tirukkural by
Tiruvalluvar is one of the eighteen didactic texts. Both Tolkappiya and
Patinenkizkanakku were composed after most of the Ettuttogai and Pattupattu poems
had been composed. The diction and the techniques of composition of the heroic
anthologies keep them distinct from other texts that are later.

31.3.2 Techniques of Composition

The heroic poems were composed on the principles of oral bardic literature. The
features of oral compositions are strikingly similar all over the world. The use of stock
phrases and expressions is the most important feature. Stock phrases or expressions are
readymade expressions or phrases current among the people of those times. The poets
knew the contexts of the ready made expressions and where to use them and how in
their poems. Poems are composed using the set motifs or readymade expressions, in a
formula that is orally transmitted and commonly shared by the bards as well as the
society. The set expressions required for poetising the variety of contexts recur in the
poems. For instance, if the context is to praise a chieftain, the series of stock forms like
"warrior of victorious lance", "possessor of lofty chariots", "chieftain of swift steeds",
"hero of eyefilling garlands" and so on flow effortlessly whoever the poet is or the
chieftain. There examples show that the bards just had to master such ready-made
expressions and their contexts. This is not to minimise the individual poetic talents
completely. But by and large, the most important aspect was not the individual style or
expressions of the poets. The technique of versification in oral poetry depended on the
general or common styles and expressions. It is a technique of combining the set phrases
over which the poets as well as the society by and large had mastery. So there are
repeated lines and themes with marginal modifications in different uoems bv different

Kamesh Mechrocks
I
Il
poets. The hereditarily transmitted stock phrases leave the bulk of heroic poems full of
old memory. This is one of the many hazards in dating the poems.

31.3.3 Problems of Dating

The corpus of the Sangam literature cannot be precisely dated owing to a series of
Growth or Tamil L a n m
and Literalure

problems. In fact, several periods are represented in the poems of Sangam anthologies.
One is the period of actual composition and oral transmission, which is fairly long and
spread over a few centuries from about 2nd century B.C. to A.D. 3rd century. Next is
the period of the codification of the poems into anthologies, which is between circa 6th
and 9th centuries. Another period is that of the commentaries which are not earlier
than 13th-14th centuries. Tolkappiyam, the traditional grammatical treatise in its
present form is not earlier than the 3rd century A.D. though the basic parts of the text
could be slightly earlier. All the Kizkanakku texts belong to a period later than 3rd
century A.D. The great.difficulty in dating the Sangam literature is that it is hard to
clearly sort out the earlier from the later as they are all mixed up.

I 31.3.4 The Poetics .

Based on the Sangam literature, there developed a fairly evolved set of poetic
conventions. Though the poetics as such as a little later, the rules and conventions of
composition were part of the old Tamil bardic tradition. The two fundamental aspects
of the traditional Tamil poetics are the divisions of compositions intoakam and puram
genres. We have already noted what is akam and what is puram in a previous section.
Akam is subdivided into five stages of love in relation to the five tinais. Each tinai is
associated with a particular mood of love. For instance, the palai is associated with the
sentiment of separation of the lovers. The puram genre of poems have their own tinais
(situations) and turais (contexts). There are as many as nine tinais and sixty three turais
which the poets could opt for the compositions. Both the akam and pwam genres of
poems followed the fixed conventions of each. Each akam poem had to follow the
notion of tinai which had its own deity, biological organisms, subsistence pattern,
musical instruments and songs. Similarly, each puram poem had to abide by the
restrictions associated with tn? variety of tinais or situations of behaviour.

31.3.5 Literary Development

The Tamil literary tradition is independent of the classical Sanskritic literary tradition
of India. It represents a parallel linguistic tradition in relation to Sanskrit. However, the
development of the Tamil language and literature was never a process in isolation.
Even the earliest stratum of the Tamil literature contains influences of Sanskrit. The
heroic poems a n d ~ h other
e Sangam works contain traces of Aryan culture. By Aryan
culture we mean Vedic ideas and institutions in this context. The tradition of Vedic
rituals is well attested by the poems. Some of the bards like Gautamanar, Paranar and
Kapilar were Brahmanas. Gautamanar is mentioned to have effeciated many velvi
(Yajna or Vedic sacrifice) for his patron Celkezu Kuttuvan, Cera chief. Epic and
puranic ideas are also seen in the Tamil heroic poems. While praising the patron chiefs,
the poets refer to the farmer's participation in the Mahabharata battle. Many puranic
deities are equated to their Tamil Counterparts. Mayon (the black god) well known in
the poems as the Tamil counterpart of Krishna is one example. But these influences
never undermined what was typical of the Tamil literary tradition. This original aspect
of the Tamil language and literature does not owe to Sanskrit for its origin. But its
growth and development toward linguistic and literary perfection certainly owes to the
influences of Aryan culture. The heroic poems and other works of the Sangam tradition
testify the widespread literary culture of early Tamizakam. They also indicate the
linguistic maturity achieved by the Tamils by the 3rd century.

31.4 OTHER COMPOSITIONS

The basic parts of Tolkappiyam and some of the Kizkanakku texts constitute the other
compositions here. These are called the other compositions because they do not belong
to the bardic tradition of heroic poems. But they are not far removed from the literary
background of the bardic tradition. The poruladikaram part of Tolkappiyam that deals
with the akam and puram conventions of old Tamil is close to the period of heroic ,

Kamesh Mechrocks
Stale and Society in South India: poems. Similarly, the tinai texts and works like Kalavazi are relatively earlier. Though
200 B.C. to 300 A.D.
some scholars regard the twin epics Silappadikaram and Manimewai as
contemporaneous to the heroic poems, they are identified as works of a much later
period.

Check Your Progress 1

1) Read the following statements and mark right (d) or wrong (x):
i) The Sangam literature belongs to a uniform period.
ii) The name Sangam literatureis a misnomer. -
iii) The heroic poems are composed using set phrases and expressions.
iv) The development of the Tamil language
isolation.
- - and literature was a process in I
2) What do you know. about the literary conventions of the Tamil bardic tradition?
Answer in ten lines.

31.5 LET US SUM CTP

In this Unit you learnt about how old the Tamil literature is and what it is constituted
by. You also learnt about the main features of heroic poems, their techniques of
I
composition and problems of dating. Another point you learnt was the level of literary
and linguistic development of old Tamil. You could also understand how the works in
old Tamil were classified and codified into anthologies during the Sangarn period.

31.6 KEY WORDS

Sangam: An academy of scholars that collected and classified old Tamil works.
II
Akam: A genre of poems dealing with subjective experiefi& like love.
Puram: A genre of poems dealing with objectifiable experience like raid or plunder.
I
Bard: He who roams about composing and singing poems in praise of his patrons. I
Turai: A poetic convention indicating the thematic situation of p u r m poems.
Didactic: Poetry or text which intends to teach moral lesson is called' W w t k p o e t r y or
I
text.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 32 RISE AND GROWTH OF GUPTAS

Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Political Background
32.2.1 North-western and Northern India
32.2.2 Western and Central lndia
32.2.3 The Deccan and South lndia
The Rise of the Guptas
32.3.1 Samudragupts
32.3.2 Expansion and Consolidation
Chandragupta-I1
Kumaragupta-I
Skandagupta
Disintegration of the Gupta Empire
Let us Sum Up
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

32.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you shall be able to:
know about the political conditions in India at the beginning of the fourth century A.D.,
familiarise yourself with the circumstances that led to the rise of Gupta power,
know about the expansion and consolidation of the Gupta empire.
' understand the order of succession of the Gupta rulers and their military exploits, and
understand the process that led to the decline of Guptas.

INTRODUCTION
In this Unit, after briefly discussing the political situation of the fourth century A.D. we go
on to analyse the historical situation which led to the rise of the Gupta dynasty. The attempt
here will be to give you a political outline of the period. We take into account the
controversies relating to the succession of Gupta kings and at the same time discuss some of
their achievements which made possible the formation and consolidation of the empire.
Kings like Samudragupta, Chandragupta-11, Kumaragupta and Skandagupta figure very
prominently in the history of the empire. The Unit also takes into account some of the
problems faced by the Gupta kings and the factors responsible for the decline of Gupta rule.

32.2 POLITICAL BACKGROUND

In the beginning of the fourth century A.D. no large state structure existed in lndia. You
have read in Blocks VI and VII that in the post-Mauryan period two large state structures
had emerged in north India and in the Deccan. These were the Kushana state of the north
and the Satavahana state of the Deccan. But although the Kushanas and Saka chiefs
continued to rule even in early fourth century A.D., their power had become considerably
weak, and the Satavahana state had disappeared before the middle of the third century A.D.
This does not however mean that there was complete political vacuum. There was no major
political power but there were minor powers and new families of rulers were emerging. It
was in this situation that the Guytas, a family of uncertain origins, began to build up an
empire from the beginning of the fourth century A.D. Before we take up the history of this
empire, we present an outline of the political situation of this period by taking up different
regions separately.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Indian
Polity : C-300-8* A-L). 32.2.1 North-western and Northern India . -.

Before the middle of the third century A.D. the rule of the Sassanians had been established
in lran and the Sassanian rulers started claiming overlordship over Kushana kings. The
mighty Kushana kings of north-westem lndia were reduced to the position of subordinates
and the Sassanian authority also extended to Sindh and certain other areas.

However, a large number of coins which are based on earlier Kuhhana coins and are found
in Afghanistan and Punjab suggest that several branches of rulers, some Kushana, continued
to rule in the region. There are also the coins of Kidara Kushana and his successors, in
Afghanistan, Kashmir and westem Punjab and it is possible that some of these rulers were
contemporaries of the early Gupta rulers.

In other parts of the Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan, old coins again point to the existence of
a number of republican states. These were states which were not ruled by a single king but
possibly by several chiefs; it was only occasionally that one finds a chief claiming the status
of the King of a clan. The Madras, mentioned in connection with the exploln of the Gupta
ruler Samudragupta, were located in the Punjab; the Yaudheyas were extremely powerful
with their centre in present-day Haryana and the Malavas were located in Rajasthan. There
were many other republican states like these, and some of them are even mentioned in the
Gupta records.

Several branches of the Nagas who became very powerful in Mathura and other centres after
the decline of Kushana power in north lndia are also known. Some of the north Indian rulers
who were defeated by Samudragupta were definitely of Naga origin.

32.2.2 Western and Central India

You have read in Block 6 that a branch of Kshatrapa rulers established themselves in
Western India in the post-Mauryan period. The line of Chastana, to which the well-known
Saka Kshatrapa Rudradaman belonged, continued to rule till 304 A.D. and then a new line
of rulers began to rule. However, Kshatrapa rule came to an end towards the close of the
fourth century A.D. when Gupta ruler Chandragupta-11 conquered and annexed their
territories.

In the region of ancient Vidarbha, the core of which was Nagpur in northeast Maharashtra, a
new power had emerged by the middle of the third century A.D. This power was that of the
Vakatakas, a new line of rulers started by Vindhyasakti. Vakataka power soon became
formidable and a branch was also established at Vatsagulma (modem Basim in Akola
district). The Vakataka family later on came into close contact with the Guptas, particularly
after a matrimonial alliance was formed between the two families.

32.2.3 The Deccan and South India

The decline of the Satavahana state of the Deccan was followed by the emergence of a
number of new royal families in different parts of the Deccan. In coastal Andhra, there was a
succession of families like the Ikshvakus, the Salankayanas and others. In Kamataka, the
most important ruling family was that of the Kadambas. The Kadamba power was founded
by Brahmin Mayurasarman whose Talagunda inscription gives some interesting details of
the circumstances leading to the establishment of the kingdom and also some iderregarding
its extent. The ruling family of the Pallavas, which became a formidable power in
Tamilnadu till the ninth century is known from their records to have started ruling from the
middle of the third century A.D. The inscriptions of the early Pallava rulers were written in
the Prakrit language and were in the form of copper plates. They are generally assigned to
the period between century 250-350 A.D. Sivaskandarasman of this family, who ruled in
the beginning of the fourth century A.D., was a powerful ruler and his kingdom included
parts of Andhra, Kamataka and Tamilnadu. Kanchi or Kanchipuram in the Chingleput
district of Tamilnadu became the capital of the Pallavas and when Gupta ruler
Samudragupta led an expedition to the south, he encountered Pallavan king Vismigopa at
Kanchi. The above sketch does not mention many areas and many ruling families but only*
those who were comparatively important. It must however be noted that in many areas like
Bengal, Orissa, forest regions of Madhya Pradesh and elsewhere kingdoms were emerging
for the first time. This was a new trend and was iery significant for the later course of
political history.

Kamesh Mechrocks
32.3 THE RISE OF THE GUPTAS
The ancestry and early history of the Gupta family are little known, and have naturally given
rise to various speculations. Names ending in Gupta, such as Sivagupta which occurs in a
Satavahana inscription, are sometimes taken to suggest their ancestry. But these suggestions
are rather far-fetched. Different scholars also place the original home of the Guptas
differently: Some would place it in north Bengal, some in Magadha in Bihar and some in
U.P. on the basis of the following arguments it may, at the moment, be suggested that the
original core of the Gupta territory lay in eastern U.P.:
Allahabad pillar inscription, the earliest inscription recording the achievements of an
early Gupta ruler, Samudragupta, comes from this region.
The nature of the coin-hoards of the Guptas, found in this region, suggests this
The description of early Gupta territories in the Puranas may point to this.

It is possible that in the closing decades of the 3rd century A.D. the Guptas were .
subordinates of a branch of the later Kushanas ruling in north-western India. However,
literary and archaeological sources indicate that they became independent in the second
decade of the fourth century A.D.

Inscriptions tell us that Srigupta was the first king and Ghatotkacha was the next to follow
him. Chandragupta-I was the first independent king with the title Maharajadhiraja. After
declaring his independence in Magadha, he with the help of a matrimonial alliance with the
Lichchhavis, enlarged his kingdom. We know about $is alliance from a special category of
coins. These coins have Chandragupta and his queen Kumaradevi engraved on the obverse
and a seated goddess on the reverse with a legend Lichchhavayah (i.e. the Lichchhavis).
These coins were made of gold, and this fact in addition to the fact that the Guptas followed
the weight system of Kushana gold coins suggests that the Guptas had been in contact with
the Kushana territories.

There are no concrete evidences to determine the boundaries of ~ h a n d r a ~ u ~ t a ' s ' k i n ~ d o m .

But it is assumed that it covered parts of Bihar, U.P. and Bengal.

Chandragupta-I is said to have also started a new era from 3 19-320A.D. It is not clear from
any records that he started this era. which came to be known as Gupta Samvat or Gupta
era, but since Chandragupta-I is mentioned as a Maharajadhiraja he is credited with the
founding of the era. It was during the times of his son Samudragupta that the kingdom grew
into an empire.

32.3.1 Samudragupta
An inscription engraved (at a later date) on the Asokan pillar at Allahabad (known as
Prayagaprasasti) gives us information about Samudragupta's accession and conquests.
Harishena, an important official of the state, had composed 33 lines which were engraved on
the pillar. The inscription mentions that Maharajadhiraja Chandragupta-I in a highly
emotional tone declared his son Samudragupta as his successor. This caused joy among the
courtiers and heart-burning among those of equal birth. It can be presumed that other princes
might have put forward their contending claims which were put to rest by this declaration.
Further, t.he discovery of some gold coins bearing the name of Kacha has generated a
controversy relaiing to this. The controversy has arisen because:

i) in many respects Kacha's coins arc similar to the coins of Samudragupta,

ii) the name of Kacha does not appear in the official lists of Gupta rulers, as they are
available in the Gupta inscriptions.

Various interpretations have been given in this regard:

According to one interpretation Samudragupta's brothers revolted against him and
placed Kacha, the eldest brother, on the throne. However he died in the war of
succession.
Another view mentions that these coins were issued by Sarnudragupta in the memory of
his brother.
A third view mentions Kacha as the initial name of Samudragupta and the later name
was adopted only after the conquest of south.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Indian Pdily :CM0-800 A.D. There is no solution to the controversy as each view has arguments in favour or against. We
could only say that since the number of Kacha coins found so far is somewhat limited his
hold over the throne would have been for a very short duration. Also that Samudragupta,
inspite of Chandragupta's abdication, did face problems in relation to accession to the throne
but ultimately he emerged victorious.

1. The Prayagaprasasti of Samudragupta

32.3.2 Expansion and Consolidation

For the expansion and consolidation of the Gupta power Samudragupta adopted an
aggressive policy of conquests. This initiated a process which culminated in the formation of
the Gupta empire. However, we have to take note here of the fact that in certain regions-
particularly in the South--he let the kings, whom he had defeated, rule over their regions.
Of course, they accepted his suzerainty and paid tributes. Such a policy adopted in relation
to the far-flung areas might have paid dividends in solving problems of communication and
effective control, hence bringing about stability for the time being. Let us briefly discuss the
aggressive campaigns taken by Samudragupta in various regions. We may mention again
that we come to know about all the campaigns of Samudragupta only from one record, the
Prayagaprasasti of Harishena.
1) Campaigns in Aryavarta:
Some historians are of the view that Samudragupta carried his victorious campaign of
Aryavarta at one time. However, some other historians, assuming that the Prayagaprasasti
mentions the conquests of Samudragupta in a chronological order, have opined that there
were two campaigns in north India. This is because the prasasti first mentions three
Aryavarta kings, then it goes on to mention his southern campaign and again mentions nine
Aryavarta kings. It appears that taking advantage of the war of succession, which
Samudragupta had to face, certain rulers attempted to establish their dominance. It might be
in this context that Samudragupta defeated Achyuta, Nagasena and Kota-Kulaja. There are
no details regarding these conquests or regarding the identity of the specific regions over
which they ruled. However, historians have identified Achyuta as ruling over Ahichchatra,
Nagasena over Gwalior area and Kota-Kulaja or ruler of the Kota family in east Punjab and
Delhi. Though differences continue to prevail over these identifications it is clear that
Samudragupta, after defeating them, established firm control not only over the Ganga Valley
but also over some adjacent regions.
.2) Campaign in South:
The Prayagaprasasti mentions twelve rulers from dakshinapatha or south India who were
defeated by Samudragupta. These were:
Mahendra of Kosala (Raipur, Durg, Sambalpur and Bilaspur districts)
Vyaghraraja of Mahakantara (Jeypore, forest region of Orissa)
Mantaraja of Kaurata (Probably Sonpur area in Madhya Pradesh or Plain country to the
north-east of Mahendra hill)
Mahendragiri of Pishtapura (Pithasuram, East Godavari district)
Svamidatta of Kottura (Ganjam district)
Damana of Erandapalla (Chicacole or West Godavari district)

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 Vishnugopa of Kanchi (Chingleput district) RL. and C;ror*(h d Grplo
Nilaraja of Avamukta (Godavari Valley)
Hasti-varman of Vengi (Cellor in the Krishna-Godavari delta)
Ugresena of Palakka (Nellore district)
Kubera of Devarastra .(Yellamanchiti in Visakhapatnam districthand
Dhananjaya of Kushthalpura (possibly in North Arcot district in Tamilnadu)

However, again there are differences among historians as to the specific identifications of
these kings and their kingdoms. The Prayagaprasasti says that Samudragupta showed
favour to be Dakshinapatha kings by first capturing them (grahana) and then releasing
them (moksha). He pursued a completely different policy with regard to the kings of
Aryavarta or north India. He not only defeated them but also annexed their territories
which became integrated into the Gupta empire. The north Indian kings defeated by
Samudragupta were: Rudradwa, Matila, Nagadatta, Chandravarma, Ganapatinaga,
Nagasena, Archyuta, Nandi, Balavarmna and others. It is impossible to identify all of them.
but it is certain that they were ruling in different parts of northern India. Some of them were
obviously Naga rulers who had been powerful in several regions before the Guptas. Rulers
like Chandravarma who ruled in West Bengal represented new ruling families. The Prasasti
further says that Samudragupta reduced all states in the forest regions to the position of
servants. In another category are mentioned the frontier kingdoms like Samatata (in
southeast Bengal), Kamarupa (Assam), Nepala (Nepal) and others and the republican states
of the Malavas, Yaudheyas, Madrakas, Abhiras, etc. They paid him tributes of all kinds,
carried out his orders and paid him homage. Rulers of another category of states
acknowledged his sovereignty in a different way. They pleased him by "self-surrender,
offering (their own) daughters in marriage, and a request for the administration of their own
districts and provinces". This means that they remained independent but their independence
had to be approved by Samudragupta. In this category were included the foreign rulers of
north-western India like the later Kushanas and the Saka chief and residents of different
island countries including Simhala or Sri Lanka.

Many of the claims made by Harishena, the composer of Prayagaprasasti, are highly
exaggerated but many of the claims are also genuine. The military foundations of the Gupta
-moire were laid by Samudragupta; his successors built upon these foundations.

Check Your Progress 1

1) Fill in the blanks:
a) At the beginning of the fourth century A.D. there were ............ (Manylno) small
kingdoms in North India.
b) Chandragupta-I had a matrimonial alliance with ............ (Sakas/Lichcl~li;~vis):
C) The Prayagaprasasti refers to the victories of ........... (PravarsendSamudragupta).
2) Discuss in about ten lines the efforts made by Samudragupta for the expansion of Gupta
empire.

3) List five minor powers in north India at the beginning of fourth century A.D.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Indian Polit) : C.JOU-800 A.D.

The Gupta inscriptions mention Chandragupta-I1as Samudragupta's successor. But on the

basis of literary sources, some copper coins and inscriptions it is suggested that the
successor was Samudragupta's other son Ramagupta. Visakhadatta's drama Devi
Chandraguptam mentions that Chandragupta-I1killed his elder brother Ramagupta. He did
this because Ramagupta was facing defeat at the hands of the Sakas and in order to save the
kingdom, he had agreed to surrender his wife to the Saka king. Chandragupta protested, and
went to the Saka camp in the disguise of the queen Dhruvadevi. He was successful against
the Saka king but as a result of the subsequent hostility with his brother he killed him and
married his wife Dhruvadevi. Certain other texts like the Harsacharita, Kavyamimansa,
etc. also refer to this episode. Some copper coins bearing the name Ramagupta have also
been found and inscriptions on the pedestals of some Jaina images found at Vidisa, bear the
name Maharaja Ramgupta. Similarly, Dhruvadevi is described as mother of Govindagupta
(Chandragupta's son) in a Vaisali seal. We can say that Chandragupta ascended the throne at
a time when there were problems emerging again and he had to lead military campaigns to
establish Gupta supremacy once again. He entered into matrimonial alliances with the Nagas
by manying princess Kuberanaga whose daughter Prabhavati was later on married to
Rudrasena-I1 of the Vakataka family. Though there is no record like the Prayagaprasasti to
describe the events of his reign we do get information about Chandragupta's campaigns and
successes from certain inscriptions, literary sources and coins: He defeated the Saka king
Rudrasimha-I11 and annexed his kingdom. This brought an end to Saka Kshatrapa rule in
western India and added the regions of Gujarat, Kathiawad and west Malwa to the Gupta
empire. The details of Chandragupta-11's campaigns against the Sakas are not known. His
matrimonial alliances with the Vakatakas and the Nagas must have been of tremendous
significances in his preparations for the campaigns. Two inscriptions at the Udayagiri caves
near Sanchi and one inscription at Sanchi, all referring to Chandragupta I1 and to his
subordinate rulers and military officials, also suggest that he was present in eastern Malwa
for some time preparing for the campaigns. One inscription describes him as "desirous of
conquering the whole earth". That his conquest of the territories of the Sakas was complete
is proved beyond doubt because:
We no longer find any Saka coins minted after this period, although Saka coins were
being minted without a break for almost four hundred years previously.
The Guptas, from the time of Chandragupta, started minting Saka-type silver coins-for
this region. They only added their own distinct symbols on these coins; otherwise, the
coins were like Saka coins in circulation till then. This definitely shows that the Saka
areas came within the control of Chandragupta-11.
The success of Chandragupta-I1 against the Sakas seems to have developed later on into
the tradition of Sakari Vikramaditya, that is, of 'Vikramaditya, who was an enemy of
the Sakas'.
'King Chandra' whose exploits have been mentioned in the Mehrauli Iron Pillar
Inscription, which is located in the Qutab-Minar complex in Delhi is identified by many
scholars with Chandragupta-[I. According to this inscription Chandra crossed the
Sindhu region of seven rivers and defeated Valhikas (identified with Bactria). Some
scholars identify Chandragupta-I1 with the hero of Kalidasa's work Raghuvamasa
because Raghu's exploits appear comparable with those of Chandragupta.
The Mehrauli inscription also mentions Chandragupta's victory over enemies from
Vanga (Bengal).

On the basis of these evidences it can be suggested that Chandragupta-I1was able to extend
the frontiers of the Gupta empire to western, north-western and eastern India.

An important incident which took place during this period was the visit of Fa-Hien, a
Chinese pilgrim, who came to India in search of Buddhist texts. In his memoirs he has given
a vivid tle\cription of the places he visited and certain social and administrative aspects
related to them. However, he does not mention the name of the King in his accounts. But he

Kamesh Mechrocks
speaks highly of the King of Madhya-desa, the region which was directly ruled by the Gupta Rise and Growth of Guptas
monarch in this period, under whom the people were prosperous and happy.

Chandragupta-I1is also known for his patronage to men of letters and he ruled till about
415-16 A.D.

2. The Mehrauli Iron Pillar

3. Inscription on Iron Pillar

32.5 KUMARAGUPTA-I
Chandragupta-I1 was succeeded by his son Kumaragupta. We get information about him
from certain inscriptions and coins.
For example:
The earliest known inscription of his period is from Bilsad (Etah district) which is dated
4 15 A.D. (Gupta Era 96).
The Karamdanda (Fyzabad) inscription of Kumaragupta's minister (436 A.D.) mentions
his fame having spread to the four oceans.
A stone inscription from Mandsor (436 A.D.) mentions Kumaragupta as reigning over
the whole earth.
The Damodarpur Copper Plate inscriptions (433 A.D. and 447 A.D.) refer to him as
Maharajadhiraja and show that he himself appointed the governor (Uparika) of
Kamesh Mechrocks
1dl.n Pdfty :C.MO-JM0 A.D. Pundravardhana bhukti (or province) being the biggest administrative divicion in the
empire.
The last known date of Kumaragupta is from a silver coin dated 455 A.D. (Gupta Era
136).

The wide area over which his inscriptions are distributed indicates that he ruled over
Magadha and Bengal in the east and Gujarat in the west. It has been suggested that towards
the last year of his reign the Gupta empire faced foreign invasion which was checked by the
efforts of his son Skandagupta. He maintained cordial relationship with the Vakatakas which
had been established through matrimonial alliances earlier.

1. Kumaragupta's Inscriptions.

a , Damodarpur

(b) Tuman

32.6 SKANDAGUPTA
Skandagupta, who succeeded Kumaragupta-I. was perhaps the last powerful Gupta monarch.
To consolidate his position he had to fight the Pushyamitras, and the country faced Huna
invasion from across the frontiers in the northwest. However, Skandagupta was successful in
throwing the Huns back. It appears that these wars adversely affected the economy of the
empire, and the gold coinage of Skandagupta bears testimony to that. In comparison to the
gold coins of the earlier rulers the types of gold coins minted by Skandagupta were limited.
In addition to following the earlier system of weights, he introduced a new, heavier weight
system for gold coins but generally his coins had less gold in them than earlier coins.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Moreover, he appears to have been the last Gupta ruler to mint silver coins in western India. Rise and Growth of Guptas
However, the Junagadh inscription of his reign tells us about the public works undertaken
during his times. The Sudarsana lake (originally built during the Maurya times) burst due to
excessive rains and in the early part of his rule his governor Pamadatta got it repaired. This
indicates that the state undertook the task of public works. The last known date of
Skandagupta is 467 A.D. from his silver coins.

Gupta Rulers after Skandagupta

It is not very clear in what order the successors of Skandagupta ruled. Skandagupta himself
may not have been the rightful heir to the throne and therefore he had to fight other
contenders to the throne. This may be the reason why a seal inscription traces a line of
Gupta rulers after Skandagupta from Kumaragupta-I and his son Purugupta and not
Skandagupta. Secondly, it is probable that the division of the Gupta empire into many parts
already began towards the close of Skandagupta's reign. Thus an inscription from western
Malwa, recorded in the last year of Skandagupta does not refer to him but to some other
rulers beginning with Chandragupta-11.

Some of the successors of Skandagupta, mentioned in inscriptions, were: Budhagupta,

Vainyagupta, Bhanagupta, Narasimhagupta Baladitya, Kumaragupta-I1 and Vismigupta. It is
unlikely that all of them ruled over a vast empire, as Chandragupta-11 and Kumaragupta-I
had done in an earlier period. The Guptas continued to rule till about 550 A.D. but by then
their power had already become very insignificant.

DISINTEGRATION OF THE GUPTA EMPIRE

In this section we deal with some of the factors that contributed towards the disintegration of
the Gupta empire.
I) Huna Invasions
From the time of Kumaragupta-I the north-west borders had been threatened by the Hunas a
Central Asian tribe which was successfully moving in different directions and was
establishing pockets of rule in northwestern. northern and western India. But their attacks
were repulsed during that period. However, towards the end of the fifth century A.D. the
Huna chief Tormana was able to establish his authority over large parts of western India and
in central India. Mihirakula, his son, further extended the dominions. Thus, the Huna attacks
caused a major blow to the Gupta authority particularly in northern and western regions of
the empire.
2) Administrative Weaknesses
The policy adopted by the Guptas in the conquered areas was to restore the authority of local
chiefs or kings once they had accepted Gupta suzerainty. In fact, no efforts were made to
impose a strict and effective control over these regions. Hence it was natural that whenever
there was a crisis of succession or a weak monarchy within the Gupta empire these local
chiefs would reestablish their independent authority. This created a problem for almost
I
every Gupta King who had to reinforce his authority. The constant military campaigns were
I
I a strain on the state treasury. Towards the end of the fifth century A.D. and beginning of
I
sixth century A.D. taking advantage of the weak Gupta emperors, many regional powers re-
I asserted their authority, and in due course declared their independence (You would read
about these powers in Unit 34).
/
Besides these, there were many other reasons which contributed to the decline of Guptas.
For example, it has been argued that the Guptas issued landgrants to the Brahamana donees
and in this process surrendered the revenue and administrative rights in favour of the
donees. Further, it is believed that the Sarnanta system in which the Samantas or minor
rulers, who ruled as subordinates to the central authority, started to consolidate itself in the
Gupta period. This is also believed to be the reason why Gupta administrative structure
became so loose. There is diversity of opinion as to how the system originated and regarding
the details of the system, but the presence of many Samantas within the empire does show
that they wielded power almost independently of the Gupta authority.

There is no doubt that divisions within the imperial family, concentration of power in the
hands of local chiefs or governors, loose administrative structure of the empire etc.
contributed towards the disintegration of the Gupta empire.
Kamesh Mechrocks
l n d b Pdity : C.3OO-W A.D. Check Your Progress 2
1) Discuss in abovt
, ten lines the military campaigns of Chandragupta-11.
...........................................................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................................................

2) Discuss in about ten lines the factors which brought about the disintegration of Gupta
empire.

3) Which of the following statements are right or wrong?

a) The Huna invasion during Kumaragupta's time was checked by Skandagupta.
b) Fa-Hien came to India in search of Jaina texts.
C) Ramagupta is said to be Chandragupta-11's elder brother.
d) Sudarshan lake was repaired during Skandagupta's rule.

32.8 LET US SUM UP

In the beginning of the fourth century A.D. north India was divided into many small
kingdoms and chiefdoms. These kingdoms in different regions often fought with each other.
It was in such a political situation that the Gupta dynasty gained power and gradually
established an empire. The kings of this dynasty undertook extensive military campaigns in
different regions. It was under Samudragupta and Chandragupta-I1 that the imperial power
was properly consolidated. The Guptas remained a strong force till the time of Skandagupta
but after him the process of disintegration started. Various factors like foreign invasion,
dissension within the ruling family, reassertion of power by local chiefs, administrative
weakness, etc. hastened the process of disintegration.

32.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) a) Many b) Lichchhavis c) Samudragupta
2) Compare your answer by reading Sub-sec. 32.3.2
3) Yaudheyas, Malavas, Nagas, Madras, Later Kushanas. See Sub-sec. 32.2.1.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Check Your Progress 2 Rise and C ~ OthHof C;upI3\
I ) Compare your answer with the contents in Sec. 32.4
2) See Sec. 32.8
3) a) 4 b) x C)4 'CI) 4

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 33 ECONOMY, SOCIETY AND
POLITY : GUPTAS

Structure
33.0 Objectives
33.1 Introduction
33.2 Administration under the Guptas
33.2.1 King
33.2.2 Council of Ministers and Other Officials
33.2.3 Army
33.2.4 Revenue Administration
33.2.5 Provinces, Districts and Villages
33.3 Economy
33.3.1 Agriculture
33.3.2 Crafts Production and Trade
33.4 Society
33.5 Let Us Sum Up
33.6 Answer to Check Your Progress Exercises

33.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you shall be able to know about:
the administrative set-up of the Guptas,
the economic conditions under the Guptas in relation to agriculture, crafts production
and trade, and
the various aspects of social life during this period.

33.1 INTRODUCTION
After having made you familiar with an outline of the political history of the Gupta period
(Unit 32) we now take up certain other aspects of this period. There are a variety of sources
which tell us about economic, social, administrative and cultural aspects of this period.
These sources of information are: (i) inscription written on different materials like copper
plates, stone, clay seals; (ii) coins issued by rulers of different dynasties; (iii) material from
excavations; (iv) contemporary literature; and (v) accounts left by foreign travellers like
Fa-Hien.

In this Unit we shall tell you about the administrative set-up adopted by the Guptas. It will
also deal with the economic activities of the period and with different sources of state
revenue. The Unit also discusses the social conditions during this period.

33.2 ADMINISTRATION UNDER THE GUPTAS

We have already mentioned in Unit 32 that the Gupta kings did not interfere in the
administration of those regions where the kings had accepted their suzerainty. However, this
does not mean that the Guptas were ruling only through their feudatories. They had an
elaborate administrative system which was in operation in areas which were directly
controlled by them.

33.2.1 King
The King remained the central figure of administration. However, there was a considerable
change in the character of monarchy. We find that the Gupta monarchs adopted high
sounding titles like: Paramabhattaraka, Parama-daivata, Chakravarti, Paramesvara,
etc. For example, the Allahabad Prasasti of Samudragupta describes him as "equal to the
gods: Dhanada (Kubera), Varuna (Sea-God), Indra and Antaka (Vama), who had no

Kamesh Mechrocks
antagonist of equal power in the world ...." Like the King who has been given a divine status
in the Smriti scriptures, the Gupta monarchs too came to be considered a divinity on earth.
However, in the spirit of Smriti literature and that of Kalidasa we find Skandagupta in his
Bhitari Pillar inscription eulogized as a person who "subdued the earth and became merciful
to the conquered people, but he became neither proud nor arrogant though his glory was
increasing day by day." His father, Kumaragupta, "followed the true path of religion". Such
references to the monarchy indicate that inspite of the supreme powers that vested in the
King he was expected to follow a righteous path, and had certain duties:

It was the King's duty to decide the policy of the state during war and peace. For
instance, Samudragupta was prudent enough to reinstate the monarchs of dukshinupurhu
in their original kingdoms.
It was considered a prime duty of the monarch to protect his countrymen from any
invasion.
The King was to lead the army in case of war. This is demonstrated through the
campaigns of Samudragupta and Chandragupta-11.
The King was also expected to support the Brahmanas, Sramanas and all others who
needed his protection.
He was also supposed to venerate the learned and religious people and give them every
possibIe help.
As the supreme judge he looked after administration of justice according to religious
percepts and existing customs.
It was the duty of the King to appoint his central and provincial officers.
The Prayagaprasasti as well as the Apratigha type coins of Kumaragupta-I point to
the appointment of successor to the throne by the reigning King.

An important political development of this period was the continuity of various kings in
their regions once they had accepted the suzerainty of the Gupta King. And the Gupta King
would not interfere with the administration of such regions.

33.2.2 Council of Ministers and Other Of'ficials

The Gupta inscriptions are not very clear about the hierarchy of ministers. However, there is
no ddubt that the King used to take counsel of his ministers and issl~ewitten instructions to
officials on all important matters.

The minister's office was perhaps hereditary. For example, the Udayagiri inscription of the
time of Chandragupta-I1 informs us that Virasena Saba, the minister for war and peace, was
holding this office by inheritance. Though the supreme judicial powers were vested in the
King, he was assisted by the Mahanandanayaka (Chief Justice). In the provinces this work
was entrusted to the Uparikas and in districts to the Vishayapatis. In villages, the headman
and the viIlage elders used to decide the petty cases. The Chinese traveller Fa-Hien states
that capital punishment was not given at all.

There were some other high officials. For example, the Mahapratihara was the chief of the
palace guards, the Pratihara regulated ceremonies and granted the necessary permits for
admission to the royal presence. There existed an espionage system as in the earlier period.
The landgrant inscriptions often mention Dutakas who were associated with the task of
implementing gifts when gifts of land were made to brahmanas and others.

33.2.3 Army
The Guptas must have had a big army organisation. At the time of war the King led his army
but ordinarily there was a minister called 'Sandhi-Vigrahika' (Minister in charge of peace
and war) who was helped by a group of high officials. The official title Mahabaladhikrita
occurs in many inscriptions. Officials like Pilupati (head of elephants), Asvapati (head of
horses), Narapati (head of footsoldiers) possibly worked under him. The army was paid in
cash and its needs were well looked after by an officer-in-charge of stores called
Ranabhandagarika. Amongst other duties this officer was to look after the supply of
offensive and defensive weapons such as battle-axes, bows and arrows, spear pikes, swords,
lances, javelins, etc.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Indian Polity : C.30&800 A.D. 33.2.4 Revenue Administration
..
Land revenue was the main source of the state's income besides the fines. In
Samudragupta's time we hear of an officer Gopasramin working as Akshapataladhikrita.
His duty was to enter numerous matters in the accounts registers, recover royal dues from
the sureties of servants, to check embezzlement and recover fines for loss due to neglect or
fraud.

Another prominent high official was Pustapala (record-keeper). It was his duty to make
enquiries before recording any transaction. The Gupta kings maintained a regular
department for the proper survey and measurement of land as well as for the collection of
land revenue. Kamandaka in the Nitisara suggests that a King should take special care of
his treasury, for the life of the state depends solely on it.

Both Kalidasa and the author of the Narada-Smriti state that one-sixth of the produce
should be claimed as the royal revenue. Besides this there was the Uparikara which was
levied on cloth, oil, etc. when taken from one city to another. The organization of traders
had to pay a certain commercial tax (Sulka), the non-payment of which resulted in
cancellation of the right to trade and a fine amounting to eight times of the original Sulka.
The King had a right to forced labour (Visthi), Bali and many other types of contributions..
The King's income from royal lands and forests was considered as his personal income.
Besides this, the King's treasury had a right to treasure troves (treasures in the forms of
coin-hoards, jewels or other valuable objects, discovered from below the earth
accidentally), digging of mines and manufacture of salt.

33.2.5 Provinces, Districts and Villages

The whole empire was divided into Desas, or Rashtras, or Bhuktis. The inscriptions
provide us with the names of certain Bhuktis. In Bengal we hear of Pundravardhara Bhukti
which corresponded to north Bengal. Tira-bhukti corresponded to north Bihar. The
Bhuktis were governed by Uparikas directly appointed by the King. In areas like western
Malwa we find local rulers like Bandhuvarman ruling as subordinate to Kumaragupta-I but
Parnadana was appointed a governor in Saurashtra by Skandagupta.

The Province or Bhukti was again divided into districts or Vishayas under an official called
Ayuktaka and in other cases a Vistiyapati.Hi4 appointment was made by the provincial
governor. Gupta inscriptions from Bengal show that the office (Adhikarana) of the district-
head associated with itself representation from major local communities: the Nagarasresthi
(head of city merchants). Sarthavaha (Caravan-leader). Prathama-Kulika (head of the
artisan community and Prathama Kayastha (head of the Kayastha community). Besides
them, were the Pustapalas-officials whose work was to manage and keep records. The
lowest unit of administration was the villa&. In villages where there was a headman called
Gramapati or Gr3madhayaksha.

However, the Gupta inscriptions from north Bengal show that there were other units higher
than the village. In some cases we find references to Astakuladhikarana. Different
categories of villages mentioned as Gramikas, Kutumbis and Mahattaras sent
representatives to these offices which on various occasions functioned above the level of the
village.

Besides agriculturists, there were certain other groups in the villages who followed such
professions as carpentry, spinning and weaving, pot-making, oil extraction, gold smithery,
and husbandry. All these groups must have constituted local institutions or bodies which
looked after the affairs of the village. The village disputes were also settled by these (bodies)
with the help of Grama-vriddhas or village elders.

Check Your Progress I

1) Which of the following statements are right (4)
or wrong (x)?
a) The King no more remained a central figure under the Guptas.
b) The King was to lead the army in case of war.
c) Mahadandanayaka was the minister of revenues.
d) One-sixth of the produce was claimed as royal revenue.
e) The highest unit of administration was the village.

Kamesh Mechrocks
2) Write in about five lines about the revenue administration of Guptas. Economy, Society and
Polity : Guptas
...........................................................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................................................

...........................................................................................................................................
3) Write in about ten lines the powers and duties of the King.
...........................................................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................................................

33.3 ECONOMY
You have read earlier that agricultural crops constituted the main resources which the
society produced and that the major part of the revenue of the state also came from
agriculture. This of course does not mean that agriculture was the only occupation of the
people or that people lived only in villages. There were other occupations like commerce
and production of crafts which had become specialized occupations and in which different
social groups were engaged. This also means that, as in earlier periods, people lived in
forests, in agrarian tracts. in towns and in cities, but certain changes had started taking place
in the pattern of economic production and consequently in relations between different social
groups. We shall highlight some of these changes in the course of this and the next section.

33.3.1 Agriculture
Let us begin with the pattern of agricultural production. The concern of the society with
agricultural production is clear from the way various aspects associated with agricultural
operations are mentioned in the sources of the Gupta period. Various types of land are
mentioned in the inscriptions; land under cultivation was usually called Kshetra. Lands not
under cultivation were variously called as Khila, Aprahata, etc., and inscriptions give the
impression that uncultivated land was being regularly brought under cultivation.
Classification of land according to soil, fertility and the use to which it was put was not
unknown. Different land measures were known in different regions, although one cannot be
certain what exact measure was denoted by a term. In some areas Nivartana was the term
used for a measure of land whereas in the inscriptions of Bengal terms like Kulyavapa and
Dronavapa are used. It is not possible to classify the regions precisely according to the
CI-opsgrown, but all the major categories of crops--cereals like barley, wheat and paddy,
dit't'erent varieties of pulses, grams and vegetables as well as cash crops like cotton and
sugarcane were known long before the Gupta period and continued to be cultivated. Of
course. you should not assume that crops !ike maize or vegetables like potatoes or tomatoes
were known to the farmers of the Gupta peric5.

The concern of the society with agricultural production is also reflected in the importance
given to irrigation. In the earlier Blocks you have already read about the Sudarsana reservoir
(Tadaga) in Saurashtra in Gujarat. Originally built in the Maurya period, this reservoir was
thoroughly repaired when it was extensively damaged in the time of Mahakshatrapa
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lJlv Wicy :CJ08-808 A.D. Rudradaman (middle of the second century A.D.). It was again severely damaged in the time
of Skandagupta. Parnadatta, his newly appointed governor of Saurashtra and Parnadatta's
son Chakrapalita, undertook the repair of the reservoir this time. Another method for
irrigation was to draw water from wells and supply the water to the fields through carefully
prepared channels. A mechanism. possibly known before the Gupta period, was to tie a
number of pots to a chain: the chain with the pots reached down to the water of the hull, and
by making the chain and the pots rotate, it was ensured that the pots would continuously fill
with water and empty it. This mechanism was known as ghati-yantra as ghati was the
name used for a pot. This type of mechanism also came to be known as araghatta. In the
Harshacharita of Banabhatta, which was of course written in the seventh century A.D.
there is a very charming description of how cultivated fields, producing crops like
sugarcane, were being irrigated with the help of ghati-yantra. In regions like Bengal,
rainwater was collected in ponds and other types of reservoirs; in peninsular India, tank
irrigation became gradually the norm. There were thus different systems of irrigation and the
role of the state was only marginal in providing irrigation facilities to fanners. The farmers
of course depended mainly on raint'all and the importance of rainfall is underlined not only
in the Arthasastra of Kautilya but also in the texts written in the Gupta period.

The sources of the Gupta period suggest that certain important changes were taking place in
the agrarian society. The inscriptions from Bengal refer to sale of land by district-level
administration to individuals who bought them by paying cash and made gifts of purchased
land to brahmanas who were expected to perform vedic sacrifices or to Buddhist or Jaina
religious establishments. But land was not only purchased and gifted; the practice of gifting
land to religious donees had become quite common by now. Even otherwise, remuneration
for serving rulers in different capacities was received in the form of land by officials of
different categories. Of course, all this was not absolutely new. But by now the number of
ruling families had vastly increased and thus the number of persons who received land but
did not cultivate themselves went on increasing. The virtues of giving land were highly
praised and those who took away gifted land were threatened with many evil consequences.
All this led to the appearance, in society, of a class of people who enjoyed superior rights
over land and by virtue of these rights and by belonging to higher varnas had high
economic and social status. Of course, landrights did not belong only to those who received
land. The Gupta inscriptions refer to different types of village residents like Gramikas,
Kutumbis and Mahattaras who must have been village landholders, and their participation
in land transactions indicates that they too were important members of rural society.

Compared with the recipients of land from the rulers and the influential categories of
landowners in villages. the condition of ordinary cultivators may be considered to have been
rather bad. It is believed by some historians that because of the practice of land grants, the
peasant population as a whole were reduced to a very low position in society. This is not
entirely true. It was the ordinary cultivators, known by various terms such as Krishibala,
Karshaka or Kinass who had low economic and social status. Among the actual cultivators
there were those who filled the lands of others and received only a share of the produce.
There were also slaves who worked on the fields of their masters. Even domestic female
slaves were cruelly exploited, and a text like the Kamasutra, which was probably written in
the Gupta period tells us how much hardship they had to go through at the hands of their
masters.

There were other reasons why the condition of the ordinary cultivators declined
considerably. One was that in many areas the appearance of small kingdoms of new rulers
and their official and ,ections of people who did not take part in agriculture created great
inequalities in society and imposed great burden on actual tillers of the soil. The number of
taxes imposed by the state on the producers also increased in this period. Further, the
practice of imposing vishti or unpaid labour was also in vogue, although we do not know for
certain how much essential it was for agricultural production. All in all, the condition of the
ordinary cultivators seems to have become worse than in the earlier periods.

33.3.2 Crafts Production and Trade

Crafts production covered a very wide range of items. There were items of ordinary
domestic use like earthen pots, items of furniture, baskets, metal tools for domestic use and
so on; simultaneously a wide variety of luxury items including jewellery made of gold,
silver and precious stones; objects made of ivory; fine clothes of cotton and silk and other
Kamesh Mechrocks
costly items had to be made available to the affluent sections of people. Some of these items Economy. Society and
Polity :Guptlls
were made available through trade; others were manufactured locally. ~ e s c i i ~ t i o of
n smany
luxury objects, of which no trace is generally found in archaeological excavations, may be
found in the literary texts or inscriptions of the period. These sources also give us interesting
hints regarding the status of different categories of craftsmen. For example, different
varieties of silk cloth, called Kshauma and Pattavastra are mentioned in the texts of this
period. An inscription of fifth century from Mandasor in western Malwa refers to a guild of
silk-weavers who had migrated from south Gujarat and had settled in the Malwa region.
Texts like Amarakosha and Brihat Samhita which are generally dated to this period, list
many items, give their Sanskrit names and also mention different categories of craftsmen
who manufactured them.

However, for an idea of the quantity and variety of objects manufactured in this period one
has to go through reports of what have been found at various archaeological sites. Many
important sites like Taxila, Ahichchhatra, Mathura, Rajghat, Kausambi and Pataliputra in
the Ganges Valley and other sites in other geographical regions have yielded many craft
products like earthen wares, terracottas, beads made of different stones, objects of glass,
items made of metals, etc. It seems that in comparison with crafts production in the
preceding Saka Kushana period, crafts production in the Gupta period suffered some
setback. It has, however, not yet been possible to make a very satisfactory comparative
study between these two periods from this angle.

All items were not available at all places; the movement of items for trade from one place to
another, therefore, continued as in the earlier periods. You have read in Blocks V1 and V11
that lndia had extensive trade links with Central, West and Southeast Asia and with the
Roman world in the preceding period, and trade routes connecting different regions within
the country had been developing over centuries. That commercial activities continued in the
Gupta period are evident. Like their Kushana predecessors the Gupta rulers too minted coins
of different types, and the gold coins of the Gupta rulers show excellent qualities of
craftsmanship. The Guptas also issued coins in copper, silver and lead. These coins were
obviously used for purposes of commercial exchange and in some regions of the Gupta
empire at least, the merchants held a high position in society. For example, two types of
representatives of merchants-the Nagarasresthi and the Sarthavaha-were associated
with the administration of the district headquarters in north Bengal. The seals of the Gupta
period, found at Vaisali in north Bihar, suggest that the merchants constituted an important
section of the population of the city of Vaisali. Literary texts of the period too show that in
cities like Pataliputra and Ujjayini commercial activities were carried on briskly and people
from different countries were present in them. Merchants were important communities also
in these cities.

There were organizations which facilitated the functioning of both craftsmen and traders.
The ancient term which was generally used for these organizations was Sreni, and the State
was expected to provide the guilds protection and to respect their customs and norms.
Similarly, members of the Sreni were also expected to follow the norms of the organization;
otherwise, they were liable to punishment. The term Sreni is often interpreted as guild but
there are different interpretations of the term and in terms of many details, we are still not
quite sure what the Srenis were really like.

Although Crafts production and commercial activities were brisk in the Gupta period, there
are two points we should especially remember:

I) There were many types of craftsmen and they were not all identical either in wealth or
in social status. For example, there was vast difference between a goldsmith and his
family with a shop in a city like Ujayini and a family of basketmakers in a village. This
is reflected to some extent in the Dharmasastras written by the brahmanas in this
period. The Dharmasastras assign different ranks to different groups of craftsmen,
although in their scheme the craftsmen and artisans held a status lower than that of the
brahmanas, kshatriyas and vaisyas. The Dharmasastras also suggest that each group of
craftsmen formed a jati or caste. For example, the Kumbhakaras or potters formed one
caste, the Suvarnakaras or goldsmiths formed another caste and so on. Although the
system of caste was not really so simple, generally the trend among.craftsmen was that
persons following one craft formed a jati or a caste.
11) Crafts production and commercial activities perhaps started declining from the Gupta
Kamesh Mechrocks
fndian Polity : C.3r)q 800 4 D, period onward in most regions and according to some historians, this resulted in the
decline of towns and cities and in greater dependencebf society of agricultural
production. You will be reading more about these changes in Block 9.

Check Your Progress 2

I) Fill in the blanks:
a) Land under cultivation was usually called ......................... (KhilaJKshetra).
b) The practice of gifting land to religious donees ......................... (had becomelwas
not at all) common during the tifth-sixth Century A.D.
C) The ordinary cultivators ......................... (flourished/suffered)during this period.
d) Sudarsana lake was repaired during the time of ......................... (Skandaguptal
Purugupta).
2) Mention the methods adopted for irrigation during this period in about ten lines.

...........................................................................................................................................
3) Discuss in about five lines the sources which refer to crafts and craftsmen.

SOCIETY
You have already read that according to the scheme of society conceived by the brahmanas,
society was divided into four varnas (Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra), with each
varna performing the set of functions prescribed for it and enjoying whatever rights were
given to it. This was the ideal social order and the state was expected to preserve it. This
means that when even a small state emerged in some comer of the country, the King of that
state was expected to recognize this as the ideal social order. The Brahmanas came to exert
considerable influence on the kings from the Gupta period and this is quite clear from the
way they received land from the kings and others. The kings, officials and others gave land
not 011ly to Individual brahmanas but also some times incited big groups of brahmanas to
come and settle in remote areas. Thus, the number of brahmana settlements variously called
Brshmadiyas, Agraharas and so on started increasing and they started spreading, among
other things, the idea of a varna-divided social order.

However, varna order was an ideal order and there were many groups in society whose
varna identity could never be determined. Secondly, it was assumed that the varnas would
perform theif:&tIes; in reality, they may not have done so. These suggest that real society
was dikr!%tftifi&#'the ideal society and this was also recognized by the brahmana writers
of het%@##&%
a.srt They therefore tried to determine the status of various castes or jatis
in s&@t$%$~lGlh~fictitiousexplanations of their origins. They suggested that various jatis
or groups originated through varna-samkara or inter-mamages between various varnas.
?,)l+ > I , *
11
The v h W ~ 6yditiikn M ~ n families
g of the pre-Gupta period, of Greek of Siythian ongin,
Kamesh Mechrocks
were given the semi-kshatriya status (vratya Kshatriaya) because they could not be Economy, Society and
Polity : Cuptas
considered to be of pure Kshatriaya origin: similarly, fictitious origins were thought of for
tribal groups who came to he absorbed into the Brahmanical society.

The Dharmasastras also speak of apadharma or conduct to be followed during periods of

distress. This means that the varnas take to professions and duties not assigned to them
when they found it necessary to do so. In matters of profession also the Dharmasastras thus
recognized that the real society was different from their ideal society. ~ h e s changes
e of
course originated much hefore the Gupta period, but with the spread of the Brahmanas to
different parts of India, the s o ~ i i structure
~l came to be very complex. The new society had to
absort many social groups thus. the actual social structure came to vary from region to
region, although certain ideas were common to them:
The Brahmanas came to he recognized as the purest and therefore the highest varna.
Since they were associated with Sanskritic learning and performed priestly functions.
they came to be closely connected with royal power. Even when the rulers were
supporters of Buddhism, laiilis~nor a particular religious sect, they continued to
patronize brahmanas. particularly those of high le:~rning.This remained onc of the
major reasons for the economic prosperity and prestige of the brahmanas.
Ideally. although there were four varnas. these were various groups who were kept out
of this scheme. They were the antyajas or untouchables. They were considered impure;
even their touch was considered impure and their physical presence in areas where
higher varnas lived and moved was not allowed. The Chandalas. the Charmakaras
and similar groups were considered impure and outzastes. Thus. in the hl-;rhmanical
order of society. the condition of a number of social groups remained miserable
throughout.
The position of woman o r higher varnas was low. Although we hear or' personalities
like the Vakataka queen Prabhavatigupta who wielded considerable power, not all
women were so privileged. The brahmana texts set doiQn norms which women were
expected to follow and women were expected. in the family, to function mainly as an
ideal wife and ideal mother. In many Brahmana texts, women we're even considered,
for various reasons, to be of the same category as the Sudras. It is significant that
although brah~nanaswere given landgrants regularly. we do not come across evidence
of land being given to Brahmana women.

Another aspect of social life was that there existed great difference between the ways of life
of the rich city-dwellers and people living in villages. The ideal city-dweller was the
nagaraka, i.e. the urbanite who, because of his affluence, lived a life of pleasure and refined
culture. There are interesting descriptions of this way of life not only in Vatsyayana's
Kamasutra but also in other literary texts of the,period. Of course. it would he wrong to
presume that all classes of people who lived in cities could afford this way of life.

Check Your Progress 3

I ) Which of the following statements are right ( 4 )or wrong (x) ?
a ) The Brahmanas exerted considerable influence on kings from the Gupta ~ ~ e r i o d .
b) The rcal society, during the Ciupta pel-iotl, was different froni (he ideal society.
c) Antya,jas were the highest in varna scheme.
d) The life of the city-tlweller\ and the villagers was the same.
2) Discuss the changes in the varna system in ahout ten lines.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Indian A.D.
33.5 LET US SUM UP
In this Unit, after going through the various aspects of Gupta administration, economy and
society we find that considerable changes had taken place when compared to the earlier
periods. An important aspect related to kingship was the continuity of various kings in their
regions once they had accepted the suzerainty of the Gupta King. There was considerable
concern towards agricultural production and this is reflected from the way irrigation got
priority during this period. The practice of gifting land to religious donees had become
quite common and the brahmanas exerted considerable influence over the King. There was
differentiation amongst the cultivators and compared to the rich, the condition of ordinary
cultivators declined considerably. Similarly, the wealth and social status of different types of
craftsmen also varied. Though commercial activities continued during this period it appears
that there was a decline in crafts production. The varna system continued in society.
However, various foreign ruling families were assimilated in the varna system. At the same
time various groups were kept out of the varna scheme and were a considered untouchables.
There was also a considerable decline in the position of women in society.

33.6 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress I
1) (a) x (b) J (c) x (d) J (el x
2) See Sub-sec. 33.2.4
3) Base your answer on Sub-sec. 33.2.1

Check Your Progress 2

1) (a) Kshetra (b) had become; (c) suffered (d) Skandagupta.
2) Base your answer on Sub-sec. 33.3.1
3) Check your answer by comparing with the first two paragraphs of Sub-sec. 33.3.2

Check Your Progress 3

1) (a)J (b)J ( C ) X (d)x
2) Check your answer by reading Sec. 33.4
I

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 34 POST-GUPTA KINGDOMS IN
NORTH INDIA

Structure
Objectives
Introduction
The Regional Powers
34.2.1 Yasodhaman
34.2.2 The Maukhar~s
34.2.3 The Later Guptds
The Pushyabhuties of Thaneshwar and Kanauj
Harshavardhana
Political condition of North India in Post-Harsha Period
Let Us Sum Up
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

34.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you would be able to:
learn about the political changes that took place after the disintc .i.ition of the Gupta
empire,
know about the emergence of various political powers which were gradually gaining
importance,
discuss the origin and growth of the power of the Pushyabhutis of Thaneshwar and
Kanauj,
know about some of the events during the reign of King Harsha,
learn about the administrative system of Harsha, and
know about the political condition of north India after Harsha's death.

34.1 INTRODUCTION
In the sixth century A.D. the disintegration of the Gupta empire gradually paved way for the
I' growth of many smaller kingdoms. In certain regions new kingdoms emerged and in other
areas the dynasties which had earlier accepted Gupta suzerainty now declared their
independence. For example, kings like Yasodharma and political powers like the Maukharis,
the Hunas and the later Magadhan Guptas were the new powers. Besides these the
Pushyabhutis, the Gaudas, the Varmans and the Maitrakas also grew in importance. This
Unit attempts to give a brief sketch of the political history of these kingdoms. It also takes
into account certain other aspects like the nature of the administrative system under
Harshavardhana of the Pushyabhuti family, political patronage to Buddhism, etc.

34.2 THE REGIONAL POWERS

In the absence of a strong power there emerged quite a number of regional powers in
different regions. These powers, representing different dynasties, established their kingdoms
and were often at war with each other. Here we briefly mention some of these powers:

34.2.1 Yasodharman
During the reign of Kumaragupta-I his feudatory Bandhuvarman ruled over Mandasor as it

i was a major Centre of western Malwa. He belonged to the Aulikara family which perhaps
ruled there up to the beginning of the sixth century A.D. Two stone pillar inscriptions from
I Mandasor in Madhya Pradesh, one of which is dated in 532 A.D., refer to a powerful king
Yasodharman. One of these inscriptions reports the victories of Yasodharman. The
I inscription describes him as the victor of all those lands which had not been subdued even
Kamesh Mechrocks
Mima Polity :C.j00-800 A.D. by the Guptas. But the names of the defeated powers have not been mentioned except that of
Mihirkula. It appears that Yasodharman rose to power in about 528 A.D. and continued to
rule till 532 A.D., (the date of Mandasor inscription) but by 543 A.D. his power must have
been eclipsed.

5. Yasodharman's Mandasor Inscription

34.2.2 The Maukharis

The Maukharis were an old family as we find references to them in Patanjali's work and in
s
other early documents.

The Maukharis must have started gaining political power towards the end of 5th century
A.D. as the Harsha inscription of 554 A.D. mentions the rise of Yajnavarman from Gaya
during this period

We also get the names of three Maukhari kings mentioned in the Barabar and Nagarjuni
inscriptions who ruled in Gaya, about 150 years earlier then their successors at Kanauj.

The tirst three Maukhari kings are Yagnavarman, Sardulavarman and Anantavarman. Some
of these kings held simply the title of Samanta which indicates that they were acting as
kings under the over-lordship of the Guptas.

From the Asirgarh Copper seal we get the names of (1) Harivannan, (2) Adityavarman, (3)
Isvaravarman, (4) Isanavarmi~n,(5) Sarvavarman, who had ruled over Kanauj in U.P. The
first three kings had the title of Maharaja whereas Isanavarman is called
Maharajadhiraja.

It was perhaps Isanavarman who set up an independent kingdom. The early Maukhari kings
had established family ties with the later Guptas. However. Isanavannan's declaration of his
independence must have spoilt the relations between the later Guptas and the Maukharis for
the Apshad inscription tells us of the victory of Kumaragupta the fourth king of the Later
Gupta family of Magdha, over Isanavannan. But the dynasty seems to have continued its
rule.

Sarvavarman, the second son of Isanavannan, was successful in retrieving the lost prestige
of the Maukharis by defeating Damodaragupta of the Later Gupta dynasty. The last of the
Maukhari kings was Grahavannan who was married to Rajyasri. the daughter of
Prabhakaravardhan of Thaneshwar and sister of the famous ruler Harshavardhana. The
Malava king Devagupta attacked Kanauj and killed Grahvarman bringing the Maukhari
kingdom to an end. The Maukharis held sway over modem U.P.and parts of Magadha.
However, the innumerable wars which they lost and won kept changing their boundaries.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Post-Cupta Kingdoms in
34.2.3 The Later Guptas North India
From around the middle of sixth century A.D. till about 675 A.D. the kings who ruled
Magadha were known as Magadha Guptas or Later Guptas. However, it is not clear what
connection they had with the Imperial Guptas of the earlier period.

The Aphsad inscription from Gaya gives the names of 8 Gupta Monarchs:
( I ) Krishnagupta (2) Harshagupta (3) Jivitagupta
(4) Kumaragupta (5) Damodaragupta ( 6 ) Mahasenagupta,
(7) Madhavagupta and (8) Adityasena.

The Later Guptas entered into matrimonial alliances with other contemporary ruling
families. For example. Harshagupta married his sister to a Maukhari king. Throughout this
period the Later Giiptas remained engaged in battle with one enemy or the other. For
esample, Harshagupta had to fight the tlunas; his son Jivitagupta tough1 against Lichchhavis
of Nepal and Gaudas of Bengal: and Jivit~lgupta'swccessor king Kumaragupta defeated
Maukhari King Isanarvarman.
The next king Damodaragupta, son of Kumaragupta, was defeated and killed by Maukhari
king Sarvavarman and lost a portion of Magadha. For some time the successors of
Damodaragupta retreated to Malwa because of the Maukharis but they again established
their supremacy in Magadha.
Their most powerful ruler was Adityasena, who ruled in Magadha in 672 A.D., a date which
seems to occur in one of his inscriptions. The Later Gupta power survived the empire of
Harshavardhana and Adityasena signalised his accession to power by the performance of a
horse sacrifice. According to the Aphsad inscription, his empire included Magadha, Anga
and Bengal. It is just possible that his kingdom included a portion of eastern Uttar Pradesh.
He was a Parama-Bhagavata and got a temple of Vishnu constructed.
The Later Gupta line came to an end with the expansion of the power of the Gaudas of
Bengal westward. But the Gaudas themselves were subdued by Yasovarman of Kanauj.
Besides the abovementioned dynastic powers the other important states that emerged in the
post-Gupta period were those of the:
.* Maitras of Valabhi in Gujarat
Gurjaras in Rajputana and Gujarat
Gaudas in Bengal
Varmans in Kamrup (Assam)
Mana and Sailodbhava families in Orissa.

The Maitraka kings of Valabhi had initially been under the overlordship of the Imperial
Guptas and they gradually established their own supremacy. The founder of the Gurjara
kingdom was Harichandra whose three successors ruled till about 640 A..D. Gauda. the
region of north and north-west of Bengal was ruled by Sasanka, a contemporary and arch-
rival of Harshavardhana, as an independent kingdom in the early seventh century A.D. The
Prayagaprasasti recording the achievements of the Gupta ruler Samudragupta refers to two
kingdoms in Assam : Kamarupa and Davaka. Kamarupa became an important political
region in north-eastem India from the middle of the fourth century A.D. Pushyavarman
probably founded, around this date, the first historical royal family of Assam. This family
ruled for twelve generations till the time of Bhaskaravarman who was a contemporary and
an ally of Harshavardhana of Kanauj and ruled in the first half of the seventh century A.D.

Although there is evidence that some local rulers of Orissa owed allegiance to Imperial
Gupta rulers towards the end of Gupta rule, two autonomous kingdoms emerged in Orissa in
the second half of the sixth century A.D. One was the Mana kingdom which extended from
Balasore to Puri district and the other was the kingdom of the Sailodbhavas of Kongoda,
which extended from ~ h ' i l k alake to Mahendragiri mountains in Ganjam district. Both
kingdoms suffered setbacks because of the rise of Sasanka of Bengal and Harshavardhana of
Kanauj.

Check Your Progress I

1 ) List the main minor powers and the regions they ruled in north India in the sixth
century A.D.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Indhn Polity :C.300-800 A.D.

2) Which of the following statements are right (4) or wrong (x).

(a) The stone pillars inscriptions from Mandasor refer to the reign of Kumaragupta-I.
(b) lMaukhari kings ruled over Gaya.
(c) The most powerful Maukhari king was Adityavarman.
(d) It is clear that the later Gupta's had links with the imperial Guptas.

- -

34.3 THE PUSHYABHUTIS OF THANESHWAR AND

KANAUJ
A variety of sources inform us about the rise of the family of Pushyabhutis which first ruled
from Thaneshwar in Haryana and later from Kanauj in Uttar Pradesh. These sources include
the text Harshacharita of Banabhatta, accounts of Hiuen-tsang and some inscriptions and
coins etc. Banabhatta informs us that the founder king of this dynasty at Thaneshwar was
Pushyabhuti and that the family was known as Pushyabhuti vamsa. However, the
inscriptions of Harsha make no reference to him. The Banskhera and Madhuvan plates and
royal seals mention five earlier rulers among whom the first three are given the title of
Maharaja. This may indicate that they were not sovereign monarchs. The fourth king
Prabhakarvardhana has been described as a Maharajadhiraja which makes us infer that he
was an independent monarch and had established matrimonial relations with the Maukharis
by marrying his daughter Rajyasri with Grahavarman.

Thaneshwar, during this time (about 604 A.D.) was threatened by the Hunas from the
western side. Banabhatta has described Prabhakarvardhana as "a lion to the Huna deer".
According to him an army under Rajyavardhana was sent to defeat the Hunas but due to the
sudden illness of his father he had to come back. With Prabhakarvardhana's death the family
had to face troubled times for a while. The Malava king killed Gra!avarman and took ,

Rajyasri prisoner. It appears that the Malava and the Gauda kings entered into alliance and
even Thaneshwar was threatened. Rajyavardhana defeated the Malavas but was killed
through treachery by Sasanka, the Gauda king. Now it was Harsha's responsibility to seek
revenge and in due course he was able to establish a strong empire.

34.4 HARSHAVARDHANA

Harsha ascended the throne of Thaneshwar around 606 A.D. and immediately marched
against the Gaudas. He also entered into an alliance with Bhaskarvarman-the king of
Pragjyaotisha (Assam) as both had a common enemy in Sasanka, the king of Gauda
(Bengal). We have no information whether Harsha entered into battle with Sasanka but he
was able to save his sister Rajyasri and the kingdoms of Thaneshwar and Kanauj were
combined with Harsha now ruling from Kanauj. In fact Hiuen-tsang's account mentions him
and his predecessors as rulers of Kanauj. Both Bana and Hiuen-tsang refer to Harsha's vow
of defeating other kings. Subsequently, he fought the rulers of Valabhi and Gurjaras in the
west; Chalukyas in the Deccan; and Magadha and Gauda in the east:
The Maitrakas of Valabhi had emerged as a strong power in the Saurashm region of
Gujarat. Valabhi is generally identified with Wala, 18 miles from Bhavnagar in
Kathiawar. We find the names of five Valabhi kings who were contemporaries of
Harsha. Hiuen-tsang has mentioned the Valabhi king Dhruvasena I1 Baladitya as
Harsha's son-in-law who also attended the religious assembly called by Harsha at
Prayaga. This indicates that Harsha's hostilities with Valabhis ended through a
matrimonial alliance. However, through the inscriptions of Gurjara kings we know that
their king Dadda 11, had supported the Valabhis. The Valabhis remained a strong power
during the reign of Harsha.
From Bana's account we know that the Gurjaras were hostile to the Vardhanas. A
family of Gurjara rulers was ruling at Nandipuri in the Broach region of Gujarat in this

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Post-Gupta Kingdoms in
period. This might have continued during the period of Harsha. It appears that the North India
Gurjaras accepted the suzerainty of Chalukyas of Badami in Karnataka as a safeguard
against Harsha, for the Aihole inscription mentions Lata, Malava and Gurjara as
feudatories of Pulakasin 11, the Chalukya ruler.
An eulogy or prasasti of Pulakasin 11, placed on a temple wall at Aihole, also mentions
Pulakesin's military success against Harshavardhana.
Hiuen-tsang's account mentions that inspite of his victories over many kingdoms he
was not able to defeat Pulakasin 11, the Chalukya ruler of Badami in Karnataka. We
have no details of the battle and where it was fought but this is clear that Harsha could
not achieve success against Pulakesin 11.
Harsha was successful in his eastern campaigns. A Chinese account mentions him as
the king of Magadha in 641 A.D., we have already mentioned his alliance with
Bhaskaravarman the king of Assam and it is possible that they jointly conducted
campaigns in Bengal and other parts of eastern India.
Harsha had diplomatic relations with the Chinese for his contemporary T'ang emperor
sent three embassies to his court. The last of these, under Wang-hiuen-tse, arrived in
India in 647 A.D. when Harsha was no longer alive. Harsha himself had sent a
brahmana envoy to China in 64 1 A.D. Harsha ruled for a period of 4 1 years and is said
to have died about 647 A.D. The administrative set-up under Harsha was in some ways
a continuation of the system prevalent under the Guptas. Hiuen-tsang mentions that
Harsha used to take up tours throughout his kingdom. The king remained the supreme
authority, assisted by his ministers and other officials of different categories.
For example, the Madhuban copper plate mentions the names of various officials like
uparika (provincial governor), Senapati (Army chief), Dutaka (informer), etc. However, his
inscriptions, Bana's Harshacharita and Hiuen-tsang's account leave no doubt that the
stabiIity of the administration and of the empire had come to depend much on the support of
allies and feudatories (samantas and mahasamantas). The officials, it appears, were not
paid salaries in cash. Instead, they were given land as payment for their services. The law
and order situation seems to have slackened during this period as Hiuen-tsang himself had to
face plunder by dacoits.

The Banskhera, Nalanda and Sonepat Inscriptions of Harsha describe him as a worshipper of
Siva. However, later on he became a Buddhist and convened a conference at Kanauj. Here
the docmnes of Mahayana were propagated with utmost precision. This assembly, according
to Hiuen-tsang, was attended by eithteen kings and three thousand monks and continued for
eighteen days. Another such event during Harsha's reign was the Quinquennial distribution
ceremony at Prayaga. Harsha performed five such ceremonies in his last thirty years. He
used to distribute all the treasures accumulated during the last five years in these
ceremonies.

Learning and education got royal patronage during this period. Nalanda university had more
than ten thousand students. Harsha had given hundred villages in donation to this
University.

34.5 POLITICAL CONDITION OF NORTH INDIA IN

POST-HARSHA PERIOD
The empire buiIt up by Harshavardhana had a very loose structure; after his death even this
structure collapsed.

The events immediately following the death of Harsha have been described at Some length
by Wang-Hiuen-tse who had been deputed as an ambassador by the Chinese emperor. But as
he reached the borders of India, the news of Harsha's death reached him. He tells us that
Arjuna (Ti-no-fo-ti) sent an army to check the entry of the Chinese ambassador. Somehow
Wang-Hiuen-tse escaped and came back to fight Arjuna with an army of one thousand from
Tibet and seven thousand from Nepal. Arjuna and his army were defeated and captured.
Later the queen of Arjuna continued the fight but was defeated. wang toUk Arjuna to China
and presented him to his King. However, the authenticity of this account is doubted by
certain scholars.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Indian Polity :C. 300-800 A.D.

6. Hsrsha's signatures on Banskhcra Plate

7. Nslsnds seal of Harsha 8. Cold coin of Harsha

Post-Harsha Dynasties
Among the post-Harsha rulers the Nidhanapur inscription of King Bhaskaravarman
mentions about his rule in Karnasuvarna in the Murshidabad district of Bengal and nearby
places. Similarly, the Aphsad inscription'mentions Adityasrna's rule over Magadha.

In Kashmir Durlabhavardhan established a dynasty known as Karakota. His grandson

Chandrapida checked the entry of the Arabs in Kashmir. Another king of this dynasty,
Lalitaditya Muktapida, attacked Kanauj and defeated Yasovarman. It appears from Chinese
accounts that Muktapida did not annex the kingdom but entered into an alliance with him.

After about 75 years of Harsha's death Yasovarman rose to power in Kanauj. He defeated
the Gaudas and also won Magadha. Yasovarman, besides being a great wamor, was a great
patron of scholars. His court was graced by Vakapati and Bhavabhuti. Vakapati wrote
Gaudavaho in Prakrit, while Bhavabhuti wrote Malatimadhava, Mahaviracharita and
Uttara-Ramacharita in Sanskrit.

Although the rule of many of these royal families lasted only for a short period, we Should
remember that in many regions of the Indian subcontinent this period saw the beginnings of
stable state structures. These were not all-india empires, but they represented the beginnings
of regional political structures. We have already referred to the kashmir valley where,
inspite of many dynastic changes, we find for the first time the functioning of a local state
system. In Bengal, the emergence of Pala power from the middle of the eighth century A.D.
and its duration for several centuries marked a new phase in the political history of the
region. Similarly, in Western India, covering both Rajasthan and Gujarat, emerged many

Kamesh Mechrocks
new ruling families like the Gurjara Pratiharas, Guhilas, the Chahamanas and others who Post. Kingdoms in
North l d r
came to be considered as different clans of the Rajputs who dominated the political scene of
western India for centuries. Thus, the decline of Gupta power and the collapse of Harsha's
empire did not mean beginnings of political anarchy. After the end of these empires, the
regional powers consolidated themselves and played important roles in the history of
subsequent periods.
7
Check Your Progress 2
1) Which of the following statements are right (4) or wrong (x)?
a) Hiuen-tsang was an Arab traveller
b) The Maitrakas of Valabhi were a strong power in the Saurashtra region
c) Harsha defeated Pulakesin I1
d) Harsha did not convene a Buddhist conference
e) The authenticity of Wang-Hiuen-tse's account is doubted by certain scholars
2) Write in about ten lines the relation of Harsha with other powers.

) What was the political condition in north India in the post-Harsha period? Answer in
about ten lines.

34.6 LET US SUM UP

In the post-Gupta period many kingdoms came into existence. These kingdoms were not as
large as the Gupta kingdom. The political fortunes of the dynasties which ruled these
kingdoms fluctuated with time. Some of the powerful kings like Harsha managed to bring
almost the whole of northern India under their control, but their kingdoms were short-lived.
However, simultaneously we find that in many regions new political powers emerged which
lasted for many centuries. The beginnings of many regional states can be traced to this
period. Although the rule of many of these royal families lasted only for a short period, we
should remember that in many regions'of the India subcontinent, this period saw the
beginnings of stable state structures. These were not all-India empires, but they represented
the beginnings of regional political structures. We have already referred to the Kashmir
Kamesh Mechrocks
 .. s
~
) L
. '

Indian Polity : C. 300-800 A.D. valley where, inspite of many dynastic changes, we find for the first time the functioning of
a local state system. In Bengal, the emergence of Pala power from the middle of the eighth
century and its duration for several centuries marked a new phase in the political history of
the region. Similarly, in Western India, covering both Rajasthan and Gujarat, emerged many
new ruling families like the Gurjara-Pratiharas, Guhilas, the Chaharnanas and others who
came to be considered as different class of the Rajputs who dominated the political scene of
Western India for centuries. Thus, the decline of Gupp power and the collapse of Harsha's
empire did not mean beginnings of political anarchy. After the end of these empires, the
regional powers consolidated themselves and played important roles in the history of
subsequent periods.

34.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check 'Your Progress I
1) Base your answer on Sec. 34.2
2 ) a) x b) d c) x d) x

Check Your Progress 2

1) a ) x B)J c ) x d ) x e)d
2) See Sec. 34.4
3) Compare your answer with the contents in Sec. 34.5

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 35 KINGDOMS IN THE DECCAN AND
SOUTH INDIA

Structure
35.0 Objectives
35.1 ~ntroduction
35.2 Political Situation in the Deccan till the Mid-sixth Century A.D.
35.2.1 Vidarbha (Maharashtra)
35.2.2 Kamataka
35.2.3 Eastern Deccan
35.2.4 South Kamataka
35.3 Political Situation in South India
35.4 The Rise of the Chalukyas, the Pallavas and t h e ~ a n d ~ a s
35.4.1 The Chalukyas
35.4.2 The Pallavas
35.4.3 The Pandyas
35.4.4 Other Powers
35.5 Conflicts Between Different Powers
35.5.1 The Role of Minor Kings
35.5.2 other Dimensions of Political Conflicts
35.5.3 Relations with other Countries
35.5.4 Kerala
35.6 Political Organisation
35.6.1 The King and the Higher Stratum of Administration.
.35.6.2 Administrative Units
35.6.3 Local Associations
35.7 Relations Between Different Categories of Rulers
35.8 Let Us Sum Up
35.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you will be able to learn about:
the kingdoms that arose in the Deccan and South India with special reference to the
Chalukyas of Badami and the Pallavas of Kanchi,
the relations between these kingdoms,
the role of geography in understanding the political history of our period, and
how people were governed in these kingdoms.

INTRODUCTION
People often speak of lndia south of the Vindhyas as South India or the Deccan. This
division has been made for a long time, indeed as early as ancient India when the area south
of the Vindhyas was called Dakshinapatha or the Southern Temtory. Dakhina became the
Dakkan of medieval tlmes, from which in turn the term Deccan is derived. But historians
and geographers have found it more useful to distinguish the Deccan proper from the rest of
south India. The Deccan consists of Maharashtra and northern Karnataka, and as far as the
double deltas of the Godavari and the Krishna. Following this usage, we shall speak of the
Deccan and south India as the two regions south of the Vindhyas while the term 'southern
India' will stand for both the regions and as distinct from 'northern Indla.' You will
appreciate the value of these d~stinctionsmore and more as you go deeper into the study of
the history and society of this area.

In Block-7 you have read about the political developmentwhich took place in the Deccan
and south lndia in the Mauryan and post-Mauryan period. You have noticed that while the
Deccari was included in the Mauryan empire, the major chiefdoms of south India, i.e. those
of the Cholas, Pandyas, Cheras and Satiyaputras were friendly neighbours of the Mauryas.
In the post-Mauryan period, initially minor chiefs assuming the title of raja or King
Kamesh Mechrocks
lndhn Pdity : C.300-800 A.D. appeared in the Deccan and the Deccan was politically integrated by the Satavahanas who
called themselves 'Lords of the Deccan'. In the south, too, the chiefdoms were going
through important changes resulting in the emergence of State systems in the subsequent
period. In this Unit you shall be reading about the political situation which developed in the
Deccan from the post-Satavahana period (beginning of the third century A.D.) to the eighth
century A.D.

35.2 POLITICAL SITUATION IN THE DECCAN TILL

THE MID-SIXTH CENTURY A.D.
After the decline of thi~atavahanasthe political control of the Deccan under one dynasty
came to an end. A number of kingdoms arose in different regions as successors of the
Satavahanas. In northern ~ k a r a s h t r awe see the Abhiras. who for a time served as army
commanders in the Saka kingdoms, founding a kingdom in mid-t$rsLcentury A.D. The
founder of this line was one Isvarasena, who began an era in A.D. 248-49. This era became
very important later and came to be known as Kalachuri-Chedi Era.

35.2.1 Vidarbha (Maharashtra)

The Maharashtra plateau soon came to be dominated by the Vakatakas. They began as
minor kings from the last quarter of the third century A.D., but rapidly gained in power and
extended their sway over most of Maharashtra and adjoining parts of Madhya Pradesh.
There were two lines of Vakataka kings ruling in different areas. The main line ruled from
eastern Maharashtra (the Vidarbha region) while a collateral branch, called the Basin branch
of the Vakatakas, ruled in southern Maharashtra. The most famous Vakataka King was
Pravarasena-I of the main line, who alone had the title of Samrat among the Vakatakas. He
performed several Vedic sacrifices and issued a large number of landgrants to brahmanas.
The Vakatakas seem to have been peace-loving people on the whole and had formed
matrimonial and diplomatic ties with their powerful neighbours such as the Guptas in the
north, the Vishnukundins in eastern Deccan and the Kadambas in the south. But the break-
up and weakening of the kingdom could not be prevented as the Kalachuris and the
Kadambas carved out their territories at its cost in the first-half of the sixth century A.D. By
the mid-sixth century they were supplanted by the Chalukyas of Badami as the major powt r
in the Deccan.

35.2.2 Karnataka
In the coastal strip of northern Karnataka (North Kanara) and adjoining areas a smalI
kingdom was carved out by the Chutus. They ruled till about the mid-fourth century A.D.
when they were supplanted by the Kadarnbas. This kingdom was founded by the famous
Mayurasarman, who was an expert in guerrila warfare and compelled the Pallavas of Kanchi
to recognize his sovereignty. He then performed horse sacrifices (asvamedha) and became
Mayuravarman from Mayurasarman, that is, a kshatriya from a brahmana (Varman was a
typical kshatriya surname while 'sarman' was a brahmana surname). Early in its history
there was a division of the Kadamba kingdom into two parts between the two lines of the
family, with Vaijayanti (Banavasi) and Palasika (Halsi) as the capitals.lThe two lines were
never in peace with each other, and both were threatened by their more powerful
neighbours-the Pallavas, the Western Gangas, and, above all, the Chalukyas of Badami.
The Chalukyas gradually ate into their territory. and by about 575 A.D. completely
vanquished them.

35.2.3 Eastern Deccan

Politically the most disturbed region in the post-Satavahana Deccan was the fertile Krishna-
Godavari delta (Andhra delta) in the east. Here the Satavahanas were succeeded by the
Ikshvakus who were in control of this region from 225 A.D. There was a break in their rule
by the coming of Abhiras from the west, but it was a brief interregnum, and the Ikshvakus
came back and ruled for the next fifty years or so. Then the area was apparently split up into
anumber of principalities. From copper-plate inscriptions we come to know of the kings of
Brihatphalayana gotra followed by those of Salankayana g d r a , whiIe the Allahabad Pillar
Inscription or the Prayagaprasasti (See BIock 8, Unit 32) which praises Samudragupta,
Kamesh Mechrocks
informs us about half a dozen kingdoms in this area about 350 A.D. These included Kingdoms in the Dmur and
the South
kingdoms of Vengi; of Kurala, with capitals at Pishtapura and at Avamukta of Devarashtra,
and so on.

Political stability returned to the Andhra delta from the mid-fifth century with the coming of
the Vishnukundins. They had good relations with the Vaktakas, but had prolonged,
continued conflicts with the Western Gangas of south Karnataka. Madhavarman-I (440-60
A.D.), the founder of the line who performed many horse sacrifices, and Madhavavarman-I1
(556-616 A.D.) are among the famous rulers of the line. The Vishnukundins ruled till about
the first quarter of the seventh century A.D. when the Chalukyas came in.

35.2.4 South Karnataka

In south Karnataka there arose a dynasty at the beginning of the fifth century A.D. The kings
of this dynasty are called Gangas or Western Gangas to distinguish them from the Eastern
Ganges of Orissa. The Western Gangas ruled over south Karnataka for the next six hundred
years: because of such a long association the area came to be called Gangavadi. Gangavadi
is an isolated territory surrounded by mountains and is relatively less prosperous
agriculturally. Both these factors allowed the Gangas to rule without much interference from
outsiders for such a long time. They were, however, very advantageously situated from a
military point of view. They were to play a very important role in the mutual conflicts
between the Pallavas and the Chalukyas of Badami mostly as subordinate allies of the latter,
as well as in the conflict between the Pallavas and the Pandyas. They did not generally have
cordial relations with the Pallavas, who they were well placed to harass from their lofty
mountain fortress of Nandidrug.

35.3 POLITICAL SITUATION IN SOUTH INDIA

The Sangam period in Tamilnadu and Kerala drew to a clohe about the end of the third
century A.D. The history of this area from the fourth to the mid-sixth century A.D. is very
obscure. The early history of the Pallavas belongs to this period. We have their copper-plate
charters that were issued from Kanchi. Pallava rule was traditionally associated with the
Kanchi region (Palar river valley) or Tondaimandalam (tondai is Tamil for Pallava). But it
seems that during this period the Kanchi region was not under their effective control as they
had been pushed north by mountainous tribes called Kalabhras

In fact, from the end of the Sangam period to the mid-sixth century A.D., Tamilnadu and
Kerala were dominated by the Kalabhras. We do not know much about them, but it has been
inferred from the scanty evidence that they were against brahmanical institutions and
favourably disposed towards Buddhism and Jainism, that they put an end to the rule of the
Cheras, the Cholas and the Pandyas of the Sangam age, and that they were non-agricultural
hill tribes who caused great havoc among settled agricultural population. The Kalabhra
threat seems to have extended to the borders of the Chalukyas kingdom which emerged in
north Karnataka for they too claim to have defeated them. This period is known as the
'Kalabhra Interregnum'.

35.4 THE RISE OF THE CHALUKYAS, THE PALLAVAS

AND THE PANDYAS
From the mid-sixth century A.D. the political scene in the Deccan and south India was
dominated by the activities of three powers: the Chalukyas of Badami, the Pallavas of
Kanchi, and the Pandyas of Madura.

35.4.1 The Chalukyas

The Chalukyas became a sovereign power with Pulakesin-I. He laidihe foundations of his
kingdom by making the hill riear Badami in the Bijapur district of Karnataka into a strong,
fortress in 543-44 A.D. and performed a horse sacrifice. His successors overthrew the
Kadambas and annexed their kingdom gradually, and also subjugated the Mauryas of
Konkan (the coastal strip of Maharashtra). With the expeditions of Pulakesin-I1 the

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Indian Pdity :C. j00-800 A.D. Chalukyas became the Paramount power in the Deccan as the Western Gangas and the
Alupas in the south and the Latas, Malavas and Gurjaras in the north offered their
submissha whim. The army of Pulakesin-I1 checked the forces of Harshavardhana on the
banks of the Narmada.

Pulakesin-I1 also defeated the Vishnukundins of Andhra delta. But he was not satisfied with
demanding just offers of submission as the Krishna-Godavari delta with almost one million
acres of rich arable land was too valuable a possession. So about 62 1 '4.D. he sent his
younger brother Vishnuvardhana to consolidate the conquest and take over the area. In 63 1
A.D. Vishnuvardhana was allowed to from his own kingdom. Thus, began the line of the
Chalukyas of Vengi or Eastern Chalukyas, who remained in control of the area for more
than five hundred years.

9. Aiholc Inscription of Pulakesin-I1

35.4.2 The Pallavas

The rise of the Pallavas began with Simhavishnu about the middle of tile sixth century A.D.
'1
He put an end to the Kalabhra Interregnum in Tandaimandalam (Kanchi Region), and
extended his kingdom southward up to the Kaveri delta. He was succeeded by
Mahendravarman-I, who annexed territories in the north up to the river Krishna. The Pallava
'
kings also secured submission from the neighbouring chieftains and kings, and thus reached
the zone of influence of the Chalukyas of Badami, and of the Pandyas. Even the Pandyas
had to accept their overlordship briefly. Thus by the middle of the seventh century A.D. the
Pallavas had set up a powerful regional kingdom in south India. Their power began to
weaken from the mid-eighth century when the Chalukyas were being replaced by the
Rashtrakutas in the Deccan. By the early tenth century A.D. the Pallava rule came to an end
when Aparajata was defeated by Aditya Chola-I.

35.4.3 The Pandyas

The Pandyas come to light with king Kadungon towards the close of the sixth century A.D.
when he suppressed the Kalabhras. The Pandyas ruled in the southernmost districts of
Tamilnadu, with the Vaigai river basis as the heartland of the kingdom. They constantly
tried to extend their sway over the Kaveri delta in the north and Cera country (Kerala) in the
southwest.

35.4.4 Other Powers

The Cangas continued to rule in Gangavadi in south Karnataka. Besides, there were several
other small kingdoms and chieftaincies in the Deccan and south India at this time, such as
the Nolambas, the Banas, the Silaharas, etc. Unlike in northern India there are no continuous
stretches of river valleys and plains here. The major river valleys such as the Raichur Doab
(between the Tungabhadra and the Krishna), the Krishna-Godavari delta, the lower Kaverl
valley and the Vaigai valley are separated from each other by rugged mountainous
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territories. Moreover, there were vast expanses of forests that divided cultivated zones. All Kingdoms in the Dccepn and
the South
this encouraged political fragmentation and allowed small political units to survive in , .
isolated pockets of habitation. The above-mentioned important river valleys could and did
support greater kingdoms such as the Chalukyas of Badami (Raichur Doab), the Pallavas
(Palar river valley), and so on. But it was a difficult task for any one of the regional
kingdoms to extend its sway over the rest, much more difficult than in the case of northern
India. This comes out very clearly in the following account of the mutual conflicts of the
Chalukyas, the Pallavas and the Pandyas.

35.5 CONFLICTS BETWEEN DIFFERENT POWERS

The political history of this period is marked by frequent wars between the Chalukyas of
Badami and the Pallavas, and between Pandyas and the Pallavas. Hostilities began with the
raid of Chalukyas Pulakesin-11, who defeated Mahendravarman and occupied the northern
part of Pallava kingdom. In another campaign he vanquished the Banas (the 'feudatories' of
the pallavas in Rayalseema) and once again threatened Kanchi. But he was badly defeated in
several battles by Narasimhavarman-I, who had succeeded Mahendravarman.
Narasimhavarman then attacked the Chalukyas, captured Badami and probably killed
Pulakesin-11. The situation was saved by the latter's son Vikramaditya-I. He drove out the
Pallavas, formed an alliance with the Pandyas, and repeatedly raided into Pallava territory.
The reign of one of his successors, Vikramaditya-11, is especially marked in this connection,
for he is said to have overrun and looted Kanchi three times.

Without going into the details of particular wars and battles, we may note that the Pallavas
had to engage in battles with the Pandyas too.

It is remarkable that in these conflicts it was always the Pallavas who were the target of
attack. This was not just because they were situated between the Chalukyas and the Pandyas,
but mainly because they were the most prosperous of all. It is significant that it was always
the Chalukyas who attacked the Pallavas and that the Pallavas concerned themselves mainly
with driving them back into their territory. The only exception was the raid of
Narasimhavarman-I into Chalukyan kingdom and his occupation of its capital. But this was
a retaliatory move, and was made only once in the entire history of the conflict. Another
time Pallava Paramesvaravarman-l launched an expedition into Chalukyan kingdom as a
diversionary move. Paramesvaravarman wanted to get rid of the Chalukyan forces
occupying his kingdom by diverting their attention.

The same is true of the Pandyas, who fought repeatedly with the Pallavas for the control of
the Kaveri delta. The Sangam literature as well as the account of Hiuen-tsang suggests that
the Vaigai river valley-the core of Pandyan kingdom-was relatively poor agriculturally.
The Pandyah muht have realised that if they wanted to be rich and powerful, they v:ould
have to control the rich Kaveri delta. They seemed to have fought the Pallavas with this
purpose in mind, and by the early ninth century A.D. they eventually came to control this
area.

35.5.1 The Role of the Minor Kings

The lesser kings and chieftains took part in the conflict of the regional kingdoms as
subordinate allies of one or the other of these powers. Pulakesin-ll had to subdue the
Banas-allies of the Pallavas-before attacking Narasimhavarman-I. Similarly, Pallava
general Udayachandra engaged in battles with Sabara king Udayana and Nishada chieftain
Prithvivyaghra, who probably sided with the Chalukyas. These subordinate allies shared not
only in the plunder but could add new areas to their realm as well.

When we look at the smaller principalities individually, we do not find them worthy of
attention. That is because each small kingdom by itself was insignificant, a non-entity. But
taken together, they no doubt represent a political force to reckon with in the affairs of the
Deccan and south India. Equally striking is the inability of any King from the fourth to the
ninth century A.D. to establish his hold over the Deccan and south India. For these six
centuries political disunity was the norm despite the energetic efforts and ambitions of a
number of kings. As already noted, the broken geography of southern India had a role to
play here, in poIitica1 disunity as well as in the importance of lesser kings and chieftains.

Kamesh Mechrocks
i r d k Pullty : C. .WA.D.
35.5.2 Other Dimensions of Political Conflicts
An important offshoot of the Pallava-Chalukya conflict was the emergence of the kingdom
of the Chalukyas of Lata or south Gujarat. As a result of Narasimhavarman's occupation of
Badami and the death of Pulakesin-11, there was terrible confusion and political disorder in
the Chalukya kingdom. In the task of restoring unity to it and suppressing the hostile forces,
and of driving out the Chalukyas, Vikramaditya-I had been greatly helped by his younger
brother Jayasimhavarman. In return, Vikramaditya rewarded his brother by giving away
south Gujarat to him.

35.5.3 Relations with other Countries

A noteworthy feature of south Indian politics at this time was an active interest in the
political affairs of Sri Lanka. In the battles with the Chalukyas we hear that
Narasimhavarrnan-1 had a Lankan Prince Maravarma on his side. He had been driven into
exile and had sought refuge at the Pallavan court. After his retum from Badami
Narasimhavarman helped Maravarma to gain the throne at Anuradhapura by sending two
naval expeditions. Later, when he had again been dispossessed of his kingdom. it was to the
Pallava king that Maravarma looked for help. The Pandyans, too, showed keen interest in
Sri Lanka. the wealth of which lured them into launching predatory raids into this area.

The Pallavas seem to have taken interest in and somehow influenced the politics of
Southeast AS^. It is possible that Nandivarman-I1 Pallavamalla came from Southeast Asia
to succeed to the Pallava throne in mid-eighth century. We also hear of the powerful fleet of
Nandivarman-Ill and a Tamil record in Thailand mentions a Vishnu temple and a tank
having one of his title. A more direct interference in South Asia, however, came only with
the Cholas who put an end to Pallava dominance in south India.

35.5.4 Kerala
Kerala seems to have continued under the rule of the Perumals in this period, although the
details of the political history of the Period are lacking. A famous ruler in this line was
Cheraman Perumal (late 8thlearly 9th century A.D.). He seems to have pursued his religion
and religious policy in some extraordinary manner, so that the Jains, Christians. Saivites and
Muslims do not just praise him as a patron, but actually claim him as a practitioner of their
own religion. The prosperity of Malabar constantly attracted invaders from outside. Not only
the Pandyas claim to have vanquished Kerala; the same claim is also made by
Narasimhavarman; a number of Chalukya kings; and later by the Rashtrakutas.

Check Your Progress 1

I ) Which of the following statements are ~ight(4) or wrong (x).
a) The political control of the Deccan continued to remain under one dynasty after the
decline of Satavahanas.
b) The Vakatakas seem to have been peace-loving people.
C ) Tamilnadu and Kerala were dominated by Kalabhras after the decline of Sangam k

period.
d) In the conflicts in south India the Pallavas were the targets of attack.
e) The prosperity of Malabar did not attract the invaders.
2) What do you know about the Chalukyas, Pallavas and Pandyas? Write in about ten
lines.

Kamesh Mechrocks
3) Discuss the nature of conflicts amongst the powers of south India. What role did the Kingdoms in the Deccan and
the South
minor kings play in it? Answer in about ten lines.

POLITICAL ORGANISATION
Let us briefly discuss the political organisation of these kingdoms.

35.6.1 The King and the Higher Stratum of Administration

We shall now proceed to discuss the patterns of administration that prevailed in these
kingdoms. In theory the king was the source of all authority. He assumed high sounding
titles such as maharaja, bhattaraka, dharmamaharaja dhiraja, etc. In the beginning
kingship was governed by the Vedic ideal. We find kings proclaiming in their inscriptions
that they performed horse sacrifices (asvamedha) and other Vedic sacrifices such as
vajapeya, rajasuya, etc. During this period these sacrifices did not have the social
significance they had in the later Vedic period. But they had a special political meaning as
they served to underline the independence of a particular king and justified his right to rule.
Thus Pulakesin-I, the founder of the Chalukya kingdom performed a horse sacrifice to mark
the beginning of his dynastic rule. The same was done by many other kings. Gradually,
however, as the religious milieu changed, the ideal of kingship changed too and the practice
of making royal Vedic sacrifices fell into disuse.

The King was helped by his ministers at the court. Members of the royal family including
the crown prince (yuvaraja) took an important part in running the government at higher
levels. Then there were a number of officials of various ranks who discharged various
administrative duties in the name of the King. An important part of their job was to collect
taxes. There was a principal tax on land amount to one-sixth or more of the produce, in
addition to a number of miscellaneous taxes such as those on weavers, draught cattle,
marriage parties and so on. Besides collecting taxes the state officials maintained law and
order and adjudicated cases of crime and civil disputes that came before them.

35.6.2 Administrative Units

The kingdom was divided into a hierarchy of administrative units. In the Deccan these units
were called vishaya, ahara, rashtra, etc. From the eight century A.D. there developed a
trend in the Deccan of dividing kingdoms into a hierarchy of the multiples of ten villages.
Less often a district consisted of twelve villages. In the Pallava kingdom the nadu emerged
as the main, lasting unit of administration.

The Kings of this period realised the importance of agricblture, the revenue from which was
the main basis of their wealth and strength. It is significant that nadu, the basic political unit
in Pallava (and later in Chola) times, also meant arable land in contrast to Kadu, non-
cultivable waste. Therefore, the state made all attempts to encourage the extension of
agriculture. King Mayurasarman of Kadamba dynasty is said to have brought vast tracts of
virgin land to the plough by inviting brahmanas from afar. For probably the same purpose a
Pallava King gave away a thousand ploughs. Moreover, as agriculture depended a great deal
Kamesh Mechrocks
Indian Polity :C. 300-800 A.D. on irrigation in south India, the Pallavas took great interest in the provision and maintenance
of canals, tanks, lakes and large wells.

35.6.3 Local Associations

A characteristic feature of south Indian polity, especially Pallavan, was the importance of
local.corporate units in most important aspects of the lives of people. There were
innumerable local groups and associations based on caste, craft, profession or religious
persuasion. Thus there were associations of handicraftsmen like the weavers, oil pressers
etc., of merchants like the Nanadesis, the Manigramam and the Five Hundred of Ayyavole,
of students, of ascetics, of temple priests, etc. In addition, there were three important
territorial assemblies: ur, sabha and nagaram. Ur was a non-brahmanical village assembly,
Sabha was a village assembly consisting only of brahmanas, and nagaram was an assembly
where merchantile interests predominated (nagaram had some agricultural interests too,
however). The members of an assembly used to meet annually while the day-to-day tasks
were looked after by a smaller executive body. Each group functioned autonomously in
accordance with its own constitution based on custom and usage, and took care of the
problems of its members at the local level. In matters affecting people of more than one
assembly or association, decision was taken by mutual deliberation.

Local administration through the corporate units greatly lightened the burden of the
government. It not only gave a chance to population to air its grievances and problems, but
also fixed responsibility on the people themselves for redressing the grievances and solving
the problems. This strengthened the basis of the state by minimising opposition to it as the
people could not hold the government responsible for these matters.

That is why we do not find the Pallava kings trying to encroach upon the functioning of the
local autonomous corporate groups. But they did seek to strengthen their own base by
bringing in brahmanas and creating privileged brahmana settlements by making landgrants
to brahmanas, either directly (called brahmadaya or in the name of a temple (called
devadana). These brahmana settlements were created all over the core areas of the Pallava
kingdom. The 'core areas' were the most prosperous areas based on imgated rice
cultivation, on the prosperity of which the strength of the Pallavas depended. As we have
seen, the village assembly of brahmanas was called sabha or mahasabha. During the late
Pallava period the sabha developed the system of governance through committees. This is
known as the committee or variyam system. It became a hallmark of self-government in
brahmana settlements in south India. The sabha managed a number of tasks mostly through
these committees-maintenance of tanks and roads, management of charitable donations
and of temple affairs, and regulation of irrigation rights.

In the Deccan, the role of local associations and assemblies was less conspicuous. In place
of corporate institutions it was the local notables called mahajanas who took part in local
administration in villages and towns in Chalukya times. In villages the mahajanas had a
leader called gamunda (headman). These notables did not enjoy the same kind of autonomy
as was the case with south Indian assemblies, but were closely supervised by state officials.

Brahmana settlements, however, were to be found all over the Deccan as well as in South
India. We do not know precisely how the brahmanas in the Deccan managed their collective
affairs. But since they were all a creation of kings and chiefs they must have looked after the
interests of the governement in the locality.

35.7 RELATIONS BETWEEN DIFFERENT

CATEGORIES OF RULERS
The relations between big kings and their lesser allies is a matter of controversy. Broadly
there are two views about the relations between powerful kings, and minor kings and
chieftains. First, it is said that smaller kings and chieftains regarded a big king, especially
the Pallavas, a$their overlord on religious grounds. The Pallava kings used to participate in
elaborate religious ceremonies which gave them a high ritual status. It was this high ritual
status that was respected by lesser kings and chiefs. This theory is not supported by
historical evidence. It cannot explain how these minor kings could shift their respect from
the Pallavas to the Chalukyas, or why they should stop respecting any high ritual status king
Kamesh Mechrocks
in volatile political situations and declare their independence, or why they should again be Kingdoms in the Deccan and
the South
made to respect the ritual status by force.

The alternative view regards these smaller kings and chieftains as the 'feudatories' of major
powers. But 'feudatory' is a technical term which stands for a special kind of relationsh~pthat
existed in medieval western Europe. We are not sure whether the same relation was there
between the Pallavas or the Chalukyas and the lesser kings and chiefs. That is why, we have
preferred a neutral term "subordinate ally" to describe the relationof minor political powers w ~ t h
.the major ones.

Check Your Progress 2

1) Discuss the role of local associations in administration. Answer in about ten lines.

2) Highlight the relations' between different categories of rulers. Answer in about ten lines.

35.8 LET US SUM UP

In this unit you have learnt about the political situation in the Deccan and south India upto
the mid-sixth century A.D. After this period we find that the Chalukyas, Pallavas and the
Pandyas were the major political powers in the region. There were certain minor powers
also but their role was not very significant. The major powers were constantly in conflict
with each other and the minor powers did side with one or other major power during these
conflicts.

As far as the political organisation is concerned the king remained the central figure of
administration and was helped by other officials. A significant feature was the role of local
associations in the day-to-day administrative work.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Indian Polity :C. 3W800 A.D.
35.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) a ) x b)d c)d d)d e)x
2) Base your answer on Sec. 35.4
3) Base your answer on Sec. 35.5

Check Your Progress 2

1) Base your answer on Sub-sec 35.6.3.
2) Base your answer on Sec. 35.7.

SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

Agarawal Ashvini, Rise and Fall of Imperial Guptas, Motilal Banarsidas, Delhi 1989.
Gupta, P.L. Imperial Guptas, Varanasi
Nilakanta Shastry, K.A. A History of South India, Oxford, N. Delhi. 1974.
Thaper ~ o m i l aHistory
, of India V.I. Pelican, 1983.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT CHANGES ECONOMY
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Explaining the Economic Changes
Decline of Trade
Paucity of Coins
Decline of Towns
Agrarian Expansion
36.6.1 Advances in Agricultural knowledge and Technology
36.6.2 Crops and Plants
Rural Settlements
New Pattern of Agrarian Relations
36.8.1 Obligations of the Peasants
36.8.2 Feudal Land Tenure
36.8.3 Growth of Closed Fkonomy
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answer to Check Your Progress Exercises

3 6.0 OBJECTIVES

In this Unit our intention is to give you an idea of the economic changes in the Gupta and
especially post-Gupta times. We shall thus discuss one major aspect of the transition to
early medieval India. After reading this unit you should be able to understand:
the origin and economic implicatioqs of landgrants,
the process and consequences of the gradual decline of cities and other urban settlements,
the nature of villages and of village economy,
the nature of agrarian relations, and
changes which led to improvements in agricultural production.

3 6 . 1 INTRODUCTION

The Gupta and post-Gupta period was characterised by certain changes in Indian economy.
We have already mentioned in Block 8 (Unit 33) that trade and urban settlements, which were
so much prominent features of Indian society started declining from the Gupta period onward.
There are many indications of these changes :

1) Many important cities (such as Taxila, Kausarnbi, Pataliputra) ceased to exist after the
Gupta period. This decline of urban settlements was not an isolated phenomenon ; it
seems to have been quite widesperad;

2) Trade activities also suffered a setback because of various reasons. This is perhaps most
clear from the fact that minting and circulation of coins were on a much more limited
scale than before.
Details of these changes will be taken up for discussion later.
It may be noted that many of these changes had begun in the Gupta period itself. The decline
of towns did not mean the overall contraction of the economy. However, let it be admitted
that the economy, instead of walking on two legs - agriculture and urban activities of crafts
production and trade -began to walk on one leg. It was predominantly agrarian economy.

Kamesh Mechrocks
~ r 3 n s i t i o n to Early - - Q - - - - - - -

#dieVal lndia
3 6 . 2 EXPLAINING THE ECONOMIC CHANGES
--- - - - - - -- - - - -- --

How does one explain these changes ? According to the assessment of some historians the
crucial element in the chain of developments was the system of landgrants. Landgrants grew
in number in the Gupta and especially post-Gupta times and became widespread throughout
the country. Laridgrants were made to brahmanns and religious establishments like temples
and monasteries on a large scale by kings. chiefs, members of thc royal family and their
feudatories. Earlier the Satavahunas in the Dcccan had given away only revenue rights. From
the fifth century onwards not only were thc revenues of the donated lands transferred to the
donee but the mines and minerals in the said area also transferred. The donated land, village
or villages were exempted from the interference of soldiers and royal officials. Finally, kings
and princes made over to the brahmana donees even the right to punish all offences against
family, private property and person, with the privilege to enjoy the fines thus received.

The frequency of grants to different categories of officials for their services to the state was
much less than the religious grants. Contemporary Dharmasastra literature recommended
the grant of land or of revenues therefrom to state officials, in lieu of their salary. However,
the actual evidence for such non-religious grants are not many in the period under discussion.
Their numbers increased in subsequent times, i.e. 9-10th centuries. These grants were
accompanied by concessions and rights similar to those mentioned in the religious grants to
brahmanas, temples and monasteries. I

Among other things, landgrants also had a bearing on the question of land rights, the socio-
economic conditions of the peasantry, the right to free enterprise of craftsmen and traders in
the donated towns and the emergence of a relatively closed economy. The residents of
donated villages and towns were asked to comply with the order of the beneficiary, besides
making over the various kinds of payments. Two forged charters of the 7th century, ascribed
to Samudragupta, prohibit tax-paying peasants and artisans from leaving their own villages
and settling in tax-free villages. The practice of transferring peasants along with the land, to
the advantage of the donee. began in Central India, Orissa and Gujarat in the sixth century
and was fairly common in several parts of India around the eighth century. Moreover,
artisans and merchants too were tied down to their habitations to serve the local clientele and
masters. In the Deccan and South lndia artisans were made over to the temples and
monasteries. tiiuen Tsan;> also provides evidence for such donations. The condition of the
merchants was in no way better. A few charters of the 6th-8th centuries from the western
Deccan refer to restriction3 undcr which merchants were required to function.

The attachment of peasants, artisans and merchants to their respective settlements and
restrictions on their movements created an atmosphere of which the emergence of a closed
economy was the natural result.

DECLINE OF TRADE

One of the conspicuous economic changes in the Gupta and post-Gupta period was the
decline of trade. both internal and external. Indian foreign trade registered a peak during the
post-Mauryan period, when lndia traded with the Roman empire. Central Asia and South-
East Asia. However. commercial decline set in during the Gupta period, and it became more
pronounced hy the middle of the sixth century A.D. The inflow of Roman coins into India
stopped after the early centuries of the Christian era. Other evidences suggesting contact with
the western world are also absent. Further, the Roman empire itself broke up at a later date.
The emergence of the Arabs and the Persians as competitors in trade did not augur well for
lndian merchants. Some Byzantine coins ranging up to the sixth century, have been found in
Andhra and Karnataka. But numerically they cannot be compared to the rich hoards of the
early Roman coins. Silk and spices were important items in the Indo-Byzantine trade. The
Byzantium, however, learnt the art of growing silk worms in the middle of the sixth century
A.D. Consequently the silk trade was badly affected. The migration of silk weavers from
Gujarat and their taking to other vocations acquires meaning in this context. Gupta ties with
Central Asia were also weak. Whatever little remained of the contacts with Central Asia and
Western Asia were completely wiped off by the Huna invasions.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 It is said that the coastal towns of India carried on some trade with countries of South-East Changes in Economy
Asia and China. However, this interaction does not appear to have been of any intense kind.
There is evidence for the spread of many cultural influences from India to South-East Asia in
early historical and early medieval times but there is no evidence of pottery, coins or other
objects of this kind on eithel ,de to suggest robust commercial interactions. Earlier, India
had carried on trade in beads and some other items with some areas of South-East Asia, but
after the fourth century A.D. there is no evidence for such trade. Not much can be made out
of the Indian delegations to China. The number of such missions registered a declining trend
from the sixth century onwards. Besides, the reported Chinese coins and celadon ware from
Tamil Nadu are placed in the ninth century or later, and prior to that we have no other
material remains to suggest any kind of Indo-Chinese trade.
I Decline of trade was just not limited to foreign trade. Long distance internal trade too suffered
owing to the weakening of links between coastal towns and the interior towns and further
between towns and villages. The decay of towns and shrinkage in urban commodity
I
production and the decline of trade were related problems. The decline of the status of traders
and merchants in society dunng this period also indicates the falling fortunes of trade and
commerce. The rise of numerous self-sufficient units dominated by landed beneficiaries also
had adverse effect on trade. In fact, the Kathasaritasagara, a later work, suggests that
traders moved through forests to avoid the multiple payment of duties. Sea voyages and
long-distance travels were taboo. Such attitudes surely did not promote the cause of trade.
This, however, is not to deny that trade in basic necessities such as salt, iron artefacts etc.
continued.
These essential commodities are not available everywhere. Moreover, some long-distance
trade went on in prestigious. expensive luxury goods such as precious stones, ivory and
horses. There was a demand for such commodities among the aristocracy, chiefs and kings. It
thus seems that for quite a few centuries large-scale, organised trade was replaced by itinerant
petty traders, pedlars and trickle trade. .. .

3 6 . 4 PAUCITY OF COINS

Decline of commerce is demonstrated by the paucity of coins in the post-Gupta period. Gold
coins which were so abundant during the periods of the Kushanas and of the Guptas went out
of circulation after the sixth century. The absence of silver and copper coins also attracts
attention. It may be mentioned that the percentage of gold in the Gupta gold coins was
constantly falling and that the gold content of the later Gupta coins was only half of that of
the Kushana coins. Further, in terms of quantity the coinage of the Gupta period does not
compare well with those of the early Christian centuries. The epigraphic references to coins
during this period do not amount to much in the absence of actual finds. The coins of
Harshavardhana are too meagre and the Rastrakutas and the Palas who came to power in the
Deccan and Bengal respectively, in the eighth century, issued no coins. Metallic currency
was absent in most parts of northern India, Bengal, Orissa, Central India and the Deccan.
What was true of these regions also holds good for South India. Various studies also indicate
the almost total absence of coin moulds and commercial seals in the said period. However,
in contrast to the general situation in most parts of the country, the Punjab region and
north western part of the subcontinent has yielded numerous coins up to 1000 A.D. Besides,
coin finds have also been reported from Kashmir.
It has been argued by some historians that earlier coins served the purpose of currency in
later period and rendered the issue of fresh coins unnecessary. However, the period under
discussion was characterised by unprecedented agrarian expansion and this alone would have
normally necessitated more metallic money. Further, coins were an expression of
sovereignty. Unless the compulsions were serious enough no ruler would have willingly
forgone the privilege of minting coins in his own name. The decline of trade and the grant of
land to high functionaries in lieu of money payments did away with the need for coins.
Moreover, there is evidence for barter and the use of cowries as a medium of exchange in
daily transactions.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 pp-~~p

Transition to Early
Medieval India 36.5 DECLINE OF TOWNS
Decline in trade, paucity of coins and absence of coin moulds and commercial seals indicate
economic decline and fall in demand for finished products. Towns which were active centres
of craft production in the post-Mauryan period experienced decay and desertion. The pre-
Kushana and Kushana towns in northern India and those associated with the Satavahanas in
the Deccan began to decay from the middle of the third or the fourth century. What was true
of northern India, Malwa and the Deccan was equally true of southern India. Actually, urban
decline took place in two phases. The first coincided with the rise of the Guptas. During this
period sites such as Sanghol, Hastinapur, Atranjikhera, Mathura, Sonkh, Sravasti,
Kausambi, Khairadih, Chirand, Tamluk, etc., in the Upper and Middle Gangetic plains
experienced decline. Early prosperous centres such as Ujjain, Nagar, Pauni, Ter, Bhokardan,
Nasik, Paithan etc., spread over Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and Maharashtra
witnessed similar trends. Arikarnedu in Tamil Nadu and the Satavahana urban centres in
Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka were no exception to this phenomenon. The habitational -
deposits of the fourth-sixth centuries at all such sites are thinner compared to those of the
earlier centuries and yield poorer and lesser material remains. The Gupta layers at many sites
exhibit the reuse of raw materials, like bricks, from earlier deposits. The spatial spread of
urban centres and the available civil amenities were nowhere near what it was earlier during
the Kushana period. Numerically, very few sites like Pataliputra, Vaishali, Varanasi and
Bhita survived the first phase of decay. These towns were in the heartland of the Gupta state
and that possibly accounts for their survival. The second phase of urban decay set in after the
sixth century and these centres ceased to be towns thereafter.
In a situation of general decline of crafts and commodity manufacture, the making of stone
beads, manufacture of shell objects and of ivory and glass objects registered overall collapse.
These objects are very scantily found in post-fifth century habitational deposits. Post-Gupta
pottery likewise shows no artistic skill and is largely of ordinary variety.
The decline of towns and cities is reflected in contemporary literature and inscriptions as
well. Up to the sixth century inscriptions and seals refer to the importance of artisans,
craftsmen and merchants in the life of the towns. Inscriptions from Bengal suggest that they
played an important role in urban administration. However, after the sixth century such
information is not forthcoming. The change in the meaning of certain terms in the post-
Gupta times also indicates the changing conditions. For example, the term Sreni which
stood for guilds came also to mean caste and the term nigama came to mean villages.
Varahamihira's Brihat Samhita, a work belonging to the first half of the sixth century,
speaks of the decline of crafts, towns and trade. The decline of Buddhist towns in northern
India is attested by the account of Hiuen Tsang who visited India during the time of
Harshavardhana. Unlike the robust urban life so vividly depicted in Vatsayana's
Kamasutra, post-Gupta literature such as the Kuttanimatam of Damodaragupta (7th
century) is concerned with life in the countryside.
All settlements, however, were not rural. In the post-Gupta period non-agriculturist
settlements appeared as seats of administration, military garrisons and religious or
pilgrimage centres. Military camps are referred to as skandhavara in inscriptions of the
fifth-eighth centuries. There .is evidence to suggest that certain towns continued to survive as
a result of their conversion to centres of pilgrimage. All these non-agriculturist settlements,
variously known as pura, pattana, nagara and rajadhani, were centres of consumption
and not production.
Check Your Progress 1

1) Discuss in about 10 lines the factors responsible for the decline of trade.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 ................................................................................................................... Changes in Economy

.....................................................................................................................
......................................................................................................................

2) Which of the following statements are right t J ) and wrong

i, The paucity of coins does not demonstrate a decline in Commerce during the ~ ~ ~ ~ - ~
period.
ii) me post-~uptaperiod witnessed a decline of urban settlements.
iii) The number of landgrants to relig~onsestabbshments Increased during the ~ ~ ~ ~ - ~
period.
some regions, there stafied a practice transfemng peasants along with the land to the
iv)
donees.
me coastal terms of India had no trade links with the countries of South-East Asia.
I
I -

3 6.6 AGRARIAN EXPANSION

-- - --

The epigraphic evidence that we have for the Gupta and post-Gupta t~messuggests agrarian
growth and rural expansion on an unprecedented scale. The patronage extended by kings,
princes and chiefs to agriculture, improvement in irrigational facilities, increasing knowledge
of agricultural sciences etc. were some of the causative factors whlch strengthened rural
economy.
Decline of towns may have led to the migration of a number of skilled artisans into the
countryside. Some of them even changed their vocations. The dispersal of technical skill
along with artisans and craftsmen into the countryside stimulated agrarian growth.
Landgrants in tribal frontiers brought virgin land under cultivation.
About fifty ruling powers were in existence in the fifth to the seventh centuries, in the
Deccan and Central India. They were spread over Maharashtra, eastern Madhya Pradesh,
Andhra, Orissa and Bengal. The various new ruling dynasties In this region issued their own
landgrants which indicate the existence of officials, armymen etc. in their kingdoms. Each of
these states depended on revenues from land and agriculture. In fact, in post-Gupta times
agriculture constituted the basis of the state. Thus, the rise of states in such areas in which
states were absent earlier presupposes agrarian expansion and the spread of village economy.
Numerous villages with Sanskritic and non-Sanskritic names came up in this period.
Contemporary literature presents, a vivid account of village life and reflect the richness of
rural settlements. The Skanda Purana mentions numerous villages region-wise.
Similarly, texts belonging to a later period deal with the establishment and spread of rural
settlements in western and southern India. The landgrant charters themselves record
innumerable village names in post-Gupta times. These Include names of older settlements.
However, new ones too emerged on a large scale. We come across village names not only
when such villages were donated but also when other villages were mentioned as boundaries
of donated villages.

3 6 . 6 . 1 Advances in Agricultural Knowledge and Technology

The increasing concern with agriculture can be seen in the detailed instructions regarding
agriculture in the Brihat Samhita, Agni Purana, Vishnudharmottara Purana and
Krishiparasara. The importance of manure for crop cultivation is clearly laid down in the
Harshacharita. It is mentioned that cowdung and refuge were used for manuring the fields.
The Harshacharita also speaks about different types of cultivation - plough cultivation,
spade cultivation and slash and bum cultivation. The attention paid to agriculture by rulers
and landed beneficiaries can also be seen in the detailed descriptions of the plough and the
improvement in imgation techniques. The popularity and wide prevalence of the land
measure called hala during this period underlines the significance of the plough. The
Kashyapiyakrisisukti, a text whose core is placed in the eighth-ninth centuries, deals
with all aspects of agriculture at length. From the last centuries of the first.millenn~umA.D.
onwards we have texts which suggest different methods for the treatment of plant and animal
diseases.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Transition t o Early The Harshacharita speaks of some irrigation facilities in the region around western Uttar
Medieval India Pradesh. It mentions such devices for irrigation as the Udghataghati and the
ghatiyantra. Inscriptions from Bengal mention rivers, rivulets and channels in the context
of rural settlements and their boundaries and we also come across the expression '
devamatrika (watered by rain7 suggesting the dependence of agriculture on rains and rivers.
In South India tanks and reservoirs were built to irrigate the fields. In some cases they were
the major landmarks in the countryside; this goes to suggest their importance. During the
rule of the Pallavas in South India there were elected committees (eri-variyams) in the
villages to look after the construction and maintenance of tanks and reservoirs. Several
Pallava rulers are credited with the construction of such irrigational facilities. By the tenth
century araghattas or irrigational wells were in vogue in rural south eastern Marwar in
Rajasthan. It may be assumed that they had come into use at an earlier date.

36.6.2 Crops and Plants

Varieties of cereals, including rice, wheat and lentil; legumes, vegetables and fruits are
mentioned in the Amarakosha which is dated to the Gupta period. People possessed the
knowledge of fruit grafting as is evident from the Brihat Samhita. Hieun Tsang mentions
varieties of rice, mustard, ginger, numerous vegetables and fruits. The Harshacharita
similarly provides a good account of crops and plants. We come across references to different
types of rice, sugarcane, mustard, sesame, cotton, wheat, barley and pulses. Various kinds of
spices such as turmeric, clove, black pepper and ginger were also grown. Vegetables such as
gourd, pumpkin, cucumber, beans, garlic etc. were produced. Among fruits one may mention
coconut, arecanut, jackfruit, oranges, mahua and mango. Betel leaf was also grown. Some
of these plants and fruits are also recorded in the inscriptions of the period. Bana's
Harshacharita had a wide geographical canvass and in addition to the Upper and Middle
Gangetic plains it included descriptive details about Assam, Bengal and Central India.
Therefore, we come across references to bamboos, cotton plants, loads of flax and hemp
bundles in Central India, and cane, bamboo and silk in the context of eastern India. In the
Pallava and Chalukya d t o r i e s roughly spread over Tamil Nadu, the Western Deccan and
parts of Karnataka rice, millets, gingelly and sugarcane were cultivated. The fruits that were
grown included plantain, jackfruit, mango and coconut. Unmistakably, the number and
variety of crops, fruits and vegetables are striking. The presence of brahmanas and artisans in
rural settlements, land reclamation, certain changes in technology and the expansion of
irrigational facilities stimulated the proliferation of crops and plants. The consequence of all
these developments was unprecedented growth of rural economy.

RURAL SETTLEMENTS

The above mentioned developments took place in rural settlements in early medieval India.
Grama was the usual term for villages. However, all rural settlements were not of the same
kind. We come across other terms denoting different types of rural settlements. Palli
normally meant a tribal village. The expression Pataka stood for a part of a village. It was
a kind of a hamlet with a name of its own but actually formed a part of a largr village. The
rise in the number of Patakas within the same village boundary evidently suggested the
extention of agriculture. Settlements of herdsmen were called ghosas. However, it may be
remembered that these terms representing different types of settlements were not always
unchangable categories. With the spread of agriculture and brahrnanical culture tribal hamlets
too changed in character.
Further, owing to the convergence of several factors some villages could become meeting
points for a group of rural settlements and develop into larger settlements. In fact, from
circa A.D. 900 onwards some settlements thus developed into urban centres. It may be
mentioned that the names of the settlements did not always reflect such changes. Even after a :
village settlement had grown in size and changed in character earlier village names continued
to be in use. Villages could also be divided on thebasis of their Sanskritic and non-
Sanskritic names. While the non-Sanskritic names may suggest the gradual transformation
of tribal hamlets to agricultural villages the Sanskritic names reflect the spread of Brahmanic
culture and ideology.
What constituted a village ? Generally, a village comprised the habitat (vastu), cultivated
land (Ksetra) and uncultivated land. The last category included pasture land (gochara)
Kamesh Mechrocks
woods and forest. The issue of village boundaries, however, is problematic because they Changes in Economy
could not have always been well defined. Settlements, as we know by now, could always
grow and expand. At times village boundaries could coincide with natural boundaries like
rivers and/or hills. But in instances where settlements were contiguous the spatial limits of a
village could be specified by referring to the adjoining villages. A large number of copper-
plate charters of the post-Gupta period while recording landgrants describe various types of
land which include cultivated, uncultivated, high, low, water-logged, marshy, grassy and
forest land. The productivity of the soil and the quality of the land seem to have been on the
basis of such elaborate description of the types. Such elaborate descriptions of various types
of land also suggest growing importance of agriculture and animal husbandry.
Villages donated to brahmanas came to be known as brahmadeyas and agraharas.
Villages which were donated to and inhabited by brahmanas were brahmadeyas.
Agrahara villages, although they were inhabited by brahmanas, were associated with+non-
brahmanas as well. The proprietory right of such villages, however, belonged to the
brahmanas only. In South India such villages were also known as mangalams. Both types
of brahmanic settlements in south India can be distinguished from the non-brahmanic
ordinary villages at the level of administrative and social organization. While the sabha
represented the brahmanic settlements, the ur represented the ordinary village settlement. It
is difficult to work out the ratio between the two types of settlements for any part of the
country. Ordinary villages, as we know by now, were being frequently donated to brahmanas.
Nevertheless, it may be said that the donated villages formed only a part of the total number
of rural settlements.

36.8 NEW PATTERN OF AGRARIAN RELATIONS

We shall now discuss the main features of agrarian relations which developed in the early
medieval period.

3 6 . 8 . 1 Obligations of the Peasant

Landgrant charters bestowed the beneficiary with superior rights over and above those of the
inhabitants in the donated villageJvillages. The donee was entitled to collect all kinds of
taxes. He could collect regular and irregular taxes and fixed and unifixed payments. The list
of taxes in the inscriptions end with the expression adi meaning et cetera which could be
used to the advantage of the landlord, when necessary. The donees enjoyed these exceptional
advantages in addition to such regular taxes as bhaga, bhoga, kara, uparikara,
hiranya, udranga, halikakara, etc. In fact, the peasantry in early medieval India was
subjected to an ever increasing taxlrent burden. The Vakataka grants list fourteen types of
dues. The Pallava records specify eighteen to twenty two of them. By the turn of the first
millennium A.D. the number of taxes increased enormously.
The superior rights of the beneficiary in land are clear in the charters belonging to northern
Maharashtra, Konkan, Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat in the Gupta and post-Gupta times. The
donees were empowered with the right to evict the peasantry at wilt and to replace thern with
new peasants. From the seventh century onwards grants give away water resources, trees,
bushes and pastures to the donee. The trend accelerated after the tenth century. The transfer of
these resources to the donee not only affected the peasantry of the donated villages adversely
but also strengthened the power of the donees. Forced labour is referred to in the Skanda
Purana. Inscriptions too suggest that by the fifth-sixth centuries vishti was a well
entrenched practice in western, central and southern India. In addition, the clause appeared in
the landgrant charters asking the peasants to carry out the orders of the donee. In regions such
as Charnba, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Eastern India the condition of the peasants
clearly suffered a decline.

3 6 . 8 . 2 Feudal Land Tenure

Yajnavalkya and Brihaspati, authors of Smriti works, mention four grades of land rights in
the same piece of land. According to them holders of rights of different grades were: the
Mahipati (the king), Kshetrasvamin (the master of the land), Karshaka (cultivator)
and the sub-tenant. Landgrants led to hierarchical rights over land and sub-infeudation. The
practice gave rise to a hierarchy of lakidlords, which lived off the surplus produced by the
actual cultivators. The religious establishments in eastern India and the south with their
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Transition to Early enormous donations in land, cash, livestock etc. emerged as landed mangates at Ramagiri in
Medieval India
Orissa and at Nalanda in Bihar were recipients of large scale land donations. The Nalanda
monastery enjoyed the gift of 200 villages. Moreover, land and villages were given away to
the temples in south India during the reign of the Pallavas. The Chola records, in the
succeeding period, morebquently refer to such devadana (literally 'given to gods') gifts of
land. From the Pallava period onwards temple servants were remunerated through
assignments of land. The implications are obvious. Religious establishments became landed
beneficiaries and in turn they gave plots of land to their dependants such as petty officids,
artisans, musicians, attendants etc. Such assignments could be subleased to the actual tiller
of the soil. Likewise, temple land was leased out to tenants for cultivation. Grants of land to
temples from the Pallava period onwards resulted in the growth of a complex system of land
tenure. Intensification of the process, especially from the eighth century onwards, created a
class of peasantry which was overburdened with taxes and which was subsistent to a class of
dominant landlords with superior rights in land.

36.8.3 Growth of Closed Economy

Early medieval Indii economy experienced the rise and growth of a number of rival
settlements which were not linked to exchange networks and long-distance trade.
Although the exchange networks did not entirely collapse, the transfer of settlements to
various categories of donees had created a congenial atmosphere fok the emergence of self-
sustaining, closed units of production and consumption. Local needs came to be met locally.
The movement of soldiers for wars, pilgrims to religious centres and brahmanas for the
acquisition and enjoyment of landgrants were possibly the only forms of spatial mobility.
The Dhamasastras restricted the movement of the brahmanas. In order to keep their Vedic
and domestic f m s burning they were not expected to travel long distances. Sea voyages were
prohibited. Similarly, maniages in neighbouring areas were preferred. All this fostered strong
local identities. The growing sense of localism and the self-sufficiency of the villages is
reflected in expressions such as gramadharama, gramacara, and sthanacara all referring
to village or local practices in contemporary Puranic literature.

Check Your Progress 2

I
1) Discuss the major advances made in the field of agricultural technology in about five
lines.

2) Discuss in about ten lines the main features of agrarian relations during the early
medieval period.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 3) Which of the following statements are right (/) or wrong (x) ? Changes in Economy

i) Decline of towns does not lead to the migration of artisans to the countryside.

ii) There are no references to irrigational facilities in the Harshacharita.

iii) All rural settler~ientswere not of an uniform pattern.

iv) Villages donated to and inhabited by brahmanas were known as brahmadeyas.

v) The Dharmasastra restricted the movement of the brahamanas.

- ---

3 6 . 9 LET US SUM UP
-.

The different dimensions of change in economy from about the middle of the first
millennium A.D. have been considered. These changes were extremely significant in so far
as they brought the ancient period to an end and marked the beginning of a new stage in
Indian history. The ways in which the new stage marked a departure from the ancient period
can be seen in the major changes themselves. The Gupta and post-Gupta times were
characterised by:
the emergence of a class of landlords and a class of subjugated peasantry in an agrarian
economy which was predominantly rural and agrarian,
conspicuous decline of trade,
decline of towns, and
the paucity of metallic money.
However, the period was also characterised by immense dynamism. It is in this context that
such changes as appeared later have to be appreciated: the growth of new crops, the
construction of irrigational facilltles, the increasing awareness about plant and animal
diseasesb the improvements in other aspects related to agriculture, the growth in the size of
some settlements which emerged as meeting points in the midst of rural clusters and the re-
emergence of exchange networks, fairs and trading centres.

36.10 KEY WORDS

Acculturation : Adopt to a new culture

i
Barter : Exchange of goods for other goods
Benefice : Gifted landed property held by Brahmanas, etc.
Beneficiary : receiver of benefits
I
Charter : deed conveying grant of rights
!
Donee : recipient of gift
Exotic : introduced from abroad
i ltinerant : travelling from place to place
Pedlar : travelling salesperson

36.1 1 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES

Check Your Progress 1

I) Compare your answer with the content in Sec. 36.3.
2) i) x ii) v' iii) v' iv) / V) x

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Transltlon to Early Check Your Progress 2
Medlevai India
1) See Sub-sec. 36.6.1
2) Consult Sec. 33.8 -.
3) i) x ii) x iii) / iv) / v) /

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UNIT CHANGES SOCIETY
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Feudal Hierarchy and the Varnas
Growth of the Kayasthas
The Untouchables
Crafts and Castes
Advance of S u h and Decline of Vaisyas
Spread and Transformation of the Varna Hierarchy
Position of Women
Lords and Peasants
Proliferation of Castes
37.10.1 The Brahmanas
37.10.2 The Kshahiyas
37.10.3 The Sudras
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

3 7.0 OBJECTIVES

In the previous Unit we discussed the major changes in economy in the Gupta and more
particularly in the post-Gupta period. We intend to provide you with an idea of the different
dimensions of change in society in this Unit. After reading this Unit you should be able to
know:
about the different forces which led to modifications in the structure and concept of varna
hierarchy,
the processes involved in the emergence and rapid increase in the number of new castes,
the ways in which the condition of the untouchables in society became miserable,
the ways in which the caste system marked a depamue from what it was in the ancient
period.

INTRODUCTION

The social changes in the Gupta and post-Gupta times can be related to the economic
changes that we discussed in Unit 36. The major economic forces of the period were large-
scale landgrants, decline of trade, commerce and urban life; paucity of money, agrarian
expansion and growing agrarian character of society, and the emergence of relatively closed
local units of production and consumption. On this basis evolved a social structure broadly
characterised by a sizable ruling landed aristocracy, intermediaries and a large body of
impoverished peasatitry. The unequal dismbution of landed projmty and power led to the
emergence of new social groups and ranks which cut across varna divisions like
brahmana, kshatriya, vaisya and sudra. The other important changes in the social
structure involved the emergence and proliferation of new castes, the hardening of caste
relations and the acculturation of the mbes. The acculturation of mbes was not simply the
result of movement of Brahman'as into tribal areas as a result of landgrants. This was caused
by the emergence of local royal families in remotk Was, and the brahmanas were patronized
mostly by these royal families with gifts of land, with employment at royal courts and other
offers. This implies that yhen tribes lived there emerged a much more complex society in
which social differentiation,represented by different groups like peasants, brahmanas,
craftsmen, merchants, rulers etc, was present.

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Transition to Early
Medieval India
3 7 . 2 POLITICAL AND SOCIAL HIERARCHY AND
THE VARNAS

Landgrants and the emerging landed intermediaries, wielding economic power and political
authority, modified the varna divided society. The new social groups did not fit in with the
four fold varna system. The unequal distribution of landed property created social ranks
which cut across social status based on varna considerations. The samantas and the ruling
landed aristocracy, irrespective of their social origins (varnalritual ranks), emerged with a
distinctive character. The brahmana landlords constituted a section of this class. They gave
up their priestly function and diverted their attention to the management of land and people.
Such groups of brahmanas had more in common with the ruling elite than with those who
performed only priestly functions. In later times, titles such as thakur, raut etc. were
conferred on them.

The inclusion of the foreign ethnic groups and indigenous tribal chieftains in the kshatriya
varna, as part of the ruling aristocracy, and the acculturated tribes in the Sudra varna not
only swelled their ranks but also transformed the varna divided society. Moreover, the
earlier distinction between dvija (twice born) and Sudra began to be modified in the
period.

Land came to acquire a special significance. Landed property or how much land one possessed
emerged as the basis for differences in social status. This was not confined to any particular
varna.

In other words, one's position in society did not simply depend on the varna to which one
belonged. His social rank came to be connected with his position as a landholder, among
different categories of landholders. These tendencies began in this period and got accentuated
in the ninth-tenth centuries. From the ninth-tenth centuries, the Kayasthas, traders and
members of the rich dominant peasantry were also conferred titles such as ranaka, nayaka
and so on. They constituted a part of the upper section of the society and ruling landed elite.
Varahamihira's Brihatsamhita takes cognizance of these changes. It tries to reconcile
social ranks based on birth. Subsequently, many medieval texts on architecture also reflected
this concern.

The Gupta and post-Gupta times were characterized by the emergence and spread of new
jatis (castes). The increase In the number of new castes affected the brahmanas, the
kshatriyas, the kayasthas and the sudras. The number of mixed castes and of the
untouchable castes increased perceptibly. The transformation of craft guilds into castes as a
result of the decline of trade and of urban centres and the localised hereditary character of the
crafts helped the process of the formation of new jatis. The Vishnudharmottara
Purana, a work of the eighth century, mentions that thousands of mixed castes were
'produced as a result of the union of Vaisya women with men of lower castes. This is in
sharp contrast to the social situation in the early Christian centuries when the number of
mixed castes, as mentioned by Manu, was just sixty one. The acculturation and
incorporation of tribes and backward peoples as sudra castes significantly added to the
number of new castes. In addition, one may mention the untouchables who had diverse
origins.

Varnasamkara
Varnasamkara meant the inter-mixing andlor union of varnaslcastes, normally not socially
approved, leading to the emergence of mixed castes, which symbolised social disorder.

With the substantial increase in the number of new castes greater rigidity was introduced into
the caste system and inter-caste marriages came to be viewed with disfavour. Earlier,
anuloma marriages or maniages between a bridegroom from a upper caste and a bride from
a lower caste, were sanctioned. It was the pratiloma mamage (the reverse of anuloma)
which was censured. However, increasingly anuloma marriages too were not favoured.

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 Changes in Society
GROWTH OF THE KAYASTHAS

The scribe or the kayastha commuriity was a product of the socio-economic forces of the
times. Landgrants involved the transfer of land revenues and land to brahmanas, religious
establishments and officials. This and other complex administrative functions created the
need for a body of scribes and record keepers who were employed to draft assignment of land
and keep details of land transfer, including various items of revenue. The Gupta period
witnessed the beginning of fragmentation of land. There were laws of partition and rural
boundary disputes, which constitute a part of the Dharmasastras. The maintenance of
proper records of individual plots was very much necessary for settling such disputes. The
existence of different types of rights in the same plot or village(s) made the land system quite
complex. Therefore, land records had to be maintained with all necessary details. This
difficult job was carried out by a class of writers who were known variously as kayastha,
karana, karanika, pustapala, chitragupta, aksapatalika etc. The kayasthas were
only one group of the community of scribes. However, gradually the scribes and record
keepers as a community came to be known as kayasthas. Initially, the educated members
from the upper varnas were called upon to work as kayasthas. In course of time the
scribes recruited from various varnas began to limit their social interaction to members of
their profession and started practising community endogamy and family exogamy. That
completed the process of caste formation among the Kayasthas (endogamy and
commensality are the two basic traits of the caste system. For meaning of these terms see
key words.) The earliest reference to them dates back to the early centuries. From about A.D.
900 onwards they emerged as a powerful, assertive group occupying high offices in many
states.

THE UNTOUCHABLES

The 'impure' castes or the untouchables had assumed a definite shape by the early Christian
centuries. Nevertheless, they were numerically small. From around the 3rd century A. D.
'
onwards the practice of untouchability appears to have intensified and the number of
untouchables registered a rise. Katyayana, a Dharmasastra writer of the Gupta period, was
the first to use the expression asprsya in the sense of untouchables. Several new castes
were included in the category of the untouchables in the Gupta and post-Gupta times. Not
only hunters and some groups of artisans became untouchables but backward agriculturists
were also condemned to that status. By the turn of the first millennium A. D. hunters,
fishermen, butchers, executioners and scavengers appear as untouchables. Kalidasa,
Varahamihira, Fahsien, Bana and others have given a vivid account of the social disabilities
imposed on them. The Chandalas were only one section of the untouchables, although the
lowest in the social.ladder. Interestingly, a caste hierarchy emerged among the untouchables
as well. Contemporary literature describes them in very disQaragingterms. Greed, impurity,
untruth, theft, passion etc. are said to be their characteristic features.

It is difficult to explain the phenomenal growth in the number of untouchables during this
period and later. However, brahmanical and Buddhist sources suggest that most untouchable
castes were originally backward tribes. It has been argued that their backwardness and
resistance to the process of acculturation and brahmanization may have prevented them from
being absorbed within the society and pushed them to the position of untouchables. They
may have been dispossessed of their lands and made to settle outside the villages. The
contempt for the backward people, at times in inhospitable tracts, on the part of the
brahmanas and ruling elite and on occasions the former's opposition to the brahmanical
order, thus, appear to explain the numerical growth of the untouchables and the practice of
untouchability. In this context of the growing demand for labour the presence of the
untouchables as a depressed, dispossessed group of people was an enormous advantage to all
other sections of rural society. The untouchables did not normally hold land, settled outside
the villages and could not become peasants. They were condemned to menial jobs during
slack periods of the year and were available for work during peak periods of agricultural
activity. The untouchables thus provided labour which the society required but were socially
condemned and segregated. Kamesh Mechrocks
Transition to Early Check Your Progress 1
Medieval India
How far were the changes in the social order related to the changing economic patterns
in the post-Gupta period. Explain in 15 lines.

......................................................................................................................
2) Which of the following statements are right or wrong ? Mark J o r x ?
i) The unequal distribution of landed property and powers led to the emergence of new
social groups which cut-across the traditional varna divisions.
ii) The Buddhist sources suggest that the untouchable castes were not drawn from the
backward tribes.
iii) There was an emergence of local royal families in remote areas in the Gupta and
post-Gupta period. '
3) What do you understand by Varnasamskara. Answer in about 5 lines.

37.5 CRAFT AND CASTES

During this period several groups of artisans and craftsmen lost their earlier status and many
even came to be regarded as untouchables. To some extent this may have resulted from the
decline of urban centres where craftsmen were in great demand. Craft guilds became
transformed into castes and this transformation effectively sums up the changes in the nature
and organization of craft production. Various castes such as the svarnakara (goldsmith),
malakara (garland maker), chitrakara (painter), napita (barber), etc. emerged out of the
numerous crafts (practisedby different groups). Some categories of artisans were rendered
untouchables. Weavers, dyers, tailors, barbers, shoemakers, ironsmiths, washermen and
Kamesh Mechrocks
others were reduced to the position of untouchables by the turn of the millennium. Many of
them like the weaver, for example, occupied a high social position during the Gupta period. Changes in Society
Thus, during the period under discussion, many groups of artisans steadily lost their
position.

3 7 . 6 DECLINE OF THE VAISYAS AND RISE IN

THE SOCIAL STATUS OF THE SUDRAS

The Dharmasastras and similar literature suggest that a major change was taking place in
the social structure within the framework of the four varnas. A sizable section of the
sudras were rising in social and economic status after their association with agriculture, and
sections of the vaisyas, particularly those at the lower end, were descending to the level of
the sudras. Thus, there was a change in the relative positions of the two lower varnas.
The sudras were no longer slaves and servants; they emerged as tenants, share-croppers and
cultivators. Urban decline too forced many sudra artisans to take to cultivation. Some law-
books and the seventh century Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsang mention agriculture as the duty
of the sudras. The sudra is described as the giver of grain (annada) in the Skanda
Purana.
During the heyday of Indian foreign trade in the post-Mauryan times the vaisyas got
identified with urban occupations and towns. In a predominantly agrarian setting of the post-
Gupta period, the vaisya traders and merchants suffered economic loss and social
degradation. Many of them crowded into agriculture to eam their living. According to
evidence of texts, the lower strata of the vaisyas who were free peasant landholders till the
Gupta period were increasingly reduced to a state of dependence and subjection. The
distinction between the vaisyas and the sudras got blurred as the differences in their
occupations and standards of living faded away. Therefore, in writing of the later period, for
example in the writings of Albiruni, both of them were bracketed together.

3 7 . 7 SPREAD AND TRANSFORMATION OF THE

IDEA OF VARNA HIERARCHY

The Vama system was also modified in course of its spread outside Gangetic northern India.
The four-fold varna system did not prevail in eastern India in the Deccan and central India
and the far South. The four-fold varna scheme had historical roots in northern India where it
had evolved and got entrenched over time. When the idea of varna divided society spread into
other regions, there was a marked difference in its essential details. The brahmanas spread
to other parts of the country as a result of the landgrants from the fifth-sixth centuries. They
conferred brahmana status on local priestly groups. The aboriginal tribes in the new areas
were acculturated and integrated to the caste-peasant base of brahmanic society.
Although a few brahrnanas and the brahmanic idea of varna had moved into the south
earlier, brahmanic settlements called agraharas came into existence in Pallava and post-
Pallava periods in South India. Brahmanization is evident in the evolution of educational
institutions in the Pallava kingdom. From the 5th-6th centuries onwards brahmanas started
migrating in different directions. During the 5th-7th centuries they also spread to the Deccan,
central India, Orissa, Bengal and Assam. The influence of brahmanic culture in these regions
is evident from the gifts of land to them and their eminent position.
The transformation of tribes into peasants within a complex social structure and considering
them as belonging to sudra category were two major social processes in early medieval
India. The kshatriya varna on the other hand, did not really take deep roots outside
northern India. However, many ruling families in newly formed states claimed kshatriya
status and also tried to prove that they had descended from the Suryavansa (solar line) and
Chandravansa (Genar line). Further, the vaisya varna did not emerge in these regions
because by the time Brahmanism advanced to the Deccan, central India, eastern India and the
South the distinction between vaisyas and sudras had got blurred.
Thus, outside the Gangetic regions, the two broad social categories were those of the
brahmanas and the sudras. The kshatriyas never crystallized into a permanent, tangible
community and the vaisya status was claimed occasionally for brief periods, especially

Kamesh Mechrocks - 19
Transition to Early during times of economic prosperity and flourishing trade and commerce. However, there
Medieval India
were numerous occupational castes whose ranks kept swelling with the passage of time.

3 7 . 8 POSITION OF WOMEN
\
The impression that one gets about women's position in society during this period is that of
progressive decline. The law-books provide for the marriage of women at an early age, pre-
puberty marriage being preferred. Formal education was denied to them. Women and property
came to be bracketed together with adverse consequences for women's status. 'hey were
generally denied property rights. However, in the case of widows there was some
improvement in proprietarjt rights. It may be pointed out that the provision for stridhana
(which literally means: wealth of women) actually did not amount to much, for it did not
extend beyond rights to personal jewels, ornaments and gifts. The joint references to women
and sudras in contemporary literature such as the Brihatsamhita amply demonstrates the
plight of women. They were debarred from various sacrifices and ceremonies. The practice of
Sati (or self-immolation by wife on the funeral pyre of her dead husband) gained social
acceptance during this period. The earliest references to sati date to the later-Gupta period
and the times of Harsavardhana. The change of women's gotra upon marriage can be dated
to the period after the fifth century A.D. This constituted an important development because
it marked the curtailment of their rights in their parental home and symbolised the final
triumph of the patriarchal system of male-dominated society.

3 7 . 9 LORDS AND PEASANTS

It has already been pointed out that in the agrarian system of this period, there were different I

grades of landlords, as distinguished from the peasants. Terms such as bhogi, bhokta, I

bhogapati, mahabhogi, brihadbhogi, etc. were used for the landed beneficiaries. The I

upper crust of landlords included such dignitaries as ranaka, raja, samanta,

I
mahasamanta, mandalesvara and so on. The king similarly had many high soundinp,
titles, connoting his lordship and ownership of land. The various terms by which the lord:, of .
the land were known clearly suggest their superior status as enjoyers of landed estates. There
is nothing in the terms to suggest that they were associated with actual cultivation. Here one
may recall the various types of privileges and exemptions (discussed in the previous unit)
that they enjoyed. The landgrant charters authorised the donees to punish people guilty of the I

ten offences (dasaparadha), including those against family, private property and person. I

They could also try civil cases. Such authority besides their economic dominance helped the
big landholders in effectively exploiting the peasants.

The peasantry itself was not a homogeneous community. They were known by various
names such as karshaka, krishivala, kinasa, kshetrajivi, halika, ardhasiri,
ardhika, kuturnbi and bhurnikarshaka among others. What is common to these
expressions is that they seem to have nothing to do with control over land. However, they
refer to different categories of tillers of the soil -dependent peasants, share-croppers, field
labourers etc. -none of whom were in absolute, independent control over their holdings.
The peasant was not the master of the fruits of his labour. Substantial parts of it were placed
at the disposal of the landlords. In addition, he had to render forced labour for production as
well as the construction of forts, temples and grandiose structures for the beneficiaries.
Interestingly, the number of forts and their importance grew noticeably in the second half of
the first millennium A.D. Forts and large structures created the necessary atmosphere of awe
and respect for the military strength of the lords, and thus ensured the servility of the
peasants.
The period from the fourth to the seventh century witnessed the spread of the practice of
forced labour Vishti. In the Konkan, Maharashtra, Gujarat and Malwa, cultivators along
with artisans were employed for forced labour. The religious beneficiaries in Gujarat,
Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and parts of Karnataka came to enjoy the right to forced
labour. In the sixth-seventh centuries, village headmen and petty officials came to exact
forced labour for their personal gains. However, the earliest definite evidence for the
employment of forced labour in agriculture is provided by the Bhagavata Purana, which
is placed around the eighth century. By this time forced labour had become an all India
Kamesh Mechrocks
 phenomenon. In the pronounced agrarian economy of the post-Gupta period characterised by Changes in Society
localism, the extent and importance of forced labour naturally grew.
-- A

3 7 . 1 0 PROLIFERATION OF CASTES
--

Some features of the caste system during this period have already been mentioned. It was
pointed out that one important development which took place during this period was that the
number of castes or jatis increased substantially. This development affected even the
brahmanas, the kshatriyas (and later the Rajputs), the sudras and the untouchables as well.
The existing varnas were split into many castes and many tribes which became transformed
into castes were included in them. Differences within the varnas intensified as brahmanical
society expanded. Hierarchy emerged within each varna because of the acculturation and
incorporation of various groups of people and communities at varying levels of cultural
growth. Unequal access to economic and political power also helped the crystallization of
caste distinctions during this period. While a number of castes came to be incorporated
within each varna, there are also examples of earlier cohesive communities breaking up into
many varnas, jatislcastes. The Abhira tribe provides a good example as it fragmented into
Abhira brahmanas, Abhira kshamyas and Abhira sudras.

3 7 . 1 0 . 1 The Brahmanas
The number of castes which emerged among the brahmanas was considerable. Brahmanas
who "commercialised" their priestly services, those who came in contact with the aboriginals
or those who could not entirely avoid physical labour stood degraded in the eyes of the
srotriya agrahara brahmanas, who did not engage in manual labour. The migration of
brahmanas to various regions for the enjoyment of landgrants also accelerated the process of
caste and sub-caste formation within the varna. The immigrant brahmanas retained their
identity on considerations of place of origin, the type of ritual they practised, the branch of
Vedic learning they followed and so on. Their family identities provided another basis for
differentiation. Many mbes when transformed into castes continued to have their mbal
priests and their recognition as degraded brahmanas further swelled the ranks of the
brahmanas. Once the idea of varna was accepted there was no great problem in the
recognition and acceptance of the local priests as brahmanas. Brahmanas who stood close to
political power and held high state offices were a different section. Their eminent position
held by such brahmanas led to the formation of different ranks within the brahmana varna.
The same process was true also of the kayasthas.

3 7 . 1 0 . 2 The Kshatriyas
Among the kshatriyas, proliferation of caste was caused by the emergence of new ruling
houses from among the local tribes and the incorporation of foreign ethnic groups, wielding
political power, into the mainstream of society. Among the foreign ethnic groups, the
Bactrian Greeks, Sakas, Parthians, Hunas etc. were accommodated in the varna system as
second class kshatriyas. The norm that the kshatriyas alone could rule forced new ruling
t houses to seek kshatriyahood through brahmanical support so as to win popular acceptance
and legitimacy for their rule. The kshatriya castes multiplied from the fifth-sixth centuries
when many tribal chiefs were transformed into "Hinduised" rajas through the approval of the
r brahmanas whom they patronized and the performance of Vedic sacrifices. Many ruling
I dynasties in the post-Gupta period emerged from humble origins and subsequently graduated
to kshatriya status. The Pallavas and Chalukyas of peninsular India, Palas of Bengal and
t
Bihar and many sub-regional dynasties in Orissa had tribal origins. In the subsequent
centuries most Rajputs emerged from a tribal andlor pastoral base. The heterogeneous origins
1 of the ruling dynasties and their desire for social acceptance explains the proliferation of
1!
castes in the kshatriya community.
I
3 7 . 1 0 . 3 The Sudras
Endogamous groups coming from various communities and regions vastly expanded the base
of the sudra varna. Petty peasant castes, rich peasants. share-croppers and artisanal castes,
with unequal access to economic power were included in the sudra varna in Gupta and post-
I
Gupta times. Thus, sudra varna included widely disparate groups and came to comprise the
* ... Kamesh Mechrocks
largest number of castes. Numerous mixed castes, both "pure" and "impure", appeared in the
. . . .. - - .
Transition to Early regular movement of brahmanas acculturated and peasantised tribal communities in remote
Medieval Indla regions and thus helped the spread of brahmanic culture. Tribes became castes as a
consequence of their gradual transformation as peasants and these peasant groups were
incorporated into the brahmanic society as sudras. This considerably added to the number and
variety of sudra castes. However, as noted above, the chiefs and other leading families among
tribes in such cases were assimilated in the higher castes of kshatriyas or similar castes like
Rajputs and brahmanas.
The transformation of guilds into castes and the emergence of various categories of
untouchables added to the ever increasing number of castes. During the ninth-tenth centuries
and later, the process of caste and sub-caste formation accelerated immensely. A modem work
mentions that today there are about five thousand castes in India, with around three hundred
castes, on an average, in each linguistic state. The beginnings of the formation of many of
these regional castes would certainly go back to the post-Gupta times.
-
Check Your Progress 2

1) Discuss the changes in the Vaishya community with reference to their economic
decline. Your answers should not exceed 10 lines.

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2) Discuss the position of women during this period. Answer in 10 lines.
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3) The proliferation of castes was an impartant development in the Gupta and post-Gupta
period. Explain in 15 lines.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 ..................................................................................................................... Changes in Society

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3 7 . 1 1 LET US SUM UP

The post-Gupta period was characterised by important social changes. The structure and
character of varna hierarchy as they are known from Dharmasastra literature, were
radically transformed. In northern India the vaisyas became hardly distinguishable from the
sudras in eastern India, the Deccan and the south there were mainly the brahmanas and the
sudras. The varna hierarchy remained only as a model scheme for the society and the
occupational castes came to constitute the functioning social reality. However, in the
hierarchy of numerous castes, the model remained relevant because it determined the "purity"
and the "impurity" of the castes. New castes like the kayasthas emerged owing to various
reasons like operation of partition laws, fragmentation of land and land transfers. There was
relative rise in the position of the sudras as cultivators and the vaisyas suffered a decline in
status. The landless untouchables crystallised k d grew numerically. The proliferation of
castes in general was the most striking development of the period. Society was increasingly
getting hierarchically graded into statuses and many castes occupied only very low positions.
Brahmanical society was polarised between comparatively few upper castes and numerous
lower castes. The distinction was no more between the dvija (twice born upper three
varnas) and the sudra. From now onwards it was said to be between the ritually pure and
impure castes. Amidst all these developments the peasantry was being progressively
subjected and thoroughly exploited by the landed beneficiaries, big and small alike. The '

economic changes (discussed in the earlier unit) provided the background to these social
changes.
L
3 7 . 1 2 KEY WORDS

Acculturation Adapt to a new culture. Here we mean brahrnanic culture.

Autochthonous Indigenous, native, aboriginal.
Commensality : Eating and interacting together as a group for mutual benefit.
Caste-peasant base : Referring to early settled agricultural society whose members
were socially classified along caste lines.
Endogamy : The practice of manying within one's own group.
Exogamy : Matriage outside one',s own group.
Patriarchal Kamesh
Familiea onvemedMechrocks
hv natpmnl riohtc
37.13 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES

Check Your Progress 1

1) Your answers should include the major economic changes of the period, the emergence
of new social groups, proliferation of new castes, contradiction between the ritual and
actual status of groups. See Secs. 37.1 and 37.2.
2) i) / ii) X' iii) /

3) See Sub-sec. 37.2.1.

Check Your Progress 2

1) Your answers should include the expansion of the'agrarian base, d&Jine in trade and
urban occupations. See Sec. 37.6.
2) See Sec. 37.8.

3) Refer Sub-secs. 37.10.1, 37.10.2 and 37.10.3.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT STRUCTURE OF POLITY
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
The King
Bureaucracy
The Anny
Administrative Divisions
The Samanta
Taxation
Judicial System
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers To Check Your Progress Exercises

3 8 . 0 OBJECTIVES

After reading this Unit you will be able to know about:

a the nature of the polity or political organization during the period 300 A.D. to 700 A.D.,
a the differences between the Mauryan polity and the polity during this period, and
a the reasons why the political organization of this period is described as feudal in nature by
many historians.

3 8 . 1 INTRODUCTION

The period under study was dominated by the reigns of the Guptas and Pushyabhutis in the
north, of the Vakatakas, Kadambas and Chalukyas of Badami in the Deccan and of the
Pallavas in southern Andhra and Tamil Nadu. There were of course a number of small
kingdoms and chieftaincies in many parts of the country. The major sources for the study of
the polity of this period are inscriptions, dharmasastra literature, Harshacharita of Bana
and the accounts of Chinese travellers like Fa-Hien, Hiuen Tsang, etc. Broadly speaking the
polity of this period was marked by hereditary monarchies ruling over small territories with
one or two of them assuming wider sovereign status now and then. For example, the Guptas
(from 300 A.D. to 500 A.D.) and Harsha (in the first half of the 7th century A.D.) had fairly
wide areas under their control. Their political history has already been discussed in Block 8.
In this Unit we shall discuss the main features of the political organization in the period
between 300 A.D. and 700 A.D. We shall also try to show how these features mark a change
from the political organization of the earlier periods and thus indicate that important changes
were taking place also in the political organization of the country during this period.

3 8 . 2 THE KING

Most of the country was ruled by kings. Only in a few fringe areas there lingered on the
gana (tribal republic) form of government. After the military expeditions of Samudragupta
in north India early in the fourth century A.D. most of these tribal republics almost
disappeared from the political scene. Thus the Madra and Yaudheya in the Panjab, the Abhira
in central India, etc. are not heard of again. Some of the tribal chieftaincies also slowly
became monarchies. The King took pompous titles like pararnamahesvara,
rajadhiraja, paramabhattaraka, etc. which indicate their superiority over many other
smaller rulers. During this period the divine right theory also came into vogue. The King in
keeping with this theory held such titles as prithvivallabha i.e. 'the beloved of the Earth
goddess'. He is called the fifth lokapala as the other existing four lokapalas or guardians
of the four cardinal directions were namely Kubera, Varuna, Indra and Yama. Though the

Kamesh Mechrocks
Transition to Early concept of the divinity of the King became dominant, it was combined with the notion of
Medieval India
the King as guardian and protector.

Kingship was hereditary. Though succession to the throne was generally decided by law of
primogeniture, that is, the eldest son succeeding his father, there were many exceptions to
this rule. Sometimes kings were even elected by nobles and councillors. As head of the '

government, the King was overseer of all administrative activities of his realm. He was the
supreme judge, and he usually led his army to the battlefields.

There are occasional references to queens acting as rulers, as in the cases of Prabhavati, the
Vakataka queen who came from the ruling family of the Guptas, and of Didda, the queen, of
a later period, of Kashmir. Generally however the queens remained in the background.
--

38.3 BUREAUCRACY
--

As compared to the Mauryan period, there is no clear evidence for the existence of a central
mantriparishad or council of ministers to advise the King. There were, however, many
high officials who were at times called mantrin. The other designations for higher officials
were sandhivigarhika, who was minister for foreign affairs, war and peace;
mahabaladhikrita and mahadandanayaka, both of which denoted superior posts in the
army. Sometimes the same person was holding more than one such post; for example,
Harishena who composed the famous Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta is said to
have been a sandhivigrahika as well as a mahadandanayaka.
Besides these, there was in the Gupta government a class of officials known as
kumaramatyas. It seems that most of the high officials were selected from this class or
cadre and so the kumaramatyao are mentioned in various capacities like
sandhivigrahika, mahabaladhikrita, etc. Some of them were under the direct control
of the King where as some seem to have served the princes and provincial governors. The
officer called Uparika was in charge of a bhukti, an administrative division. Ayuktaka
was a member of the bureaucracy who, like Vishayapati, functioned at a level higher than -
villages, and he was an important intermediate administrative link between the bhukti and
the village.
The officials seem to have been paid in cash in the beginning of our period and later they ,
were just assigned revenues of some designated territories and they were therefore called
bhogika or bhogapati. This is known from Harshacharita which refers to the
complaints made to Harsha by villagers against such officials. The posts also became
hereditary, thereby weakening the King's authority in course of time.
--

38.4 THE A R M Y

Both for maintaining internal peace and for defending against external aggression a standing
army became a regular feature during this period. It was noted above that there were a number
of high military officials and they were obviously in charge of this army. Cavalry was an
important element of this army. Some maritime states like the Pallavas in the south also
had navy. Chariots do not figure prominently during this time. The royal army was
supplemented by the militia of feudatory chiefs (sarnanta).

38.5 ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISIONS

The country was organised into many divisions for administrative purposes. The highest unit
among these temtorial divisions was called bhukti which was under the charge of a high
official called upafika. Sometimes princes were also in charge of some bhukti. Vishaya
was the next administrative division below which was the lowest unit, i.e., the village. In
certain areas vishaya was also known as rashtra. In eastern India the vishayas were also
divided into vithis over and above the village. At the level of vishaya the officials (or
locally powerful people) called Vishayapatis played a leading role in the administration. In
each village a headman and the village elders managed the local affairs. In urban settlements
or towns there were a number of craft and merchant guilds to look after their administration.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Structure of Polity
3 8 . 6 THE SAMANTA
-

Semi-independent local chiefs called samanta were an important feature of the polity of this
time. We have already read that Samudragupta conquerred and subjugated a number of
territories. Some of the rulers of these territories which were on the fringes of the Gupta
empire were made subordinate allies of the King. They became feudatories, so to say, of the
Gupta King paying periodical tribute to the latter. Some of them also presented him their
daughters in marriage. They were obliged to pay homage to the King by personally attending
his court. The King in turn recognised their right to continue to rule over their own
territories and for this he also gave them charters. These subordinate rulers were also obliged
to,send their men to fight in the King's army during times of war. Subject to the above
obligations the feudatories or samantas were left to look after the administration of their
territories, which was actually done by King's officials in the central parts of the Gupta
empire.
Another factor which really introduced features of a decentralized polity was the granting of
land to priests and officials for their maintenance. Generally the King not only gave the land
but also parted with some of his administrative rights like taxing the people, punishing the
criminals, etc. The granted territories were also given immunity from the entry of the King's
army. Naturally the grantees of such lands became almost independent of the King and
became samantas themselves. Consequent to this, in the 7th century A.D. and after we find
officials giving themselves pompous titles like mahasamanta and 'one who obtained the
privilege of five great sounds (panchamahasabda)'. Through the use of these titles, the
samantas and mahasamantas proclaimed their autonomy. The presence of all these
features in polity has led historians to suggest that from the Gupta period onward the
political organization which developed in India represented a feudal-type of political
organization.

TAXATION

The government got most of its revenue through taxation. Land taxes called baga, bhoga,
etc. were the main items and the land taxes actually increased through the centuries. As trade
and commerce seem to have declined during this period commercial taxes are not found
- prominently. The local people were also obliged to provide for the stay and food of villages.
It may be noted here that as far as the lands granted to officials and priests are concerned, the
government lost much of its revenue from those lands.

3 8 . 8 JUDICIAL SYSTEM

Judicial system was more developed now compared to earlier times. Many law codes and
treatises were compiled during this period and the dharmasastras elaborately dealt with
legal matters.
There were different courts like Karana, adhikarana, dharmasana, etc. Criminal and
civil cases were clearly differentiated from each other. Laws regarding property and
inheritance were elaborate. Of course justice was based on the varna classification in
society. For the same kind of crime, culprits belonging to a'higher varna or caste got less
punishment than those belonging to a lower varna . Dharmasastras also insisted that
local usages and practices of different guilds &d castes should be given due weight while
dispensing justice.

Check Your Progress

1) Discuss the main differences between the Mauryan polity and the polity during
300 A.D. - 700 A.D.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Transition to Early
Medieval India
...

............................................................................................................................
2) Mark which of the following statements are right ( J )or wrong (x).
a) The Samantas maintained their own armies.
b) Bhukti was the lowest administrative division.
C) The King adopted pompous titles during this period.
d) Pallavas did not have a naval force.
e) Justice was based on Varna divisions.
3) Write in about five lines the role of samantas in the polity.

From the above sections a fair idea may be obtained regarding the polity of the period from
300 A.D. to 700 A.D. However, in India during this period a uniform pattern may not be
found in all the kingdoms. But there were a number of common features in all of them.
Monarchy had become a regular feature throughout the length and breadth of the
subcontinent. A regular division of each state's territory for administrative purpose, a
hierarchy of officials forming the bureaucracy, a standing army and a sort of revenue or
taxation system may be found in all the kingdoms, particularly in central parts of each
sovereign state. But when compared to the Mauryan polity the King's government during
this period did not possess effective powers and control throughout its temtory.
In the outlying areas the feudatory chiefs or samantas had their administrativejurisdiction
and their recognition of the King's authority was only nominal. The Mauryan governn- :nt
had a large number of higher officials to control each and every social and economic activity
in the major part of the empire. This was not so in the case of the Gupta empire or other
contemporary polities, where many things were outside the state control. For example, while
craft and'merchant guilds were kept under strict government vigilance in the Mauryan state,
they were more or less autonomous in the Gupta age. Even the laws pertaining to each guild
were given due recognition in the latter case. Such fragmentation of Kingly powers during
this period is to be attributed to certain major changes emerging in the socio-economic
organization. These changes became prominent by the 7th century A.D. and after giving
birth to what is described as 'Indian Feudalism' by Prof. R.S. Sharma. As far as the period
under study is concerned the new elements were just emerging and they took more definite
shape in later Centuries.

KEY WORDS

Adhikarana : A court of justice.

Bhaga : Land tax

Bhukti : Highest administrative division

Divine right theory : The theory that the right (of kingship) was obtained from the god.

Feudalism : A Socio-economic and political system where relationship

between a superior (lord) and his subordinate (vassal) is based
on landgrant or assignment (fief) and where the lord is obliged

Kamesh Mechrocks
 to protect his vassal and the vassal is obliged to render military Structure of Polity
service to his lord in times of need.
Gana : a mbal republic which is governed by chiefs, a chief of ruling
clans and not by a king.
Kumaramatya : A general cadre of higher officials.
Mantri : Minister
Samanta : A feudatory chief
Sandhivigrahika : Minister for foreign affairs, peace and war.

38.11 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES

1) Read Secs. 38.2 and 38.9 and base your answer on them.
2) a) J b) x C) J d) x e) d
-
3) See Sec. 38.6

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 39 DEVELOPMENTS IN RELIGION
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Emergence of Bhakti in Brahmanism
39.2.1 Syncretism of Deities
39.2.2 Adaptation of Tribal Rituals
39.2.3 Royal Support to Temples and Theism.
Spread of Bh&ti to South India
Bhakti Movement in South India
Protest and Reform in the Bhakti Movement of the South and later Transformation of
the Bhakti Movement
Emergence of Tantrism
39.6.1 some Main Features of Tantrism
39.6.2 Tantrism and the Heterodox Religions
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

OBJECTIVES

The purpose of this Unit is to briefly discuss the major features of Eligious developments in
the early medieval period with focus on the shape which Bhakti ideology and Tantrism
took. After going through this Unit you should be able to :
know about the origins of Bhakti in Brahmanical religious order,
know the character and social context of the characteristic of later Brahmanism,
know how the character and social context of Bhakti changed in the e&ly medieval
period,
realise how royal support to.Bhakti cults gave them wealthy institutional bases,
know about the origin and role of Tantrism and its character in the early medieval
period, and
know hbw Tantrism penetrated into Buddhism and Jainism.

INTRODUCTION

You are by now familiar with certain broad stages of the religious history of early India.
While archaeological material suggests that certain elements of Indian religions were present
in the archaeological cultures dating prior to the Vedas, the hymns of the Rig Veda give
'
us for the first time, an idea of how prayers were offered tc deities to please them. However,
the simple.prayers of the Rig Veda gave place gradually to complex rituals dominated by
Brahmanas and one can notice the growth of a close relationship between the Brahmanas and
the rulers and warriors on this situation. Not only the wandering ascetics who moved away
from the established society but also the Buddhist and the Jainas did not accept the
dominance of the Brahrnanas and the rigid social and moral order which the Brahmanas
advocated. There thus grew the heterodox movements which received support not only from
rulers and rich merchants but also from other sections of people. In the pre-Gupta period
Buddbism reached the height of its glory, spread to countries outside India and Buddhist
centres were constructed on a large scale. Meanwhile certain changes were taking place
within Brahmanism as well as within heterodox sects. From the religious point of view the
most important change was that the devotee was considered as being bound to the supreme
god head by devotion (bhakti) and the god head was worshipped in the fonn of images.
Vaishnavism and Saivism as parts of Brahrnanical religion attracted many devotees; image
Kamesh Mechrocks
worship became widespread among the Buddhists who worshipped not only the Buddha or
Bodhisatva but also a host of other deities, the Jainas too worshipped the images of Developments in Religion
Tirthankaras, various minor deities, stone ayagapatas and other objects.
The Brahmanas used image worship to build up pantheons of deities by assimilating gods
and goddesses from diverse sources. This is how many female deities (sakti ) became
prominent in Brahmanical religions from the Gupta period onward. In fact, there was no
homogeneity in Brahmanical religions and religious practices and beliefs varied widely.
Different sects of Savism, such as the Pasupatas, the Kaula-Kapalikas and the Kalamukhas
were opposed to the dominance of the Brahmanas. They had their own religious orders
centred around mathas or monastries and they received support from many royal families.
At the same time, Brahmanas who cultivated the Vedas and continued to perform Vedic
sacrifices received royal support and agrahara settlements of the Brahmanas came to be a
major link in the spread of Brahmanical ideas and practices throughout the country. The
temple also became an institution which drew people together and served effectively in the
spread of ideas.
Although in the complex religious situation of early medieval India the Brahmanas were
gaining ascendancy, one should keep in mind also the following terms:
1) The orthodox Brahmanical order continued to be challenged particularly by movements
within Saivism, by poet saints and by those who practised tantric form of worship.
2) Most religions irrespective of whether it was Brahmanism, Buddhism or Saivism,
developed institutional bases in the form of temples and monasteries.
3) Ruling powers and elite sections of society supported institutions and Brahmanas,
monks, acharyas or religious heads and others by grants of land, wealth and by other
means. By these acts of patronage, the ruling powers and elite sections of society
strengthened their own social base.
These are the various aspects which have been taken up in this Unit.

39.2 EMERGENCE OF BHAKTI IN BRAHMANISM

Brahmanism had to accept the growing importance of new gods like Siva and Vishnu side by
side with Vedic gods like Indra and Varuna. It also assimilated many other popular deities
like Vasudeva, Skanda and so on. All these led to the'growth of the Bhakti cult.
Around the fourth century B.C. the cult of Vasudeva was becoming popular. This is
suggested by reference to it by classical authors like Megasthenes who came to the court of
Chandgragupta Maurya.
The worshippers of Vasudeva submitted to Bhakti as the proper religious approach and
called themselves Bhagavatas. Several epigraphs of the early Christian era bear testimony to
the prevalence of the Vasudeva cult in central India and the Deccan.
Simultaneously with the cult of Vasudeva arose the sect of Pasupatas, devotees of Pasupati
or Siva, a fertility deity. This cult was kept alive in non-brahmanic circles from the days of
the Harappan culture.
The popularity of these new gods increased during the Sunga and Ku'iana periods. Patanjali,
who lived in the Sunga period, in his Mahabhashya refers to the exhibition and sale of the
images of Siva, Skanda and Vishakha. These gods appear on the coins of the Kushana kings,
especially Huvishka. An important characteristic of later Brahmanism was its capacity to
adopt new trends. This became necessary to meet the challenge of the 'hentical sects' which
were opposed to Brahmanism. Besides adopting new gods, Brahmanism gradually shifted its
emphasis from Vedic ritual to Bhakti, which implied the cultivation and development of a
personal relationship between God and the devotee. Thus a monotheistic concept of God, ,
with either Siva or Vishnu as his manifestation and Bhskti (loyalty and devotion) to him
was gaining strength. Soon Bhakti became the dynamic force of later Brahmanism also
called Hinduism.
,
39.2.1 Syncretism of Deities
An important characteristic of the new Brahmanism was its genius to syncretise many local
Kamesh Mechrocks
deities and to evolve a monotheistic great God. Syncretism in this context will mean that
31
Transition to Early deities worshipped at different places and by different people were recognised as identical and
Medieval India
were worshipped as manifestation of the same supreme deity. Thus Vasudeva was identified
with Vishnu, a minor Vedic god and Narayana, a god of obscure origin mentioned in the
Brahmana literature. Then Vishnu was closely connected with the name of Krishna, who
represented the fusion between martial hero and a flute-playing pastoral deity. Vishnu could
assimilate many other cults -the cult of the 'divine boar' which prevailed among some of
the tribes of Malwa, the cult of Parasurama, a Brahamna hero; and Rama, the great hero of
the Ramayana. Then Vishnu rose to the status of the Universal God in the Bhagavad
Gita.
Similarly, Siva came to be syncretised with the Vedic Rudra and Bhairava, a tribal god and
was worshipped in the form of the phallic emblem or linga. With Siva were later associated
certain other deities such as Skanda and the elephant-headed Ganesa.
These theistic cults stressed the merit of worship rather than the performance of Vedic
sacrifice.
\

39.2.2 Adaptation of Tribal Rituals

Yet another important feature of later Brahmanism was its adaptation of the tribal rituals
keeping the Vedic Yajna rites supreme only in theory. In course of time the merit derived
out of these new rituals were equated with the merit of the Vedic Yajna. Further, the sacred
spots of the tribals were included as new places of pilgrimage (tirtha) with suitable myths
to make them respectable. The Ithihasas and Puranas are full of such material or stories
which inspire bhakti (devotion) to a personal god.

39.2.3 Royal Support to Temples and Theism

The Puranas highlighted the merits acquired by visiting great cultcentres like Mathura and
Varanasi which were major places of pilgrimage. This gave a stimulus to the institution of
the temple. In fact, the Puranas and other texts of the period list numerous places of
pilgrimage (tirthas) which drew devotees in large numbers because visiting tirthas would
ensure merit. The temple which housed the deity, became a place of worship and thus drew
devotees away from home to an institution which became a public centre. The Gupta age
marked the beginning of temple construction. It laid the foundation of the typical styles of
Indian temple architecture. Among the few Gupta temples which survive, the Dasavatara
temple of Devagarh, the Vishnu temple at Tigawa, and the Siva temple at Bhumara are
known for their beauty. The epic and Puranic stories relating to Rama and Krishna were
represented in the temple sculptures. Excellent specimens of them are still found in the
Devagarh temple. The Gupta emperors patronised both Saivism and Vaishnavism. However,
the personal religion of most of the Gupta rulers was Vaishnavism which led to the creation
of a number of important Vaishnava centres and Vaishnava sculptures in the Gupta period.
The idea of the awataras or incarnations of Vishnu in which Vishnu is born on earth as a
boar, a fish, or a human being for rescuing earth from a crisis, also seems to have been
systematised in the Gupta period.
In the sixth and seventh centuries A.D. Saivism seems to have replaced Vaishnavism as
recipient of royal patronage in northern India. Saivism counted among its followers supreme
plers, foreign as well as indigenous, such as Mihirakula, Yashodharman, Sasanka and
Harsha. Pasupata or Saiva acharyas are frequently mentioned in contemporary records
which include inscriptions, and many literary works like those of Varahamihira, Bana and
Hiuen Tsang.

39.3 SPREAD OF BHAKTI TO THE SOUTH

All the major north Indian religions - Brahmanism, Jainism and Buddhism - travelled
southwards. The Brahmanas brought with them the Vedic Yajna cult and the two theistic
cults, Vaishnavism and Saivism. The kings were in favour of the Vedic rituals as they
conferred ritual status on them. The theistic cults struck root among the people. However,
eventually the devotional theistic cults were to prove stronger than any other religious force
in the south, and this was recognized even by royal patrons who extended support to
Vaishnavism, Saivism and their sects.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Among the early chalukya kings of Vatapi some professed Bhagavatism and others, the Developments in Religion
Pasupata cult. The famous bas-reliefs of Badami testify to the popularity of the theistic cults
in the Deccan in the sixth-seventh centuries A.D. Similarly, the Pallavas of Kanchi
patronised the two theistic cults as shown by the monolithic rathas (chariots) at
Mahabalipuram and many bas-reliefs on them.
Bhakti, centring around the worship of specific deities, began to spread fast in the south
through the brahmana settlements and temple centres where the exposition of the epics and
the Puranas was institutionalized by means of munificent landgrants. Thus Bhakti was
t popularised among the common people. It is to be noted that the way in which the

I
I
Brahmanas transformed the earlier religious forms into temple-centred theistic culture in the
north was repeated in the south also.

39.4 BHAKTI MOVEMENT IN SOUTH INDIA

The final form of theistic Bhakti was largely the result of the influence of the Tamil
devotionalism. This devotionalism was a product of the fusion between ecstatic local tribal
cults (e.g. Velan Veriyadal ) and northern theistic schools. This cross fertilization started
at Tiruppati and Kalahasti, which then constituted the northern door of the Tamil country.
Then it developed around Kanchipuram, the Pallava capital and soon reached the region of
Madurai, the Pandyan capital. The Tiru Murugu Arruppadai, a famous devotional work
I
on Muruga, the local tribal god who was syncretised with Skanda in this work, is the earliest
example of this cross fertilization.
Soon this Tamil devotionalism developed into a great movement when it was adapted to the
two theistic cults, Saivism and Vaishnavism. Then Tamil Bhakti movement was
characterized not only by intense ecstatic piety for the deity, but also an aggressive militancy
against the heterodox cults which were growing in popularity among the people with royal
support.
This movement was spearheaded in the sixth century A.D. by gifted poet-saints who
traversed the country many times with great missionary zeal. All their way they sang their
hymns, danced and debated with the heterodox cults. Among these hymnal poet-saints the
Saiva saints are called Nayanmar and the Vaishnava saints as Alvars.

This great wave of religious enthusiasm attained its peak in the early seventh century and its
triumph was largely achieved in the two centuries that followed. The hymns of the saints of
this period are marked by an outspoken hatred against the Buddhists and the Jainas. As a
result, public debates, competition in the performance of miracles and tests of the truth of
I
their doctrines by means of ordeal became the order of the day. .I.

I
1 There were other reasons for the success and popularity of these hymnal saints. Unlike the
Brahmanas who propagated Hinduism through esoteric theories and the use of Sanskrit, the
I
hymnal saints sang in easily understood forms using only the popular language, Tamil.
t Their Bhakti was not a reverence for a transcendent deity, but ecstatic love for an imminent
one. Being unable to stand before the force of this Bhakti wave which also attracted royal
f support, Jainism and Buddhism had to retreat from the South.

3 9 . 5 PROTEST AND REFORM IN THE BHAKTI

I MOVEMENT OF THE SOUTH AND LATER
TRANSFORMATION OF THE BHAKTI
MOVEMENT

Whereas the Brahmanas were obsessed with caste regulations, the Bhakti movement not only
ignored caste but also included men and women of all castes. Among the Nayanmar
'Karaikkal, Amrnai was a woman and Nandanar was a member of the depressed class. Among
the Alvars, Andal was a woman and Timppan was a hymnist from a "low caste". Thus the
whole movement carried elements of protest and reform. However, it soon became part of the
establishment, lost its early character and got engulfed by brahrnanical orthodoxy.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Transition to Early The Bhakti movement ran p a i q l to the growth and consolidation of early medieval
Medieval India
monarchies, first under the Pallavas and then under the cholas, Pandyas and the Cheras.
Many rock temples were cut and structural temples were built for Siva and Vishnu
throughout the Tamil land by almost all the reigning monarchs.
These temples were endowed with'vast landed property, often tax-free. Extensive areas of land
were donated to the Brahmanas as is evident from the thousands of donative inscriptions on
the walls of the south Indian temples. A prince-priest axis soon emerged. The monarchs
fervently welcomed the rich temple-centered bhakti (or unflinching loyalty) as it suited the
monarchical ideology. The Brahpanas welcomed this as it enabled Brahmanism, with its
institutional base in the templecentred agrarian settlements, to emerge as the most dynamic
force in south India.
Everywhere the local temple was the nucleus of religious life and a new social formation. In
these temples the two arms of the brahmanical religion -the ritualistic Vedic cult and the
theistic devotional cult -could meet. The temple-centred Bhakti enabled the all-embracing
caste system to attract all the origional tribes of south India within its fold and place them in
the hierarchical caste order. This order fixed the ritual and social status of the mbes with the
Brahrnana as the fixed point of reference. The ideology of Bhakti could bring together
kings, priests and the common people within a network of understandable social relations.
With the increasing patronage of kings and landed magnates, the Bhakti movement soon
became part of the establishment. Thus all trances of dissent, protest and reform were
obliterated in the tenth century A.D. The Alvars and the Nayanmars do not appear any more.
Their place was taken by Vaishnava acharyas, all of whom were Brahmanas or the Saivite
smwacharyas who all came from the rich landed Vellala caste.

Check Your Progress 1

I

1) Discuss in about five lines the reasons for royal support to temples.

2) In what ways did the Bhakti Movement in the South differ from Brahmanism. Answer
in about 10 lines.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 -- Developments i n Religion

3 9 . 6 EMERGENCE OF TANTRISM
--

The religious practices which originated in the most primitive fertility rites of the non-Aryan
tribal circles later came to be known as Tantrism. It not only infiltrated into the other
'civilized' cults (Jainism, Buddhism, Saivism, Vaishnavism etc.) but also emerged as a
challenge and reaction to these cults as all of them had developed vested interests and had
become parts of the establishment by the early medieval period. The established forms of
religion modified tantrism and attempted to sublimate it through mystical interpretations and
symbols. So, to the modem educated people, the core of Tantrism means essentially
orgiastic rites involving the use of five makaras : matsya (fish) , mamsa (meat), madya
(liquor), maithuna (sex) and mudra (physical gestures).

39.6.1 Some Main Features of Tantrism

There always existed a marginal population to whom sorcery, fertility rites and secret tribal
cults seemed essential. People who felt dissatisfied with official 'civilized' rellgion continued
to learn and adapt these secret rites through the ages.
In the Tantric practices of the early medieval period we can see three important features, all
of them interconnected. They are: a higher status given to women, sexual rituals, and the
presence of many female deities.
The causes for all these have to be traced to the tribal fertility rites. Women clearly enjoyed a
higher status in all the tribal belts. Since in the Sanskrit texts they were bracketed with the
sudras, it became necessary for them to raise their traditional ritual status by means of
Tantric initiations.
Similarly, among the primitive people in India and outside, sexual rites formed an important
part of their religious rites. It was believed by the tribals that such rites promoted the
fertility of the earth.
The reason for the importance of female deities in Tantrism is that in all the tribal belts the
cult of the mother goddesses was widely prevalent. These aboriginal goddesses entered into
Brahmanism as Shakti, Buddhism as Tara and Jainism as many Yakshinis. The Gaudavah, a
Prakrit test of the early medieval period associates Kali and Parvati with such tribals as the
Kols and the Sabaras Shakti is known as Matangi (a goddess of Matanga t r i k s and Candali a
goddess of the Candalas). At the end of the Gupta period many tribal goddesses were absorbed
into the higher cults, together with many magical rites, religious sexuality and a new form
of animal sacrifice. All these increased in importance throughout the early medieval period.
Tantrism emerged as a religious factor in the sixth century A.D. and became a strong force
by the ninth century.
Despite the fact that Tantrism lost much of its original character by the early medieval period
and that it received patronage from kings, officials and higher classes who sanskritised it,
Tantrism continued to be a challenge to organized and officially patronized major religions
like Brahmanism, Buddhism and Jainism.
The priests of Tantrism challenged the exclusive initatory rites of the brahmanas. If
brahmanas claimed superiority due to their Vedic rituals, the tribal priests claimed magical
powers through their esoteric rituals and sexo-yogic practices. Thus Tantrism served an
important social purpose by generally providing for the initiation of lower castes and
women, who were held to be of inferior status by the brahmanical system.
The Tantric priests claimed mastry over a number of rituals, occult practices and herbal
remedies not only to cure snake bites, insect bites and so on, but also to ward off the evil
effects caused by ghosts and planets. Thus the early medieval Tantric priest acted as a priest,
physician, astrologer and shaman.

39.6.2 Tantrism and the Heterodox Religions

It was noted that the moyt primitive fertility rites reappeared sublimated in form, as Tantrism
and penetrated Buddhism: Jainism and the Brahmana theology.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Transition to Early Makkhali Gosala, a contemporary of the Buddha and Mahavira, not only went naked but is
Medieval India said to have drunk and practiced orgiastic sexual rites, which doubtless originated in the
primitive cults.

Early Buddhism and Jainism tried their best to check the infiltration of these Tantric practices
into their cults. In the earliest phase of their history Buddhism and Jainism launched a
systematic campaign against the cult of image worship, rituals and sacrifices as destructive
of all morals. They stressed on the purification of soul for the attainment of nirvana or
salvation.
Mahayanism, a major development of Buddhism adopted image worship during the Kushana
period. Mahayanism is said to have developed into Mantrayanism or Vajrayanism in the
Andhra region by adopting Tanuic practices. Many Tanmc texts emerged since the third
century A.D. from Andhra and Kalinga and spread to Vanga and Magadha where Nalanda
developed as a centre of Tantric study in the reign of the Palas. Sri Guhyasamaja Tantra
was written probably in the 3rd century A.D. The Vajrayana Tantric literature is so vast that
only a nominal catalogue of its works found in Tibetan language comprises three high
volumes.
Idol worship and rituals appeared in Jainism in the early centuries of the Christian era.
Samantabhadra (third century A.D.) in his Paumacariya glorified temple worship and
rituals. Jaina, Puranas and other literature emphasised that the devotees of Adinatha could
get victory over enemies and ward off diseases and evil spirits.
In the early medieval age Tantrism infiltrated into Jainism on a significant scale as it did into
other religions. As a result, Jainism developed a pantheon of Yakshas and Yakshis (the
attendant demi-gods and goddesses of the Tirthankaras) together with a number of mantras
(megical formulae) to propitiate them. Many Jaina Tantric texts, which incorporated
elements of magic and miracle, glorified the cult of Yakshis like Padmavati Arnbika,
Siddhayika and Jvalamalini. These Yakshis were believed to bestow superhuman powers on
their devotees. The Yapaniya sect of the Jainas was the foremost in propagating Tantric
mode of worship in early medieval Karnataka.

Check Your Progress 2

1) Discuss the main featurc!s of Tantrism in about 10 lines.

..........................................................................................................................
2) Discuss the relationship of Tantrism with other heterodox religions. Answer in 10 lines.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 ................................................................................................................... Developments in Religion

LET US SUM UP

In this Unit you have seen how Brahmanism had to accept the growing importance of new
gods and assimilated many other populas deities. The Bhakti cult emerged out of the
various religious cults and became very strong in South India. It ignored caste regulations
and women had a higher status in Bhakti movement when compared to Brahmanism. The
numbers of female deities also inceased -particularly in Tantrism. The practices of
Tantrism infiltrated into other religions.

KEY WORDS

Alvars the Vaishnava bhakti saints of early medieval Tamil

Country (6th-9th century). Their tradi-number was 12.
Bhagavata a devotee of Vasudeva-Krishna.
Brahmanism a Syncretising religion under the brahmin leadership.
Always holding the supremacy of the Vedic rituals in
theory, it adapted bhakti, many tribal gods and tribd rituals
in practices.
~ e t e r o d o xCults : Jainism, Buddhism and Ajivikism which first challenged
Vedic rituals and then all Brahmanism.
Muruga a tribal god of the early Tamils, syncretised around 3rd-4th
centuries A.D. by Brahmanism with Skanda-Kartikaya.
.
Nayanmar the Saiva bhakti saints of early medieval Tamil counhy,
sixty-three in number. A few of the them were great hymnal
poets.
Nirvana liberation of the soul as conceived by the heterodox cults.
Pasupatas the devotees of Siva or Pasupati. Their cult originated in the
North and developed special features.
S'aivism a general term to denote any cult which conceived Siva as
the greatest God. Saivism has many local varieties.
Tantrism a religion originating in the primitive fertility rites of the
I
non-Aryan mbal circles. Later adapted and mystified by the
civilized cults.
Vaishnavism a general term to denote any cult with Vishnu as the greatest
God. It has many local varieties. /

I Velan Veriyadal

Yajna
: a primitive orgiastic-ecstatic cult of the ancient Tamil
tribals centring on Muruga.
the complex rituals, including expensive animal sacrifices,
of the later Vedic times.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Transition bo Early
Medlevd India
39.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES

Check Your Progress 1

1) See Sub-sec. 39.2.3

2) Stt Sections 39.3 and 39.4

Check Your Progress 2

1) See Sub-sec. 39.6.1

2) See Sub-sec. 39.6.2

SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

R.S. S h m a , Indian Feudalism
Romila Thaper, History of India V.I.

Kamesh Mechrocks
' UNIT 1 AGRARIAN ECONOMY

Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Agrarian Expansion
1.2.1 Gwgmphial and Chronological Patterns
1.2.2 ldeologial bckgmund
Agrarian Organisation
1-1.1 Character and Rok of Various Types of Agrarian Settkments
1.3.2 R~ghtsin Land
Technological Improvements
Rural Tension
Agriculture and the Exchange Network
The Characterisation of Early Medieval Agrarian Economy
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

1.0 OBJECTIVES

After rdding this Unit you should be able to explain the:

factors responsible for the expansion of agriculture in the Indian subcontinent,
chronological pattern of land grant system,
ideology behind land grants,
character and role of various types of agrarian sdtkments,
growth and nature of land ights,
technological improvements in the sphere of agriculture,
interdependence amongst different groups related to land,
role of agriculturists in trade, and
. characterisation of early medieval agrarian economy.

1.1 INTRODUCTION

The early medieval period in Indian history marks the growth of cultivation and
organisation of land relations through land grants. These grants began around the
beginning of Christian era and covered practically the entire subcontinent by the
end of the twelfth century. In the early medieval period agricultural expansion meant
a greater and more regular use of advanced agricultural techniques, plough
cultivation and irrigation technology. Institutional management of agricultural
processes, control of means of production and new relations of production also
played an important role in this expansion. With this expansion, new type of nwal
.tensions also emerged. Commercial activities in agricultural and non-agricultural
commodities increased. All these aspects have been dealt in this Unit which ends
with a discussion on the characterisation of early medieval agrarian economy. Let us
Kamesh Mechrocks
start with the aspects related to agrarian expansion.
Early Mediwll Ezonorny :
-
8th 13th Century AGRARIAN EXPANSION
The agrarian expansiol, which began with the establishment of b m b d q a and
a p r h r n settlements thfbugh land grants to Brahrnanaa from the fourth century
onwards acquired a uniform and universal form in subsequent centuries.
The centuries between the eighth and twelfth witnessed the processes of this
expansion and the culmination of an agrarian organisation b a d on land grants to
religious and secular beneficiaries, i.e. Brahmanas, temples and officers of the King's
government. However, there are important regional variations in this development,
both due to geographical as well as ecological factors.

1.2.1A Geographical and Chronological Patterns

Cultivation was extended not only to the hitherto virgin lands but even by clearing
forest areas. This was a continuous process and a major feature of early medieval
agricultural economy.
There is a view prevalent among some scholars that land grants started in outlying,
backward and tribal areas first and later gradually extended to the Ganga valley,
which was the hub of the brahmanical culture. In the backward and aboriginal tracts
!he Brahrnanas could spread new methods of cultivation by regulating agricultural
processes through specialised knowledge of the seasons (astronomy), plough,
irrigation, etc., as well as by protecting the cattle wealth. However, this is not true of
all regions in India, for, land grants were also made in areas of settled agriculture as
well as in other ecological zones, especially for purposes of integrating them into a
new economic order.

I A Telupu lmcriptbn of lOtb ecatury A.D. from lndu K w ~ p d i recordr

Kamesh Mechrocks
cattle.
e tbe &atbof m h a o afta rcacuhc
 Agruinn Economy

2 & 3 Inscriptions from North Arcot in memory ofthose heroes whodidprotectingcanleduringcn~lemids.

The chronological appearance of the land grant system shows the following pattern:
fourth-fifth centuries : s p m d over a good part of central India, northern Deccan
and Andhra,
fdth-seventh centuries : eastern India (Bcnpl and Orissa), beginnings in Western
India (qujarat and Rajasthan),
seventh and eighth centuries: Tamil Nadu and Karnataka,
ninth century : Kerala, and
end of the twelfth century : almost the entire sub-continent with the possible
exception of Punjab.

1.2.2 Ideological Background

Ideas relating to the gift of land emphasise the importance of dam or gift. The idea
of dm8 or gift to Brahmanas was developed by Brahmanical texts as the surest
means of acquiring merit (puny.) and destroying sin (pataka). I t appears to be a
conscious and systematic attempt to provide means of subsistence to the Brahmnnan.
Grants of cultivable land to them and registration of gifts of land on copper plates
are recommended by all the Smritb and Purmm of the post-Gupta centuries.
There were different items of gifts :
food, grains, paddy, etc.
movable assets like gold, money, etc. and
r r L - :--A.,~LI- saa-+a ;r Kamesh Mechrocks
fi..l+:~sLlrlsrrl ' -4-a --A rr&4rat;ml m l n t
Early Medieval Lonomy : Amon8 the gifta are llro included the plough, corn, oxen lad plougbhue.
-
8th l a b .Century
B o m w t , the gift of land was conridered to be tbe bat of all typa of gift#nude to
the learned Brahmana. imprecations against the destruction of such gifts and the
resumption of L d donated to t Brahmana ensured their pqctuity. Thua knd
grants bemn to follow r set let@ formula tystcmatbed t h r o w Lw books
(DWmubrJnr).
While the early land d n t a were nude d y to Vedic priuta (Shrotriya fire
priests), from the fifth to thirteenth centuries, grants were also made to temple
priests. The temple, as an institution, assumed a more central role in agrarian
expansion a d ormnisrtion from t k eighth century A.D. Omnta to the temple,
either plota of Lnd or Whok villap, were known u d.rrl.nr in the south Indian
context. It needs to be stresred that what k p n M a mere trickle, beame a migbty
current. The process of acquiring h d e d property was not confined to bnhmanical
temples. The non-brahxmtanical religious establishmenta such M the Buddhist and Jain
monasteries (samghas and basadis) too, specially in Karnataka. Andhra. Gujarat and
eastern India (Bihar and O r h a ) , vied with one another to become landed magnates
(you will m d more about this in Units 67-in Block 2).

I) & b n ~ o o l r r m n ' A * d m t p a i o b ~ ~ P i e L t h c ~ ~ a s ~ i a ~ L c u
andpo!inCdolrm'Fagaixsttimpaiodwknhadlg~atqystem.ppeprrdin
that mghn (Ccoaal lndk Bmga&Oriur. Northan Dcoua, Andhn, Tamil
Nadu. Kcraia G u m Rajastban, Karnalaka),

ii) 5th-7th antuna ii)

hi 7th - 8th maury iii)
iv) 9th ceotury iv)
2) What were tbc di't items d drr (gift) to BrrhmrnulWhich was
oolrsidcrcdutbcbarJ#i.

-
1.3 AGRARIAN ORGANISATION
The agrarian orpnisation and economy were highly complex. This can be
understood on the basis of intensive studies of the regional patterns of land grants
and the cbuDcter and rale of the brahnadeya and nowbmhadqa and temple .
ecttlementa. The growth and nature of Lnd ri#hta, interdependence -on# the
different groups related to land and the production and distribution processes also
help in a better understanding of the situation.

T
13.1 Churetcr raid Role d V ~ O W m of A g d m Scttitmmts
Bnhmadeya : A bnhmadeya represents a grant of land either in individual plots or
whole vilIagcs given away to Bnhllvnu making tbem landownm or land
controllen. It was mcmt eitber to bring v i r a land under cultivation or to integrate
existin8 agricultural (or pasant) settlements into the new economic order dominated
by a Brahmrm proprietor. T h a e B n h m u u donee8 played a major role in
intepating various socio-cconomic groups into the new order, througb service
Kamesh Mechrocks
tcnurcs and a t e mnuninm undar the VI.M tun Fnr cumnk. the rawi in^
peasantisation of shudras was so-t to be rationalid in the existing brahmanical Agrarian Econon~?
social order.

The practice of land grants as bnhmadeym was initiated by the ruling dynasties and
slrbsequently followed by chiefs, feudatories, etc. Brnhmadgm facilitated agrarian
expansion because they were :
exempted from various taxes or dues either entirely or at least in the initial stages
of settlenlent (e.g. for 12 years);
also endowed with ever growing privileges (padharm). The ruling families derived
economic advantage in the form of the extension of the resource base, moreover.
by creating brahmadeyns they also ,gained ideological support for their political
power.

Lands were given as bnhmadcya either to a single Brahmana or to several

Brahmana families which ranged from a few to several hundreds or even more than
a thousand, as seen in the South Indian context. Brahmadeyas were invariably
located near major irrigation works such as tanks or lakes. Often new irrigation
sources were constructed when brnhmadeyas were created, especially in areas
dependent on rains and in arid and semi-arid regions. When located in areas of
intensive agriculture in the river valleys, they served to integrate other settlements of
a subsihena level production. Sometimes, two or more settlements were clubbed
together to form a brahmadeya or an agrahara. The taxes from such villages were
assigned to the Brahmana donees, who were also given the right to get the donated
land cultivated. Boundaries of the donated land or village were very often carefully
demarcated. The various types of land, wet, dry and garden land within the village
were specified. Sometimes even specific crops and trees are mentioned. The land
donations implied more than the transfer of land rights. For example, in many cases,
along with the revenues and economic resources of the village, h u m v resources such
as peasants (cultivators), misans and others were also transferred to donees. There is
also growing evidence of the encroachment of the rights of villagers over community
lands such as lakes and ponds. Thus, the Brahmanas became managers of
agricultural and artisanal production in these settlements for which they organised
themselves in to assemblies.

1. Kamesh Mechrocks
A Record from Rajkot ( A . D . 5 3 6 ) of the reign o f Dhruvnsenu-l mention5 1111 er:r~ll o f ;I \ i l i . , n ~ :I\
Early Medieval Fxonomy :
8th- 13th Century

5. Inscripticmsof Kakaf ya Ganapti (A.D. 1199) from Knrimnagar Dist riet records a land gvnt made by the
Governor of Chuneridesa to Msnchi-Bhattopndhyaya, the priest of king (;anpati.

Secular Grants : From the seventh century onwards, officers of the state were also
being remunerated through land grants. This is of special significance because it
created another class of landlords who were not Brahmanas.

The gift of land on officials in charge of administrative divisions is mentioned as

early as c. A.D. 200 (the time of Manu) but the practice picks up momentum in the
post-Gupta period. Lite*ry works dealing with central India, Rajasthan, Gujarat,
Bihar and Bengal between the tenth and twelfth centuries make frequent references
to various kinds of grants to ministers, kinsmen and those who rendered military
services. The rajas, raja- ranakas, mahasamantps; etc. mentioned in Pala land
charters were mostly vassals connected with land. The incidence of grants to state
officials varies from one region to another. To illustrate, while we hear of about half
a dozen Paramar official ranks, only a few of them are known to have received land
grants. But very large territories were granted to vassals and high officers under the
Chalukyas of Gujarat. The available evidences suggest that Orissa had more service
grants than Assam, Bengal and Bihar taken together. Further, the right of various
officials to enjoy specific and exclusive levies-irrespective of the tenure of these
levies-was bound to create intermediaries with interests in the lands of the tenants.

Devadanas : Large scale gifts to the religious establishments, both brahmanical and
non-brahmanical, find distinctive places in inscriptional evidences. These centres
worked as nuclei of agricultural settlements and helped in integrating various peasant
and tribal settlements through a process of acculturation. They also integrated
various socio-economic glroups through service tenures or remuneration through
temple lands. Temple lands were leased out to tenants, who paid a higher share of
t l ~ cproduce to the temple. Such lands were also managed either by the sabha of the
brnhmadeya o r rnahajvnss of the agrahara settlements. In non-Brahmana settlements
ternplcs became the central institution. Here temple lands came to be
;itlm~nistrredby the temple executive committees composed of land owning non-
Kamesh Mechrocks
131.~1i1rnanas. r Q thc Velalas nf Tamil N a d u the O k k a l ~ l K n m n u l ~ i etc of Karnataka
different groups were assigned a caste and ritual status. I t is in this process that Agrarian Economy
people following 'impure" and "low occupations" were assigned the status of
untouchables, kept out of the temple and given quarters a t the fringes of the
settlement.

The supervision of temple lands was in the hands of Brahrnana and non-Brahmana
landed elite. The control of irrigation sources was also a major function of the local
bodies dominated by landed elite groups. Thus the Brabmona, the temple and higher
strata of non-Brahmanas a s landlords, employers and holders of superior rights in
land became the central feature of early medieval agrarian organisation.

The new landed elite also consisted of local peasant clan chiefs o r heads of kinship
groups and heads of families, who had kani rights i.e. rights of possession and
supervision. I n other words, several strata of intermediaries emerged between the
King and the actual producer.

1.3.2 Rights in Land

An important aspect relating t o land grants is the nature of rights granted t o the
assignees. Rights conferred upon the grantees included fiscal and administrative
rights. The taxes, of which land tax was the major source of revenue, theoretically
payable to the King o r government, came t o be assigned t o the donees. The reference
to pariharas or exemptions in the copper plate and stone inscriptions registering such
grants indicate that what was theoretically payable t o the King was not being
completely exempted from payment but the rights were now transferred t o the
grantees. This was apparently based on the sanction of the dharmashastras. which
sought to establish the royal ownership of land and hence justify such grants,
creating intermediary rights in land.

Although there is some evidence of a communal basis of land rights in early

settlements, the development of private ownership o r rights is indicated by the fact
that the grantees often enjoyed rights of alienation of land. They also enjoyed other
hereditary benefits in the settlements. Land gifts were often made after purchase
from private individuals. Hereditary ownership seems to have developed out of such
grants, both religious and secular.

- -

1.4 TECHNOLOGICAL IMPROVEMENTS

During the early medieval period there: was a n increase in irrigation sources such a s
canals, lakes, tanks (tataka, eri) and wells (kupa and kinaru). That the accessibility
to water resources was a n important consideration in the spread of rural settlements
is shown by regional studies. Keres or tanks in south Karnataka, nadi (river),
pushkarini (tank), srota (water channel) etc. in Bengal and nmghatta-wells in western
Rajasthan used to be natural points of reference whenever distribution and transfer
of village lands had t o be undertaken. Naturally, the concern for water resources
contributed t o the extension of cultivation and intensification of agricultural
activities. Water-lifts of different kinds operated by man and animal power were also
known. Epigraphic sources record the construction and maintenance of such
irrigation works between eight and thirteenth centuries. Many of the lakes/ tanks of
this period have survived well into the modern times. Some of them were repaired,
revived and elaborated under the British administration. The step wells (vapis) in
Rajasthan and Gujarat became extremely popular in the eleventh-thirteenth
centuries. They were meant for irrigating the fields a s well a s for supplying drinking
water.

The increase in the number of irrigation works was due t o a n advance in irrigation
technology. There is evidence of the use of more scientific and permanent methods of
flood control, damming of river waters, sluice construction (with piston valve and
cisterns) both a t the heads of canals and of lakes and tanks. Flood controkwas
achieved gradually through breaching of rivers for canals and mud embankments
which ensured the regulated use of water resources.

Lakes or reservoirs were more commonly used in semi dry and rain fed areas, a s well
QE r;.,ar
Kamesh Mechrocks
h ~ c ; n c x x ~ h o r ot h o r i ~ ~ o rAc
AoA 1.- in c..mmar Pnnr+rmmnt;nn nf ..r-tar mcomtn;rr
Early Medieval Economy : was initiated by ruling families and maintained by local institutions such as the
8th- 13th Century sabha (Brahrnana assembly) and ur (non-Brahmana village assembly) in Tamil Nadu.
Maintenance of lakes/ tanks etc. i.e. desilting, bund and sluice repair was looked
after by a special committee of local assemblies and cesses were levied for the
purpose.
Royal permission was accorded for digging tanks or wells, when gifts were made to
Brahmanas and temples. Land was demarcated for construction and maintenance of
canals and tanks, etc. Digging of tanks was considered a part of the privileges
enjoyed by the grantees and an act of religious merit. Hence, resourceful private
individuals also constructed tanks.
No less significant were the improvements in agricultural implements. For example, a
tenth century inscription from Ajmer refers to 'big" plough. Similarly, separate
implements are mentioned for weeding parasitic plants. VrikshsyuvcBP mentions
steps to cure diseases of trees. Water lifting devices such as nrqghatta and
ghatiyantra are mentioned in inscriptions and literary works. The former was
specially used in the wells of Rajasthan in the ninth-tenth centuries. The Krishisukti
of Kashypa prescribed that the ghatiyantra operated by oxen is the best, that by men
was the worst while the one driven by elephants was of the middling quality.
Advanced knowledge about weather conditions and their use in agricultural
operations is noticeable in such texts as the Gurusunhit. and Krishinarashwara.
More than one hundred types of cereals including wheat, barley. lentils, etc. are
mentioned in contemporary writings on agriculture. According to the Shunyapwarn
more than fifty kinds of paddy were cultivated in Bengal. The knowledge of
fertilizers improved immensely and the use of the compost was known. Cash crops
such as arecanuts, betel leaves, cotton, sdgarcane, etc. find frequent mention.
Rajashekhara (early tenth century) tells us about the exmllent sugarcane of north
Bengal which yielded juice even without the use of pressing instrument. Commodity
production of coconut and oranges assumed special importance in peninsular India
during this period.
Marco-Polo hints at increased production of spieces when he says that the city of
Kinsay in China alone consumed ten thousand pounds of pepper everyday which
came from India. He also mentions the great demand for Indian ginger in European
markets. Harvesting of three crops and rotation of crops were known widely. Thus,
advanced agricultural technology was being systematised and diffused in various ,
, parts of the country causing substantial boom in agricultural production.

+-.,I Kamesh
------ Mechrocks
6. A Knnnnda Inscription (on hero-stone) of 9th century A.D., from Nnvnli, records the construction o f n
:- -8 La-,. 2. -2- -r mf:-- .~-rn:-~.
 Agrarian Econornj

. . . ,'
. . .

7. A- Tenth centurl Tamil Inscription from Erode which +eli!ibns-a$o;i the ci)&trucIion of a tank and
3virig of money For its ma;-tenance hy u person named ~ u n j i - $ dl'ili. .

Cheek Y ourTrqgccss.2
1) How did' brahmadeyas helped in a g r a d expansion?
.....................................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................................
..................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................
...................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................
2) What is the difference between brahmadeya, secular. and devadana grants?
................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................... .....................
................................................................................................................................
3) What was the nature of rights enjoyed by land grantees?
................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Early Medievd Fxonnmq : Describe bfiefly the main methods of irrigation.
1.
-
8th 13th Century
4)
................................................................................................................................

1.5 RURAL TENSION

Notwithstanding agrarian expansion, the rural landscape was far from being a
homogeneous sceue. There is, to begin with, heterogeneous and stratified peasantry.
Unlike the age old and pre-Gupta gahapatis we now have graded personnel
associated with land : Xshetrik, hrshaka, hnlin and a r d ~ k .Regrettably, there is
hardly any indication of landownership in these terms, which seem to be refemng to
various categories of cultivators. The conversion of the brahmadeyas into non-
brahmadeyas and that of the latter into ngrnharns were potential sources of tension
in rural areas. The damarn revolts in Kashmir, rebellion of the Kaivarthas in the
reign of Ramapal in Bengal, acts of self immolation in situations of encroachments
on land in Tamil Nadu, appropriation of donated land by shudras in the Pandya
territory, are indices of distrust against the new landed intermediaries. The fact that
donors often looked for land where cultivation was not disputed also shows the seeds
of turmoil. The possibility of the hero-stones in and around agrphams also has the
potential of throwing light on rumblings beneath the surface in agrarian settlements.
Why does the concept of brahmahatya (killing of a Brahmana) become very
pronounced in early medieval times? Answers to this question raise doubts about the
validity of "brahmana-peasant alliance* and "peasant state and society" (see Sec.
1.7). This is, however, not to deny other possible areas of tension within rural society
between Brahmanas and temples and within ranks of secular land holders.

1.6 AGRICULTURE AND THE EXCHANGE NETWORK

It is sometimes maintained that in the early medieval economic organisation, which
was a predominantly agrarian and self-sufficient village economy, production was
mainly subsistence oriented and was not in response to the laws of the market.
Hence there was little scope for economic growth. Craftsmen and artisans were
attached either to villages or estates or religious establishments. H e n a t h e n was no
significant role for traders and middlemen, who only procured and supplied iron
tools, oil, spices, cloth, etc. to rural folk. In other words the functioning of the
market system was extremely limited.

The aforesaid picture is certainly true for the period 300-800 A.D. However, the
subsequent 500 years witnessed a rapid increase in the number of agrarian
settlements and the growth of local markets (see Unit 2) initially for local exchange.
Subsequently, the need for regular exchange within a region and with other regions
led to organised commerce. This in turn led to the emergence of merchant
organisations, itinerant trade and partial monetisation from the ninth century.
Though the relative importance of these features varied from one region to another
(See also Units 3 and 4) the increasing role of agriculture in this new economy is
easily seen.
..
Agricultural products d h e to be exchanged with items of long distance trade carried
on by itinerant traders. This development also led to a change in the pattern of
landownership towards the close of the early medieval period. Merchants and
Kamesh Mechrocks
economically influential craftsmen,
. . . . . .- -.
like weavers, .invested
--
in. land
- i.e. purchased land
 called the Jagati-kottali (community of weavers) and the community of Telligas (oil Agrarian Economy
pressers) were active participants in agriculture. The former are repeatidly mentioned
as excavating tanks and laying out gardens.

1.7 THE CHARACTERISATION OF EARLY

MEDIEVAL AGRARIAN ECONOMY

~ Different views have been put forward regarding the nature of the overall set up of
early medieval agrarian economy. On the one hand, it is seen as a manifestation of
feudal economy, while on the other it is dubbed as a peasant state and society.

I The salient features of 'Indian Feudalism' are:

1 ) Emergence of hierarchical landed intermediaries. Vassals and officers of state
and other secular assignee had military obligations and feudal titles.
Sub-infeudation (varying in different regions) by these donees to get their land
cultivated led to the growth of different strata-of intermediaries. It was a
hierarchy of landed aristocrats, tenants, share croppers and cultivators. This
hierarchy was also reflected in the power/administrative structure, where a sort
-of lord-vassal relationship emerged. In other words, Indian feudalism consisted
in the gross unequal distribution of land and its produce.

Another important feature was the prevalence of forced labour. The right of
extracting forced labour (vishti) is believed to have been exercised by the
Brahmana and other grantees of land. Forced labour was originally a
prerogative of the King or the state. It was transferred to the grantees, petty
officials, village authorities and others. In the Chola inscriptions alone, there are
more than one hundred references to forced labour. Even the M s a n t s and
.
artisans come within the jurisdiction of vishti. As a result, a kind of serfdom
emerged, in which agricultural labourers were reduced to the position of
, semi-serfs.

3) Due to the growing claims of greater rights over land by rulers and
intermediaries, peasants also suffered a curtailment of their land rights. Many
were reduced to the position of tenants facing ever growing threat of eviction. A
number of peasants were only ardhikas (share croppers). The strain on the
b peasantry was also caused by the burden of taxation, coercion and increase in
their indebtedness.

4) Surplus was extracted through various methods. Extra economic coercion was a
conspicuous method. With the rise of new property relations, new mechanisms
of economic subordination also evolved. The increasing burden is evident in the
mentioning of more than fifty levies in the inscription of Rajaraja Chola.

5) It was relatively a closed village economy. The transfer of human resources

along with land to the beneficiaries shows that in such villages thk peasants,
craftsmen and artisans were attached to the villages and hence were mutually
dependent. Their attachment to land and to service grants ensured control over
them by the beneficiaries.

In brief, a subject and immobile peasantry, functioning in relatively self-sufficient

villages buttressed by varna restrictions, was the marked feature of the agrarian
economy during the five centuries under survey.

The theory of the existence of autonomous peasant societies is put forward in

opposition to the theory of Indian feudalism. It is based mainly on the evidence from
south Indian sources.

According to this theory, autonomous peasant regions called the nadus evolved in
South India by early medieval times. They were organised on the basis of clan and
kinship ties. ,Agricultural production in the nadus was organised and controlled by
the nattar. i.e. people of the nadu, organising themselves into assemblies, 1.e. nadu.
Members of this assembly were velahs or non-Brahmana peasants. Their autonomy
Kamesh Mechrocks
is indicated bv the fact that when land erants were made bv the kings and lesser
 . .
F ; ~ ~ Medieval
I? Economy : chiefs, oiders were issued with the consent of the "attar. Orders were first addressed
8th- 1.3th Century
,:. .
to them. They demarcated. the;'gift-land
. . . and supervised the ex&utibii.df.the grant
because they were the organisefs.of produc~ion.'ihe~ritimiha'i~arid dbniinait
.....
peasants became allies in the productibA prbckss. ' ~ ~ ~ a r e n tttie l j l ejtpcincnts
, of..this
hypothesis share the notion of rural-self-~ufficiency,which:,is 11 ibp&&nt:. . . ,

component of Indian feudalism. T h e theories df lndian feudalism and a u t o n o ~ o u s

peasant societies have their a d h e r e ~ t.and
s claim .to :be?ba'&d:o n ' e m p i ~ ~&iderice.
~al
......
However, early medieval agrariari'kconomy' w&.a high& cohplex onk.';~n:&dir,.to
understand its character and t o prbvide',i .general framework for ~ts'study,detailed
studies of its regional patterns will' have 10 be ~ o r k e d ' ~ & t .

Check Your Progress 3

I) Give a few causes for tensions In rural areas during the period under review.

2) What was the pattern of commerce in early medieval period? Did it effect the
pattern of land ownership?

3) Give five saiient features of Indian feudalism.

..................... ............................................................................................
i.................

................................................................................................................................

1.8 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit the survey of agrarian economy during the five centuries between the
eighth and thirteenth highlights:
Perceptible expansion of agriculture in practically all over the Indian
sub-continent as a result of land grants. While the hitherto virgin lands and
forested areas attracted this expansion, grants were also made in regions which
were already under cultivation,
the deep rooted ideological interests of religious establishments-both
brahmanical and non-brahmanical, which sang praises of gifts of land,
the einergence of various types of agrarian settlements with graded land rights,
growing interests of non-agriculturists in land. specially those of state officials,
traders, artisans. etc., .

rrn...? ..
the spurt in technological improvements-in
-..,A
~rrigation,agricultural implements,
Kamesh Mechrocks
rrnrr;"" rs..rr..
 the mutual relationships amongst different groups related to land underlining A p v h n Economy
seeds of rural tension, and
the debate on the characterisation of early mdieval agrarian economy focussing
on the distinguishing traits of 'Indian feudalism" and "Peasant State and
Society".

1.9 KEY WORDS -

Agrahara : Primarily a rent free village in the possession of Brahmanas.

Ardhika :A cultivator who t:lls land of others and gets half the crop as his share.
Basadi : Jaina monastic establishment.
Brahmadeya :Generally tax free land or village given as gift to Brahmanas.
Damar : Powerful officials in Kashmir who developed landed interests and were
opposed to Brahmanas.
Devodana : Rent free land gifted to brahmanical temples deities. Its Jain and
Buddhist counterpart is pallichanda.
Dharmashastra : Brahmanical scriptures, law books.
Halin : Ploughman
Karshaka : Tiller of soil.
Mahajana : A sort of assembly of Brahmanas.
Mahasamanta : The 'great chieftainn, feudatory of a higher rank than samanta.
Parihara : Exemptions from taxes and obligations (privileges granted to the donees
of rent-free land).
Peasant State and Society : A set-up where peasants are "freen to own means of
production and cultivate land according to their interests.
Peasantisation : Process through which people unconnected with land were
encouraged to undertake cultivation as a profession.
Ranaka :Title of feudatory ruler.
Shrotriya : Brahman, learned in the Vedas.

1.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES

Check Your Progrgss 1

1) i) Central India, Northern Deccan and Andhra
ii) Bengal, Orissa, Gujarat and Rajasthan
iii) Tamil Nadu, Karnataka
iv) Kerala

2) You should include in your answer items like foodgrains, gold, money, cultivable
land, garden, plough, cows, oxen, etc. Gift of land was considered the best. Also
see Sub-sec. 1.2.2
Check Your Progress 2
1) Bnhmrdeyr could help in agrarian expansion because these were exempted from
land revenue and enjoyed other ptivileges, therefore, the grant holders had more
incentives to develop these lands. Besides most of these lands were virgin and
making them cultivable helped in expanding the cultivable area. Also see Sub-
set. 1.3.1.

2) Brahmadeya grants were given to Brahmanas only while secular grants were
given to state functionaries in lieu of their salaries and devadam grants were
":.,-..*,. L-,.L-..-i--l Kamesh Mechrocks
-- ..,-11 -- --- L--L-..-:--l . - - . - I - - &I-- - - - O . . L --- I 1 1
Early Medieval Economy : 3) The grantees had such rights as collection of land revenue, other taxes and
-
8th 13th Century
maintain administrative control. See Sub-sec. 1.3.2.
4) Your answer should include such devices as wells, tanks, lakes, canal. You
should also mention the water lifting devices such as ghatiyantra, rrrghattr and
the use of animal power. See Sec . 1.4.
Check Your Progress 3
1) The main reasons for tension were the conversion of brahnmdcya lands into non-
brahmadeyas and rgraharas, encroachment on other land and number of
intermediaries. See Sec. 1.5.
2) The commeicial activities within a region, and with other regions were
undertaken. Agriculture produce was exchanged with other products often from
distant regions. The investment in land by merchants and influential craftsmen
changed the pattern of.landownership. Also see Sec. 1.6.
3) Your answer should include such features of Indian feudalism like emergence of
hierarchical landed intermediaries, prevalence of forced labour, curtailment of
land rights of peasants, economic subordination by surplus extraction and
existence of a relatively closed village economy. Also see Sec. 1.7.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 2 URBAN SETTLEMENTS

~
I
Structure
2.0
2.1
Objectives
Introduction
2.2 Form and Substance of Urban Centres
2.3 The General Pattern
2.4 Regional Variations and Types
2.4.1 Rural Centres Transformed into Urban Centres
2.4.2 Market Centres. Trade-ndwork and Itinerant Trade
2.4.3 Sacred/ Pilgrimagr: Centres
2.4.4 Royal Centres or Capitals
2.5 Let Us Sum Up
2.6 Key Words
2.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises.

2.0 OBJECTIVES
--

After reading this Unit you should be able to explain the:

factors responsible for the rise of urban centres,
various phases in the history of urbanism,
criteria for identifying settlements as urban,
general pattern of the post-Gupta urban growth,
regional variations in urban settlements, and
a types of towns.

INTRODUCTION

The study of urban settlements is an indispensable element in the understanding of

socio-economic history of the post-Gupta centuries. It should be taken as a
complementary component along with the agrarian economy. Recent writings have
particularly focussed on the place of urban settlements in the overall framework of
Indian feudalism. This and the two subsequent Units make an attempt to review the
problems associated with such developments.

2.2 FORM AND SUBSTANCE OF URBAN CENTRES

Study of urban czntres is an important aspect of socio~conomichistory. Urbgn

centres in early medieval India have generally been studied in two ways :
i) As a part of economic history i.e. history of trade, commerce and craft
production, etc., and
ii) as a part of administrative or political history, i.e. as capitals, administrative
centres, centres of major and minor ruling families and fort towns.
Hence the focus of urban studies has so far been mainly on types of urban centres.
Accordingly towns or cities have been listed under various categories such as market,
trade or commercial centres, ports, political and administrative centres, religious
centres, etc. However, there has been no sufficient attempt to explain the causes
behind the emergence of towns. In other words the form of an urban centre is
.. .-. . Kamesh
.- . . Mechrocks
studied but not its meaning or substance. In order to understand both' the form and
. . .
Early Medievd Economy : to study the processes of urban growth as a part of the broader socio-economic I
-
8th 13th Century changes.

Phases and Dciinition

How do we define an urban centre and what are its essential traints; are some of the
questions that we take up here. Prior to the coming of the Turks, the Indian
sub-continent experienced a t least three phases of urban growth:
1) During the bronze age Harappan civilization (fourth-second millennium B.C.),
2) Early historic urban centres of the iron age (c. sixth century B.C. to the end of
the third century A.D.),
3) Early medieval towns and cities (c. eighthlninth to twelfth centuries A.D.).
Amongst the earliest attempts,to define an urban centre one can easily mention
Gordon Childe's notion of 'Urban Revolutionn. He listed monumental buildings,
large settlements with dense population, existence of such people who were not
engaged in food production (rulers, artisans and merchants) and cultivation of art,
science and writing as prominent features to identify an urban centre. Further,
Chi-lde laid great stress on the presence of craft specialists and the role of agricultural
surplus which supported non-food producers living in cities. Not all these traits,
which were spelt out in the context of bronze age cities, are to be seen in the towns
of iron age. There has been no dearth of urban centres with sparse population and
mud houses.
Though agrarian surplus collected from rural areas is almost indispensable for the
existence of a town, merely a settlement of non-agriculturists cannot be regarded as
an urban centre. Early medieval literary texts refer to towns inhabited by people of
all classes surrounded by a wall and moat and marked by the prevalence of the laws
and customs of the guilds of artisans and merchants. A recent study based on
excavated data from 140 sites spread over the entire Indian subcontinent
(R.S. Sharma, Urban Decay in India, c.A.D.300-1000) focusses on:

Quality of material life and the nature of occupations, and

need t o study urban centres not as parasites thriving on agricultural surplus but as
centres integrally linked with rural hinterland.
Accordingly, some prominent traits of urban centres which can be applied to early
medieval settlements as well, are identified as :
i) Size of a settlement in terms of area and population.
ii) Proximity to water resources-river banks, tanks, ring wells, etc.
iii) Presence or absewe of artefacts representing activities of aitisans, e.g. axes,
chisels, plough-shares, sickles, hoes, crucibles, ovens, furnaces, dyeing vats,
moulds for beads, seals, sealings, jewellery, terracotta, etc.
iv) Evidence of coin moulds signifying mint towns. The discovery of metallic
. money, when listed with the presence of artisans and merchants, certainly lends
a clear urban chatacter to such sites.
v) Presence or otherwise of luxury goods such as precious and semi-precious
stones, glassware, ivory objects, fine pottery etc. The possibility is not ruled out
that luxuries of ancient towns might become necessities for superior rural
classes of early medieval times.
vi) Considering the moist, rainy climate of many alluvial plains such as themiddle
Ganga plain, baked brick (not just burnt bricks) structures on a good scale
assume special importance. Thoug) in Central Asia towns consisting of mud
structures are also not unknown.
vii) Streets, shops, drains and fortifications also give a good idea of the nature of
the urban settlement. At several places in the Deccan and elsewhere silos and
granaries occur at historical sites, like at Dhulikatt in Andhra Pradesh.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Apparently such structures were meant to store surplus foodgrains for feeding
 Urban Settletiwnts
Check Your P r o m 1
1) List the ihrce'kain phases of urban growth in India prior to the coming of the
Turks.
................................................................................................................................

2) What are the important features of a town spelt by Gordon Childe?

3) List the important traits of urban centres applicable to early medieval India.
'

.......
................................................................................................................................
..
................................................................................................................................

2.3 THE GENERAL PATTERN

The post-Gupta centuries witnessed a new socioeconomic formation based on the

system of land grants. The gradual expansion of cultivation and agrarian economy
through land grants (for details, see Unit 1) had an impact on the growth of towns
and cities between the eighth and twelfth centuries. Though the overall picture of the
Indian sub-continent is that of revival, of urban centres, there are some regional
variations as well. Such variations are seen in the nature, category and hierarchy of
such centres due to operative economic forces, ecological and cultural differences and
the nature of political organisation. Regional studies of urban centres are, therefore,
essential for providing the correct perspectives. Such studies are available only for a
few regions like Rajasthan, Central India and South India.

2.4 REGIONAL VARIATIONS AND TYPES

In a vast country like India there are a lot of regional variations in the pattern of
emergence and growth of urban centres. In this section we will discuss some
important variations.

2.4.1 Rural Centres Transformed into Urban Centres

The brahrnadeyas and devadanas which are seen as important sources of agrarian
expansion of the early medieval period, also provided the nuclei of urban growth.
The Brahmana and temple settlements clustered together in certain key areas of
Kamesh Mechrocks
agricultural production. Such centres, initially rural, became points of convergence
Early Medieval Economy : Examples of such centres of urban growth are datable from the eighth and nineth
cl(h -
13th Century centuries and are more commonly found in South India. The Cola city of
Kumbakonam (Kudamukku-Palaiyarai) developed out of agrarian clusters and
became a multi-temple urban centre between the ninth and twelfth centuries.
Kanchipuram is a second major example of such a n urban complex. While
Kumbakonam's political importance as a residential capital of the Colas was an
additional factor in its growth, Kanchipuram too had the additional importance of
being the largest craft centre (textile manufacturing) in South lndia.

2.4.2 Market Centres, Trade-Network and Itinerant Trade

Early medieval centuries also witnessed the emergence of urban centres of relatively
modest dimensions, a s market centres, trade centres (fairs, etc.) which were primarily
points of the exchange network. The range of interaction of such centres varied from
small agrarian hinterlands t o regional commercial hinterlands. Some also functioned
beyond their regional frontiers. However, by and large, the early medieval urban
centres were rooted in their regional contexts. This is best illustrated by the nagnram
of South India, substantial evidence of which comes from Tamil Nadu and also t o a
limited extent by the existence of nakhara and nagaramu in Karnataka and Andhra
Pradesh respectively. The nagaram served as the market for the nadu or kurrrrn, an
agrarian or peasant region. Some of them emerged'due to the exchange needs of the
nadu. A fairly large number of such centres were founded by ruling families or were
established by royal sanction and were named after the rulers, a feature common t o
all regions in South India. Such centres had the suffix pura o r pattana.

Nagarams located on important trade routes and at the points of intersection

developed into more important trade and commercial centres of the region. They
were ultimately brought into a network of intra-regional and inter-regional trade as
well as overseas trade through the itinerant merchant organisations and the royal
ports. Such a development occurred uniformly throughout peninsular India between
the tenth and twelfth centuries. During these centuries South lndia was drawn into
the wider trade network in which all the countries of South Asia, South-east Asia and
China and the Arab countries came t o be involved (See also Units 3 and 4). The
nagarams linked the ports with political and administrative centres and craft centres
in the interior.

I n Karnataka nagarams emerged more as points of exchange in trading network than

as regular markets for agrarian regions. However, the uniform features in all such
nagarams is that they acquired a basic agricultural hinterland for the non-producing
urban groups living in such centres. Markets in these centres were controlled by the
nagaram assembly headed by a chief merchant called pattanasvami.

A similar development of trade and market centres can be seen in Rajasthan and
western parts of ~ a d h ~ a i ~ r a d eHere,
s h . the exchange centres were located in the
context of the bases of adrarian production i.e. where clusters of rural settlements
occur. In Rajasthan these centres were points of intersection for traffic of varying
origins, giving rise t o a certain measure of hierarchy. The network was further
elaborated with the growth of generations of well-known merchant families in the
eleventh and twelfth centuries. They are named after their places of origin such as
Osawala (Osia), Shrimalis (Bhirimal). Pallivalas and Khandclvalas, etc. The resource
bases, the main routes for the flow of resources and the centres of exchange were
integrated through the expansion of these merchant families. Rajasthan provided the
main commercial links between Gujarat, Central India and the Ganga \.alley. Such
links were maintained through towns like Pali, which connected the cca coast towns
like Dvaraka and Bhrigukachcha (Broach) with Central and North India. Gujarat,
with its dominant Jain merchants, continued to be the major trading region of
Western lndia where early historic ports or emporium like Bhrigukachcha (Broach)
continued to flourish as entrepots of trade in early medieval times. Bayana, another
notable town in Rajasthan was the junction of different routes from different
directions. The range of merchandise started probably with agr~culturalproduce
(i~tcludingdairy products) but extended to such high-value items as horses,
elephants. horned animal4 and jewels.

Kamesh Mechrocks
In Karnataka, the steady increase in towns during the period under review is marked
Shimoga. In the trade with the West i.e. Arabia, Persian Gulf and beyond, the West
Coast of Peninsular India played a consistently dominant role from the early historic
period. Several ports such as Thana, Goa, Bhatkal, Karwar, Honavar and
Mangalore developed during the revival of long distance trade, between the tenth and
twelfth centuries, with evidena of coastal shipping and ocean navigation.
Surprisingly, this commercial activity was taking place (see also Unit 3) only through
limited monetization. Incidentally, the Konkan coast (under the Shilaharas) does not
even show any signs of risc of markets and their network.
Wider trade networks also existed between Karnataka. Andhra and Tamil Nadu, for
the presence of Kannada, Tamil and Telugu merchants is well attested in several
towns such as Belgaun (Karnataka), Peruru in Nalgonda district (Andhra Pradesh)
and coastal towns of Visakhapatnam and Ghantasala. The Andhra coast turned to
the south eastern trade with Motupalli, Visakhapatnam and Ghantasala acting as
the major outlets. Market centres of inter-regianal importance are represented by
places like Nellore, Draksharama, Tripurantakam and Anumakonda in Andhra
Pradesh. On the northern and southern banks of Kaveri in its middle reaches arose a
number of exchangt points between Karnataka and Tamil Nadu such as Talakkad
and Mudikondan.
Kerala developed contracts with the West and foreign traders such as the Jews,
Christians and Arabs who were given trading towns under special royal charters.
Coastal towns such as Kolikkodu, Kollam etc., became entrepots of South Asian
trade. The location of such trading groups aa the Anjuvannan and Arab horse
dealers enhanced the importance of coastal towns in Karnataka and Kerala.
Major craft centres which developed in response to inter-regional trade were weaving.
centres in Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. Some of the craft and
commercial centres of the early historic urban phase survived till the early medieval
period and were brought into the processes of re-urbanisation which llnked them
with the new socioeconomic institutions like the temple. Kashi (Varanasi) in the
north and Kanchipuram (near Madras) in the south are two very prominent
examples of such processes.

2.4.3 Sacred/Pilgrimage Centres

The idea of pilgrimage to religious centres developed in the early medieval period
due to the spread of the cult of Bhdcti. Its expansion in different regions through a
process of acculturation and interaction between the Brahmanical or Sanskritic
forms of worship and folk or popular cults cut across narrow sectarian interests. As
a result, some local cult centres of great antiquity as well as those with eerly
associations with brahmanical and non-brahmanical religions, became pilgrimage
centres. The pilgrimage network was sometimes confined to the specific cultural
region within which a cult centre assumed a sacred character. However, those cult
centres, which became sacred tirthas attracted worshippers from various regions.
Both types of pilgrimage centres developed urban features due to a mobile pilgrim
population, trade and royal patronage. The role of emerging market in the growth of
tirthas is now being recognised by historians in a big way.
Pushkara near Ajmer in Rajasthan was a sacred tirtha of regional importance with a
dominant Vaishnava association. Kasi (Banaras) acquired a pan-Indian character due
to its greater antiquity and importance as a brahrnanical sacred centre. In South
India, Srirangam (Vaishnava), Chidambaram (Shaiva) and Madurai (Shaiva) etc.
developed as regional pilgrimage centres, while Kanchipuram became a part of an all
India pilgrimage network. While Melkote was a regional sacred centre in Karnataka,
Alampur, Draksharama and Simhachalam show a similar development in Andhra
Pradesh. Tirupati was initially an important sacred-centre for the Tamil Vaishnavas
but acquired a pan-Indian character later in the Vijayanagara period.
Jain centres of pilgrimage emerged in Gujarat and Rajasthan where merchant and
royal patronage led to the proliferation of Jain temples in groups in centres such as
Osia, Mount Abu, Palitana, etc.
In South India the elaboration of temple structures in sacred centres show two types
nf anrhsn nrnurth . Kamesh Mechrocks
firly ~ e d i c v d&orlomy : First, it was organised around a single large temple as in Srirangam, Madurai,
-
8th 13th Century Tiruvannamalai (Tamil Nadu), Melkote (Karnataka), Draksharama and
Simhachalam (Andhra Pradesh).
- The second type involves the growth around several temples of different religions
such as Shivaism. Vishnuism and Saktism.

The early medieval urbanisation is sometimes characterised as "temple urbanisation"

particularly in the context of south India. Sacred centres also provided important
links in the commerce of a region as temples and the mathas attached to them were
the biggest consumers of luxury articles and value goods.

2.4.4 Royal Centres or Capitals

Royal centres of the seats of power of the ruling families were a major category of
urban centres in early medieval India. Some of them had been the seats of royal
power even in the early historic period, for example, in the Janapadas of North
India or in the traditional polities of South India. Royal families also developed their
own ports, which were the main ports of entry into their respective territories and
which also linked them with international commerce. Thus, the commercial needs of
royal centres created new trade and communication links and built up much cIoser
relationships between the royal centre and their agricultural hinterlands or resource
bases. In all the region$ south of the Vindhyas, where brahmanical kingdoms came
to be established by the eighth century A.D. there is substantial evidence of the
growth of such royal centres. Some representative examples are:

Vatapi and Vengi of the Chalukyas in the northern Karnataka and Andhra.
Kanchipuram of the Pallavas with their royal.port at Mamallapuram
(Mahabalipuram).
a Madurai of the Pandyas with Korkai as their port.
Tanjavur of the Colas with Nagappattinam as their port.
Kalyana of the Western Chalukyas, Dvarasamudra of the Hoysalas, and
Warangal of the Kakatiyas with Motupalli at their port.
Warangal was a rare example of a fortified royal city in South India.
Examples of royal centres in North India are:
the Gurjara Partihara capital at Kanyakubja (Kanauj).
Khajuraho of the Candellas.
Dhara of the Paramaras, and
Valabhi of the Solankis.
A fairly large number of cities emerged under the powerful Gurjara-Pratiharas,
Chahamanas and Paramaras in Rajasthan. Most of them were fortified centres, hill
forts (garhkila and durga). Examples of fort-cities in Rajasthan are.:
Nagara and Nagda under the Guhilas.
b Bayana, Hanumanghrh and Chitor under the Gurjara-Pratiharas, and
Mandor, Ranathambor, Sakambhari and Ajmer under the Chauhans and so on.

On the basis of various sources, a list of 131 places has been compiled for the
Chauhan dominions, most of which seem to have been towns. Nearly two dozen
towns are identified in Malwa under the Paramaras. Gujarat under the Chalukyas
was studded with port towns. The number of towns, however, does not seem to be
large in Eastern India although all the nine victorv camps (jayaskandavars) of the
Palas (Pataliputra, Mudgagiri, Ramavati, Vata Parvataka, Vilaspura, Kapilavasaka,
Sahasgand, Kanchanapura and Kanaui) may have been towns. To these may be
Kamesh Mechrocks
added four capitals of the Senas in northern and eastern Bengal,-.viz. -.
Lakhnaut~,
 in the Candellas records. The Palas and the Candellas also account for nearly twenty Urban Scttlancnts
and twentyfour fortresses respectively.

Sometimes, important trade and market centres were also conferred o n feudatory
families. Examples of such minor political centres a r e numerous in Karnataka,
Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan.
3
Check Your Progress 2
1) What led t o the transformation of some rural centres in to urban?

2) How did the trading activities help in the growth of towns?

3) Did religious centres p h y a role in the process of urbanisation?

4) Write five lines on "administrative centres a s towns".

-- - ---- - -- - -- -- --- -- ---

2.5 LET U S S U M U P --

The changes introduced by the system of land grants in the post-Gupta c e n t ~ ~ r i e s

were not confined t o a new agrarian economy. Urbdn settlements, which had been in
the state of decay in the few centuries after the arrival oT tlre Guptab, saw a new life
infused into them. The revival of trade, rise of new markets, dispersal of political
authority and consolidation of economic power by religious establishments had given
rise to numerous towns and cities in different regions of the lndian sub-continent
with only minor variations noticeable in the relative importance of causative factors.

2.6 KEY WORDS

Kurram : sometimes the same a s nadu (see below) but sometimes only a part of a
nadu.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Nadu :a district o r a subdivision; also used in the sense of the local asscmblv t o
E u l y Medltvd Economy : N r p n m / N a k h i r l / N u g i l l n u :a sort of merchant assembly located in market towns
-
8th 13th Century with wide ranging commercial interests.
Skrndhrvrr : military camps-functioning as mobile capitals.
Tirthr :sacred/ pilgrimage centre.

- --

2.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES

Check Your Progress 1

1) See Sec. 2.2 under the heading phrases and definition.
2) Your answer should include features like I a ~ y cst.ttlcr~len(s.dcllsc population,
large sections of people engaged ill iirtis;i~lcr;~ftsarltl conlnlcrcc ctc. See Sec.2.2
:1lso.

3) Seven such traits lihted in Sec. 2.2. Please read tllcrll and write in britt
five of them.
Check Your Progress 2
1) In some cases the rural e n t r e s provided a nuclei for the growth of urban
centres. At times rural centres became a point of convergence of trade and
developed in to towns. See Sub-sec. 2.4.1.
2) Your answer should include factors such as the' I ~ c a t i o nof place on it major
'
trade route, interaction of route or market for regional trade or inter-regional
trade of a port. See Sub-sec. 2.4.2.
3) A numbcr of religicrus centres developed in towns bccausc these were visited by a
vast number of people and in due course markets elc. developed. Also read
Sub-sec. 2.4.3 agaid.
4) You should write a s t o how adm~nistrativccentre\ or \c;lts of poucr dvvclopd
in established towns. Sec Sub-sec . 2.4.4.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 3 TRADE AND COMMERCE

Structure
3.0 Objectives
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Trade : Definition and Phases
3.3 The First Phase (c. A.D. 700-900)
3.3.1 Media of Exchange
3.3.2 Relative Decline of Trade
3.3.3 Urban Settlements : Decay
3.4 , The Second Phase (c. A.D. 900-1300)
3.4.1 Crafts and Industry
3.4.2 Coins and other Media of Exchange
3.5 Aspects of Trade
3 5.1 Inland Trade a) Commod~tiesof Trade and their Consumers. and
b) Trade Routes and Means o f Communications
3.5.2 Maritime Trade a) The Chief Participants
b) Cornmoditla Exchanged
c) Ports
d) Safety and Security of Merchants
3.5.3 Revival of Towns
3.6 Let Us Sum Up
3.7 Key Words
3.8 Answers to Check Your ~ ; o g ~ e sExercises
s

3.0 OBJECTIVES

After reading this Unit you should be able to explain:

the importance of trade and commerce in the overall economic history of India ,

during the six centuries between c.A.D. 700 and c.A.D. 1300,
the historical features of trade in two broad phases: i) c.700-900 and ii) c.900-
1300,
the relationship between trade and commerce with i) metallic-currency, ii) village
economy and iii) towns,
the role of crafts and industry in the trade operations,
about the commodities of trade and their consumers-both in the inland a & '
foreign trade,
the principal trade routes and means of communication, and
the role of political authorities in furthering the intemsts of traatr. I ?d
merchants.

-
3.1 INTRODITC'TIGX
---- --- .- ---
The study of urbar. settle-ireas UIA,,.,. 2,. in the cecond Umt would l r i n r ~

incomplete :f it is not reliltcd to trade and commeize. 5specr :.f Indian cconcnly
in the early rnecii=val cencmz: an integrai component. Like the tv~t pece2in:~
L1nits ( I and 21, 2r f-im: ;a iiii~cht&l~ a~er~!,orls
.- .
took place are ~ r iisved
Unit in the bdckarop of the deuelr~:.,tr.' c v -:.-.i,; f y L h i.-, Thp- n..turc and extin;
: in this

.,f tire ;.a. of r*.. I:, r:.? <CCC!~;,J~,~ J; md:Ltt th: -ole of Lgr-u;tbral production,
and s u g e ~;:. :. , . ~ . r d l t i ~~f
i i ~siban sc::leaeat: are i: terrelare. 'rv.lo;n;ct.: -
.:,
None of these 1s unreiated to the system of land :rants w5iiil ;!ledoj jeer.
described (Unit 1) as an almost all India phenome~~on u . l r i ~ bt>t c t ! ~ ~ ~ + lunder
r.,
Kamesh Mechrocks
discussion (eighth to thirteenth). One may even suggr~ttt~artrad: .d cLmmerLc too
3.2 TRADE :DEFINITION AND PHASES

The collection, distribution and exchange of goods is called trade. It is a process

which depends on a number of factors such as the nature and quantity of
production, facilities of transport, safety and security of traders, the pattern of
exchange, etc. It also involves different sections of society including traders,
merchants, peasants and artisans. In a somewhat indirect manner, even political .
authorities have a stake in it as taxes on the articles of commerce imposed by them
constitute an im~ortantsource of revenue of the state.
The historical features of trade during the early medieval times can be best
understood if we divide this period into two broad phases:
1) c.700-900 A.D.. and
ii) c 900-1300 A.D.

Briefly, the two phases are marked by :

a) relative decline of trade, metallic currency, urban centres and a somewhat
closed viUage economy in the first phase, and
b) reversal of most of the aforesaid tendencies in the second phase. So, one
notices trade picking up momentum not only within the country b$t in relation
to other countries as well. Metal coins were no longer as scarce as they were in
the first phase. Of course, it was not a phase of deeply penetrated monetary
economy as was the case in the five centuries following the end of the Mauryas
(c.200 B.C.-A.D.300). Nor did the pattern of urban growth remain
unaffected by the revival of trade and expansion of agriculture.

3.3 THE FIRST PHASE (c.A.D. 700-900)

The period from A.D. 750-1000 witnessed wide-spread practice of granting land not
only to priests and temples but also to wamor chiefs and state officials. As already
seen (Unit 1) it lead to the emergence of a hierarchy of landlords. Even graded state
officials such as maha-mmdaklvara, mandaka, =manta, mahammanta, thakkura,
ttc. developed interests in land. However, they were different from the actual tillers
uf the soil and lived on the surplus extracted from the peasants who were hardly left
with anything to trade. It resulted in the growth of rural economy where local needs
were being satisfied locally through the imposition of numerous restrictions on t'le
mobility of actual producers. The relative dearth of medium of exchange, viz.. m+tal
coins only strengthened this trend.

3.3.1 Media of Exchange

Zndia was ruled by many important dynasties between .A.D. 750 and 1000. These
include the Gujara Prathiharas in Western India, the Palas in Eastern India and
the Rashtrakutas in the Decan. All had the distinction of having been served by
some of the most powerful kings of the day, many of whom had very long lasting
reigns. It is astonishing that their available coins are very few and in no way
compare either in quantity or quality with the coins of earlier centuries. Since money
plays an important role in the sale and purchase of goods, the paucity of actual coins
and the absence of coin-moulds in archaeological finds lead us to believe in the
shrinkage of trade during the period under survey.

p o u g h first suggested by D.D. Kostimbi, it was the publication of Professor

R.S. Sharma's 1adi.n Ftmdrlkm in 1965 that brought to focus the paucity of coinage in
the post-Gupta times, its link with trade and commerce and consequent emergence of
feudal social formation. The subject has been keenly debated in the last twenty five
Kamesh Mechrocks
years. There have been four major types of responses :
ii), A cast study of Orissa substantiates complete absence of coins between c.A.D. Trade and Commerce
600 and 1200 but argues for-trade with Southeast Asia and emphasizes the role
of barter in foreign trade.

iii) Kashmir, on the other hand, shows emergence of copper coinage from about
the eighth century A.D. Extremely poor quality of this coinage has been
explained in terms of the decline of trade based economy and rise of
agricultural pursuits in the valley.

iv) Finally, a point of view questions not only the idea of paucity of coins but also
the decline in trade. This is based on the evidence from what is described as the
mid-Eastern India comprising Bihar, West Bengal and the present Bangladesh
during A.D. 750-1200. While it is conceded that there was no coined money
and that the Palas and Senas themselves did not strike coins, it is also argued
that there was no dearth of media of exchange. To illustrate, it is emphasized
that there was not only a long series of Harikela silver coinage but also cowries
and more importantly churni (money in the form of gold/silver dust) also
functioned as media of exchange.

Well, there may have been some regional exceptions but the all-India perspective fits
in the general hypothesis of Professor Sharma. Even with regard to the regional
exce~tions,the following questions require some attention:'
a) What was the nature and extent of such commercial activities?
b) Were such activities capable of giving rise to stable commercialised class?
C) Who took away the profits of this trade?
d) Did this so called flourishing trade gave any incentive to the toiling, subject
and immobile peasantry?

It is significant to note in this context that:

The relevant sources cited in the context of the mid-Eastern India, are silent about
the participation of indigenous people in the maritime trade of the area.
Even the limited trading activities were confined to the ruling elite.
The miserable conditions of the common man are reflected in the meaning of the
word vangali (literally, a resident of Bengal) which denoted somebody "very poor
and miserable".
Similarly, those who talk about India's trade with Southeast Asia may also do well
to keep in view the position of metal money in that region. Detailed study of
Cambodia, for example, shows that during the two centuries of post-Gupta times
(A.D. 600-800) Southeast Asia failed to evolve any system of coinage and barter
(largely based on paddy and only marginally on cloth) provided essentials of the
Khmer economy. Even when such early medieval coin types as the Indo-Sassanian.
Shri Vigraha, Shri Adivaraha, Bull and Horseman, Gadhaiya, etc. emerged in
Western and North western India and to some extent in the Ganga valley, they could
not make much dent in the overall economy. Apart from the doubts about the
period of emergence of these coins, their extremely poor quality and purchasing
power also indicate the shrinkage of their actual role, Further, in relation to the
rising population and expanding area of settlement, the overall volume of mon'ey
circulation was negligible. Hence, we can say that the case for the relative decline of
metallic money during the f m t phase is based on convincing empirical evidence. This
was bound to have an impact on India's trading activities.

3.3.2 Relative Decline of Trade

Internally, the fragmentation of political authority and the dispersal of power to
local chiefs, religious grantees, etc. seem to have had an adverse effect, at least in the
initial centuries of the land grant economy. Many of the intermediary landlords,
particularly of less productive areas, resorted to loot and plunder or excessive taxes
on goods passing through their territories. This must have dampened the enthusiasm
of traders and merchants. No less discouraging were the frequent wars.amongst
Kamesh Mechrocks
potential ruling chiefs. Though two Jain texts of the eighth century, 29
Early Medievd Framomy :
8th - 13th Century '
S.mnnicchaluha of Haribhadra Suri and the Kuvalayarmrh of Uddyotana Suri,
refer to brisk trade and busy towns, it is rightly argued that these texts heavily draw
their material from the sources of earlier centuries and. therefore, d o not necessarily
reflect the true economic condition of the eight century.

8. Coins of Tenth Century A.D. 1

As regards the decline of foreign trade with the West, it is pointed out that it bad
greatly diminished after the fall of the great Roman Empire in the fourth century. It
was also affected adversely in the middle of the sixth century when the people of
Byzantine (Eastern Roman Empire) learnt the art of making silk. lndia thus. lost an
important market which had fetched her considerable amount of gold in the early
centuries of the Christian era.
The decline of foreign trade was also caused by the expansion of Arabs on the
North-west frontiers of India in the seventh and eighth centuries. Their presence in
the region made overland routes unsafe for Indian merchants. A story in the
Kathacmritsagara tells us that a group of merchants going from Ujjain t o Peshawar
were captured by a n Arab and sold. Later, when they somehow got free, they
decided to leave the North-western region forever and returned to South for trade.
The fights amongst the Tibetans and Chinese during these centuries also affected the
flow of goods along the routes in central Asia. Even the Western coast of lndia
suffered dislocation and disruption of sea trade as the Arabs raided Broach and
Thana in the seventh lcentury and destroyed Valabh~.an important port on the
Saurashtra coast, in the eighth century. Though as we have pointed out. later, the
Arabs played an important part in the growth of Indian maritlme trade after the
tenth century; initially their sea raids had an adverse effect on the Indian commercial
activity. There are some references in the contemporary literature to India's contact
Kamesh Mechrocks
1 . . .
with Southeast Asia, but it is doubtful whether it could make up for the loss
x - .--I I. 0 . I .l ..r
3.3.3 Urban Settlements : Decay Tm& and Commerce

The first phase was also marked by-the decay and desertion of many towns. It is an
important symptom of commercial decline because the towns are primarily the
settlements of people engaged in crafts and commerce. As trade declined and the
demand for craft-goods slumped, the traders and craftsmen living in towns had to
disperse to rural areas for alternative means of livelihood. Thus towns decayed and
townsfolk became a part of village economy. Beside the accounts of Hiuen Tsang,
the Pauranic records too, while referring to Kali age indicate depopulation of
important cities. This seems to have been the continuation of the trend already
indicated by Varahamihira (5th century). Reference was made in Unit 2 t o the
excavated data from 140 sites. The decay of important towns such as Vaishali,
Pataliputra, Varanasi, etc. is evident from the archaeological excavations which
reveal poverty of structure and antiquities. The pan-Indian scene is marked by
desertion of urban centres or their state of decaysin the period between the third and
eighth centuries. Even those settlements which continued upto the eighth century,
were deserted thereafter. One can mention Ropar (in Punjab), Atranjikhera and
Bhita (in Uttar Pradesh), Eran (in Madhya Pradesh), Prabhas Patan (in Gujarat),
Maheswar and Paunar (in Maharashtra), and Kudavelli (in Andhra Pradesh) in this
category of urban settlements. Even the medieval greatness of Kanauj (in the
Farrukhabad district of Uttar Pradesh) for which several wars were fought amongst
the Palas, Pratiharas and the Rashtrakutas, has still to be testified by the excavator's
spade.

The commercial activity during the first phase of early medieval period had declined
but did not disappear completely. In fact, trade in costly and luxury goods meant for
the use of kings, feudal chiefs and heads of tkmples and monasteries continued to
exist. The articles such as precious and semi-precious stones. ivory, harses, etc.
formed an important part of the long distance trade, but the evidence for
transactions in the goods of daily use is quite meagre in the sources belonging to this
period. The only important article mentioned in the inscriptions are salt and oil
which could not be produced by every village, and thus had to be brought from
outside. If the economy had not been self-sufficient, the references to trade in grains,
sugar, textile, handicrafts, etc. would have been more numerous. In short the nature
of commercial activity during A.D. 750-1000 was such which catered more to the
landed intermediaries and feudal lords rather than the masses. Though there were
some pockets of trade and commerce such as Pehoa (near Karnal in Haryana) and
Ahar (near Bulandshahr in Uttar Pradesh) where merchants from far and wide met
to transact business, they could not make any significant dent in the closed economy
of the country as a whole.

Check Your Pmgm 1

I) Write in brief the important features of the economy during c. 700-900 A.D.!

2) Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark (d ) or (X).

i) According to R.S. Sharma then was decline of coinage during the post-
Gupta period.
ii) There was abundance of coins in Orissa between 600-1200 A.D.
L
iii) The poor quality of copper coins of Kashmir (around 8th century) can be
ascribed to the decline in trade.
iv) Kamesh Mechrocks
Apart from minted money there were no media of exchange during 8th-
Euly Medicvd Ecoaomy :
Bb- 1 s Century 3) How did the Arabs influence the Indian trade between 8th-12th centuries A.D.?

'4) Give main reasons for the decay of towns between'7th-9th centuries A.D.

3.4 THE SECOND PHASE (c.A.D.900 - 1300)

This phase is marked by the revival of trade and commerce. It was also the period of
agrarian expansion, increased use of money and the reemergence of market ,
economy in which goods were produced for exchange rather than for local
consumption. These dnturies also witnessed a substantial growth of urban
settlements in different parts of the sub-continent.

As already explained (Unit l), the widespread practice of land grants had been a
significant factor in agrarian expansion. Though it is recognised that it is not easy to
quantify this development, one can also not overlook the noticeable regional
variations and disparities. However, the period from the beginning of the tenth
century to thcend of the thirteenth was the age of greater production of both cereals
and pulses as well as of commercial crops. Naturally, it created a favourable climate
for widening the scope of both internal and external trade.

3.4.1 Crafts and Industry

The growth of agricultural production was supplemented by increased craft
production. In the first phase of early medieval period the decline of internal and
external trade meant the narrowing down of markets for industrial products. The
production remalned largely confined to local and regional needs. In the second
phase, however, we notice a trend towards increased crafi production which
stimulated the process of both regional and inter-regional exchange.

Textile Industry, which had been well established since ancient times, developed as a
major economic activity. Coarse as well as fine cotton goods were now being
produced. Marco Polo (A.D. 1293) and Arab writers praise the excellent quality of
cotton fabrics from Bangal and Gujarat. The availability of madder in Bengal and
indigo in Gujarat might have acted as important aides to the growth of textile
industry in these regions, Manaeohsa, a text of the twelfth century, also mentions
Paithan, Negapatinam, Kalinga and Multan as important centres of textile industry.
The silk weavers of Kanataka and Tamil Nadu also constituted a very important
and influential section of the society.

The oil industry acquired great importance during this period. From the tenth
hntury onwards, we get more references to the cultivation of oilstods as well as to
phanaka or oil mills. An inscription from Karnataka refers to different types of oil
pills operated both by men and bullocks. We also notice the affluence of oilmen
Kamesh
f6-1116-,,\ a...- Mechrocks
I.-".m- .C 6L-, ..-As-r,-L *La -...l...-..^r:..- C
. *--- .
..
---I .
.*
La
-
public works. -M iediater t h t the oil industry offered profits to its members. Trade and Commerce
Similarly, r e f e m to 8- bltivation and cane crushers in this period also
Endicate large scale production of jaggcry and other forms of sugar. Besides the agro-
based industry, the craftamanship in metal and leather goods too reached a high level
of excellence. The literary sou- refer to craftsmen connected with different types
of metale such as copper, brans, iraa, gold, silver, etc. A number of large beams at
Puri and Konarka temples in Orisaa indicate the proficiency of the iron smiths of
India in the twelfth ctntury. Iron was also used to manufacture swords, spearheads
hnd other arms and weapons of high quality. Magadha, Benaras, Kalinga and
%crashtra were known for the manufacture of good quality swords. Gujarat was
known for gold and silver embroidery. The Ginza records of the Jewish merchants
belonging to the twelfth century reveal that Indian brass industry was so well known
that the customers in Aden sent broken vessels and utensils to India to refashion
them according to their own specifications. The existing specimens of Cola bronzes
and those from Nalanda, Nepal and Kashmir display the excellence of the Indian
metal workers.

In the field of leather industry Gujarat occupied an enviable position. Marco Polo
mentions that the people of Gujarat made beautiful leather mats in red and blue
whicb were skilfully embroidered with figures of birds and animals. These were in ,

great demand in the Arab World.

3.4.2 Coins and Other Media of Exchange

The revival of trade received considerable help from the reemergence of metal
money during the centuries under discussion. There is, however, substantial
discussion about the degree and level of monetization. Very often the contenders of
the penetration of money in the market invoke literary and inscriptional references to
numerous terms purporting to describe various types of coins of early medieval
India. Thus texts such as Prabandhachintnrnanl, Lilavatf, Drivyapariksha,
bkbapddlmtf, etc. mention bhagaka, rupaka, virnshatika, karshapana, dinar,
dramnm, niahla, gadhaiya-rnudrn, pdyanaka, tanka, and many other coins with
their multiples. No less prolific are inscriptional references. For example the
Siyadoni inscription alone refers to varieties of drarnrnm in the mid-tenth century.
The Paramara Chalukya, Chahmana, Pratihara, Pala, Candella and Cola
inscriptions corroborate most of the terms found in contemporary literature. There
has also been considerable speculation about the value'of these coins, their metal
content and their relationship with one another. Nothing could be more simplistic
than to guggat the penetration of money in the market simply on the basis of listing
of numismatic gleanings from a mixed bag of inscriptions and literature. We need to
scrutinize the contexts of such references. Aspects requiring detailed exploration are:

i) Whether references to coins are in the context of exchanges in the rural area or
in the urban setting?
ii) the types of exchange centres and the nature of 'market" where such
transactions take place;
iii) - the personnel involved in these transactions; and
iv) o how far are the inscriptional references to coins only notional? etc.

As far as the actual specimens of coins are concerned, one can say that the practice
of minting gold coins was revived by Gangeyadera (A.D. 1019;1040); the Kalacuri
King of Tripuri (iri Madhya Pradesh) after a gap of more than four centuries.
Govindachandra, the Gahadavala King near Varanasi in Uttar Pradesh, the
Chandella rulers ~ift6varmanand Madanavarman in Central India, King Harsha of
Kashmir anddsome Cola Kings in Tamil Nadu also issued gold coins. Reference has
already been made above to certain early medievalcoin types in Western and North-
western I v i a . According to one estimate, about nine mints were founded in different
parts of Karnataka during the twelfth and thirteenth century. An important mint
functioned at Shrimol (near Jodhpur) in Rajasthan.

As far as the actual role of metal money is concerned, the little work that has been
Ann- ,.-r --,4n,nl LI.,:., A-.. A.,-
Kamesh
..-
L-I-
Mechrocks
A- .
-L - 3. .
Early Medieval Economy : Despite the plethora of references to coins, the evidence of overall volume of money
-
8th 13th Century
in circulation is almost negligible. Nor can one overlook the poor purchasing power
of early medieval coins, irrespective of the metal used. All coins of the period were
highly debased and reduced in weight. Also, in terms of the rising population and
expanding area of settlement, the use of money seems to have been highly restricted.
The case study of early medival Rajasthan shows that the revival of trade,
multiplication of exchange centres and markets and prosperity of merchant families
took place only with the help of "partial monetization". Similarly, the cash nexus on
the Western coast (Konkan area) under the Shilaharas (c. 6 . D . 850-1250) was also
marked by limited use of money. The types and denominations of coins remained
not only extremely localised but could not penetrate deep into the economic ethos.
Masses were far away from handling of coins. The currency system of South India
during A.D. 950-1300 also shows that transactions at all levels of the society were
not equally affected by coined money. For example, the fabulous expenses reported
to have been incurred by the Pandyas as regular buyers of imported horses cannot
be thought in terms of what we know as very poor Pandyan currency. Barter was
still an important means of exchange in local inter-regional and perhaps even in
inter-national commerce. There are references which indicate that carvanas of
merchants exchanged their commodities with those of other regions. According to
one account, horses imported from abroad were paid for not in cash but in Indian
goods which may have been silk, spices or ivory. These Indian goods enjoyed
constant demand in the markets all over the world.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Though the revival of even '"partial monetization" was contributing to economic Trade and Commerce
growth, yet no less significant was the parallel development of credit instrument by
which debits and credits could be transferred without the handling of cash money. In
the texts of the period we find references to a device called hundika or the bill of
exchange which might have been used by merchants for commercial transactions.
Through this device credit could be extended by one merchant to another and, thus.
the obstacle to commerce due to shortage of coined money could be overcome. The
Lakhapaddhati, a text which throws light on the life of Gujarat in the twelfth-
thirteenth centuries, refers to various means of raising loan for consumption as well
as commercial ventures t h r ~ u g hthe mortgage of land, house and cattle.

Check Your Progress 2

I) Briefly comment on the variety and qual~tyof textiles produced in India between
9th-13th centuries.

2) List the main metal works of Indian artisans between 9th-13th centuries.

3) Can we describe the economy between A.D. 9th-13th centuries as fully

dependent on minted coins?
................................................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................

3.5 ASPECTS OF TRADE

The increased agricultural production and the momentum picked by industrial and
e ---- .:---A L 2 -L- -- r. . - ...
craft production were responsible for giving rise to a hierarchy of exchange centres.
Kamesh Mechrocks
. r A-
E a l y Medieval Ecmwny : inter-regional and intra-regional exchange networks were creating cracks in the
-
nth 1% Century relatively closed village economy of the first phase (c. A.D. 750-900).

3.5.1 Inland Tnde

A large variety of commodities wen carried for trading through a network of trade
r 0 u t e s . i ~the country. h t us fvst discuss the commodities of trade.
..
8 ) Cohrmadltkc of T r u e and tbeir Cormurnem
There are numerous inscriptions which refer to merchants carrying foodgrgns, oil,
butter, salt, coconuts, arecanuts, betel leaves, madder, indigo, candid sugar, jaggtry,
thread cotton fabrics, blankets, metals, spices, etc. from one place to another, and
paying taxes and tolls on them. Benjamin Tudela, a Jesuit priest from Spain (twelfth
century) noticed wheat, barley and pulses, besides linstd fibre and cotton cloth
brought by the traders to the island of Kish in the Persian Gulf on their way home
from India. A1 Idrisi also refers to the transhipment of rice from the country of
Malabar to Sri Lanka in the twelfth century. The export of palm sugar and coir for
ropes is noted by Friar Jordanus who wrote in about A.D. 1330. Marco Polo refers
to the export of indigo from Quilon (on the Malabar Coast) and Gujarat. Besides,
cotton fabrics, carpets, leather mats, swords and spears also appear in various
sources a s important articles of exchange. High value items such as horses,
elephants, jewellery, etc. also came to various exchange centres.

The chief customers of Indian goods were of course the rich inhabitants of China,
Arabia and Egypt. Many of the Indian goods might have found their way to Europe
as well as via Mediterranean. While the aspects of foreign trade will be discussed at
length later, it needs to be highlighted that the domestic demand was not
insignificant. A new class of consumers emerged as a result of large scale landgrants
from the eighth century onwards. The priests who earlier subsisted on a meagre fees
offered at domestic and other rites were now entitled to hereditary enjoyment of vast
landed estates, benefices and rights. This new landowing class, along with the ruling
chiefs and rising mercantile class, became an important buyer of luxuries and
necessities because of their better purchasing power.

The brahmanical and non-brahmanical religious establishments, which commanded

vast resources in the form of landed estates and local levies, developed as important
consumers of almost all marketable goods. They required not only such articles as
coconuts, betel leaves and arecanuts, which had acquired great ritual sanctity, but
also increased quantity of food for presentation to gods or for distribution as
prrsndau. The personnel of religious establishments, which numbered up to many
hundreds in case of big and important temples, constituted an important consuming
group to be fed and clothed by peasants, artisans and merchants. Thus big temples
with their vast resources and varied requirements also helped in generating
commercial activity. This phenomenon was more marked in South India where many
temple sites became important commercial centres (See also Unit 2; Sub-sed2.4.3).

b) Tnde Routes and Means of Communication

A vast network of roads connected different ports, markets and towns with one
another and served as the channel of trade and commerce. The overland connections
amongst different regions is indicated by the itinerary of the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen
Tsang who came to Indk in the seventh century from across the Hindukush and
visited various towns and capitals from Kashmir in North to Kanchi in South and
from Assam in East to Sindh in West. An inscription of A.D. 953 refers to
merchants from Karnataka, Madhyadesha, South Gujarat and Sindh coming to
Ahada in Rajasthan for mercantile activities. Bilhana, an eleventh century poet from
Kashmir tells us about his travels from Kashmir to Mathura, and how he reached
Banaras after passing through Kannauj and Prayaga. From Banaras he proceeded to
Somanatha (on the Sautashtra coast) via Dhar (near Ujjain) and Anahilavada (in
North Gujarat). From Somanatha, he sailed to Honavar (near Goa), and then went
Kamesh Mechrocks
overland to Rameshwadm on the Eastern coast. Finally, he came t o Kalyani in
 Arabic and Persian accounts provide us a more detailed information on the
contemporary trade-routes. Albiruni (A.D. 1030) mentions fifteen routes which
started from Kannauj, Mathura, Bayana, etc'. The route from Kannauj passed
through Prayaga and went eastward up to the port of Tamralipti (Tamluk in the
Midnapur district of West Bengal), from where it went along the Eastern coast t o .
Kanchi in South. Towards the Northeast, this route led to Assam. Nepal and Tibet,
from where one could go overland to China. Kannauj and Mathura were also on the
route to Balkh in the North-west. This alsa joined Peshawar and Kabul and
tlltimately the Grand Silk route connecting China with Europe. This North-western
rob-* was the chief channel of commercial intercourse between India and Central
Asia in the pre-Gupta centuries. But in the early medieval period. it was largely
under the control of Arab and Turkish traders who used it primarily to bring horses
f r o q Persia, Balkh and other regions. The route starting from Bayana in Rajasthan
passed through the desert of Marwar, and reached the modern port of Karachi in
Sindh. A branch of this route passed through Abu in the Western foot of the Aravali
Hills, and connected ports and towns of Gujarat with Bayana. Mathura and other
places in North and North-western India. Another route from Mathura and Prayaga
proceeded to the port of Broach on the Western coast via Ujjain. These routes
played an important role in opening the interior of India to the international sea
trzde which acquired a new dimension in the post-tenth centuries. Besides roads, the
rivers in the plains of Northern India, and the sea route along thd Eastern and
Western coasts in South lndia also served as important means of inter-regional
contacts.
The pleasures and pains of travel in ancient times depended on the geographical
conditions of the trade routes. The routes through desert and hilly areas were
certainly more arduous and difficult. In the plains, bullock-carts were the chief
means of conveyance. but where they could not ply animals, human carriers were
employed to transport goods from one place to another. In the contemporary
literature, there are references to different types of boats which must have been used
in river traffic whereas big ships plied on the high seas.

A sign~ficantdevelopment in the post-tenth centuries was the keen interest shown by

I
rulers to keep the highways in their kingdoms safe. They took measures to punish
i thiefs and robbers and provided military as well as monetary help to villagers to
protect the traders and travellers passing through their region. The Chalukya kings
of Gujarat had a separate department called the Jiala-patha-karana to look after
h~ghways.They also built new roads to connect important ports and markets in their
state and excavated tanks and wells for the benefit of travellers. Trade being an
important source of revenue. political authorities had to be concerned about the
safety and well be~ngof traders and merchants. Marco Polo's reference to Cambay
as a place free from plrates ~nd~cates that lndian kings also took steps to safegu'ard
t h e ~ rports against piracy wh~ch%asa major threat all along the sea route from
South C h ~ n ato the Persian Gulf.
1
3.5.2 Maritime Trade
I
During this period.large scale trading activities were carried through sea. Here we
I
will d~scusSthe main countries engaged in sea trade, the commodities of trade, main
ports and security of the sea routes. Let us first start with the main participa'nts in
maritime trade.

i
a) The Chief Participants
The period under survey was marked by great expansion of sea trade between the

1.
I
two extremetles of Asia. vi7. the Persian Gulf and South China. lndia which lay
midway between the two extremeties greatly becefited from this trade. The hazards
of long aea \o}ages were sought to be curtailed by anchoring on the Indian coasts.

I 1he Asian trade during these centuries was largely dominated by the Arabs. After
ha\ing destroyed the important port and market ol' Valabh~o n the Saurashtra coast
I D the eighth century, they madc themselves the chief ma) ir~r:lc: force in the Arabian

Kamesh Mechrocks
Early Mediev J Economy : Ocean. Later in the ~welrtl:--.... U C L U I , . ~. ,mportant part~clpant~n
-
8th 13th Century
this trade and started lsending her olbn ships to Southeast Asia and lndia. However,
it did not affect the position of Arabs who continued to maintain their supreme hold
on the Asian trade.

Fragmentary informalion in indigenous sources and notices in foreign accounts

suggest that despite the forceful competition of the Arabs, Indians were going to the
lands beyond the seas for trade from the tenth century onwards.

Abu Zaid, an Arab author of the tenth century refers to lndian merchants visiting
Siraf in the Persian Gulf, while Ibn Battuta (14th century) tells us of a colony of
Indian merchants at Aden in the Red Sea. A Gujarati text of the 14th century refers
to a merchant Jagadu of Kutch who traded with Persia-with the help of lndian
agents stationed at Hormuz. In South India, the Colas, took keen interest in
maritime trade. The Tamil inscriptions found in Malaya and Sumatra ind~catethe
commercial activities of Tamil mercantile community in these regions. The Colas
also sent a number of embassies to China to improve economic relations with her.
They even sent naval expedition against the Srivijaya empire in the eleventh century
to keep the sea route to China safe for their trade. However, by and large the
references to the physical participation of Indian merchants are quite limited. This
did not affect the demand for Indian products which reached the outside world
through the Arabs and the Chinese. -

b) Commodities Exchanged -'..

As regards the articles involved in the Asian trade, the Chinese texts indicate that the
Malabar coast received silk, porcelain-ware, camphor, cloves. wax, sandalwood.
cardamom, etc. from China and South-east Asia. Most of these may have been the
items of re-export to the Arabian world, but some were meant for India, particularly
the silk which was always in great demand in local markets. Marco Polo informs us
that the ships coming from the East to the ports of Cambay in Gujarat brought,
among other things, gold, silver and copper. Tin was another metal which came to
India from South-east Asia.
I

In return-for eastern psoducts, India sent its aromatics and spices. particularly
pepper. According to Marco Polo pepper was consumed at lhe rate of 10.000 pounds
daily in the city of Kirisay (Hang-Chau) alone. Chab Ju Kua. a Chinese port official
of the thirteenth century, tells us that Gujarat, Malwa. Malabar and Coromandel
sent cotton cloth to China. It is pointed out by Ibn Batruta (A.D. 1333) that fine
cotton fabrics were rarer and more highly priced than SIUin the cities of China.
India also exported ivory, rhinoceros horns, and some precious and semiprecious
stones to China.

A number of Arabic inscriptions found at Cambay. Samaratha and Junagadh reveal

that merchants and shippers from the Persian Gulf visited Westerh lndia in the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The ships coming to the Gujarat coqst from Hormuz
in the Persian Gulf are also mentioned in the Lekhapaddhati.

As regards the articles of trade with the Arab and the Western World, thy Jewish
merchants carried many goods from the West coast of India to the Egyptian
markets. These included spices, aromatics, dyes, medicinal herbs, bron7e and brass
vessels, textiles, pearls, beads, coconuts, etc. India also exported teakwood which
was required for .ship-building and house construction in the almost treeless areas of
Persian Gulf and South Arabia. Some surplus food-grains, mainly rice, were also
sent out from the Indian ports to the communities in other coastal regions which did
not produce enough foodstuffs to meet their needs. The fine and embroidered leather
mats of Gujarat were according to ~ a r c Poloo highly priced in the Arab world.
India was also known for its iron and steel products, particularly the swords and
spears, which enjoyed a wide market in Western countries.

As far as imports from the West are concerned, the most significant item was the
horse. As the number of feudal lords and chiefs increased in the early medieval
period, the demand for' horses also increased manifold. Horses were brought both by
land and sea. Ibn Battuta tells us that horse-dealers coming through the North-
western land routes earned large profits. According to an Arab author, Wassaf
Kamesh Mechrocks
(A.D. 13281 more than 10.000 horses were hroueht annuallv to the Coromandel
coast, Cambay and other ports of India in the thirteenth century. Horses were Tmdr m n d Commerce
brought from such p l a a s a s B a h ~ i n Muscat,
, Aden, Persia, etc. Besides horses,
dates, ivory, coral, emtralds, etc. were also brought to India from the West.

10. A 16th century plnting from Thiruppudaimnruthur Temple in Tirundveli district showing Arab
troden and horse being brought an ships.

c) Ports
There were a number of ports on the Indian coasts, which not only served the inland
trade network but also acted as a link between the eastern and western trade. In fact;
almost every creek that cou!d provide facility for a safe anchorage of ships,
developed into a port of some national or international significance.
On the mouth of the Indus,, Debal was an important port which according to
Al Idrisi (twelfth century), was visited by vessels from Arabia as well as from China
and other Indian ports. Chief ports on the Gujarat coast were Somanatha, Broach
and Cambay.

Somanatba had links with China in the East and Zanzibar (in Africa) in the West,
Broach or ancient Bhrigukachha has had a very long history. Cambay is known as
Khambayat in Arabic sources, and Stambhatirtha in Sanskrit sources. Its earliest
reference goes back to the ninth century A.D. Sopara and Thana were other
important ports on the Western coast of India.
I

On the Malabar coast, Quilon had emerged as the most important port. The Arab
Writers tell us that ships coming from the West called at the port of Quilon for
collecting fresh water before sailing for Kedah in South-east Asia. Similarly, the
Chinese sources of the thirteenth century also state that Chinese traders going to the
country of the Arabs had to change their ships at Quilon.
During the three centuries between the tenth and thirteenth, the Coromandel coast
deveIoped into a virtual clearing house for the ships coming from the East and West.
The Arab author, Wassaf, tells us that the wealth of the isles of the Persian Gulf and
the beauty of other countries as far as Europe is derived from the Coromandel coast
The most important port in this region was Nagapattinam. Puri and Kalingapattam
pxre important ports on the Orissa coast. In Bengal the fortunes of Tamralipti were
reviving though according to some scholars, it was being superceded by another port
of 'Saptagrama.

d ) Safety and Security of Merchants

t-r r Z- rL- I--:llr:-- :>-a r-
Kamesh Mechrocks
In view of the heavy returns, the contemporary political authorities showed keen
---- L---- J 1- I--_I-- A_->-
 Euly Mcdkd Ecolw#ly :
&b -
13th Century
Chalukyas of Gujarat (10th-ljth centuries) set up a separate department of harbours
(VelakulaL.rana) under royal control. In South India too, the Cola Kings managed
:heir ports through royal officials who, with the- help of local merchant
organisations, looked after the foreign merchants and collected the portcesses. The
Arab writers unaniniously praise the Rashtrakuta kings for their policy of peace and
toleration towards the Arabs. The Chalukyas of Gujarat also granted religious and
economic freedom tb the muslim merchants in their state. Ibn Battuta tells us that
whenever a foreign merchant died, his property was not confiscated but kept in sal
custody to be handed over to the next of kin. An inscription 0f.A.D. 1244 found a
Motupalli in the Guntur district of Andhra Pradesh reveals that the King guarante
p~otectionto the s t o m strayed ships and promised to collect duty as per the law 0.
land in order to win over the confidence of foreign merchants.

3.53 Revival of Towns

The second phase of early medieval India (c.900-1300 A.D.) was a departure from the
preceding two centuries in so.far as it is marked by a very distinctive revival of
urban centres. This revival became an almost all India phenomenon. It is often
described as the "third urbanisation" of the lndian sub-continent. (For details see
Unit 2.)

Check b u r Progress 3

i) a) List -the mcaittaitems of land trade which find mention in inwriptiom.

1 ...................................................................
. . . . . . I............................... ....................

\ '
, . . ...........
....................................................................................................
. . ...................

b) Haw did the rdligioils-establishrne~~ts

help'in trading acti+ities'?

................................................................................................................

2) Describe-briefly the main land routes used for trading purposes.

3) Mark (d ) against the right and ( X ) against the wrong statements given below :
i) The Indian goods reached to outside world through Chinese and Arab
merchants.
ii) The main owrseas trading activities were undertaken by rndian merchants.
iii) Some inscriptions in Malaya and Sumatra indicate the presence of Tamil .
merchants.
iv) There was a settlement of Indian merchants in Aden.

4) a) Write five lines on the import of horses in India.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Tmde and Commerce

b) List 2 ports each of East, We3, and South coasts of India dl*.. .he peril
under study.

3.6 LET U S SUM U P

The present study of trade and commerce during c.A.D. 700-1300 has focussed on :
the two phases of inland and foreign trade,
the nature and extent of the use of metal coins and. the role of other media of
i exchange in the trade network,
contribution of expansion of agriculture and increased agricultural production in
i furthering interests of trade, and
I impact of trade and commerce on the condition of towns through the centuries.
I
The overall picture of trade and commerce during the six centuries under discussion
is that of feudalisation. The way in which money transactions took place, the
manipulations of landed interests including those of state officials and ruling chiefs,
functioning of the ruling elite in the interests of big traders and merchants and
putting restrictions on artisans and craftsmen (see also Unit 4) are indicators of the
process of feudalisation.

3.7 KEY WORDS

Ghnnnkn : Oil mill.

I Jnlnpnthnknrann : Department1 Officer for looking after highways;

Market : Space where buying and selling of goods take place as a regular activity.
I Tellika : Oilman.
I

Velakuln-Knrnnn : Department1 Officer for harbours.

ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
I Check Your Progress 1
I I) The first phase is marked by the decline of trade, metallic currency and urban
I centres and the second phase by the reversal of these. See Sec. 3.2.
Ii 2) i)J ii) X iii)J iv) X Also see Sub-sec. 3.3.1.
I 3) The Arab presence in the North-west and the sea raids adversely affected the
I Indian trade. However, from 10th century onwards they contributed to the
growth of Indian sea trade. See Sub-sec. 3.3.2.
4) The main reason for the decay of town was the decline of trade. 41~0
See
Sub-sec. 3.3.2.
Kamesh Mechrocks
h r l y Medieval Economy :
-
8th 13th Century
Check Your Progress 2
1) India produced cotton and silk textiles. Their quality was comparable with the
best textiles in the world. See Sub-sec. 3.4.1.
2) The main metal works were iron, copper, gold, silver, etc. See Sub-sec 3.4.2.
3) There is a noticeable increase in minted money but a number of transactions
were carried through exchange of commodities. The economy was not fully
dependent on minted money. See Sub-sec. 3.4.2.

Check Your Progress 3

1) a) Compare with Sub-sec. 3.5.1 (a)
b)
The religious establishments with their vast resources generated a demand
for a number of commodities. See Sub-sec 3.5.1 (a) .

2) A number of routes are mentioned in contemporary sources. See Sub-sec.

3.5.1 (b).

4) a) See Sub-sec. 3.5.2 (b).

b) West-Broach, Cambay; East-Puri, Kalingapator; South-Quilon,
Coromandel.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 4 ' TRADING COMMUNITIES A N D
ORGANISATION

Structure
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Trader as a Link
4.3 Position of Merchants during the First Phase
(c.A.D.700-900)
4.4 Position of Merchants during the Second Phase
(c. A.D. 900-1 300)
4.5 Social Role of Traders
4.6 Organisation of Traders
1.6.1 Guilds : Definition and Fundions
4.6.2 Organisation of Trading Guilds in South India
4.7 Relationship Between Merchants and Craftsmen
4.8 Let Us Sum Up
4.9 K e y Words
4.10 .Ann-ers to Check Your Progress Exercises

4.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you should be able to explain the:
relative position of traders and merchants in the society during the two major
dhases of early medieval India, viz. c.A.D.700-900 and c.A.D.900-1300,
regional characteristics of trading communities,
major activities of traders,
types of traders and merchants,
character and conduct of traders,
trading guilds and their functioning-both in the North and South India, and
control of merchants on artisans and craftsmen.

4.1 INTRODUCTION

Units 2 and 3 in this Block sought to explain the role of trade and commerce in the
economic activity and its linkage with the growth of towns and cities. Their place in
the overall growth of feudal tendencies was also emphasized.The present Unit ought
t o be seen as a complementary facet. An attempt has been made here to demarcate
the role of traders and merchants in the society with reference to their organised
economic activities. The fluctuations in their relative positidn through centuries have
also been shown. The Unit also draws special attention to the overawing influence of
big merchants o n petty artisans and craftsmen.

TRADER A S A LINK

The traders form an important link between producers and consumers. They collect
agricultural surplus and products of artisans and craftsmen from different regions
Kamesh Mechrocks
and distribute them over a wlde area. They trade not only in finished goods but also
During the early medieval centuries, the process of collection and distribution of
goods involved a large number of merchants, big as well as small, local as well as
inter-regional. There were hawkers, retailers and other petty traders on the one hand
and big merchants and caravan traders on the other. The relative position of traders
and merchants in the society is related to the two phases of commercial activity
outlined in Unit 3. While their role was adversely affected during the first phase
(A.D. 700-900) on account of limited commercial exchange, the revival of trade in
the second phase (A.D. 900-1300) led to considerable increase in the status,
effectiveness and power of merchant communities. The ancient Indian texts specify
trade along with agriculture and cattle rearing as the lawful means of livelihood for
vaishjjas. In the seventh century, the Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsang distinctly
mentions vaishyas as traders and shudras as cultivators. However, the process of the
two coming closer had already started and shudras were undertaking trade in such
articles as wine, honey, salt malt, etc. The barriers of brahmanical varna order were
crumbling in the post-Gupta centuries and people were adopting professions cutting
across varna divisions. Trade was followed by the people of all varnas and castes.
Lome were compelled t o take it up while others found it more lucrative than other
economic activities.

4.3 POSITION OF MERCHANTS DURING THE FIRST

PHASE (c. A.D. 700-900)

In view of the relative decline of trade during these centuries, the role of merchants
in the society was considerably eroded. As trade slumped and markets disappeared,
the merchants had to seek patronage and shelter with the temples and other
emerging landed magnates. It robbed them of their independent commercial activity,
and forced them to cater to the needs and requirements of their patrons. Some
inscriptions from Orissa and Central India reveal that traders, artisans and
merchants were amongst those who were transferred to donees. This must have
meant a serious reduction in their free trading activities. Nor is there any significant
evidence of administrative role being assigned to merchants between the eighth and
tenth centuries. This is in obvious contrast to their role in administration evident
from seals and sealings from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar during the Gupta period.
However, trade did not disappear completely, some merchants were still active,
particularly along the coast. But they were small in number and their activities were
largely confined to the luxury articles required by kings, chiefs and temples. In South
India too, trade was not a very important activity during the centuries under survey.
This is indicated by the relative absence of the mention of merchants as a distinct
class in the records of the period. In other words, it can be said that the first phase
of early medieval India was marked by the thinning away, if not disappearance, of
the prosperous and free merchant class.

4.4 POSITION OF MERCHANTS DURING THE

SECOND PHASE (c.A.D.900-1300)
The second phase of early medieval India brought the mercantile community back
into prominence, and we notice large number of merchants carrying luxury and
essential goods from one place to another. They accumulated fabulous wealth
through commercial exchanges and acquired fame in society by making gifts to
temples and priests. Macy of them look active part at various levels of
administration, and even occupicd the ministerial positions in royal courts.

The literature and inscriptions of the period refer to the large number of merchants
who were known by the specialised trade they followed. Thup, we come across
dealers in gold, perfumes, wine, grains, horses, textiles, curds. betels, etc. Some of
the merchants employed retailers or assistants to help them In trading activities. As
inter-regional trade developed a group of merchants specialised in examining and
Kamesh Mechrocks
r h n n o i n o rninc fnr trader-.
 Moneylending also became one of the major activities of mrcbants. Though people
deposited money in temple treasury for the religious purpose of endowing flowers.
oil, lamps,. there are very few referenas to guilds accepting deposits and paying

I interest thereon. There emerged a separate group of merchants, called

nikrhcpa-vaalla in western India, who specialised in banking o r moneylending. The
Ldrb.prddb.ti, a text from Gujarat, rdem to a m e r c h n t ' ~mn who claimed hin share
in the ancestral property to start the business of moneylending. Medhatithi, a legal
commentator, speaks of the association or corporation of moneylenders. The
contemporary literature, however, presents a bad picture of moneylenders and
describes them as greedy and untrustworthy who cheat common man by
misappropriating deposits.

This period also witnessed the emergence of many regional merchant groups, i.e. the
merchants-who were known after the region they belonged to. They were mostly
from Western India. As this region had a wide network of important land routes
connecting coastal ports with the towns and markets of northern India, t k
merchants of certain specific places in this region found it more profitable to
specialise in inter-regional trade. Thus, the merchant groups called Oswal derive their
name from a place called Osia, Palivalas from Patlli, Shrimali from Shrimala,
-' .
Modha from Modhera and so on. Most of them are now a days collectively known
as Marwaris, i.e. the merchants from Marwar. Apart from their functional and
regional names, merchants were also known by various general terms, .the two most
common being-shreshthi and sarthavaha. Both these terms were known from very
early times.

1 I
Sresthi was a rich wholesale deakr who lived in a town and carried on his business
with the help of retailers and agents. At times he lent out goods or money t o small
merchants, and thus acted a s a banker too, though, as we have already pointed out,
moneylending was becoming a separate and specialiscd activity.
I
The sarthavaha was the caravan leader under whose guidance the merchants went to
distant places to sell and purchase their goods. He was supposed to be a highly
capable person knowing not only the routes but also the languages as well as the
rules of exchange in different regions.
I
The expansion of agriculture and the availability of surplus from the 8th19th century
onwards led t o increase in commercial exchanges in South India too. It resulted in
the emergena of a full time trading community looking after the local exchange.
This community also participated in wider inter-regional and inter-oceanic trade. As
in the North, South Indian merchants too specialised in the trade of specific
commodities such as textiles, oil or #me, betd leava, hones, ctc. At the local h4
regional markets called nr-m were the centres of exchange. They were situated in
a cluster of agrarian settlementg, and they integrated not only collection from
hinterland but also commercial traffic from other areas.

The numbers of these n a p r a m s increased considerably during the Cola period in the
I
eleventh and twelfth centuries, and the term napnttu, i.e. member of the napmu
assembly, became a generic term for all Tamil merchants (See also Unit 2; Sub*.
2.4.2).

1) Mark (J 1, on the right and ( X ) on t k wrong statarrznts pAen below.

i) J3e mcrchaats had a promincmt position in the vu,.i:h dr:rivg -be ~ r ~ c ~ i
C. A.D. 700-900.

ii) Ciriwx travelkr H i m Tsang menttcm vaishva. a. tsi i d e ~ai 112 5hudfi:b
as cultivators.
iu) Dtrieg the second phase (A.D 900-1 Wt m-T>apt. r -1 r. :.;ltc.< r .-en i g l
the sratc administration.
iv) Sredhi w ~ ss small retailer nlcrchant.

I V) Naprum were Kamesh Mechrocks

prcmiticnt ~rar!inp centres.
Early Medlevll Ecoaomy : : e lines a n the practiu of money lending during the pctioc!
W ~ t five
8th- 13th Century
1.D. 900-1300.

4.5 SOCIAL ROLE OF TRADERS

As growth of trade brought economic prosperity t o merchants, they sought to gain

social prestige by participating in the maintenance of temples, priests and teligious
functions. Numerous inscriptions refer to the grant of cash or goods by merchants
for these purposes. Same merchants became very influential and joined the ranks of
state officials and ministers. A tenth century inscription refers to a merchant of
Modha caste who was the chief of Sanjan (near Thane) in Maharashtra. In Gujarat,
the merchant family of Vimala played an important role in the political and cultural
life of the region. He and his descendants Vastupala and Tajapala occupied
important minis@rial positions a t the court and are known for building the famous
marble temples dedicated to Jaina gods at Mount Abu. A thirteenth century
inscription from central Gujarat reveals that many important merchants, traders and
artisans were a part of the local administrative bodies.

Character and Condwt of Tradem

The foreign authors and travellers such as Al-Idrisi (twelfth century) and Marco Polo
(thirteenth century) praise Indian traders for their truthfulness and honesty in
business dealings. But in the contemporary Indian literature we come across many
instances of greedy and dishonest merchants. The Kashmiri author Kshemendra
refers to a typically selfish merchant who used to feel ovejoyed at the approach of a
famine or some other calamity because he could expect good money on his hoarded
foodgrains. A text af the eleventh century from Western India, divides merchants in
two main class-on the basis of their position and character-high and low. It points
out that rich merchants who indulged in large scale sea or land trade enjoyed great
reputation while small merchants such as hawkers, retailers, etc. who cheated people
by using false weights and measures were looked down upon in society. It also
includes artisans in the list of dishonest people. It may, however, be noted that some
of these views reflect the contemporary feudal tendency in which persons working
with their own hands and resources were considered low in society.

4.6 ORGANISATION OF TRADERS

The merchants derived their power and prestige not only from wealth but also from
the guilds or associations formed by them to protect their interests. In the first phase
the decline of trade weakened the corporate activity of merchants, and many of the
guilds were reduced t o mere regional or occupational subcastes. But as trade revived
in the second phase, merchant guilds reappeared as a n important feature of the
contemporary economic life.

4.6.1 Guilds : Defmition and Functions

What was a merchant guild? How did it function? What were the benefits which
accured to its members? These are important questions to be answered. Well the
guilds were voluntary associations of merchants dealing in the same type of
commodity such as grains, textiles, betel leaves, horses, perfumes, etc. They were
formed by both local as well a s itinerant merchants. The association of local
Kamesh Mechrocks
merchants having permanent residence in town was more permanent in nature thdn
t the association of itinerant merchants which was formed only for a specific journey mdb~
ceerllld(kr .ad
and was terminated a t the end of each venture. O
m-

The guilds framed their own rules and regulations regarding the membership and the
code of conduct. They fixed the prices of their goods and could even decide that
specific commodity was not to be sold on a particular day by its members. They
could refuse to trade on a particular day by its members. They could refuse to trade
in a particular area if they found the local authorities hostile or uncooperative. The

I
. guild merchants also acted as the custodians of religious interests. The inscriptions
refer to numerous instances when they collectively agreed to pay an additional tax
on the sale and purchase of their goods for the maintenance of temples or temple
functions.

The guild normally worked under the leadership of a chief who was elected by its
members. He performed the functions of a magistrate in deciding the economic
affairs of the guild. He could punish, condemn or even expel those rpembers who
violated the guild rules. One of his main duties was to deal directly with the King,
and settle the market tolls and taxes on behalf of his fellow merchants. The growth
of corporate activity enabled guildchiefs to consolidate their power and position in
society, and many of them acted as the representative of their members on the local
administrative councils.

A member of the guild worked under a strict code of discipline and was also robbed
of some initiative or action but still he enjoyed numerous benefits. He received full
backing of the guild in all his economic activities and was, thus, saved from the
harassment of local officials. Unlike a hawker or vendor, he had greater credibility in

1
the market on account of his members ip of the guild. Thus, inspite of the fact that
guildchiefs tended to be rude and aut oritative at times, the merchants found guilds
an important means of seeking physical and economic protections.

The digests and commentaries of the period refer to the corporate body of merchants
by various terms, such as naigama, shreni, samuha, sartha, samgha, etc. The
naigama is described as an associatio~!of caravan merchants of different castes who
travel together for the purpose of carrying on trade with other countries. Shreni,
according to Medhatithi, was a group of people following the same profession such
as that of traders, moneylenders, artisans, etc. though some authors considered it to
be a group of artisans alone. The Lekhapaddhati indicates that a special department
called the Shreni-karana was constituted by the kings of western India to look after
the activities of the guilds of merchants and artisans in their region. Another text
Manasollasa reveals that many merchant guilds maintained their own troops
(shrenibala) for personal safety. Inscriptions too refer to the corporate activity of
merchants. An inscription from western India refers to vanika-mandala which was
probably a guild of local merchants.

4.6.2 Organisation of Trading Guilds in South India

The expansion of agriculture and the growth of trade from the tenth century led to
the emergence of many merchant guilds or organisations in South India too. The
inscriptions refer to these organisations often as samaya, i.e. an organisation born
out of an agreement or contract among its members to follow a set of rules and
regulations.
The two most important merchant guilds of South India were known as the
Ayyavole and the Manigraman. Geographically, the area of their operation
corresponded to the present day state of Maharashtra, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and
South Andhra Pradesh. The Cola kings from the tenth century onwards made a
concerted effort to trade and commerce through trade missions, maritime
expeditions, abolition of tolls, etc. It greatly increased the activities of thew guilds
which were involved in not only inter-regional but also inter-oceanic trade across thc
Bay of Bengal.

The merchant guild called Ayyavole was also known as the guild of "the 500 Swami
of Aihole" nanadeshi. While some have argued that such organisations were
primarily traders in various types of merchandise and not a single unified
Kamesh Mechrocks
corporation of merchants, a detailed study of Kannada Ayyavole shows that the
The organisation might have had an initial membership of .500. But there is no
denying the fact that with the growth of trade and commerce, the Vim B8nanj.s
(representing the trading guild of Ayyavok) operafed on a trans-regional plane and
had developed deep s o c i ~ c o n o m i cinterests between the ninth and fifteenth
centuries. They spread from Bhalvani (in Sangli district in Maharashtra) in the north
t o Kayalpattinam (in Tamil Nadu) in the South. The number "five hundred" also
became conventiowl as the guild became a much larger body and drew its members
from various regions, religions and castes. It is in this context that the term
~ n a d e s h came
i to be used for this organisation.

In course of outward expansion, the members of the Ayyavole guild interacted with
the local markets called n a y m m , and promoted commercial activity by collecting
agricultural goods fiom the hinterland and distributing the goods brought from
elsewhere. The commercial influence of Ayyavole spread even beyond South India. It
is indicated by the inscriptions found at .Burma. Java. Sumatra and Sri Lanka. As
the mercantile activities of Ayyavole increased, some of its members became quite
rich and powerful, and acquired the title of samaya chakravarti. i.e. the emperor of
.
the trading organisation. It may suggest that as in the North, certain individual
,.
Kamesh Mechrocks
merchants in South too were trying to establish their control on the working of
>
 Another important merchant guild of South, India was the M n n i y m m . It first
appeared along the Kerala coast in the ninth century A.D. However, as i t gradually
came into close contact, with the Ayynvole, it greatly improved upon its
inter-regionhl activities and covered a large part of the peninsula. A ninth century
Tamil inscription found at Takua pa on the West coast of Malaya indicates that it
was engaged in the long distance sea trade from the very beginning.

A n j u v n ~ n mwas another body of merchants in South India, which probably

represented an association of foreign merchants, and not a group of five
communities or castes as some scholars believe. Like the Mnnigramnm, it also began
its commercial activity along the Kerala coast in the eighth or ninth century, and
gradually spread out to other coastal areas of South India by the eleventh century. It
interacted both with local merchants as well as the Ayynvole and Manigramam
organisations.
The importance acquired by trading guilds is apparent in the conscious attempt to.
trace exalted genealogies of traders of various corporations. The Vira Bananjas of
the Ayyavole, for instance, are said to have been born in the race of Vasudeva and
their qualities are compared with those of various epic heroes. A typical prashasti
(panegyric) of the Vira Bananjas may be seen in the following description found in
the Kolhapur stone inscription of the Shilahar King Gandarditya dated in A.D. 130 :

"Hail! They who are adorned by a multitude of Dumerous virtues obtained by

following the religion of the Five hundred Heroic Men renowed in the whole
world; who are virtuous by reason of the maintenance of the code of the heroic
Bananjas consisting of truthfulness, pure conduct, agreeable behaviour, political
wisdom, courtesy and mercantile knowledge .....who are exalted with their
unfailing adventurous spirit ....who are born in the race of Vasudeva, Khandali
and Mulabhadra ...who are invincible when they fight; who are like Brahma in
respect of proficiency of the sixtyfour arts; like Narayana in the possession of
C h n h (discuss); like Rudra, who is the fire of the world destruction in slaying
their opponents by their gaze....who are like Rama in perseverence; like
Aj u n a in valour; like Bhisma in purity of conduct; like Bhima in adventurous
spirit; like Yudhishtira in righteousness ...... like Karna in charity and like the
sun in brilliance......"
In short, the vast trading network in South India was controlled by a number of
merchant organisations which worked in close cooperation and harmony with one
another. The guildchiefs, on account of their control on trade and trading
organisations, established close links with the royal houses and enjoyed great name
and fame in the society.

4.7 RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MERCHANTS AND

CRAFTSMEN
The exact nature of relationship between the merchants and craftsmen, the two
interdependent sections of commercial world, is not recorded in the contemporary
sources. It is, therefore, not known whether craftsmen such as weavers, metal-
workers, etc. acted independently or worked under the command of merchants who
supplied them money or raw material or both. There is. however, some evidence to
suggest that as merchants came to exert greater control on the mobilisation of raw
material and finished products, their influence on the activities of artisans increased
considerably.
Albiruni, who came to India in the eleventh century as well as Lakshmidhara, a
jurist of the twelth century, tell us that artisans lived in the midst of merchants. It
may suggest that merchants supplied capital and raw material to artisan^ who were
to produce goods as per the demand and specifications provided by merchants. An
inscription of the 1lth century from Erode in Tamil Nadu refers to an asylum given
by merchants to the craftsmen, and thus indicates the dependence of the latter on the
----La-. ,.--..-:....*:,.-m A " *-..A- A
. Kamesh Mechrocks*.-
A,
.
--
--
.- A....al,.-..A L..-... *--AaA
E u l y Medieval Economy : ability of artisans to market their goods personally. There are references to some
8th --13th Century oilmen and weavers who sold their goods themselves and became rich enough to
make endowments to temples and priests. In general, the artisans and craftsmen
during the early medieval period were economically dependent on big merchants.

meel Your Prgm 2

1) What role merchants played in Administration?

2) Mark (d ) on the right and ( X ) on the wrong statements given below.

i) Al-Idrisi and Marco Polo praise Indian merchants for their honesty.
ii) During the period under study people working with their own hands were
considered low in society.
iii) Guilds were established by the state to regulate trading.
iv) Murignmrrm, the merchant guild in South India came into existence along the
Kerala mast.
v) During the period of our study artisans controlled the merchant activities.

3) Define the Guilds d merchants. List their main functions.

4) What was the role of Ayyavole in the expansion of tradingactivities in Soutll India'.'
................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................

4.8 LET US SUM UP

Seeing trader as a n important link between the producer and consumer, this Unit
underlined :
Kamesh Mechrocks
the ups and downs in The relative position of traders and merchants in early
 the centuries of relative decline in trade(c.A.D. 700-m), with the thinning
away, if not the complete disappearance of the prosperous and free merchant
class;
the revival of trade and commerce during C.A.D.~OO-1300bringing the mercantile
community back into prominence by accumulating fabulous wealth and acquiring
fame in society by making gifts to religious establishments. Many traders also
! become influential with administrative set-up;
emergence of regional merchant groups;
' organisations of traders, viz. guilds, which regulated corporate activity of
merchants;
trans-regional and inter-oceanic activities of guilds in South India;
the role of itinerant traders; and
growing hold of big merchants over artisans and craftsmen.

4.9 KEY W0RD.S

'
N a p r a m : see Unit 2.
Naprattar : member of nagnram.
N d p m : trading guild.
Nandahi : guild of traders having a membership from different regions and castes.
Pnrha8ti : descriptionsi, of exaggerated praise.
Suthavnha : carvan leader.
Shreni : general term for guild of traders, artisans and craftsmen.
Shrenibala : fighting force maintained by guilds.
Shreshthi : general term for trader.

4.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES

Check Your Progress 1 9

1) i) X ii)J iii)J iv) X (Sreshti was a rich wholesale dealer ) v)J

I 2) During this period money lending was emerging as a specialised commercial practice.
See section 4.4.
Check Your Progress 2

1) Your answer should include the influence of merchants in society and their position
in administration. Also read section 4.5.
2) i)J ii)J iii) X iv)J V)X (artisans were mostly dependent on merchants)
I 3) The guilds were voluntary associations of merchants dealing in the same
commodity. The main functions of guild were to fix the prices, area of activity,
decide market regulations, etc. See subsection 4.6.1.
4) The Ayyavole was the guild of merchants in South 1ndia.This was a strong body of
merchants and contributed to the expansion of trade not only in South India but
overseas also.

I SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

Kamesh Mechrocks
Jha, D.N., ed. Feudo1 Social Formation in Early India, Delhi, 1987
E u l y Medieval Economy :
-
8th 13th Ccntuq
Sharma, R.S. Indian Feudalism, 2nd ed., Delhi, 1980.
R.S. Sharma, Perspectives in Social and Economic History of Early India, New
Delhi, 1983.
R.S. Sharma, Urban Decay in India, c.300-1000, New Delhi, 1987.
Thapar Romila, A Hisiory of India, London, 1983.
Jain V.K., Trade and Traders in Western India (A.D. 1000-1 300) Delhi, 1990.
Deyall John S., Living Without Silver; The Monetary History of h r l y Medieval North
India, Delhi, 1990.

Kamesh Mechrocks
I UNIT 5 SOCIAL ORGANISATION
Structure
, 5.0 Objectives
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Sources for the Reconstruction of Society
5.3 Brahmanical Perspective: Growing Rigidity
5.4 Voice of Dissent
5.5 Changing Material Base and The New Social Order
5.6 The New Social Ethos
5.6.1 Emergence of Shndrm as Cultivators
5.6.2 A k n c e of Intermediary VUMS in Bengal and South India
5.6.3 . Rise of a New Literate Class
5.6.4 .Phenomenal Increase in the Rise of New Mixed Castes
i) Amongst BrPhma~@
ii) Amongst KhPtrj.os
iii) Amongst Vaishym and Shudrrrs
5.7 Land Distribution, Feudal Ranks and Varna Distinctions
5.8 Increasing Social Tensions'
5.9 Let Us Sum Up
5.10 Key Words
5.11 Answers To Check Your Progress Exercises

After reading this Unit you will be able to familiarise yourself with the:
myth of an unchangifig and the so-called static Indian sqciety,
copious agd varied literary and epigraphic sources useful for reconstructing the
nature of social change, .
f
varying perspectives on the social set-up ranging between a call for making it more
rigid and an all-out cry to question its fundamental bases, b

role of the chan$ng material base in social transformation,

leading feat& of the new social ethos, such as the changing position of vaishyas
and shudras, rise of a new literate class, multiplication of castes, weakening of
vama order and emergence of feudal ranks, and
increasing evidence for social tensions.

5.1 INTRODUCTION
For almost a century, we have been fed with the falacious colonialist and imprialist
notion about the Indian society being static through the millennia. This Unit seeks to
show that the Indian social organisation during five hundred years under survey
(8th-13th century) was extremely vibrant and responsive to changes taking place in
the realms of economy, polity and ideas. The Unit focusses on the essentials of the
new social ethos, whose tone was being set by the nature of new land rights and
power bases.

5.2 SOLTRCES FOR THE RECONSTRUCTION OF

SOCIETY
. .
There is an extremely wide ranging source material for the reconstruction qf social
organi~tionduring hdf a millenium (circa eighth to the thirteenth centuries). These
sources comprise both literary and epigraphic notices. Practically all major powers of
Ihdia are known to us through copioys inscriptional data. Though no quantscation

~ - - -- ----
Kamesh Mechrocks
 has been attempted at Bn all India level, the number of the post-Gupta inscriptions
must run in thousands even on a rough impressionistic assessment. These inscriptions
are available in a variety of languages and scripts (See also Unit 7). These records
help us in identifying rregional and local pecuharities without sacrificing a macro view
of the sub-continental scene.

The literary sources are also very varied. It is not merely the writings on
dhannashastras in tha form of commentaries and other d8urm-nibondbrrs which tell
us about the ups and downs in the social system. Even works belonging to the realms
of kavyas (poetic works), drama, technical and scientific works as well as treatises .
and architecture throw enormous light on the post-Gupta developments in the sphere
of society. Kahana's Rajatarangini, Naistwdhiyacbarita of Shriharsha, P r I l b d a
Chintamani of Merutunga, Soddhala's Udaya-Sundari-Katha, Adipurana of
Jinasena, the dohas of the Siddhas, Medhatithi's and Vigymeshwar's commentaries
on the Manusmriti add Yajnavalkyasmriti r e s e v e l y , 'and works such as
Manasollasa, Mayamata and Aparajitapriccha are useful aids for reconstructing the
social fabric of India during the period under survey.

5.3 BRAHMANICAL PERSPECTIVE: GROWING .

.RIGIDITY
Coming of mle@ws such as the Hunas, Arabs, Turks, etc. had created a fear
psychosis and-resulted in a tendency, where the emphasis was on the need to
preserve the age-old social order. Shankaracharya, the famous religiophilosophic ,
leader stated that the varna and ashramadharmas were in a disturbed state. &.

Dhanapala, a writer of the eleventh century, also talks about chaos in the conduct of
vama order. Various rulers between the sixth and thirteenth centuries make rather
pompous claims about preserving the social order. These are reflected in their
inscriptions. Varnasb-dharma-sthapana, i.e. the establishment of the system of
varna and ashrama becomes a frequently used expression in contemporary
inscriptions. A twelfth-century work called Manasollasa eveh mentions
vamadhkub-an bfficer responsible for the maitenance of v ~ m uIt~ n&o . be
underlined that thisitrend of closing social ranks, making social system rigid and
denouncing all efforts to change the system was largely the concern of Brahmanical
law givers and polit@ advisers who had developed vested interests in maintaining a
status quo (See alsa Unit 6). However, it was by no means a universal phenomena.

- 5.4 VOICES OF DISSENT

The fundamental b m of the caste system were being questioned, speclally.by
non-brahmanical followers. Centuries ago the ~ u d had h raised doubts about the
rationale of castes based on birth. His anger was particularly heaped upon

a
brahmanas. Thou h these voices could not achieve si&cant breakthrough in the
long run, they did ot cease either. Simmering discontent against the brahrnanical
social order r&&s head at regular intervals. No wonder, in Dhanuaparik&a
(eleventh century) Jaina Amitagati determined caste on the basis of personal
conduct. The caste superiority of the brahmanas was challenged by the Jainas in such
works as the Khthdnwhpraltarurrr. A'satirical work called Latalcamelaka menfions a
~ u d d h k monk
t who deniesimportance of caste, regards it as baseless and denounces
, ', pollution and caste-based segregation. Kshmendra, the literary genius of Kashmir
refers to Kula-JaWdarpa (vdnity of caste and clan) as a disease of the society for
?
:
rn - which he himself +as a physician. The Padmapurana reveals a conflict of two
ideologies-the orthodox one enjoining on the s h u b a life ofpenury, and the
heterodox one urging upon him the importance of wealth.

. An eleventh cen*
but on -patio&.
work focuses on social ranks and divisions bgsed n& on birth
While the priests of different religions are called hypocrites, thet
.'
second broad so& c l d c a t i o n of householders takes note of the fdowing six -2
I
categories:
Kamesh Mechrocks
1 the highest included chakravartins,
m the high ones comprised the feudal elite,
the middle ones included traders, moneylenders, possessors of cows, buffaloes,
camels, horses, etc.
small businessmen and petty cultivators,
the degraded ones such as the members of guilds off artisans and craftsmen, and
the highly degraded included chandaias and others following ignoble occupations
I
such as killing of birds and animals.

It js obvious that this social categorisation takes note of economic factors in the
determination of social status. Even if such attempts were not aiming at a more
-
egalitarian society than the one espoused and buttressed by the brahmanical'
interest; even if such categorisations show their biases and prejudices, it needs to
be highlighted that such reconstructions were evidently more rational.
I

CHANGING MATERIAL BASE AND THE NEW

SOCIAL ORDER
The aforesaid review of broad but conflicting trends shows that the social
organisation was in a flux and far from being harmonious. lqdeed, it could not have
been so, particularly in view of the momentous changes taking place in the economic
structure of the sub-continent. The mechanics of the scxial systeni is difficult to
I comprehend if the improving economic conditions of a sizeable number of lower
classes are ignored. One single factor which seems to have set the tone of the
post-Gupta society, specially from the eighth-century, was the ever growing
I phenomenon of land grants (See also Unit 1.2.1). Its impact on the agrarian
expansion changed the entire social outlook. This was coupled with:
a fillip to tendencies of localisation,
its bearing on fluctuations in the urban setting,
its nexus with the monetary system,
its role in increasing social and economic immobility and subjection of peasantry
and non-agricultural toiling workers, and
the resultant hierarchy of ruling landed aristocracy (See also Block-1, Unit 1-4 ahd
Blmk 3, Unit 9.3.4).

A new social ethos was in the making. It was shown above that the new trends in
Indian economy were conductive to feudal formation. In the realm of political
organisation too, as will be discussed in Block 3, a great majority of power centres
were marked by feudal tendencies based on graded land rights. No wonder, the sOcial
landscape could not escape the domineering impact of the fast pace of economic
changes outlined above. The resultant social changes demolish the myth of an
unchanging and static social organisation of India which was propagated .by !
colonialist and imperialist historians. Regrettably, even nationalist historians too did
e
not question such assumptions. More recent writings, specially of the last three
decades, have rightly focussed on the dynamism and vibrancy of the Indian social
fabric by highlighting its interlinks with changhig economic patterns.

Check Your Progress 1

1) List the sources which throw light on the social reconstruction between eighth
and thirteenth centuries.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 2) Which of the following Atements are right( J)or wrong (x)?
i) The foundational bases of caste system were questioned during the period
8th-13th century A.D.
ii) The social structure remained static.
iii) The vanm system was in a diiturbed state.
iv) An eleventh century literary work bases social rank divisions on occupations
'rather than birth.
3) Discuss in about'ten lines the voices of dissent raised against the varna order.

-.- -

.
5.6 THE & SOCIAL ETHOS

The post-eighth century sodal organisation &h seems to have prevailed till at least
the establishment of the Turkish political power in the thirteenth century, was
mBrked by:
modifications in the varna system such as the transformation of shodks into
cultivators thereby bringing them closer to the vaishyas,
newly founded brahmanical order in Bengal and South India wherein the
intermediary varnab were absent, and finally, rise of the new literate class
struggling for a pla& in the varna order,
phenomenal increw in the rise of new mixed castes,
unequal distribution of land and milrtary power, which ,in turn, accounts for the
emergence of feuddl ranks cutting across varna distinctions, and
increasing evidencd of social tensions.

5.6.1 Emergence of Shudras as Cubbatom

. The expansion ef the tural space and agricultural activities hgd been responsible for
changes in notiom abcbut persons entitled to undertake these. The law books of the
postdGupta centuries hclude agriculture in the sama~~ya-dhrumrr (corninon
occupation) of all the varnas. The smriti of Parashar further emphask that in
,- addition to their traditional Mold duties (studying, teaching, sacrificing, officiating
as sacrificer to help others, acceptance of gifts from a worthy peison of three higher
varnaa and making of @), the brahumas could also be associated with agricultural
activities, preferably through labour of s h h . It was also enjaised uponbrdmmas
that in or+r to avoid any kind of sin, they should show proper treatmentltooxen
and offer certain fixed quantities of corn to King, Gods and fellow brahmanas.
. Surely, such fdmalitie~hdicate thaf very s i d c a n t dent was being made in the .
brahmanical social order and the v a r norms~ were being mught to be redefined. A
major indicktor of this effort was the bridging of the gap between the vaisbyas and
the shudras. While this trend makes it beginnings ,in the early centuries of the
Christian era, it is significantthat in the post-Gupta centuries the vaishyas practically
lose their identity as a peasant .caste. The famous Chinese traveller of the early .
Kamesh Mechrocks
 seventh century, Hsuan-Tsang, mentions shudras as agriculturists. Al-biruni, who '
came to India alongwith Mahmud Ghanavi in the first quarter of the eleventh
century, also notes the absence of any difference between the vaishyas and shudras.
The Skanda Purana talks about the pitiable conditions of the vaishyas. By the
eleventh century they came to be treatd with the shodras, both ritually and legally. .
Al-biruni, for example, says that both vaishyas and shudns were punished with
amputation of the tongue for reciting the vedic texts. There were certain shudras who
were called bhojyanna, i.e. food prepared by whom could be taken even by
brahmanas. Many Tantric and Siddha teachers were shudras performing works of
fishermen, leather workers, washermen, blacksmiths, etc. A text of the eighth century
states that thousands of mixed castes were produced as a result 'of marriages between
vaishya women and men of lower castes. There is also a mention of anashrita
shudras (shudns who were not dependent) who were well-to-do and sometimes
became members of the local administrative committees and even made their way
into the ruling aristocracy.
b
Such aqhievements of shudns were, 0J c o r n , rather rare. Dependent peasants,
ploughmen and artisans were greatly needed to strengthen the early medieval
economic and political set-up characterized by a relatively self-sufficing local
economy and the emergence of a dominant class of rural aristocracy. Such a need
was being fdfdled by the approximation of the vaishyas and shudras.. This happened
, despite persistence of brahmana orthodoxy reflected in the attitude of Parashar who
threatened the shucbrrrs abandoning their duty of serving the dvijas with the dire
consequence of hell. Even some orthodox sections of the jainas had developed the
notion that the shudras were not eligible for religious initiation.

5.6.2 Absence of Intermediary Varnas in Bengal and @utb India

The aforesaid tendency of removing distinctions between the vaishyas and shudras
resulted in the emergence of a social order typified by an absence of interne-
varnas in Bengal and South India. The new brahmanical order in these areas
provided mainly for brahmans and shudrrs. This may have been partly due to the
influence of non-brahmanical religions in these regions. However, the nature of the
progress of brahmanism also contributed to this development. It was not a case of
mass migration of violent Sanskrit spealung people. There was considerable, '
intermixing and acculturation. Tribal and non-brahmanical population in the
peripheral regions were admitted to the brahmanical system as shudras. Many early
medieval texts provide long lists of aboriginal forest tribes who had been instrumental
in the rise of political powers. From the ninth to the thirteenth centuries almost'all
powers fought Abbiras. The Brabmavaivarta Purana, which is attributed to Bengal
of the thirteenth century, refers to such tribal people as like Agaris, Ambashthas.
Bhillas, C l u m b k , Kauncbas etc, who were accommodated as shudras in the
brahrnadcd order. This is true of the Abhiras as well as far as the Deccan was

1 at: v -..L-itm~ita dealing with the career of a Sena King of Bengal in the twelfth
century speaks of the reordering of the social order. The King raised the position of
the Kaivarthas, potters, blacksmiths, garlandmakers while the goldsmiths and
t r a d e r - b n l r u were d e p d e d . In the region of another Sena King ( ~ ~ s h m a n a
Sena), a writer says in connection with the unfurling ceremony of traders' banner
called Shakradhvaj~:"0where are the traders who once held you aloft. You are
now being used as plough or animal post." Vallalasena's dwading of trading
brabmanns can also be favourably compared with allusions to nishpd brPhmonas
(aboriginal priests making their way into the brahmma fold) who got reoognised as
bcabmanas but were assigned low status in the society. In South India, a Shaiva
brahmana teacher called Basava preached religious equality of men and women. The
tendency to eliminate intermediary v ~ r a a is s also noticeable in.the status of scribes.
The Kayaithas, Karanas, L e k h h s and IipiLarrs are classed as shudras. Same was
true of gavundas (modem day Gowdas in Karnataka) in medieval Deccan.

5.6.3 Rise of-a New Literate CIass

1 .
The {henomenon of land grants involved land transactions, keeping of ownership
I --:-c------
- - 2 - --2 Kamesh Mechrocks
r n ~ n t This meantea c
nf m ~ ~ c l ~ r ~ rtatistim. h of s-&t$
of writers and record keepers. Though the first kayastha is mentioned in Gupta
ipcriptions from Bepgal, the post-Gupta inscriptions are full of references to a gar
variety of people involved in record keeping activities. Apart from kayasthas, these
included kmnas, e a n i k a s , pwtapala, lekhaka, diviw, aksharachanchu,
dhannalekhin, aksMpatalika, etc. Though these scribes were being recruited from
different varnas, latek they got crystallized into distinct castes wth attendent marriage
restrictions. From the ninth century we hear of a large number of kayastha families
such as Valabha, Gapda, Mathur, Katana, Shrivastavya, Negam, etc. The use of Kula
and Varnsha with kayastha from the eleventh century and terms such as jati and
gyati with kayastha &om 12th-13th century show that the emergence of the
kayastha caste was evident. Individual kayasthas began to play leading role in
learning and literatme. Tathagatarakshita of Orissa who belonged to a family of
physicians by profewion and kayastha by caste, was a reputed professor of Tantras in
the Vikrarnashila U$versity (in Bihar) in the twelfth century.

5.6.4 Phenomenhl Increase in the Rise of New Mixed Castes

This is one of the mdst distinctive features of social changes during the centuries
urider reference. Thd Brahmavnbarta Purana dictum deshabhda (difference based
on regions/temtorie$) leads to differences in castes. A village named
Brihat-Chhattivama (inhabited by 36 varnas) is mentioned in a tenth century
inscription from Benkal. No vama seemed to have remained homogeneous and got
fragmented on account of territorial aflliations, purity of gotras and pursuance of
specific crafts, professions and vocations:

i) Amongst Brahmanas: The multiplication of castes as a phenomenon appears to

be most pronounced among brahmanas. As already mentioned, they were no
longer confined to their traditional sixfold duties. Apart from occu~yinghigh
governmental positions such as those ktf ministers, purohitas, judges, etc. they
had also started performing military functions. For example, the senapati of
Prithviraj Chauhan was a brahmana named Skanda and another brahmana
named Rak was Leading the army of a ruler of Sapadalalaksha (In Rajasthan).
Inscriptions from Pehoa and Siyadoni and dated in ninth-tenth century mention
brahmanas as horse dealers and betel sellers. The eleventh century Kashmiri
writer Kshemendra mentions brahmanas performing functions of artisans,
a dancers and inddlging in the sale of wine, butter-milk, salt, etc. Functional
d@nction of bdhmanas is reflected in such titles as:

Shrotriya, pandii, maharaja-pandita, dikshit, yajnik, pathaka, upadhyaya,

thaklrura:agnihotri, etc

Mitakshara, the famous commentary on the Smrili of Yagyavalkya speaks of the

ten-fold gradation ofl brahmanas ranging between Deva (who is a professor, and
devoted to religion and shastras) and Chandal, who does not perform srrndhya three
times a day. In betwgen were the shudrabrahmanas who lived by profession of arms
and temple priests.

Divisions within the brolhmana vama were also caused by temtorial affiliations. In
North India we hear d Sarasvat, Kanyakubja, Maithi, Ganda and Utkal
brahmanas. In Gujartat and Rajasthan they were identified in terms of their mola
(original place of habitation) and divided into Modha, Udichya, Nagara, etc. By the
late medieval times, the brahmanas were split into about 180 mulas. There were also
the feelings of superiority. While there was a phenomenal migration of brahmanas,
certain regions were ponsidered to be papadeshas (inpious regions). These included
Saurashtra, S i d h and Dakshmapath.

ii) Amongst Kshatiiyas: The ranks of kshatriyas also swelled in the post-eighth
century. Numerous works give varying lists of 36 clans of Rajputs in northern
India alone. They arose out of different strata of population-kshatriyas,
brahmanas, some other tribes including even the original ones and also out of
the ranks of foreign invaders who settled here and got assimilated into the Indian
social system. While the traditional notion invested the kshatriya vama as a
whole with func%ons of rulership, the ideologues were never opposed to
.
Kamesh
I
Mechrocks
recagnising in many cases the non-kshatriya rulers as kshatriyas. It is said that
from amone the kanutred "resnectahle men were enrolled amnnv the Shekhavat
 and the Wadhela tribes of Rajputs whilst the lower kinds were allotted to castes
of Kolis, Khantas and Mers". Thai there was a conscious attempt to give exalted
genealogies to rulers in many parts of India has been discussed in details below
, (See Units 10.4, 11.4.3 and 12). Some of the new kshatriyas were called
Samskara-Varjita, i.e. they were deprived of ritualistic rites. This may be taken
as a coverup for their admission to the brahmanical social order through inferior
rites.
iii) Amongst Vaishyas and Shudras: The process of caste proliferation did not leave
the vaishyas and shudras untouched. While these two broad varnas, as seen
above (Unit 5.6. I), were clearly coming closer to each other, there is an equally
unmistakable evidence of jatis (castes). Like the bral~maoas,the vaishyas too
were being identified with regional affiliations. Thus, we a&unt for vaishyas
called Shrimal's, Palliwals, Nagar, Disawats, etc. No less striking is the
heterogeneity of the Shudras who had been performing multifarious functions.
They were agricultural labourers, petty peasants, artisans, craftsman, servants
and attendants. The Brahma Vaivarta Purana lists as many as one hundred
castes of shudras. In their case too, these sub-divisions were based on regional
and territorial affiliations. In addition, shudra castes were also emerging which
were related to a specific process of industrial working, e.g. Padukakrit,
Charmabra (makers of shoes, leather workers), etc. Crystallization of craftd into
castes was a complementary phenomenon. It seems that napita, modaka,
tambdika, suvanrakara, sutrakara, malakara, etc. emerged as castes out of
various crafts. These castes increased with the growth of nrling aristocracy and
their dependence is reflected in their characterization as ashrita. Their subjection
and immobility is indicated in the transfer of trading guilds (called shrenis or
prakritis) to brahmana donees. An inscription of 1000 A.D, belonging to
Yadava mahasamanto Bhillama-I1 defines the donated village as comprising
eighteen guilds. Incidentally, these guilds also functioned as castes.
;:heck Your Progress 2
I) List the six duties of brahmaoas.

.............................................................................................................................................
2) What led to the increase in .the rise of new mixed castes? Answer in about ten

.............................................................................................................................................
3) W c h of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark ( J )or (X).

6
i) During eighth to thirteenth centuries varna norms were being redefined.
ii) The intermediary varnas were present in Bengal and South India.
iii) An unequal distribution of land and military power accounted for the growth
of feudal ranks cutting across varna distinctions.
iv) The famous Chinese traveller'Hsuan-Tsang mentions shudras as
. .
.n-m.lt..r;ctc
Kamesh Mechrocks
5.7 LAND DISTRIBUTION, FEUDAL RANKS AND
VARNA DISTINCTIONS

The studies of the past-Gupta economic and political structures (Blocks 1and 3
respectively) have @ken due note of newly emerged graded land rights. The
hierarchy of officials and vassals (See also Unit 9.4) also shows the impact of unequal
distribution of land. The kultifarious functions of vassals and officials (See Unit 9.9,
show among other feratures a strong predilection of military obligations. The nature
of power dispersal and its links with the structure of land distribution were bound to
influence the social wt-up as well. One very significant dimension of this impact was
the emergence of feudal ranks cutting across varna distinctions. Constituting the
ruling aristacracy wag no longer the monopoly of Lrsbatriyas.-That the feudal ranks '
were open to all varuas is clear in the 1Mansam (a text on architecture) when it lays
down that everybody irrespective of his varna could get the two lower military ranks
in the feudal hierarchy: praharka and astragrahin. Although lowest in rank, the
astrPgrPhin was entitied to have 500 horses, 5000 elephants, 50,000 soldiers, 5000
women attendants and one queen. We do not have to take these figures literally but
surely, the text is an important indicator of v a m distinctions getting a rude shock by
new distribution of 4nd and power. Further, the titles such as thakur, raut, nayaka,
etc. were not confined to kshatriyas or Rajputs. These were also conferred on
kayasthas and other mtes who were granted land and who sewed in army.
Kulluka's commentaty on the Smriti of Manu mentions the tendency of bigger
merchants joining the ranks of the ruling landed aristocracy. In Kashmir, rajanaka, a
little of high honour literally meaning "nearly a kingn, got closely associated with the
brahumas and later on it became a family name in the form of razdnn.

Feudal titles were also bestowed upon artisans. For example, the Deopara inscription
of Vijayasena tells us that Shulapani; who was the head of artisans of Varendra (in
West Bengal), held the title ranaka .

The symbols and ilsipia of social identity amongst feudal rank holders were alsb
related to landed postsessions. Badges of-honour,fly whisk, umbrella, horses,
elephants,%palanquin$, acquisition of pancha-mahashabda (See also Unit 9.6), etc.
depended on the sc- place in the feudal hierarchy. To illustrate, chakravarth and
mahasamantas were permitted to erect the chief gate (sinhadvar) which could not be
done by lesser vassals. The provision of varying sizes of houses for different grades of
vassals and officjals was also the product of the impact of unequal holdings.

5.8,' INCREA$ING SOCIAL TENSIONS

Though various modifications were taking placewd developments were happening

which cut across vama distinctions, nevertheless, the pace of social changes in the
pst-eighth centuries was far from being an agent of harmonious and egalitarian
set-up. The manifestations of social tensions were too many.

A society which was based on an unequal distribution of bases of economic power

was bound to be iniquitous. Though the shudras were rising in their status but
untouchability was very much part of the social fabric. A fairly large dumber of'
shudras appear to have been the actual workers, whether on land or in industry, .
working for their feudal overlords, notwithstanding the few and rare examples of
rurrrshrita shudras. Pursuit of the so-called impure occupations, being guilty of
prohibited acts, adherence to heretical acts and physical impurities were major factors
for the growth of untouchability. The Brihad Naradiya Purana reveals the
beginnings of the exdusion of the shudras from places of workship. The chandalas
and dombas were to cany sticks by striking which they made themselves known so
that people could avbid touching them. When Vastupala was the governor of
Cambay, he construcked platforms and thus stopped the promiscuous mingling of all
castes in shops where curd was sold. Though the brahrnanical lawgivers were showing
their concern f ~ther proprietory rights of women, specially on stridban, it was also
an age when the b e o u s practice of sati seems to have made a real beginning.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Kina Warsha's mnther nerfnrminn it even before the death of her husband
 Prabhakanarandhhe, is a classic example. It is mentioned in the Harshacbarita of
Banabhatta. The Rajatarangini comprising chronicle of Kashmir also refers to the
performance of sati in royal families. The archaeological evidence is to be seen in the
numerous sati-satta plaques found in both North and South India. .
Sectarian rivalries must have caused sufficient tensions in the society. A brahmana
who believed in Jainism was considered to be an outcaste. In the Latakamelaka, two
brahmanas indulge in the exchange of hot words and charge each other with
'abrahmanya without any rhyme or reason. The p d e l between the multiplication of
religious sects and that of castes in medieval times is very close. Differences in rituals,
food, dress, etc. caused religious splits. For example Budhism split into 18 sects: The
Jainas in Karanataka had as many as seven sects: Karnataka was also the scene of
tussle between the Lingayats and Virashaivas. Very often, the religious sects tended
to crystallize into castes. Isn't it an historical irony that the religions whose avowed
aim was to abolish caste distinctions and cleavages based on birth were themselves
swallowed by the caste system? It is also true that quite ~ f t e nthese sectarian tensions
were products of the land grant economy. There seems t o v e been an inevitable
competition amongst numerous religious sects-both br anical and

"91;
non-brahmanical, to grab as much land as possible. Indeed, great majority of
religious establishments tended to become lafiied magnates. or example, some
rulers of the post-eighth centuries, such as Avantivarman of the Mattamayara region
(possibly a Chalukya prince of central India, near Gwalior) and a Cedi King of
Dahala are said to have dedicated their kingdoms to be religious heads of the Shaiva
Siddharta school and then apparently ruled as vassals. The movement of a particular
sect of the Jainas emerged in the eleventh century in Gujarat and Rpjasthan, which
was called vidhi-ehaitya. It was a sort of protestant movement aiming at denunciation
of greedy and acquisitive Jaina ascetics who were Qrhg to grab land.

The rise of kayasthas, the new literati class, had its own implications as far as social
tensions were concerned. This class had clearly emerged as a challenge to the
position of brabmanrrs. The example of kayastha Tathagata-rakshita of Orissa
, becoming a reputed professor of Tantras in the Vikramashila University has already
I been cited above (See Sec. 5.6.3). Kshemendra of Kashmir clearly writes that the rise
of kayasthas led to loss of economic privileges becah hyaatbp officials hesitated in
' resuming landgrants to bmhmmm. In Kashmir the members of the temple-purohita
corporation used to organise prayopaveebrr (hunger strikes) as a weapon for getting
their grievances redressed. As if with a vengeance, the brdmamw in order to
reiterate their superiority, often despised kayaPthPs as shrdrPa.

No less significant were the manifestations of rural tensions. The damara revolts in
Kashmir, rebellion of the kaivarattas in the region of Ramapala in Bengal, acts of
self-immolation in situations of encroachments on land in Tamil Nadu, appropriation
of donated land by shpdrps in the Pandya territory are indices of distrust agpinst the
new landed intermediaries(See also Unit 1.5, Block-1). .
b

Check Your Progress 3

1) C o w e n t on the increasing social tensions in the post-eighth centuries in about
10 lines.

Kamesh Mechrocks
-
2) Write a note oh the emergence of feudal ranks cutting across vama distinctions.
Answer in 10 Unes.

.............................................................................................................................................
3) Mentien six castes that emerged out of various crafts. , .

5.9 LET US 'SUM LIP

Z

This survey of social changes during the centuries between eighth and thirteenth
centuries highhghts the following:
extremely rich and varied source material for the survey
the brahmanical perspective with a concern for social rigidity and the need to
maintain the vama order,
questioning of the bases of caste system where an emphasis is put on consideration
of economic factors in the determination of social status,
changing material base and its impact on the emergence of the new social ethos,
modifications in the varna order, particularly the changing position of the vaishyas
and shudras and the disappearances of intermediary varnas, specially in Bengat
and South India,
rise of kayasthas-a new lite~aticlass,
multiplication of castes in all varnas,
linkage between land distribution and the emergen& of feudal ranks and how the
later were cutting across varna lines, and hally,
absence of a harmonious and egalitarian society marked by various sources of
tension.

5.10 KEY WORDS

k

m ~ t n : hdependent shudras.
. asBCita : dependent shudras.
bhojyannn : those shudras, whose food preparations could be taken by
brahmanas.
gavundas : scribes in Karnataka with landed interests.
haia-jati F r p a : vanity of caste and clan. I*

Kamesh Mechrocks
ashrita : dependent shndras.
 mula : place of origin of a family Kaste. Social Organisation
papadishas : impious regions.
prakritis : trading guilds.
samskara-vajfqa : those who were deprived of the rights to perform rituals.
varnadhikarin : officer responsible for the maintenance of vanus.

I 5.11 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

I EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) Base your answer on Sec. 5.2
2) i) J ii) X iii)/ iv) J
3) Base your answer on Sec. 5.4
Check Your Progress 2
4 1) The sixfold duties included studying, teaching, sacrific& etc. See Sub-sec. 5.6.1
2) Refer to Sub-sec. 5.6.4.
3) i) J ii) X iii) J iv) J
Check Your Progress 3

I 1) Base your answer on Sec. 5.8

2) Refer to Sub-sec. 5.7
3) Some of the castes were napiter, modaka, malakara etc. Refer Sub-sec. 5.6.4.

I .-

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 6 IDEOLOGY
Structure

6.0 Objectives
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Ideology: Varied Standpoints
6.2.1 Ideology as a System of Knowledge
6.2.2 Sociological Approaches
6.2.3 Psycho-cultural Approaches
6.3 Religion, Ideology and Society
6.4 ' Ideology: The Early Indian Setting
6.5 Ideology: Its Role and Nature in the Post-Gupta Cenhires.
6.5.1 Land Orahts: Their Philosophy
6.5.2 Bhakti and Pilgrimage
6.5.3 Tantricism
6.5.4 Hero-Stones -
6.5.5 ReliGon as Ideology-For Whom?
6.6 Let Us Sum Up .
6.7 Key Words
6.8 Answers?~Check Your Progress Exercises

After reading this Unit you should be able to explain the:

complexities of difining ideology,
nuances of ideology and the ways of looking at these,
major s t a m in the writings on ideology from various standpoints,
recent developmdnts in the analysis of ideology,
place ojreligion and ideology in society,
philosophical background of land grants in the post-Gupta centuries, and
specific religious developments tn India through the millennia and their
potentiahties to act as ideology.

6.1 INTRODUCTION . ,

&Unit deals with the pioblem o f ideology. Broadly, three major issues have been
discussed. First, the theoretical dimensions of ideology take cognizance of various
approaches of studying ideology. It also mentions distinctive contribution in each i'
case. Second, the Unit has also attempted to determine the place of religion and
ideology in society. Finally, the theoretical understanding of ideology is applied in the
Indian setting. In this cbntext, the focu's is on the role and nature of ideology in the
post-Gupta centuries, though certain important religious developments of the
pre-Gupta millennizizlhavealso been mentioned. The overall thrust underlines the
need to study ideology in its potentialities to sway masses.

6.2 IDEOLOGY: VARIED STANDPOINTS

The concept of igeology has been one of the most controversial concepts in the
history of socispolitical thought as well as in the history of ideas. An understanding
. . of multifarious components of ideology depends on the standpoint from .which it is -
viewed. The standpoints are many:.
. It can be viewed as a system of knowlehge,, ,.
scholars have emphasized its.sociologica1 components, and
there have also been writings which emphasize the need to study it through
. Kamesh
psychological and cultui?l approaches.
Mechrocks
 Before undertaking an analysis of ideology as a concept of social thought it is
Ideolog
necessary to distinguish between ideology as a concept and ideology as a political
doctrine. The analysis of ideology in terms of its nature and functions is quite afar
from its ann'-.;is as a body of political beliefs, such as conservatism, liberalism,
~ 0 c i d k .i. .

6.2.1 Ideology As a System of Knowledge

Amongst the earliest conceptions, the expression 'Ideology' designated a
philosophical discipline con&mdt to examine the methodological foundations of all
sciences and to guarantee their impartial application. Its basic conception goes back
to the d&s of famous English thinker Francis Bacon (1561-- 1626 A.D.). He
maintained that progress in science can be guaranteed only if scientific thought can
be secured against fallacious ideas. With his doctrine of "idols" (phantoms of
misconceptions) Bacon hoped to elucidate why human reason is inhibited from
perceiving actuality.
. .
Bacon spoke of four types of idbls which affect humans very strongly. The idols of
the tribe represent the incapacity to reflect reality adequately. This basic cognitive
barrier-common to all humans-is further compounded by the idols of cave: human
being appears as an isqlated cavedweller who tends to judge the outside world only
from his personal viewpoint. The idols of the market place are misunderstandings in
communication which originate in the imprecision of language. Finally, the idols of
the theatre consist of obstacles conditioned by authority. tradition, convention and
irrational doctrines. Thus, Bacon's doctrine of idols-the earliest form of a theory of
ideology-points to feeling, will, communication and transmitted prejudice as factors
disturbing pure cognition. Only by disciplining reason can unprejudiced knowledge,
and thereby truth, be attained.

This hypothesis of Bacon was the basis for the French ideologues of the latter part of
the eighteenth century (Condillac, Cabanis and de Tracy in particular) who sought
to do for philosophy what the Englush thinker had done for science. The basic
assumption of the ideologues was that all ideas, all knowledge and all faculties of
human understanding (perception, memory, judgement) rest on sensory data. The
study of the origin and development of ideas in terms of sensations is the only
guarantee against errors in cognition and judgement.

Fallacious ideas can41ayclaim to a certain authority in society; indeed they may even
be championed by those in authority. Consequently, the "ideologists" must not
hesitate to apply their scientific methods to the critique of religion and official
political ideas. Ideology is, in this sense, a genuine scientific endeavour inlpoten,tial
opposition to every sort of authority. However, the post-revolutionary France
considered criticism of religious and political ideas as a threat to social stability.
'Ideology' became a term of abuse, and ideological thought was rejected as
destructive. For example, Napoleon saw "ideologists" as "ideologues" in a pejorative
sense), i.e. isolated worshippers of reason, lacking in common sense-as people who
operate on ideas and not facts.

6.2.2 Sociological Approaches

C.W. Frohlich in Germany was first to state in 1792 A.D. that human thought
depends on social relations. He goes on to demand that the critique of religion and
metaphysics be carried to its logical conclusion by a change in property relations.
According to Frohlich only a property-free society can make right thinking and
,' moral action possible. This suggests an aspect of the ideology problem which is
systematically developed by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels.

The works of Marx and Friedrich Engels represent a watershed in the study of the
concept of ideology. They viewed ideology as a system of false ideas, a statement of
class position, and a justification for class rule. Ideologies are secondary and unreal,
since they are part of the "superstructure" and as such reflection of the more
fundamental material economic "base".

Marx and Engels attached a derogatory connotation to ideology, since they viewed
all ideological thought as the dishonest use of reasoning; as the conscious or
unconscious distortion of facts in order to justify the position of the ruling class. "The 17
Kamesh Mechrocks
 class, which is the ruling material force of society, is at the same time its &ing
intellectual forcew.Ideology represents, in EngeIs' memorable phrase, "false
consciousness".
5
In presenting such a motion of ideology, Marx and his d a t e were profiting from
FeuerbachP ( a German Philosopher) insight into the projective character of the
religious conceptual world. He perceives in religion the necessarily false form of
consciousness deriviog from social relations and conditioned by contradiction
between human needs and the means available for satisfying them @ax Weber in
Germany had seen the rationale of religion in this contradiction (See also Sec. 6.2.3).
For Marx critique of ideology implies more than mere negation of religion, since the
latter constitutes priqation for manyit is the reflection of characteristic human traits
which have emerged under specific socio-historical donditions. Religion is understood
as an "expression" of the social order and as a "protest" against it. Thus, religion is
exposed merely in its role of justifying the political status quo: it is also perceived in
its negative, anticipatory function and is included in the critique of &al conditions
which require ideological clarification. For example, the enlightened man o p ~
any further enlighteximent in order to protect his own interests. Criticism of religion
in a society where it has a power-political function is criticism of the political statos
quo.

n arx and Engels, b i basing ideas on the socio-economic system, raised an issue that,
, at the hands of Karl Mannbeim came to be known as the "Sociology of knowledge",
i.e. the study !,f social bases, conditions, varieties and distortions of ideas. However,
unlike Marx and influenced by Weber, Mannbeim gave up primarily class approach
and based ideology on the total social structure, particularly political parties.

Conclusions strikingly similar to those of Marx were reached via an entirely different
route by two early European sociologists-Mosca and Pareto. Both believed in a
h(
scientific approach to social anaiysis.

According to Mosca, irs the most decisive feature of any sooiety is its ruling class. A
society's art, culture, politics, religion, etc. are all determined by the dominant social'
stratum. As such, soaial analysis must begin and end with the ruling.class. The leaders
maintain, perpetuate, rationalize, and justify their own rule through the skiiful
manipulation of "political formulae" or idelogies.

Pareto divides all human conduct into two categories logical and non-logical--in
terms of whether it employs suitable means in pursuit of attainable objectives. He
stresses the prevalence of the irrationhl in human conduct. He insists that significant
portions of human behaviour are motivated and sustained by non-logical drives lying
well below the level of consciousness. All societies, he points out, are filled with
taboos, magic and m).ths. In the political realm, codes, constitutions, platforms, and
programme fail to meet the criteria of logical action. his is because, among other
things, they are stated in the vaguest, most rhetorical, and most meaningless terms.

Thus, in the analyses of society by Mosca and Pareto, ideology is a major varidble.
Used synonymously with "myth", "political formula", or "derivation", ideology is
viewed as the guiding force i m f i ' a n society and the principal means for attaining
social solidarity.

Among contemporary sociologists, Parsons defines ideology as "an empirical belief

system held in c o m n by the members of m y collectivity". It binds the community
together, and it legititnizes its value orientations. More significantly, ideology involves
an element of distortion. Daniel Bell is an exponent of the "functionalwapproach to .
ideology. It implies: ,
a action orientation,,
ability to promote or undermine legitimacy,
potential for attaiqing social solidarity, and
value integration.

The "functional" nature of ideology)us also been in thaesense of those forms of

social consciousness that are so moulded as to maintain exploitative relation? of
production in'any class society. The general function of ideology is to maintain social
Kamesh Mechrocks
cohesion through mystified social relations and class domination. In this way ideology
in general is a mystified form of consciousness. Being part of social consciousness,
ideology in general appeals to every person in the social formation. However,
ideology does not spring automatically out of consciousness. In other words, "
consciousness does not develop (in an evolutionary sense) into ideology. Ideology has
a material origin in the first place. The analysis of its function is pursued within the
social formation as a totality with the social relati,on of production as the object of
that analysiS. Inevitablf, the investigator is led to consider, in dealing with
class-relations, in whose benefit ideology is. It is the specific social formation of
which a specific ideology is an element, and the class struggle appropriate to it, which
determines the character of that sp&c ideology.

In sum, the sociological approaches are centrdly concerned with ideology as a system
of socially determined ideas, without necessary truth-value but with great potential
for social solidarity as well as for social control, mobilization, and manipulation. In
addition, ideologies may serve to justify (or reject) a particular set of goals and values
and to legitimize (or denounce) political authority. Some writers atta .h a derogatory
connotation to ideology, whereas others see it in a neutral light.

6.2.3 Psyc)o-cultural Approaches

The psychological theories see ideology primarily as a means or managing personal
strain and anxiety, whether socially or psychologically induced. Among the most
important exponents of this approach are Sigmund Freud and Franas Sutton.
Suggesting that religion and ideology have much in common, Freud makes the
follo+g statement: "ReLigious doctrines are all illusions, they do not admit of proof
and no one can be compelled to consider them as true or to believe in them....". The
strength of religious-ideas lies in the fact that it:
performs the function of wish fulfilment,
affords protection and security to the individual,
controls instinctual behaviour and relieves humans of their sense of guilt, and
counteracts human's alienation from society.

The case for substituting "ideology" wherever Freud uses "religion", is strengthened
by his following statement:
Having recognised religious doctrines to be illusions, we are at once
confronted with the further question: may not all cultural possessions, which
, we esteem highly and by which we let our life be ruled, be of a similar nature?
Should not the assumptions that regulate our political institutions likewise be
called illusions?

Sutton and his colleagues offer a conception ol ~deologyas a response to strain .

generated by social roles. Individuals daily confront conflicting demands and anxiety
situations in the course of performing their roles. Ideology is a system of ideas that
enables humans to cope with strain.

Such psychological aporoaches also rekind us of Max Weber's emphasis on the ,

"religious anchorage" ,f economic, political, social and cultural institutions primarily
because ."religion7' wzls human's saviour in situations of scarcity, anxiety and
deprivation. Weber thought that specific religious features are not only partially
independent of the relevant social and economic conditionsBntthg religious
determination of life conduct and "economic ethic" was also a major consideration.
Weber's was thus an anti-Marxist position.

Although there is some relationship between ideology and strain, the actual linkages
are by no means clear or simple. This is because the individual may react to strain in
a variety of ways. Hence ideology is merely one way of responding to stress.

Among the psycho-cultural approaches to ideology Leon Dion refers to ideology as -

*a more or less integrated cultural and mental structure". By this he means a pattern
of norms and values that is both objective (cultural) and subjective'(mental). Clifford
Gee- defines it in terms of symbols and symbolic action. For him ideology is more
than a mere psychological response to strain; it embodies social and cultural element
Kamesh Mechrocks
as well. Broadly speaking, ideology is a cultural symbol-sjlstem that aims to guide the
 humans in their political life: "Whatever else ideologies may be.... They are, mest
distinctively, maps df problematic social reality and matrices for the creation of
collective conscience."

We have identified and e x m e d at some length several approaches to the concept

of ideology. Each approach throws light on a different dimension of concept;
together they reveal its extraordinarily rich heritage. Ideology is an emotion-laden,
myth-saturated, action-related system of beliefs and values about humans and
society, legitimacy abd authority. The myths and values of ideology are
communicated through symbols in simplified and economical manner. Ideologies
have a high potentid for mass mobilisation, manipulation, and control; in thaJ sense,
thky are mobilised belief systems.
P
Check Yohr Progress 1
1) List the four types of idols referred by Bacon?

.............................................................................................................................................
2) How "Ideology" was conceived by Marx and Emgels. Answer in about ten lines.
..............................................................................................................................................

.............................................................................................................................................
3) What are the categoties of human actions defined by Pareto?

6.3 RELIGION, IDEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Without identifying religion and ideology, it may be safely asserted that writin& in
the last decades-particularly those of Marxists in varied disciplines-have
considerably enriched the study of both as cultural forms and processes.

Amongst the classic statements about the relations between religion and society one
can mention scattered and unsystematic references to religion in the works of Marx
and Engels. As early as 1844, Marx wrote:
"The basis of keligious criticism is "man makes religion, religion does not
make man. Religion is the self-consciousness and.self-esteem of man who has
either not yet found himself or has already lost himself again*.

For Marx "man is up abstract being encamped outside the world." The only way for
man to rid himself of this illusion is to destroy the social world that produces it. As
Kamesh Mechrocks
hiam PrWop: ..
 -
R e l i o n s distress is at the same time the expression of real distress and also
the protest against real distress. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature.

So the struggle against religion is necessarily a struggle against that world whose
"halo is religion" and "of which religion is the spiritual aromn". It ,si in this context
that religion becomes the "opium of people". Here Marx anticipdtes one of the
crucial elements of his concept of ideology, namely, that religion compensates in the
mind for a deficient reality; it reconstitutes in the imagination a coherent solution
which goes beyond the real world in an attempt to resolve the contradibns of the
real world. So Marx confirms his conviction that the ideological inversion responds to
and derives from a real inversion. As he suggests:
Man is the world of w,the state, society. This state, this society, produce
religion, an inverted world consciousness because they are an inverted world.
It was largely the earliest exponent of sociology of religion, Durkheim to begin with,
who contributed to the discussion on religion as an ideology, Like Marx, Durkheim
made clear that religion and ideology have a ,socialbasis, particularly in patterns of
I social relations and organisation, but they also have a degree of autonomy, followihg
c e m rules peculiar to culture.
i
Max Weber, a junior contemporary of Durkheim and a product of Bismarckian
Germany, is known for his numerous writings not only on religions of specific
countries such as India and China but also on specific religions as well as sociology of
religion. From the perspective of sociology of relgion, he highlighted the following
three forms of relationship between social organisation and religious ideas:
Social groups with particular economic interests often show themselves to be
more receptive to some religious ideas than to others. ~ h & they e were
chivalrous warrior heroes, political officials, economically acquisitive classes or
finally, where an organised hierocracy dominated religion, the results were
different than from where genteel intellectuals were decisive. The social stratum
including artisans, traders, entrepreneurs engageed in industry are attracted by all
sorts of individual p h u i t s of salvation. Everywhere the hierocracy has sought to
monopolise the administration of religious values. The individuals quest for
salvation or the quest of free communities by means of contemplation, orgies or
asceticism has been considered highly suspect and has had to be regulated
ritually and controlled hierocratically. From the standpoint of the interests of the
priesthood in power, this was considered natur.al.
Religious ideas lead to the formation of certain groups, such as monastic orders,
guilds of magicians, or a clergy and these groups may develop quite extensive
economic activities.
The gap between the elite and the masses poses a problem with which each of
the great religions of the world has had to wpe with. With specific references to
religion in China, particularly Confucianism and Taoism, Weber shows how the
former remained amfin@ to the Emperor and the bureaucratic order but
broadly excluded the masses. In contrast, the brahmanns in India, who were
royal chaplains, spiritual advisers, theologians and authorities on questions of
ritual propriety, achieved a "systematic rationalization of magic" and effected a
compromise between their own elite interests in a digdied way of life and their
need to provide for the release of the masses from the misfortunes that were their
lot.
I
Surely with such an analysis, Weber had produced one of the most sensitive and
complex accounts of "elective &ties" between social groups and sets bf beliefs
or ideologies. However, Weber's notion of the "religious anchorage" and his
emphasis of channelling effegs of "ideas" rather than "material interests" in
determining people's action make him an anti-Marxist.

Recent developments in the analysis of ideology have been concerned with

improving explanations of how anti why ideology takes a particular form and
how it works. Two important developments are noticeable.

First, more attention has been given to what Geertz has called "autonomous
p r v ~f symbolic formulation," which as already seen above (See Sec. 6.2.3),
Kamesh Mechrocks
 md Culture: entails examining ideologies as systems of,interesting symbols and the ways in
1. l rl1Ul-T
which they provide plausible interpretations of problematic social reality. This
h a helped us in appreciating Intricate and complex nature of symbolic processes,
wh~chcannot beldifferentiated s~rnplyin terms of false consciousness versus true
consciousness. P
.
ii) Second, there is now an awareness in the field of ideology in relation to classes
and groups as being one of contestation and a 'lived relationship', not a
mechanical procless.

IDEOLOGY: THE EARLY INDIAN SETTING

There are certain crucial questions which need to be raised before the specificities of
early Indian re@on$ are taken up for discussion. If ideology is considered to be
subservient to the interests of ruling/dominant classes, do we simultaneously assume
the existence of an ideology of the dominated classes? What is the raison d'etre of
dominant ideas? Are they dominant because they are supposed to be widely shared
by the dominated classes themselves? Under what conditions do the dominated
groups come to sharp interpretations of the world that legitimize the existing social
order not only in the eyes of the dominant group, but also in their own eyes? Do we
say that the ideas of xhe dominated do not constitute an ideology since they do not
legitimize the existinp social order?

We review below certain phases of Indian religions to illustrate the theoretical

position. The Indian scene may not enable us to answer various questions raise'd,
- nevertheless it would be worth determining the parameters of religion functioning as
ideology in early India.

Amongst one of the learliest phases, the question of religion being an "intensifying
factor" of "catalyst" of the urban growth under the Harappans has been highlighted
in recent specialised !writings.That this role has been attributed to rehgion on
negative evidence is Pather apparent to be overlooked. Equally exaggerated is the
enthusiasm with whiph it is treated like an ideology. W e it is possible to infer
certain soclal divisions, it is not easy to share D.D. Kosambi's dogmatic assertion of
the prototype of brahmaaa priesthood recognizable in the Harappan metropolis. .
Eh in if parallels from other contemporary centres of bronze age civilizations are
mvoked, one would do well to recall V. Gordon Childe's perceptive observation on
pnest kmgs of Sumet, viz., it was the economic system "that made the God (through
his represent )rive) a great capitalist and landlord his temple into a city bank." It must
have been the potential of the people to generate agricultural surplus necessitating
huge granaries at Mbhenjodaro, Harappa and possibly at Kalibangan t w . This is
coupled with extensive mechanism and network of internal as well as long-distance
overland and maritime trade symbolized in the Lothal "wareha&"' This must have
been instrumental in giving shape to such forms of religious manifestations as we are :
able to even speculate about.

The existence of pi Aary producers and managers of production in the later Vedic
period is generally rbgnized by scholars. We argue that there was not only an
antagonism between the two but amongst the non-producing classes too (bralunanas
and kshafriyas) and that the latter struggle can be rationalised in terms of fight for
agricultural surplus. But do the exalted sacnficlal cult of the Brahmanas and the
atma-vidya of the dpanishads constitute ideologies of brahmanas and kshafriyas
respectively? It may8betempting to call both as ideologies of the ruling class.
However, such chargcterization is not only simplistic but also ignores the dialectics of
the development of these rdigio-philosophic systems. That none of them is a
monolithic uniform idea should be apparent from the minutae of various sacrifices.
Just one of the numerous ceremonies of only one sacrifice, viz., the ratnahavimshi
ceremony of the rajLsuya shows how the tribal and matriarchal elements were being
submerged by class, territorial and how priestly domination was being replaced by
that of the Kshatriyps. That sacrifices aimed at the creation of large communities by
transcending consideiations ought not be overlooked in the present context.
Kamesh Mechrocks prescribed for the admission of the Vratya chief of Magadha
to Vedic society and the chief of the nishadas called Sthapati finds a place in Vedic
rituals meant for higher orders.

Again it is generally accepted that as opposed to brahmanical Sanskrit works, the Pali
texts of the Buddhists provided a different rationale of the origin of kingship, and the
new monarchs of the Ganga Valley in the sixth-fifth centuries of the pre-Christian
era were favourably disposed towards non-brahmanical religions. But it would again
be an over-simplification to say that the Buddha's was an ideology of the kshatriyas.
This is being suggested not only because all the concerned monarchies were cekainly
not in the hands of the kshatriyas but also because it would unjustifiedly restrict the
social base of early Buddhism. Apart from the material sustenance received by the
Buddha from peasants and traders who were certainly out of reckoning of upper class
dominance, a fairly extensive popularity of the master amongst brahmanas too is not
unknown.

Ashok's Dhamma, which was anything but religion in the literal sense of the term,
and is perhaps closer to ideology, offers yet another matiifatation. If the imperatives
of Dhamma are to be understood, one will have to go beyond the zeal of the
so-called "philosopher-king" and the "revolutionary" impact of the great event-the
Kalinga War. Recent studies on the concepts of state and empire, striking a severe
blow to the notions of "centralised" Mauryan empire, enable us to highlight the
compulsions of the economic logic of the set-qq and comprehend the driving forces
behind Ashok's Dhrunma.

6.5 IDEOLOGY: ITS ROLE AND NATURE IN THE-

POST-GCTPTA CENTCTRIES
Since we are concerned with ideology within the broad framework of society and
culture between the eighth and thirteenth centuries, it would be worth working out its
role and nature. We have been emphasizing the dominance of land-grant economy in
the post-Gupta centuries. Could this phenomehon of almost pan-Indian dimensions
be seen as an ideological force? Why land-grants at all?

6.5.1 Land Grants: Their Pbilosopby

Epigraphic records, which constitute our principal sources, are marked by a
contradiction. On the one hand, they are quite eloquent about descriptions of cruelty,
violence and lust for temtorial power on the part of kings, while on the other, same
powers show magnanimity to blPhmana donees. Perhaps these grants were means to
satisfy or the,manifestation of Kings, vanity. The pompous genealogies, full of
grandiloquent titles for donor and his predecessors were typical examples of political
psychophancy. Apparently, there was certain amount of selfishness on the part of
donor kings. The ostensible purpose for these large munificent gifts was to earn
puoya not only for donors but for their predecessors as well.

It is argued that landgrants served the purpose of financial support to selfless'

brahmanas-who were engaged in imparting learning and educition. The brahmanas
used to lead a plain and simple life. Such an argument is an oversimplification for wc
have already seen (Units 5.6.1 a& 5.6.4) that the vocations of bralunanas were
getting diversified. There was a distinct transformation of brahmanas from
priesthood to landlords-they were emerging as a property seeking and property
owning class.

A significant dimension Uf the epigraphic evidence under discussion is the close

correspondence between dhannashastric prescriptions and terminology of gift
making in inscriptions. The whole concept of dana (gift making) was undergoing
perceptible change. The dharmashastms underline prayashchitta (expiation,
repentance) for sins committed in this world. Imagine, which King would have been
free from sins and transgressions? After all, they had all been guilty of Loot, arson,
killing-particularly in wars. The lawmakers, who were invariably brahmanas,
instilled a feeling of fear by a graded system of sins and punishments and by evolving
such notions as that of mahapatakw.
Kamesh Mechrocks
I
4
Society and Coltore: The'sense of y i l t in kings coupled with principle of its prayashchitta was exploited
8th-13thCenbry ,
by brahmanas. Huge gifts of cows, bulls, land and gold were strongly recommended
by them if the kings did not want themselves or their ancestors to lead a miserable
plight of an insect or lower animal in the next world. Of all the items of gift, land got
the pre-eminent position. Vyasa, who is quoted very often in epigraphic records, is
known to have laid down that giver of land lives in heaven for, 16000 years. Many
puranas, similarly, stipulate that the donor of land would have the good fortune of
being in the charming company of apsaras (celestial nymphs). In the hands of
brahmana lawgivers, the sacred texts did not remain abstract theories and
prescriptive works only. Instead. they seem to have acquired the character of some
sort of policy statements.

Were the kings who madelarge gifts of land, only victims of avarice of brahmanas?
Evidently not. The quest for legitimacy was a major consideration for political
authorities. (The issue has been discussed in detail in Block 3; see specially Units 9.7,
10.4 and 11.5). In the present context it would be sufficient to underline the
mutuality of interests bf the donor as well as the donee. The pmhastikaras (eulogy
singers), the dharmasbastrakaras (lawmakers) and purohitas (brahmana in the
court) were all collaborators in the new landed order.

How did this new order manifest itself in the cultural ethos of the post-Gupta
centuries? It appears that at the level of ideas the post-Gupta scene in the entire
sub-continent is marked by two distinctive strains,. viz. growth of bbakti and an
all-pervasive influence of tantric practices. It is possible to explain their widespread
dispersal in terms of the growth of the feudal mode of production epitomised in the
phenomenon of land grants. +

8
65.2 Bhakti and Pilgrimage
For about half a millennium from the mid-sixth century, Shaiva and Vaishnava saints
(Nayanmars and Alvars respectively) and their followers practised and propagated
bhakti in the cduntryside and went to pilgiim centres singing and dancing. The
overall pattern is that of consolidation of classical brahmanical society in early .
medieval India. Origiqating in sixth century Kanchipuram, area under the Pallavas,,it
had traversed the full length of Tarnilaham by the end of the ninth century and ,
engulfed all the major kingdoms of the Cholas, Pandyans and the Cheras. If we are
to believe in a recent analysis, the spread of the Bhakti movement in the north,
epitomised in such a popular work as the Bhagavata Purana, was also the result of
the impetus given by the Tamil saints. The spread of the movement is inthately
associated with the temple base, which, in turn, derived its raison d'etre and
economic sustenance &rough land grants received from not only kings and men at
the helm of political affairs but even from influential members of the society.
\
Some recent writings on the Pallavas, the Cholq and the Alirars as well as
Nayanmars have been able to show the gradual importance of the paddy cultivation
in the Kaveri Valley ahd the resultant pattern of brahrnanical settlements, which, in
turn, contributed to the growth of the 'Chola power. To illustrate, the specific spread
of the temple movement in the Kaveri Valley may be looked at. The three famous
Nayanmars, viz., Appar, Sambandhar and Sundarar sang 307,384 and 100 hymns
respectively. Out of thme 442 temples, as many as 3 15 belong to the Chola period
and all of which are concentrated in the Kaveri Valley (126 being situated north of
this river while 189 were to its south). That this temple Bhllrti movement was an
important tool of the consolidation of political power by feudal chiefs and kings is
apparent from the similarities in the vocabulary and symbols used to designate
temple and its officers on the one hand andl the King and his retinue on the other.
For example: Koyil stands for both palace and temple; crowned deities were
comparable with crowped kings; rituals of worship 1s conceived on the same pattern
as the rituals of service to the King-bathing, anointing, decorating, dressing of deity,
were replicas of similat practices in the court. Taxes and tributes were paid to
temples, as they were experted forkings as well. Like the palace, temple is also
constrbcted with mandapas; prakaras, dvarapalas, etc. (pavilions, walled enclosures,
doorkeepers respectivdy),Ahe chief deity of the temple, like the King, was
accompanied by his consort and relatives and served by a whole m y of musicians,
dancing girls, actors, garland makers, etc. To compare the feudal p9amid consisting
of plurality and co-existence of the lords-each commanding loyality from h&
J
Kamesh Mechrocks I
'immediate vassal-we sek in the Bhakti'moyement a clear recognition of the plurality
and co-existence of different deities-each deity occupying the position of the lord
for his devotee. The devotee habitually addresses the deity as udaiyar or tambiran
standing for "lord" and "master" and describes himself as adiyan, i.e. slave. What
becaye the hallmark of greatness in the age of growing brahrnanical power was the
surrender of pride in th.e self and voluntary acceptance of the position of "the servant
of the Lord" -sls Kulashckhara Alvar had proclaimed. To all this must be added the
concerted drive on the part' of men of religion of evolve a mechanism of regular
pilgrimage ost&nsiblyto earn merit (Punya). It is well known that the brahmanical
literature alone mentions more than 400 tirthas in early medieval times and that he
Mahabharata and the Puranas alone contain at least 40,000 verses on tirthas,
sub-tirthas and legends connected with them. And this is not all-one can add not
only numerous sthalapuranas but specific digests on tirthas dealing with brahmanical
and non-brahmanical centres of pilgrimage.

6.5.3 Tantricism . .

Tantricism, like bhakti, permeates all religions in the post-Gupta centuries, not
excluding even the so-called puritanical non-brahmanical religious systems. R.S.
Sharma has retionalised it in terms of the preponderance of the cult of the Mother
Goddess consequent upon the spread of agriculture as a result of land grants. A
fascinating dimension of this analysis is the process of cultural interaction of priestly
Sanskritik and tribal elements. A recent study, based entirely on literary data, argues
that the Devi Mahatmya of the Markandeya Puraoa (c. sixth century A.D.) is the
first comprehensive account of the Goddess to appear in Sanskrit-the explanation is
sought in terms of Sar+skritisation. It is yderlined that the basic impulse behind the
worship of Goddess is of pon-Aryan and non-Sanskritic origin. A survey ofShakti
sculptures in Madhya Pradesh alone refers to as many as 400 images. A great
majority of their names such as Charchika, Umarimata, Bijasanidevi, Behamata,
Biiasanidevi, etc. link them with popular tribal deities.

6,5.4 Hero-Stones
In recent years there have been some very refreshing and stimulating writings on'the
notions of Death-in terms of rituals, religious beliefs and practices, art forms an$
above all, in association with socio-economic developments. These have resulted in a
special genre of literature on an obscure field of religious and art history of the
sub-continent. These stidies centre round the hero-stones, which are littered over
most parts of the Indian sub-continent. There has been a long and almost
continuous history of these relics for more than 1500 years and extends to both
brahmanical and nbn-brahmanical religions. They are locally called viragals,
natugals, paliyas, govardhana stambhes, kirti-stambhas, ehhaya-stambhas, or
merely as chhahis, stambhas devalis, etc. These tablets Qr pillars fall into several
poups originating in ritual or cult practices as well as religious or social customs of its
batrons :

The chhaya-stambha is among the earliest archaeological evidence, and it seems to

be rwtedip the social practic& of the Buddhists.
The nhidhi represents the ritual death'practices exclusively by the Jains.
The viragals or at least the currency of this term-cross religious demarcations, if
not the conventional geographical limits of southern India.
The kirti-stamba, paliya, chatri, devali and stambha share the country between
the Himalayas and the Vindhyas-mostly in Gujarat and Rajasthan.

The change in style of hero-stones seems to refleg a change in the status of the hero
being memorialised. Many of the earlier stones from Tamil Nadu come from the
North Arcot district which is known to have been at that time q area of Livestock
breeding, where cattle-raiding would be one method of increasing wealth. Later,
elaborate stones commemorated heroes who claimed to belong &I the upper caste
groups, often claiming Lshntriya status. The indication of the hero's religious sect
may have been due to the influence of the bhakti sects. The following is suggested on
an impressionistic basis: topographically and ecologically there is a frequency of such
Kamesh Mechrocks
memorials in upland areas, in the vicinity of passes across hills, and in areas regarded
~racti~~onallt I\ frontier /one> w h ~ c otten
t ~ ~ncludedprimarily pastoral region, the
%i;\L~rt\ot t o ~ ~ . s and
t s the e d g c ~of what have come to be called the 'tribal areas' of
I ~rltrnlI I I L ~ I ~ .

Hero-stone\ are relatively Infrequent in the large agricultural tracts of the Indus and
thc Ganga valleys a& in the agriculturally rich delta areas of the peninsula. Frontier
.tones were often majntalned as buffer regions where political security was transient
and where roya! armies did not necessarily guarantee protection to local inhabitants.
They would, therefore, inevita hly have recourse to their own arrangements for
protection, in which the village hero or the local chief played a major role. This
would suggest a differentiation of military functions in a decentralised political
syktem. Further, since these relics proliferated in the post-sixth century period, it
would be worth finding out the correlation and correspondence, if any, between the
distribution of land grants on the one hand and that of the memorial stones on the
other. This is particularly desuable in view of several assumptions:

a) the phenomenon of the lanJ grants is associated with the expansion of

agriculture,

b) both memoriai stones and land grants are considered -to be useful mechanisms of
cultic integration- the cult of Vithoba in Pandharpur (Maharashtra) is in itself a
case of the hero-stone being transformed into a deity, and

c) both the phenodena have also been instrumental in the processes of state
formation.

6.5.5 Religion as Ideology -For Whom?

Such prominent manifestations of the religio-philosophic outlook of people of the
Indian sub-continent of the post-Gupta centuries as the rise of bhakti, tantricism,
pilgrimage, etc. are indeed products of the land grant economy. Though the
lardamanas were the biggest beneficiaries of the mechanism and may have also
worked consciously in league with contemporary rulers to prepare a philosophic .
background, it would again be difficult to rationalise these developments only in
terms of dominating lbrahmana ideology. Surely, it is impossible to eliminate the
symbiotic relationship between the brahmaoas on the one hand and the tribals on the
other. The traffic of ideas was certainly a two-way one. And this receives support
from an unexpected quarter. For example iconographic studies have so far remained
confined to identification, description and interpretation of divine images and their
attributes. Largely forming a pa^ Df art history, these works have rarely been looked
as an index to soc~o-teligiouschanges at macro and micro levels. Treating
iconography as an integral part of the history of religions a recent work on Vaishnava
lconogrqphy in the $amil Country tries to trace the evolution of the concerned
subject through folk movements and integration of tribal cults of pre-Pallavan
centuries. Similarly, another 6ork undertakes a micro study of the process of cultural
coalescence and agencies of acculturation in the growth of Murugan. The growth of
.
this significant deitv of the Shaiva pantheon is presented as a convergence of two
cultural streams-'Sanskrit' and 'Tamil', without taking any of them as 'monolithic or
unidimensional'. -4nanalysis of sacrifice and divine mamage in the South Indian
Shaiva tradition has glso been done in the light of the many traditions that have
contributed to their formation, including vedic, epic, puranic, classical Tamil and
southern folk traditions.

Whd about the Buddhists and the Jainas? They were also affected by the nuances of
the land g r a ~economy.
t Though the sphere of the influence of the Buddhists was
shrinking, it was not the case with the Jainas. In Karnataka, Gujarat and Rajasthan
specially, they had c h e d out a place for themselves in the mind of people. Bbt ideas
such as bhakti, tantdc practices and pilMmage were essential components of their
creed too. The so-called 'Brahmans-Peasant Alliance' in the post-Gupta southern .
India is based on v skimpy aAd shaky evidence. Even the hypdhesk of the rural
3
base of the temple ovement under the patronage of brPhmnna-king collaboratiod
leaves many gaps if tihe role of bhakti as an ideology is to be fully appreciated. To-
illustrate, the Tarnilaham, where this rural-based model has been applied, also
an extensihe hternal trade network as well as an ambitious programme of
Kamesh Mechrocks
--A,:,, the
+-,A, o
t.
+;
& W h a t urac rnle nf tradem and mprphantr in +ha ,
,.
*I
. ,F
the temple movement? Perhaps because of the violent attitude of the Alvars and the
Nayanmars, at least in the initial few centuries, non-brahmanical religions which used .
to get .the support of these communities, had almost vanished frop Tarnilham. t id
traders and merchants switch their allegiance to the new temple movement? Or they
did not need any ideological prop? Evidence is mounting to show that even
merchants and their assemblies (nagarams) exercised control over land and had
interest in its agricultural output. Further, did not templt: also tend to erect barriers
of both language and rituals between peasant laity and the priesthdod? If then,
ideology is to be understood in terms of a mechanism of class interests in general and
ruling class interests in particular how does one explain the role of bhakti? This
dilemma would apply to other major post-quota religious manifestations as well. The
role of religion in society, particularly aF ideomgy ought to be seen in its
potentialities to sway masses and not cl sses.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Discuss the relationship between Religion, Ideology and Society. Answer in
about fifteen lines.

2) What role did ideology play in the post-Gupta centuries. Answer in aboit ten
lines.
............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................

.............................................................................................................................................
3) Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark ( J )or (X).
i) Bhakti, tantriiism, pilgrimage etc. were products of land gant economy.
ii) Reli@ousideas had no role in the formation of groups like the monastic
orders.
iii) Marx said.that "religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature"
iv) Man did not say that 'religion is. the opium of the ahasses"
v) The brahmanical literature meritions more than 4Oa'firthas in e d y medieval
times.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Society and Culture:
8th-13thCcahrly 6.6 LET US SUM UP
This Unit w& concerned with three broad issues, viz. the theoretical dimensions of
ideology, religion and ideology and their place in society and finally an application of
these in the specific Indian setting through millennia.

The underlined facets of the theoretical dimensions of the ideology showed:

complexities of d e w g ideology.
differences betweeg ideology in terms of nature and functions and ideology as
body of political belief.
ideology as a system of knowledge is based on assumption that all ideas, all
knowledge and all faculties of human understanding rest on sensory data.
major stages in tha writings on ideology from sociological standpoint with a
pronounced focus on M a n and Engels.
fundamental postulates and critique of psycho-cultural dimensions of ideology,
and
high potential for mass mobilisation and manipulation on the part of ideologies.

The section dealing with the place of religion and ideology in society has focusid
on :
recent developments in the analysis of ideology which are concerned with
improving explanations of how and why ideology takes a particular form and how
it works, and
certain question requiring answers bearing on the name, role and functions of
ideology.

The issues raised in the theoretical discussions of ideology are sought to be applied 'in
the specific Indian setting through the millennia-literally from the Harappan times to
the thirteenth century A.D. The points highlighted in the discussion include:
-

weakness of the hypothesis about the autonomy of religious ideas,

hegemony and dominance attributed to religion and ideology are exaggerated and
somewhat unwarranted,
philosophic backgmund of h d grants in the post-Gup@centuries, and
the need to study the role of religion in society, particularly as an ideology, in its
potentialities to sway masses and not classes.

6.7 KEY WORDS

slave
Vaishnava saints
Congruent having some size a d shape
Dana gift miking
p a t sinner
Pavilion in palace/temple
Saiva saints
Wded enclosure in palace/temple
eapiation
religious merit
a V&C sacrifice
Lord/Master

Kamesh Mechrocks
6.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOtTR PROGRESS .
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) These are idolr of tribe: idols of cave, idols of market and idols of theatre. See
Sub-sec. 6.2.1.
2) Base your answer on Sub-sec. 6.2.2.
3) Base your answer on Sub-sec 6.2.2.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Base your answer on the views expressed by Mam, Max Weber and Geertz.
See Sec. 6.3
2) Base your answer on Sec. 6.5 and its Sub-secs.
3) i) J ii) X iii)J iv) X v) J

Kamesh Mechrocks
A UNIT 7 DEVELOPMENT OF REGIONAL
CULTURAL TRADITIONS
Structure
7.0 Objectives
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Temple Architecture
7.2.1 Major Styles
7.2.2 Presidink Deities
7.2.3 Shapes, Plans and Language of Temples
7.2.4 Ecdogiaal Setting, Raw Materials and Regionalisation
7.2.5 Rok of Decorative Elements
Organisation of Building Programme
Chronological and Geographical Spfead of Indian Temples
Temples and Ibdian Cultural Ethos
Sculptures: Stone and Metal Images
Paintings, Temcottas and the "Medieval Factor"
Education and Learning
L d Chronicles and Eras
The New Religious Trends
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers To Check Your Progress Exercises

This Unit aims at acquainting you with the development of regional cultural
traditions and after reading it, you should be able to understand the:
emergence of regional cultural units,
manifestations of re6onalisation in various spheres of peoples' activities in the
realms of arts, literature,education, learning and religion,
development of architectural styles and basis of classlfying various temples,
terminology used in the descriptions of architectural features,
relationship between the ecological setting and temple constructions.
impact of the availability of raw materials on the construction of temples,
role of temples in the overall cultural ethos,
emergence of localised schools of sculptures in stone and metal,
regionalisation of larlguages, scripts, chronicles and eras, and
linkages between the essence of the "medieval factor" - the spreaa of feudal ethos
and the cultural manifestations.

7.1 INTRODUCTION
The centuries between the eighth and the thirteenth stand out rather prominently
from the point of view of the making of cultural traditions in India. The most
arresting feature of thew traditions is regionalism, which gets reflected in every
sphere, whether it be the formation of political power or the development of arts or
the transformations in languages and literature or even religious manifestations. In
very general terms, the emergence of regional cultural units such as Andhra, Assam,
Bengal, Gujarat, Karnataka, Kerala, Maharashtm, Orissa, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu,
etc. was the outcome of significant material changes. As already delineated (Block I),
the pace of agrarian chmges and the developments in the no!?-agrariansector were
setting the tone of f e u d socio-economic formation (see also Unit 5 in this Block).

Kamesh Mechrocks
1 As we shall see in Block 3, nor could the political structure remain unaffected by
these developments.

It should, not, therefore, surprise us if the cultural rhos too got permeated by similar
strains. The Mudrakshasa, a play writtcn in Sanskrlt by Vishakhadatta and generally
ascribed to the fifth century, speaks of different regions whose inhabitants differ in
Development of Rqional
Cnltanl Traditions

customs, clothing and language. The identity of some kind of subnational groups is
recognized by the Chinese pilgrim Hsiuan-Tsang who visited India in the first half of
the seventh century and mentions several nationalities. The Kuvalayamala, a Jain
text of the eighth century and largely concerned with western India, notes the
existence of 18 major nationalities and describes the anthropologcal character of
sixteen peoples, pointing out their psychological features and citing the examples of
their language. The Brabmavaivarta Purana, ascribed to the thirteenth century
Bengal explicates deshabheda - differences based on regions/territories.

I Indian temples have symbolised the very ethos of life-style of people through the
millennia. The panorama of Indian temple architecture may be seen across at
extremely wide chronological and geographical horizon. From the simple beginnings
at Sanchi in the fifth century of the Christian era to the great edifices at Kanchi,
J h a n j a w and Madurai is a story of more than a millennium.
i

I The prominent Shilpashastras that deal with the subject of temple architecture are:
1 Mayamata, Manasam, Shilparatna, Kamikagama, Kashyapasbipa and
I Ishanagurudevapaddbati

In the majority of these works the subject is dealt with under the three heads of:
the geographical distribution
e their differentiation from the point of view of shapes, and
their presiding deities and castes.

All these topics, however, are not mentioned in all these.works. Some later texts as
the Kamikagama and Kashyapashilpa show that the nature of ornamentation,
.
number of storeys, the size of prasadas ctc. ,I,W ,,. t ituted bases of differentiation.

7.2.1 Major Styles

The ancient texts on Indian temple architecture broadly classify them into three
orders. The terms Nagara, Dravida and Vesard indicate a tendency to highlight
typological features of temples and their geographical distribution: These terms
describe respectively temples that primarily employ square, octagonal and apsidal
ground plans which also regulate the vertical profile of the structure. Nagara an*,
Dravida temples are generally identified with the northern and southern temple styles
respectively. All of northern India, from the foothills of the Himalayas to the central
plateau of the Deccan is furnished with temples in the northern style (See Illus. 1).
There are, of course, certain regional variations in the great expanse of this area. A
work entitled Aparajitapriceha confines the Nagari (Nagara) style to the
Madhyadesha (roughly the Ganga-Yamuna plains) and further mentions Lati and
Vaimti (Gujarat and Rajasthan respectively) as separate styles. The local
manuscripts of Orissa recognise four main types of Orissa style temples, viz., the
Rehka, Bhadra, Kharkhara and Gaudiya.

The ~ravidaor southern style, comparatively speaking, followed a more consistent

development track and was confined to the most southemly, portions of the
sub-continent, specially between the Krishna river and Kanyakumari. The term
Vesara is not free from vagueness. Some of the texts ascribe the Vesara style to the
country between the Vindhyas and the river Krishna but there are texts placing it
'between the Vindhyas and the Agastya, the location of which is uncertain. Since the
temples of the Nagara type are found as far south as Dharwad (in Karnataka) and
those of the Dravidian type as far north as Ellora (in Maharashtra), a narrow and
Kamesh Mechrocks
compartmentalised geographical classification is misleading. At certain periods there
- I s

8th-13thCentwy,
SodetgradCWuc:, occurred striking overlapping of major styles as influends from'different regions
confroqed each other, e.g., the temples of the early Chalukyas whose kingdom was
strategically positioned in the middle of the peninsula in the seventh and eighth
centuries. The Kandariya Mahideva temple in Khajuraho is another striking exanfple
where the vMous architectural elements 'combined into an integrated whole.
. simjldY,the Kerala temples display variety in their plan t@s. Square, circular or
apsideended buildings are utilized. The earlibt examples in Kerala go back to the
twelfth century.

7.2.2 Presiding Deities

Temples were dedicated not only to two great gods of the Brahmanical pantheon,
viz., Shiva and Vihqu but to the Great Mother Goddess as well. In fact, consecration
and depiction of divinities big and small, benevolent and malevolent, celestial and
terrestrial, atmospheric .and heavenly, devas and asuras and countless folk deities
such as vakshas, vakshis,' apsaras and kinnaris represent a world of their own. It is
.indeed fascinating to see that even animal or bird 'vehicles' (vahanas) of these
divinities shed their mu!eness and become eloquent carriers of meaningful
symbolism. Thus, Nmdi, the agriculiural bull of Shiva is fully expressive of the god's
sexuality (See Illustration No. 2); tiger, the mount of Durga embodies her fierce
strength and aggressiveness. The river goddesses, Ganga and Yamma are identified
by their vahanas, vii, crocodile and tortbise respectively. Lakshmi's association with
elephants, lotus flowers and water not only symbolise her popularity as the goddess
of fortune but more importantly as a divinity conveying the magical power of
-
agricultural fertility an aspect that goes back to the days of the Rigvetla. Swan
canying Saraswati typified not only her grace and elegance but classic Kshira-nira i
viveka - the tremendous intellectual discerning capacity which is an integral . - 1 I
element of this goddess of learning. The Kashyapashilpa has a chapter on the deities
to be enshrined in the principal styles mentioned above. Thus, the Shantamurtis
(peaceful, calm and serene deities) are to be installed in Nagara; couples or moving
deities in vesara shrines; and heroic, dancing or enjoying deities in the Dravidg
structures. However, these injunctions about presiding deities, like the basic styles,
ought not to be taken in a cornpartmentalised sense. Similarly, textual prescriptions
about the Nagara, Dtuvida and Vesara styles being associated with brahmana,
Kshatriya and Vaishys varnas respectively cannot be taken literally.
9
f-- Check Your Progress 1
1) How do we come to know about regional cultural units?

.............................................................................................................................................
2)" List six major works which dea1:with the sub,ect of temple architecture.
1) 2) "
3) 4)
'5) 6)
3) List the three major temple styles with their geographical distribution.

............................................................................................................................................
. .
,
..I ........................................................................................................................................
4) . List the main deities placed in different styles of temples.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Development of Regional
7.2.3 Shapes, Plans and Language of Temples C d b n l Tnditiom,
Each temple style has its own distinctive technical language, though some terms are
common but applied to different parts of the building in each style. The sanctuary,
which is the main part is called the vimana where the garbhagriha or the inner
sanctum containing the main presiding deity is located. The part surmounting the
vimana is known as the shikhrua. The other elements of ground plan are: mandapa
or pavilion for the assembly of devotees; antarala, which is a vestibule connecting the
vimana and mandapa and the pradakshiapath, i.e. circumarnbulatory passage
surrounding these. The natmandir or dance hall and bhogamandapa were evolved
subsequently in the Orissan temples such as the famous Sun temple at Konarka, to
add to the dignity and magnificence of the deities who were honoured in them. The
exterior of the Nagara type is characterized by horizontal tiers, as in the jagamohan
or porch in front of the sanctum of the Ligaraj temple at Bhubaneswar, and the
viman, is usually circular in plan. Fundamentally, there is no structural similarity
between the Brahmanical and the Jain temples in the North except that the need for
housing the various Tirthankaras dominates the disposition of space in the latter.
' The ~ r i v i d astyle has a polygonal, often octagonal ohikhara and a pyramidal
vimana, which is rectangular in plan. A temple of the Dravida type is also notable for
the towering gopurams or gatetowers of the additional mandapas. From the days of
Ganesh ratha of the Pallava times (seventh ceniury) at Mahabalipuram (near
Madras) to the gigantic Brihadishvara temple (c.985-1012 A.D.) of the Cholas at
Thanjavur:the Dravida style took many strides. (For various Temple plans see
lllustration Nos. 3 to 8.)

7.2.4 Ecological Setting, Raw Materials and Regionalisation

I
The stylistic evolution of temples was also rooted in ecological setting which gave
1 them specific regional identity. In the relatively heawy rainfall areas of the western
I
coast of India and Bengal, temples have sloping tiled roofs, giving rise to timber
gables. T o overcome the hazards of snow and hail, wooden sloped roofs are also
1 employed in the temples of the Himalayan belt. In general, the hotter and drier the

I climate, the flatter the roof; open porches provide shaded seating, and pierced stone.
.screens are utilised to fiter the light. Some such features which are noticeable in the
famous Ladkhan temple of the Chalukyas at Ahole (north Karnataka) are direct
adaptations of thatch and timber village and community halls.>Thedistribution of
space in Jain shrines was affected by their placements on high hills. These structures
are characterized by an air of seclusion and aloofness. Some such typical examples
can be seen at the Shatrunjaya and Palitana hills in Gujarat or the Dilwara temples at
Mount Abu in southern Rajasthan.

Apart from the ecological influences, the availability of raw materials also affected
styles of craftsmanship. While the transition from wood to stone attributed to the
Mauryas of the third century B.C. was in itself a great step forward, local raw
materials played a dominant role in techniques of construction and carving. No
wonder, the Pallava King Mahendravarman (early seventh century) is called
vichitra-chitta (curious minded) because he discarded conventional perishable
materials such as brick, timber and mortar and used the hardest rock surfact (granite)
for his cave temples at Mahabalipuram. Hard and crystalline rocks prevented detailed
carving, whereas soft and sedimentary stone permitted great precision. Friable and
schistlike stones, such as those by the Hoyshal architects and craftsmen at Belur and
Halebid (Karnataka) in the twelvth and thirteenth centuries promoted the carving of
mouldings created by sharp and angled incisions. Brick building traditions continued
I
to survive where there was an absence of good stone and techniques of moulding and
carving bricks doubtless influenced the style of temples in these areas, e.g. the
temples at Bishnupur in Bengal. The influence of timber and bamboo techniques of
construction represent a unique architectural development in north eastern state of
Assam. Almost no stone temples are found in the Himalayan valleys of Kulu, Kangra
and Chamba. It is obvious that timber and brick building traditions dominate temple
f ~ r min
s these areas. The sloping and gabled roofs which are preserved only in stone
in the temples of Kashrnir can be seen in these areas in pure wooden conrext. In the
ninth celitury or so, a remarkable multi-towered temple was excavated into a natural

I
escarpm :nt at Masrur in Kangra.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Society and Culture: 7.2.5 Role of D e c o r a t i v e Elements
8th-13th Centmry
T h p evolution of vadious styles in tenns of decorations, ornamentations and other
embellishments is a natural phenomenon. However, it needs to be stressed that these
elements did not affect the basic structure of temples already outlined above.
Amongst conspicuous decorative elements one can mention growth of pillars from
simple oblong shafts in early Pallava structures to extremely finely chiselled (almost
giving the impressioh of lathe work) columns in Hoyshala temples. Later still, the
temples of Madurai and Rameshvaram give extraordinary place to long corridors
studded with animals based caryatids. The niches, pavilions and horse shoe-shaped
windows (kudu) (See llustration No. 9), among others, are also important decorative
motifs which help in the delineation of stages of evolution. In general, the tendency is
to make constant indrease in embellishments.T o illustrate, the kudu which at the
Mahabalipuram monuments has a plain shovel-headed firial, develops a lion head in
the Chola monuments. The process of excessive ornamentation is noticeable in North
India too. Shikharas, ceilings and other walls receive great attention of artisans and
craftsmen. Extremely exquisite catvings in marble in the ceilings at Dilwara Jain
temples at Mt. Abu do not serve any structural purpose and are purely decorative.

Sometimes it is argued that multiplication of roofs constitutes a distinctive feature of

temples of Malabar, Bengal and the eastern and western Himalayas. In a west coast
or Malabar temple the walls resemble a wooden railing in structure and were made of
wood, though stone bpies from about the fourteenth century also exist. Such
temples (for exampl&,the Vadakkunath temple at Trichur - 15th-16th century)
may have either a simple pitched roof of overlapping slabs, or they may have a series
of pitched roofs one above another, which bear an obvious resemblance to the
multiple pitched roofs of Chinese and Nepalese temples.

In the Kashmir Valley of the western Himalayas, temples bear two or three roofs
which were also copiled from the usual wooden roofs. In the wooden examples the
interval between the two roofs seems to have been left open for light and air; in the
stone buildings it is dosed with ornaments. Besides this, all these roofs are relieved
by types of windows comparable to those found i6 medieval buildings in Europe.
Example of such roofs in Kashmir may be seen in Shiva temple at Pandrethan and
Sun temple at Martand. In Rengal, temples have been identiaed which have been
borrowed from leaf-huts that are very common in the region. In this form of temple
with curved caves we also find the same tendency to a multiplication of roofs one
above another. The temples at Bishnuvir such as the famous Keshta Raya (17th
century) are built with a variety of roofs forms on square and rectangular plans. Even
contemporary Mughal architecture makes use of this so-called "Bengal roof" in
sandstone or marble. (For various types of roofs see lllustration Nos. 10 to 15 for
pillars No 16 and niches No. 17).

7.3 ORGANISATION OF BUILDING PROGRAMIME

In the erection of the structural temple an organised building programme was
fonowed. Bricks were baked either on or near the site and stone was mostly quarried
locally. From reliefs carved on temples and from a palm-leaf manuscript (See
Illustration No. 18) that has been discovered about the building operations carried
out at the world famous thirteenth century Sun temple at Konarka, (See lllustration
Nos. 19, 20) it is learnt that stone from quarries was sometimes transported to the
building site on wooden rollers drawn by elephants or floated on barges along rivers
and canals. At the site the masons roughly shaped the stone blocks which were then
hoisted into position by rope pulleys on scaffolding. Ramps were a!so constructed of
timber and sand to facilitate the placing of extremely heavy stone pieces in place. A
classic example of this is the stone constituting the huge shikhara of the Brihadishvar
temple at Thanjavur. Whis shilchara weighing about 80 tonnes is popularly believed to
have been raised to it6 present height of about 200 feet by being dragged on an
inclined plane, whichhad its base about seven kilometres, away at Sarapallan
(literally, meaning 'elevation from depression'). Occasionally, as in Konarka, iron
beams (For iron beams see Illustration No. 21) were used in the sanctuary and hall.
The architects, artisans and workmen engaged in the various activities associated with
the building of a temple were organised into groups which functioned as guilds. The
Kamesh Mechrocks
above-mentioned Kdnarka temple manuscript lists the workmen, their salaries and Development of R m l
C.lbml Trdltiocms
rules of conduct and provides an account over several years of the various building
operations. Quite often, these get reflected in stone as well, e.g., an eleventh century
panel from Khajuraho shows cuttings, chiselling and transporting stone for temples.

Check Your Progress 2

1) What are the main parts in a temple plan?

2) How did the ecological setting and raw material decide the shape of the roof of
the temples?

,,3)' In which are& multiplication of roofs was used for temple decoration? .
+
.............................................................................................................................................

'7.4 CHRONOLOGICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL

, SPREAD OF INDIAN TEMPLES
In this section we mention some of the prominent temples according to their
chronology and geographical spread.

THE NORTHERN.STYLE
Northern, Central and Western India (Fifth-seventh centuries)
The Pawati temple at Nachna (South-east of Khajuraho, M.P.); the Dashavatara
temple at Deogarh.(Jhansi District, U.P.); the brick temple at Bhitaragon (Kanpur
District, u.P.); ihe Vishnu temple at Gop (Gyarat); Mundeshwari temple (an unusual
example of octagonal plan) at Ramgarh (Bihar) and temples at Sanchi and Jigawa
(both in Madhya Pradesh).

The Deccan and Central India (Sixth-eighth centuries) E

Cave temples at Ellora (near Aurangabad in Maharashtra, see Illustration No. 22),
Elephanta (near Bombay) and Badarni (north Karnataka; Early Chalukyan temples)
in north Karnataka at Btdami, Aihole (Ladkhan temples), and Pattadakal
(Papanatha and Galganatha temples).

Western and Central India (Eighth - thirteenth centuries)

Harihara and other temples at Osian (North of Jodhpur, Rajasthan); Jelika Mandir
(Gwalior); Chandella temples at Khajuraho (specially, Lakshman, Kandariya
Mahadev and Vishvanatha); temples at Roda (North of Modhera in Gujarat); Sun
temple at Modhera (Gujarat) and Marble temples of the Jains at Mt. Abu
(Rajasthan). '
Kamesh Mechrocks
 -- -

society and Ctllture:

8th-13th Century
Eastern India (Ei&th - thirteenth centuries)
Parashurameshvar Vaital Deul, Mukteshvar, Lingaraj and Rajarani temples (all at
Bhubaneshwar); Sun temple at Konarka (Orissa) and the jagannatha temple at Puri
(Orissa).

The Himalayan belt (Eighth century pnwards)

Sun temple at Martand; Shiva temple at Pandrethan and Vishnu temple at
Aventesvamin (all in Kashmir); temple at Masrur (Kangara, Himachal Pradesh) and
brahmanical temples in Nepal (Kathmandu, Patan and Bhadgaon).

THE SOUTHERN STYLE

The Deccan and Tamil Nadu (Sih-tenth centuries)
Cave temples, the Rathas and the 'Shore' templepf~hePallavas at Mahabalipuram
(near Madras); (See Illustration No. 23) the Vdikunthaperumal and Kailasanatha
temples at Kanchipuram (also near Madras); Chalukyan stqctures at Aihole ( ~ e g u t i
temple), Badami (Malegitti Shiva temple) and Pattadakal (Virup@csKatemple) and
the Kailas temple at Bllora carved out under the patronage of the RashtrakuJas,

Karnataka, Tgmil Nadu and Kerala (~enth-seymieenth centuries)

Brihadishvar temples of the Cholas at Jhanjaw and Ganga;! 6ndacholapuram;
Hoyshal temples at Belur, Halebid and Somnathpur (all irl Karnataka); later
Chalukya temples in -ataka (at Lakkundi and Gadag); the Pampati temple of the
Pandyas at Vijaynagw; the Shrirangam (near Trichinopoly, Tamil Nadu) and
Minakshi temples (Madurai, Tamil Nadu,See Illustration Nos. 24,25); the
Kattilmadam (at Chalpurarn, District Palghat, Kerala) temple and ~arasguram
temple at Tiruvallam (near Trivandrum).

THE VESARA STYLE

The Buddhist Chaitya halls of the early centuries of the Christian era and situated in
the western ghats in the modem state of Maharashtra may be said to be prototypes of
this style. Its most conspicuous feature-is the apsidal ground plan. As already
mentioned, tiwe is certain vagueness about its essential components and
geographical distribution. Amongst the early examples (seventh-tenth centuries) can
be cited the structures at Chezarla (Andhra Pradesh), Aihole (Durga temple),
Mahabalipuram (Sahdeva and Draupali rathas) and Kerala (Shiva temples at
Trikkandiyur and Tiruvannur). The classic post-tenth century examples include the
Nataraja shrine at Chidambaram (Tamil Nadu) and the Vamana temple at
Kizhavellur (District Kottayam, Kerala). <
I

7.5 TEMPLES AND I N D ~ N

CULTURAL m O S
Indian temples symbalised the very mundane urges of humans and were for varied
activities of the community as a whole.
To begin with, general education within the temple was of great importance. Many
endowments to temples were specifically made for establishment of colleg&which
were incorporated into temple complexes. Teaching of such subjects as gramm'ar and
astrology as well as recital and teaching of texts such as the Vedas, the Epics
Ramayana and the Mahabharata and the Puranas were encouraged. Music and
dance generally formad part of the daily ritual of the temples and during special
celebrations and annual festivals these played a particularly dominant role. Large
temples wouldpaintab their own musicians - both vocal and instrumental, together
I
with dancers, actors and teachers of performing arts. The life-size delineations of
such musicians in a tenth-century temple at Khajuraho (See Illustration No. 26) as
well as in the Sun temple at Konarka and nata mandir (dancing hall) forming an
absolutely integral element in the Orissan and other temples also provide eloquent
testimonies to that effect. And, of course, who can forget the performance of the
great cosmic-dance of the Mahadeva Shiva himself at the Chidambaram temple. No
Iess important was the institution of devadasii. These teruple maidens played a
significant role in dancing as well as in singing of devotional hymns by which the
temple god was e n t e m e d . The fact that the Chola emperor Rajaraja 1 (984-1-012)
constructed two long streets for the accommodation of four hundred dancing women
attached to the Brihadishvar temple (Thanjavur), gives us an idea of the lavish scale
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Pandrethan
A
A Avantipur
A Martand

A Main Brahmanical temple sites

- .
Kamesh Mechrocks
 on which he endowed the temple and its functions. Many temples had regular
festivals which provided opportunities for mingling of mythology and folklore, as for
instance, the annual hthayatra of the Jagarinatha temple at Pun. The undertaking of
pilgrimage (tirthayatra) is yet another mechanism through which the participation of
the community in temple activities was facilitated.

As temples prdvided work and the means of livelihood for a large number of
persons, they were able to exert great influence upon the economic life of people.
Even small temples needed the services of priests, garland-makers and suppliers of
clarified butter, milk and oil. One of the most detailed accounts that have been
preserved of the number of people who were supported by a temple and the wages
they received is that given in an inscription on the above-mentioned Thanjawr
temple, and dated 1011 A.D. The list includes cooks, gardeners, dance-masters,
garland-makers, musicians, wood-carvers, painters, choir-groups for singing h@ns in
Sanskrit and Tamil, accountants, watchmen and a host of other officialsand servants
of temples, totalling more than six hundred persons (See also Units 6.5 and 11.5) ,

7.6 .SCULPTURES: STONE AND METAL IMAGES

The regional spirit asserting itself is seen in sculptural arts as well. Stylistically,
schools of artistic depictions of the human form developed in eastern, western,
central and northern India. Distinctive contribution also emerged in the Himalayan
regions, the Deccan and the far South. A great majority of these regions produced
works of arj that were chqracterized by what has been described as the "medieval
factor" by the great art historian and critic Nihar ~ & j a nRai. This "medieval factor"
was marked by a certain amount of slenderness and an accent on sharp angles and
lines: The roundness of bodily form acquires flatness. The curves lose their convexity
and turn into the concave. Western and Central Indian sculptures, Eastern Indian and
Himalayan metal images, Gujarati and Rajasthani book and textile illustrations,
Bengal terracottas and wood carvings and certain Deccan and Orissa miniatures
registered this new conception of form through the post-tenth centuries.

The pivot of the early medieval sculpture is the human figure, both male and female,
. in the form of gods and goddesses and their attendants. Since these cult images rest
on the assured foundations of a regulated stiucture of form, it maintains a more or
less uniform standard of quality in all art-regions of India. Curiously, the creative
climax of each art-region is not reached at one and the same time all over India. In
Bihar and Bengal it is reached in the ninth and tenth centuries; 'in Orissa in the
twelfth and thirteenth; in Central India in the tenth and eleventh; in Rajasthan in the
tenth; in Gujarat in the eleventh; and in the far south in the tenth-eleventh centuries.
It is in the Deccan alone that the story is of increasing torpor and petrification -
indeed, Deccan ceases to be a sculptural province after the eighth century.

It is not only the cult images but non-ironic figure sculptures too which conform to
. more or less standardised types within each art-province and hardly reveal any
personal attitude or experience of the artist. The multitude of figures related
themselves to a large variety of motifs and subjects. These include: narrative reliefs, ,
historical or semi-historical scenes; music and dance scenes, mithuna couples in a
variety of poses and attitudes, arrays of warriors and animals and shalabhanjikas
(women and the tree) (See Illustration No. 24).

Metal images cast in brass and oct-alloy (ssthta-dhataj, copper and bronze emerge in
profusiom in eastern India (Bihar, Bengal and Assam), Himalayan kingdoms
(specially Nepal and Kashmir) and more particularly in the south. The North Indim
images largely portray brahmanic and Buddhist deities penqeated with tantrik
influences. The main types represented in the remarkable galaxy of South Indian
metal images are the various forms of Shiva, especially the Nataraja, Parvati; the
Chaiva saints such as Apgar, Sambaudar and Saudarar; Vaishnav saints called Alvars
and figures of royal donors.

All oaer the country, the post-Gupta iconography prominently displays a divine
hierarchy which reflects the pyramidal ranks in feudal society. Vishnu, Shiva and
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Development of Regional
Durga appear as supreme de!ties lording over many other divinities of unequal sizes Coltan1 Tnditioas
and placed in lower positions as retainers and attendants. The supreme Mother
Goddess is clearly established as an independent divinity in iconography from this
time and is represented in a dominating posture in relation to several minor deities.
Even hitherto a puritanical religion l i e Jainism could not resist the pressure of
incorporating the Mother Goddess in its fold, which is fully reflected in the famous
Dilwara temples at Mt. Abu in Rajasthan. The pantheons do not so much reflect
syncretism as forcible. In the rock-cut sculptures of Ellora one can feel the fighting
mood of the divinities engaged in violent struggles against their e n e m i ~The
. reality
of unequal ranks appear in the.Shaivite, Jain and Buddhists monastic organisations.
The ceremonies recommended for the consecration of the acharya, the highest in
/
rank, are practically the same as those for the coronation of the prince.

Check Your Progress 3

1) List two main temples each of the five categories listed under Northern style.

2) List four temples of the Southern and Vesara styles each.

Which were the main groups of people associated with various activities in
temples?

4) What are the peculiar features of sculptures described by art historians as

' "medieval factor"?

Kamesh Mechrocks
7.7 PAINTINGS, TERRACOIT'AS AND THE L

"MEDIEVAL FACTOR"
The medieval tradition in paintings has the following traits:
sharp, jerky and pointed angles, e.g., at the elbow and the shoulders,
sensuous facial features - sharp and peaked nose, long wide swollen eyes
projected sharply and crescent lips,
richness of variegatled patterns, motifs etc. gathered and adapted to the grip of
sharp curves, and
an intense preference for geometric and abstract patterns of decoration.

The manifestations of these traits can be seen in the paintings on the walls of the
Kailas temple (eighth century) of Ellora; the Jain shrine at Sittanavasal (ninth
century) and the Brihadishvar temple at Thanjavur (eleventh century), both in Tamil
Nadu. However, these traits are still more pronounced ine!t well-known
manuscript-illustrations of Bihar and Bengal, Nepal and Tibet in $he post-tenth
centuries. Textiles sudaces also offered a very rich field for the development of this
tradition. At least from the thirteenth century onwards West Indian textile designs,
and later, those of the Deccan, South, Orissa and Bengal also register their impact in
unmistakable terms.

The feudal ethos of the post-Gupta economy, society and polity is also noticeable in
the terracotta art. The change is noticeable in the patrons and content of depictions.
Art activity, as a whole, was being feudalised. The pre-Gupta art at Bharhut, Sanchi,
Karle, Amaravati, Nagaqunakonda, etc. was patronised mainly by the mercantile and
commerical class, artisans and craft-guilds as well as royal families. Art in the Gupta
period (fourth-sixth centuries), when feudal tendencies had just begun to appear,
reflects that vitality and zest of renewed brahmanism - for the first time brahmanical
temples were construcded in permanent material, i.e. stone. The art of the post-Gupta
centuries (650-1300 A.D.) was supported mainly by kings of different principalities, ,
feudatories, military chiefs, etc. who alone could patronise large-scale art activities.
The terracotta art, which had once symbolised the creative urges of commonman,
ceased to be so and instead, became a tool in the hands of resourceful patrons. The
output of miniature portable terracottas made for the urban market dwindled in the
post-Gupta period. Though some of the old urban centres such as ~aranasi,
Ahichchatra and Kanauj survived and some new ones like Tattanandapur (near
Bulandshahr in U.P.) merged in the early medieval period, very few of them ha9e
yielded terrawttas. Instead of producing for the market, the clay modeller
(pitakaraka) become subservient to the architect and now produced for big
landlords, brahmanical temples and non-brahmanical monasteries. Terrawtta
acquired the character of an elite art and was preserved in feudal headquarters and
religious centres such as Paharpur, Rajbadidanga (Bengal), Vikramashila ( B i b ) ,
Akhnur and Ushkar (Kashrnir). Terrawttas in the post-Gupta centuries were used by
landed aristocrats and kings to dewrate religious buildings and their own places on
auspicious occasions such as marriages as rewrded by Bana in the Harshacharita.

.7.8 EDUCATION AND LEARNING

Just as the Church was the principal organiser of education in Europe in tbe
Medieval times, similarly the post-Gupta centuries saw the concentration of the
centres of education in religious establishments, such as the Virrrs, mathas and
temples. Colleges also existed in some royal capitals such as Dhara, Ajmqr.
AnahillaFura, etc. The fame of Mithila in North Bihar and Nadia in Bengal as centres
of brahmanical learning increased in these centuries. Kashi (Varanasi) with its Shaiva
monasteries was also a flourishing seat of brahmanical learning. Kashmendra tells us
Kamesh Mechrocks
that students from such distant regions as Gauda (Bengal) travelled to Kashmir for Development of Regional
CdtumI T d o m
study in the mathas. The evidence of Hemachandra reveals the existence of
Vidya-mathas in Gujarat in the twelfth century. Numerous agraharas in the south
were developing as educational centres. Amongst notable universities, one can
mention Nalanda, Vikramashila and Odantapuri (all in Bihar), Valabhi (Gujarat),
Jagadalla and Somapuri (in Bengal) and Kanchipuram in Tamil Nadu.

The concept of temple libraries was evolved from the eighth century. The real
,ginnings in this sphere were laid by the Jainas. The long lists of their
achers/preceptors - bhattarakas and shripujyas, and the place of honour given to
em is symptomatic of this development. Their espousal of the cause of Shastradana
dift of religious texts/manuscripts) explains the great bhandaras (store houses) such
is patan, Khambhat, Jainsalmer, etc., which became integral parts of Jain
:stablishments in Gujarat, Rajasthan and Karnataka in particular. The trend was
picked up by brahmanical mathas as well and we get a phenomenal pcd$feration of
the manuscript tradition almost all over India.

That tantra and mantra became a favourite subject of study may be inferred from the
fact that a full-fledged department of Tantra was run in the University of
Vikramashila. The Tibetan traveller Taranatha, who came to India in the 17th
century is very eloquent about tantrik curricula at Nalanda, Odantapuri and other
prominent universities of Bihar and Bengal. The growth and popularity of occult
sciences also constitute a significant feature of the post-eighth centuries. The list of
subjects pursued by people in the thirteenth century has been given in Rajashekhara's
Prabandhakosha. It includes many occult sciences in the long list of more than 70
subjects.

Amongst the most notable phenomena in the sphere of learning may be recounted:
a) .regionalisation of languages,
b) emergence of regional scripts, and
c) growing verbosity in literature.

The post-Gupta centuries are epoch-making in the history of language and literature
Although the large-scale dispersal of Sanskrit &owing brahmanas was resulting in
the spread of that language in distant areas due to the landgrant phenomenofl. The
scope of. Sanskrit was graduaUy getting confined. It was being used by the ruling class
at the higher administrative levels. In the Naishadhiyaeharita we find the dignitaries
present in the svayamvara of Damyanti having the fear of not being understood and,
as such, taking recourse to Sanskrit.

'According to Al-biruni, vernacular literature which was used by the common people
was neglected by the upper and educated class. However, a development of
undeniable significance is the differentiation of Apabhramsha into proto-Hindi,
proto-~engali,proto-Rajasthani, proto-Gujrati, proto-Marathi, proto-Maithili, etc.
The Apahhramsha, which formed a link in our period between the Old-classical
languages guch as Sanskrit and Prakrit on the one hand and modem vernaculars on
the other, originated much before our period. The Kuvalayamala, an eighth century
work,.enumerates as many as 18 Apabhramshas spoken in various regions of India,
which tQrned into modem Indian languages later. In the list of Rajashekhara, Prakrit,
Paishachika,'Apabhramsha and Deshabhasha are mentioned alongwith Sanskrit as
subjects to be studied by a prince. Vernaculars such as Avahatha, Magadhi, Shakari,
Abhiri, Chandali, Savali, Draviti, etc. f.ormed part of curriciduhi mentioned in the
Varna Ratnakara. The pace of linguistic variations quickened in the country in the
post-Gupta centuries mainly on account of lack of inter-regional communication and
mobility. The migrating brahmanas enriched the vocabulary of regipnal languages.
They also helped to develop and systematize local dialyts into langpages through the
introduction of writing. ,

The emergence of regional scripts run parallel to the growth of regi6nal languages.
,As there are numerous languages, so also there are quite a large nuthber of scripts
used to express these languages. From Maurya to Gupta times the s~riptchanged
mainly as a result of the passage of time and anyone knowing the Brahmi script of
the Gupta period could read inscriptions from any part of the country. This was not
possible after the seventh century. From this period the regional variations become so
Kamesh Mechrocks
I
Society md Cubre: pronounced that one has to be well-versed in several scripts to be able to rwd.
8th-13th Centory
Obviously, the regions1 script was produced by regional insulation and the availability
. of the locally educated scripts to meet the needs of local education and
. administration. Manu$cripts, inscriptions and other written material use Devanagari,
Assamese, Bengali, Osiya, Tamil, Telugu, Kannada and Sharada (in Kashrnir) scripts.
That the proliferation of scripts went beyond linguistic confines, is clear from the case
of Tamil. A study of various inscriptions leads one to an inescapable conclusion that '
dough the Cheras, the Cholas and the Pandyas adopted Tamil as their language,
each seems to have adopted a different script, .perhaps to indicate their regional
identity. The Cheras used a cursive variety of Tamil Brahmi d e d VATTELUTIV
(rounded script). The Pandyas seem to have populan'sed the KOLELUITU (script
of straight lines) and the Cholas combined the two. This is not all. For philosophic
and religious discourses, in the three kingdoms put together, the scholars gave rise to
the Tamil Grantha script. Hundreds of manuscripts in this script are said to have
reached as far north as Tibet, where Buddhist monasteries became great repositories.

While editing a medieval Sanskrit text called Subhashita-Ratnakasha, D.D.Kosambi

brought to light many neglected poets but characterized it as a decadent poetry or
- writing of a decadent age. sometimes we understand such phenomena in absolute or
total sense. It is not necessary that economic, political, social and cultwal decline run
simultaneously. Also, the yardstick of "decadence" cannot be worked out in absolute
terms. The erotic sculptures of Khajuraho, Bhubaneshwar, 'Konarka and Belur may
appear to some to be products of a perverted mind but the same art pieces are taken
by others to be manifestation of vital cultural ethos of people. '

The post-eighth centu~iessaw prolific literary output in realms of bhilosophy, logic,

legal texts, devotional poetry of the Alvars and the Shaiva Agamas, Kavyas,
narratives, lyrics, historical biographies, scientific writings, shilpasbastras, etc.
Nonetheless, in keeping with the growing paraphernalia and personal vanity of the
new landed classes, the language of most of these literary compositions became
extremely verbose and ornate. This omate style marked by pompous adjectives,
adverbs and sirnilies b ~ a m thee hallmark of literature as well as inscriptions.
Although the prose styje of Bana, which is known for highly complex and elaborate
sentence constructions, was not exactly initiated, it did continue to serve as a model
for the post-seventh catury writings.

In the realm of poetry too, dvayashraya or Shlesha Kavyas were being produced
consciously. These works contain verses conveying two different senses when read in
different directions. The Ramacharita of Sandhyahra Nandi presents both the story
of Rama and the life oh Kirig ~ a m a p a l aof Bengal. The marriages of Shiva and
Parvati and Krishna and Rukmani are described in a twelfth century work (Parvati
Ruluniniya) produced in the (3haulukya court. Hemachandra is credited with the
composition of Saptasqnbbana having seven alternative interpretations. The tendency'
of working out the intdcate pattern of double, triple or even more meanings reflects
the artificiality of life.
I

AND ERAS
7.9 LOCAL C~RONICLES
Hsiuan-tsang, the Chinese p i l p m of the seventh century writes that he learnt
thoroughly the dialects in all the districts through which he journeyed. Further, writing
general observations on languages, books, etc. he says:
"with resped to the records of events each province has its own official for
preserving them irl writing. The record of these events in their full character is
called Nilapita (blue deposit). In these records are mentioned good and evil
events, with calamities and fortunate occurrences."

The existence of historical chronicles in Kashrnir (Rajataranm), Gujarat (Rasniala.

Prabandha, Chintamani, Vasanta Vilasa, etc.), Sind (Chadmama) and Nepal
(Vamshavalis) supports the presumption that the archives of different states, as a
rule, contained such royal chronicles as stated by Hsiuan-tsang. These chronicles are
further c o n h a t i o n of the tendency of regionalisation noticeable in the overall
cultural pattern and traditions.
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An analogous development which further strengthened this tendency is visible in the
rise of localised eras. In addition to the older Saka and Vikrama eras which had a
vast and expansive usage upto the Gupta epoch and, to some extent even later; the
post-Gupta centuries are marked by regional systems of time ieckoning. Harsha
himself founded an era in the early seventh century. His contemporary in Assam i.e.
Bhaskaravarman started Bhasksrabda, which is used in some manuscripts from &at
region. An era in Bengal also'came into being. The Jains started using the Mahavira
samvat. The great Vaishnava saint and teacher of Assam, viz., Shankaradeva is
credited with the starting of Shankarabda - a reckon~ngafter him.
'
I

7.10 THE NEW RELIGIOUS TRENDS

The religious rituals and practices underwent important changes during the centuries
under discussion. In accordance with the growing practice of land grants alongwith
the surrender of other property and service to the I a r d and then receiving fiscal
rights and protection as prasad or favour, there grew the puja system. The puja was
interlinked with the doctrine of bhakti or complete self-surrender of the individual to
his god (See also Unit 6.5.2).

Both puja and bhakti became integral ingredients of tantriasm, which arose outside
the Madhyadesha in the aboriginal, peripheral areas on account of the acculturation
of the tribal people throughout large-scale religious land grants. Brahmanical land
rights in the new territories could be maintained by adopting tribal rituals and deities,
especially the Mother Goddess, which eventually produced the tantras (see also Unit
6.5). Tantricism permeated all religions in the post-seventh centuries-Jainism,
Buddhism, Shaivism and Vaishnavism. If a thematic compilation of thousands of
manuscripts is undeytaken, it would be noticed that literature on pujas, vidhis, tantra
and occult sciences is phenomenal. Even the jainas, who had been allergic to such
practices gave birth to countless such manuscripts. The jaina Bhandaras are full of
such manuscripts as Dharmachakiapuja, Dashalakshanapj a , etc. This is so,
notwithstanding the original meaning of puja in the Jaina Anga literature, specially in
the context of monks. In that context it is 'said to have symbolised "respect" shown to
him and not the "worship" of limbs. It is unmistakable, however, that puja of idols of
tirthankaras had the connotation with which we are concerned. According to R.C.
Hazra, new topics in the Puranas, from the sixth, century onwards, mainly relate to
uana to the brahmanas and their worship, tirtha (pil&image), sacrifices to the
planets and their pacifibtion (installation of the images of naragraha, becomes quite
conspicuous in temple architecture), vrata (religions vows), puja etc. Purtadharma
which involved the building of temples, tanks and works of public utility, was
emphasized as the highest mode of religion in the Puranas. Purtadharma was the
dominant ideology behind the large-scale building of temples in this period (See also
Unit 6.5).

Check Your Progress 4

-
1) What are the four main characteristics of early medieval tradition in painting?

.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
-.
2) Discuss the scripts of Cheras, Cholas and Pandyas.

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 society and Cdtpro:
8tb-13th Cenhuy

b
3) List four main sygtems of calculating time period (eras) in usage in post-Gupta
period. .;
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................. ...............................................................................................................

4) Briefly comment bn the meaning of puja and Purtadhanna in new religious

trends. ,

7.11 LET US $UM UP

This Unit has focussed on "regionalism" as the hallmark of the making of Indian
cultural traditions in the centuries behveen the eighth and the thirteenth A.D. The
manifestation of these include:
the emergence of r~gionalcultural units such as Andhra, Bengal, Gujarat,
Karnataka, etc.
development of architectural,styleswith broad regional specificities reflected in the
three principal typGs Nagara, Dravida and V-,
the bases of classifpg temple styles in terms of geographical distribution,
differentiation in gfound plans and presiding deities,
distinctive technical language used for describing architectural features,
the impact of the emlogical setting and the availability of raw materials on building
activities,
the evolutionary phases of decorations, ornamentations and other embellishments,
the emergence of territorial schools in the making of sculptures in stone and metal, -
the role of the "medieval factor" in sculptures, terracottas and painting,
the emergence of ptoto-types of modem Indian languages as a tesult of
' '

differentiation of tlpabhramsha,
the growth of regional scripts, chronicles and eras, and
the permeation of feudal ethos in arts, literature, education learning and religion.

7.12 KEY WOiRDS

AntarPIa : vestibule, ante-room

Kamesh: building
Apsidal Mechrocks
with a ground plan of semi-circular termination
 Bhadra : flat face or facet of the Shikhara Development of Regional
Caltoml T d C o m
Bhattaraka : Jain religious teacher/preceptor
Bhadra-deul : 'auspicious temple', it refers, however, to the jagamohana in
front of the deul
Bhoga-mandapa: the reflectory hall of a temple
Caryatid : sculptured female/animal figures used as columns or supports
Deul : general name for a temple as a whole

I Finial : finishing portion of a pinnacle

Garbha-griha : sanctum sanctorum, the most sacred part of a temple
Gopuram : monumental gateway
Jagamohana : hall in front of the sanctum
i
Kalasha : water-pot; pitcher-shaped element in the finial of a temple
Kudu - : foliated arch on dravidian temple-ornamental motif derived
from the Buddhist Chaitya arch
Mandapa : large open hall
Matha . : monastery
Nata-mandir : dancing/festive hall, usually in front of the jagamohana
Irasada : palace/shrine; also used in the sense of favour by God/Lord
Pustakaraka : clay-modeller
Ratha : literally a temple chariot used on ceremonial occasions in South
Indian temples; also applied incorrectly to the monolithic Pallava
structures at Mahabalipuram
Rekha-deul : order of temple characterized by curvilinear shikhara
Shikhara : spire, tower
Torpor : inactiyeness
Vimana : towards sanctuary containing the cell in which the deity is
.. enshrined.

7-13 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) Texts like Mudrakshara, Kuvalyamala, Brahmavaivarta Puranaand
Hsiuan-tsang's work inform us about regional cultural units. See Sec. 7.1.
2) See Sec. 7.2.
3) The three main temple styles are nagara, dravida and vesara. See Sub-sec. 7.2.1.
. .
4) Shiva, Durga,'Saraswati and Ganga etc. are main deities. See Sub-sec. 7,2.2.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Garbhagriha, vimana, shikhara, mandaps and pradakshinapth are the main
parts, See Sub-sec. 7.2.3.
2) The shape of the roof was most of the times decided by the climatic conditions
and the raw material available. See Sub-sec. 7.2.4.
3) Malabar, Bengal and the eastern and western Himalayas were the main regions
where this was popular. See. 7.2.5.
4)' Stones were raised by rope pulleys on scaffolding and ramps were also used. See
Sec. 7.3.
Check Your Progress 3
1) See Sec. 7.4 under northern style.
2) See Sec. 7.4 under the southern style and the Vesara style.
3) Musicians, garland-makers, painters, woodcarvers, accountants, devadasis, etc.
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were the main erouv of veople. See Sec. 7.5.
Society .ad Culture: 4) The main feature is a certain amount of slenderness and an accent on sharp ,.
BcL-13I Ceahry
angles and lines. See Sec. 7.6.
4
3
check Your Progress 4
1) See Sec. 7.7.
2) All the three had Tamil as their language but adbpted three different scripts to .
maintain their identity.
3) There were Harshas system, Bhaskarabada, Shankarabda, Mahavir Samvat, See
Sec. 7.9.
4) See Sec. 7.10.

SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

Jha, D.N. (Ed.) Feudal Social Formation in Early India, New Delhi, 1987.
Sharma; R.S. Perspectives in Social and Economic History o f Early India, New
Delhi, 1983.
Sharma, R.S. Urlian Decay in India 1987, New Delhi.
Sharma. R.S. Indian Feudalism, New Delhi 1980, 2nd Edn.
Sharma, R.S. Material,Culture and Social Formations in Ancient India, New Delhi.
1983.
Thapar, Romila.Wstory o f India 1'01. I., New Delhi.

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 CAY) A.D.

I. Tempk W k h ~ (Northern
s Style).

2. Shivn .ad Pnnnti seated on Nnndi

(Hinghjgarh 10th century).

3. plm a( Labhmnm Temple (Kbjmnbo, lOtL cemhry).

4.
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Plan (semi-circular) of Duqp Temple (Aihole, Ulh century).
 6. Plan (apsidal) of Vamana Tcmpk
5. Plan (octagonal) of Mundeshvari Temple (KizB.vellur, 11th century).
(Ramgarb, 7th centuq).

7. Plan of V l h u Tempk (Shrimnpm).

\

AS), 1f1.1 m m j i ~ -., 8. Plan of Lingamj. Temple* .

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 to siuhurtersgue sdt ni ubnun to noitmodds s a .Q
.(pldar, at8 , l d s b d t e q ) slqmsT edtmeaeIe3 sdt

.(yuiam dtr-i) , q o 3 ) slqmsT unllziV l o loor 9111 te zwobniw bsqd-dssrod sdeq .OI

Kamesh Mechrocks
13- N d bpe Tempk.

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18. A p.B-M mlusaipt ahmt temple cooshction showing the arcitect,
calculmtions, heigbt m e t i o m dphn.

19. Sun Temple (Konarka, 13th cent or^).'

..

20. Platfonn of deul and jagamoh.lu, stonewheel (Konarh).

Kamesh Mechrocks
 21. Iron beams ceiling in the natamandir (jagmnnath temple, Yorij.

22. Kailmsh Temple (Fllora, 8-Yth century).

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 , -- 25. Colon.de witbin ~ i n aTemple.
~ i
'
24. m d d i Tempk (Midmni).

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Kamesh Mechrocks
 'IL;NIT 8 NATURE OF REGIONAL

i Structure
8.0 Objectives
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Major Political Developments
8.2.1 Northern and Eastern lndia
8.2.2 Watcrn and Cehtral lndia
8.2.3 The Deccan
8.2.4 Southan India
8.3 Recobstructions of Indian Polity between Eighth and Thirteenth Centuries
8.3.1 Feudal Polity
8.3.2 Scgncntary State
8.3.3 Integrative Polity
8.4 Let Us Sum Up
8.5 Key Words
8.6 Answers t o Check Your Progress Exercises

8.0 OBJECTIVES
~ f t e reading
r this, Unit you should be able to explain the :
contents of polity,
major political developments in different regions of the Indian sub-continent such
as Northern and Eastern India, Western and Central India, the Deccan and
Southern India,
links between the developments in Western and Central Asia on the one hand and
those of the Indian sub-continent on the other, and
principal reconstructions of Indian polity between eighth and thirteenth cenluries.

8.1 INTRODUCTION
This Unit seeks to define the essential components of Indian polity through major
political developments. The sub-continent has been divided into various regions for

II the purpose. There has also been an effort to mark the impact of certain
developments across the north-western borders (in West and Central Asia) onethe
Indian political scene. Finally, the major thrust of the 'unit is on understanding the
nature of regional politics. i.e. to deal with the questi~nof characterizing formls of
polity in India.

i The study of polity calls for analysis of the nature, organisation an4 distribution of
power. Political set-ups differed from region to region due to different economic an&
geographical potentialities of the regions. In India, the period between eighth and
thirteenth centuries was very significant not only from the point of view of economic
formations (see Block-1) but also from the point of view of political processes.
Indeed, the two are interlinked. The nature of polity during the centuries under
'discussion may be better understood in the context of.major political developments
in different regions of the Indian sub-continent.

I 8.2 MAJOR POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS

Broadly, important regions requiring detailed investigation can be identified as
northern, eastern, central, western and southern India. In addition, the Deccan also
'

constituted as a substantial political power h e .

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ID- POWJ L ~bR- 8.2.1 Northem and Eastern India '

V u i a t b r :&b To 13th Century

In this section we discuss the major areas of Northern and Eastern India.
i) WSHMIR '

Kashmir was mainly occupied with the internal political developments but on some
occasions it was alsb involved in the politics of Northern India. It was ruled by the
Karkota, Utopala apd two Lohar dynasties. Muktapida', also known as Latitaditya,
conquered a part of Kanauj and annexed some parts of Tibet. Many irrigation works
were undertaken by some rulers of the Karkota family. Embankments and dams
were built on the main rivers which brought a large area of the valley under
cultivation. Howev!t, the tenth century saw the emergence of a new development in
Kashmir politics. .Military ambitions of rulers and emergence of mercenary warriors
made the common p a n miserable and political conditions unstable. There were at
least twenty kings between c. 1000 and 1300 A.D. Very often they became toots in
the hands of powerful priests and no less powerful landlords such as the damaras.
b There were conflict$ amonmt priests and damaras too. Queen Didda, and kings such
as Samgramaray, Kalash, Harsha, Jayasimha and Sinhadeva were involved in the
politics of these centuries in Kashmir.

In the Ganga Valley, Kanauj became the centre of gravity due to its strategic and
geographical potentiality. It was located in the middle of the doab which was easily
fortifiable. The control over Kanauj implied control overtthe eastern'and western
parts of the Ganga doab which was very fertile. It was also interconnected with the
land and water routes. It was, therefore, not surprising that the three leading
contemporary powers such as the Palas, the Pratiharas and the Rashtrakutas clashed
over the possession of Kanauj. The Palas were primarily centered in the Eastern
India, the Pratiharas in the Western India and the Rashtrakutas in the Deccan. But
all the three powen tried to control the Ganga plains, especiall!~Kanauj. The
political boundaries of the three empires kept shifting from time to time.
iii) BIHAR A N D BENCAL
The political basis of thepalas was the fertile land of Bihar and Bengal and external
trade relations, especially with the Southeast Asia. The founder of the dynasty,
Gopal, had been responsible for taking Bengal out of chaos in the early eighth
century. Before him matsyanyaya, i.e. law of fishes prevailed in Bengal and political
instability was very marked. Dharmapala led a successful campaign against Kanauj
but could not control it for a long time. The failure to maintain cohtrol over Kanauj'
forced the Pala rulers to extend their influence towards the further east. Devapala
brought Pragiyotishpur (Assam) under the influence of Palas, and Nepal also -
aecepted the domidance of the Palas. After Devapala, the Pala poyer was not ver)
effective in the North Indian politics, though the dynasty continued till the early
thirteenth century. The polity of the Palas was within the framework of the
monarchial set-up 8nd in this private and the state interests developed
simultaneously. Thie empire consisted of areas administered directly and' areas
adrhinist'ered by the vassal chiefs. Ramapal, the last important sovereign of the Pala
dynasty who ruled from c. 1080 to 1122 A.D., is known to have organised a control
of u ~ d k and a districts (vioaya) called snmantha-chakra (circle of vassal chiefs). His
reign is a l s q m a r k d by a peasant rebellion of Kaivarttas.
iv) ASSAM '
Towards the fuithir east, Assam was in the process of transition towards the state
polity during the centuries under survey. A isam consists of two river valleys, viz.,
those of the Brahdaputra and Surama. By seventh century the Varmans had
eqtablished their aricendancy and brorvght about territorial and political integration of
the Brahmaputra vauey into Kamasupa. The Varmans made land grants to the.
brahmanls who in turn extended the scope of cultivable land and brought the tribal
people in the netwprk of state system. The Varman rulers constructed many
embankments thereby giving stimulus to wet rice cultivation. Shalastambha kings in
Pragjyotishi contidued the practice of the Varmans in the eigth and ninth centurias
and made many Iahd grants to brahmmas and religious institutions. Later,, Palas
also continued thici trend. The medieval Assam inscriptions refer to tefms like rJ1,
qjni, qjaputra, rajanyaka and ranaka who appear to have been landed
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intermediaries.
vj ORISSA Nature of Regiond Politio

In Orissa a number of small kingdoms and principalities appeared along the coast of
Bay of Bengal and in the hilly hinterland. Kalinga, Kongoda, Dakshina Tosali and
Uttara Tosali were situated at the Bay of Bengal and Dakshina Kosala in the upper
Mahanadi valley. The borders of the different kingdoms varied from time to time
but the topography of their centres and their spatial distribution remained almost
unchanged from the sixth to twelfth centuries. The kings donated lands to
kahmanas who performed various administrative and ritualistic functions. Land

1. Canp King Naruimhdeva who commissioned the Sun Temple at Konarkp.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Indian Polity In Its Regional grants were also made to religious institutions. The rice cultivation in the fertile
vu*tiom :8thD' lJth Cmtur).
riverine nuclear areps and trade lihks, both internal and externar. gave stimulus to
the state system of bifferent kingdoms. Chiefs belonging to the Samavamsha ruled
initially in western brissa and gradually extended their sway over a large part of
Orissa. After the fall of the Sulkis, the Bhaumakaras seem to have divided
Kodalaka-mandal (bhenkanal district) under. the rule of $wo feudatory families, viz.,
. the Tungas an6 Na~das.The Bhsnjas are known to us from about fdty inscriptions.
The dynasty had va ious branches. Mayurbhanja, Keonjhar, Bandh, Sonepur and
b
Gumsur regions of rissa comprised the territories of different Bhanja familm. The
Gangas in the twelfth century constructed many temples including the famous Sun
temple at Konarka, t o consolidate their hold over tribal areas.

8.2.2 Western and Central India

Western India, especially Gujarat and Malwa, was under the influence of the Gu j a r a
Pratiharas. Malwa was very fertile and Gujarat was a part of internal and external
trade network. The Pratiharas resisted incursions of the Arabs and were also drawn
into North lndian politics. The lure of Kanauj was too great. Bhoja, the greatest
Pratihara ruler contfiolled Kanauj and it was a part of his empire for
sometime.later, Gujflrat was lost to Rashtrakutas thereby adversely affecting the
economic base of thd Pratihara empire. However, Bhoja's successor Mahendrapal
not only maintained intact the vast empire inherited by him, but also further
expanded it towards less than seven of his records have been found in "
south Bihar and nor
The post tenth centuty scene in Central and Western India saw the rise of numerous
powers, who claimed:to be Rajputs and many of whom were feudatories of the
Gujara Pratiharas. *he emergencebf these Rajput families is linked up with
increase in land gran(s and consequent new land relationships. The) were also the
products of fusion ofiforeign and local elements, and some segrnentption of a few
clans. Amongst theselnewly emergent powers in Central and West& lndia one can
include the Chandellds in Khajuraho, the Chauhans in Ajmer, the Paramaras in
Malwa, the Kalachuris in Tripuri (near Jabalpur), the Chaulukyas in Gujarat, the
Guhilas in Mewar and the Tomaras with'their headquarters in modern Delhi. The
different Rajput clans,constructed their fortresses on a large-scale which represented
the numerous foci of ower. Certain amount of inter-clan marriages amongst some
of these Rajput s led to wider areas of social and political activity.
The political develop*ents in North, Western and Central lndia were considerably
influenced by the chaQges taking places in the contemporary West and Central Asia.
The coming of the A+bs (seventheighth centuries), first as traders and later as
invaders, had already made substantial impact in India. The Gurjara Pratiharas,
Palas and the Rashtrdkutas had to deal with this challenge in economic and political
spheres.

The Samanids ruled over Trans-Oxiana, Khurasan and parts of Iran in the ninth
century. Among the Sgmanid governors was a Turkish slave, AMptigin, who later
. established an indepenpent kingdom with its capital at Ghazni. After sometime
Mahmud (998-1030 A.D.) ascended the throne at Ghazni and brought Punjab and
Multan under his contiol. Mahi@udundertook many raids and plundered many \

temples in Indla known for their wealth, largely1to consolidate his own position in
Central Asia. Another ~ Q U that
S ~ penetrated lndia was that Bhur in North-west
Afghanistan. Shahabuddin Muhammed ( 1173-1206 A.D.) of this house conquered
Multan, Uchch, Lahore; created a base in Punjab and finally defeated the Chauhan
ruler Prithviraj in the $econd battle of Tarain in 1192. He also defeated Jaichandra
of the Gahadaval dynasty (Kanauj based) in the battle of Chandwar in 1194. Such
attempts of Central Asian chiefs finally led to the establishment of the Turkish
empire in North lndia In the early thirteenth century under the Mamluk Sultans such
as Qutbuddin Aibak arld Iltutmish.

Check Your Progress 1

in about 1s lines, the major political developments in Nqrthem lndia.

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 of ~egionalPolitics

.........................................................................................
(2) Discuss in about 10 lines the political history of Western and Central India.

13) .Which of the following statements are right ( 4 ) or wrong ( x ) ?

i) Kanauj, in the.Ganga Valley became prdminent due to its strategic ana.
geographical potentiality.
ii) The Rashtrakutas were primarily c e n t r d i n Eastern India.
iii) The Varman rulers of Assam gave impetus to the construction of irrigational
works.
iv) The famous Sun Temple at Konark was constructed in the twelfth century.

8.2.3 The Deccan

The Deccan also known 8s the bridge between North and South India was under the
control of the Rashtrakutas from the early ei&h century. They contended with the
Gurjara Pratiharas over the control of Gujarat and Malwa and tried their fortunes in
the Ganga Valley. Nor did they let powers in the.eastern D e w n and southern
India live in peaa. The eastern Chalukyas at Vengi (in modern Andhra Pradesh),
k 'avas and Pandyas in Kanchi and Madurai respectively (in Tamil Nadu) also had
tc ,ear their wrath.
*
Dhruva (c. 780-93 A.D.), Amoghavarsha - and Krishna I1 (c. 814-914 A.D.) were
important scions of the Rashtrakutas. Some other powers of the Deccan were the
Chalukysis of Kalyana, the Yadavas (Seunas) of Devagiri and the Kakatiyas of
Warangal.

8.2.4 Southern India

The souihern India broadly covers the portion of the peninsula which lies south of
130 Northern latitude and between the Malabar and Coroyandel coasts. It also
Kamesh Mechrocks
comprised modern states of Tamil Nadu, Kerala, southern Karnataka and southern
Andhra Pradesh. Tbe Coromandal (from cholamandalam) plain extending from the
tip of the peninsula to the northern edge of the broad delta of the Godavari and
Krishna rivers was the major core region of the South India. Tamil plain's northern
most part was Tondiaimandalam and Pandimandalam was the southernmo'st portion
of the peninsula. The malabar coast was significant due to the potentialities of sea-
trade. The Coromandel coast too had a number of enirepots such as Kaveripatnam,
Pondicherry. Masulipatam etc. These geographical configurations greatly influenced
the political structure of the South India.

'
Map1 India c. 1000-1200 A.D.
Kamesh Mechrocks
By mid eighth century the erstwhile powerful kindgoms of the Pallavas and ., Nature of Redorul PolItIa
Chalukyas were spent forces. However, their legacies were inherited by their political
successors, viz., the Cholas and the Rashtrakutas respwtively. Also, the political law
of a tussle between the power based in the Kaveri Valley and that of Karnataka
became a concrete course for many centuries. This was the case of not only the
relations between the Rashtrakutas and the Pallavas in the late eighth and early
ninth centuries but also of the strained ties between the Rashtrakutas and the
Cholas, when the later succeeded the Pallavas. Wgtern Chalukyas, the political
successors of the Rashtrakutas, continued the trend and were often at loggerhead?
with the Cholas from the early eleventh century. Very often the small chiefdoms af
the Deccan such as those of the Nolambas, Vaidumbas, Banas, etc. became victims
of,these big power rivalries. Vengi (coastal Andhra Pradesh) was also an important
bqne of contention amongst these powers.
The post tenth century scene in the south is also marked by three important
phenomena :
i) internecine wars amongst the Cholas, Pandyas and the Cheras,
ii) involvement of Sri Lanka, and
iii) expansion of Indian influence beyond the sea~-particularly in the Southeast
Asia. This climaxed in the naval expdition in the times of the Chola King .
Rajendra-I (first half of the eleventh'century).
The Cholas under Rajendra-1 had also reached up to the Ganga Valley-a venture
immortdised in the great temdle at Gangaikondacholapuram (north east of
Thanjavur).

8.3 RECONSTRUCTIONS OF INDIAN POLITY

-
BETWEEN 8TH AND 13TM CENTURIES
- - - -

The writings on this subject s i h the early 1960s have broadly followed three
approaches, viz., emphasizing feudal, segmentary and integrative character of polity
(See also Block 9 of EHI-02)
8.3.1 Feudal Polity
(See also Unit 1.7) R.S. Sharma expounded this view in his book Indian Feudalism .
published in 1965. It is based on the pan-lndian character (See also Unit 1.2.1) of
land grants. It focuses on : I

a) administrative structure based on the control and possession of land,

b) fragmentation of political authority,
c) hierarchy of landed intermediaries,
d) dependence of peasants on landlords, ,

e ) oppression end immobility of peasants. and

f) restricted use of metal money (See also Unit 3.3.1 and 3.4.2)
he d e g ~ of
e the dependence of the pea!ants on landlords might differ from region
to region. However, the development of agrkulture. handicrafts, commodity
production, trade and commerce and of urbanisation (See also Block-I) could create
conditions for differentiation in the ranks of the peasantry. Hierarchical control over
land was created by sub-infeudation in certain areas. Which gave rise to graded types
of landlords.
Recently the validity of the feudal formation in the context of medieval India has
been questioned. It bas been suggested that the medieval society was characterised by
selfdependent or free peasant production. The peasants had control over the means
and the processes of production. It is added that$here was relative stability in social
and economic structure and there was not rnuchr&ange at the level of techniques of
agricultural production. The conflicts were over the distribution and redistribut~onof
the surplus than over a redistribution of means of production. The appropriation of
agrarian surplus to ;he state formed the chief instrument of exploitation. The high
fertility of land and the low subsistence level of the peasant facilitated the state
appropriation of the surplus in conditions of relative stability. This line of approache
Kamesh Mechrocks
I n d i a Polity In I t s Wegionrl does not take note of superior rights and inferior rights of one party or another ovir
: Cmtuq
Ijth land. In fact in early medieval times in the same piece pf land the peasant held
inferior rights and the landlords held superior rights. The land grants clearly made
the position of landlords stronger over the land as compared to that of peasants. The.
critique of feudal polity unfortunately does not take note of massive evidence in
support of the subjection and immobility of peasantry, which is an indispensable
element in feudal system. Also, this critique is a disguised attempt to reinforce the
colonialist view of stwnating and unchanging lndian society.

8.3.2 Segmentary State

An attempt has been ,made to view the medieval polity, particularly that of the
medieval South India, in terms of segmentary state. The segmentary state is '
understood as one in which the spheres of ritual suzerainty and political sovereignty '
do not coincide. The titual suzerainty extends widely towards a flexible, changing
periphery and the political sovereignty is confined to the central core area. In
segmentary 'state there exist several levels of subordinate foci, organised pyramidally
beyond a royal ckntre- From the primary centre of the ruling dynaSty kings unified
their subordinate centres ideologically. In the state segments actual political control
was exercised by l o d elite. It is also assumed that there existed close co-operation
between brahmanas and dominant peasants. However, the segmentary state .
formulation has some limitations. Ritual suzerainty is confused with cultural
suzerainty. It also relegates the different foci of power to the periphery and does not
see them as components of the state power. Moreovq, the heterogeneous'character
of South Indian peasantry is not adequately understood. In so far as the notion of
segmentary state subordinates political and economic dimensions of the State
structure to its ritual dimensions, it does not inspire much confideye. The notion
has been applied to the Rajput polity as well. Aidan Southall and Burton Stein are
major exponents of this view.
I
8.3.3 Integrative Polity 1
This formation has been worked out by B. D. ~hattopadhyaya.The study of 1
political process calls for consideration of the presence of established norms and - I I
nuclei of &te system,'horizontal spread of state system implying transformation of A

pre-state polities into state polities and integration of local polities into a structure
that went beyond the bounds of local polities. The proliferation of ruling lineaps
(ruling families) is s e n as social mobility process in early medieval India. The
diffused foci of power are represented by what is broadly called as the sunanta
system. The samanta were integrated into the structure of polity in which the
overlord-subordinate relation came to be d o m i n a ~ over
t othir levels of relation in
the structure. The transformation of the sammta into a vital component of the
political structure is itself an evidence of ranking and in turn clarifies the political
basis of integration. Rank as the basis of political organisation implies differential
access to the centre as also shifts within the system of ranking. It is also assumed
that the rank as the basis of political organisation generated crisis between the
rankholders and also between them and the overlord. This emphasis on ranking
brings the integrative polity formulation closer to the notion of segmentary state.
The integrative' polity, like the feudal polity, sees political processes in terms of a

parallels with contemporary economic,'social and religious developments, such as:

\.
i) horizontal spread of rural agrarian settlements (See also Unit 1.2).
ii) horizontal spread of the dominant ideology of social order based on v u n a
division (See also Unit 2.1 and 2.3), and
iii) integration of local cults, rituals and sacred centres into a larger stkucture (See +

also Unit 2.3).

However, this formulation suffers from definitional vagueness. The terms "lineagl:
domai.n" and "state society" are not clarified. Further, the samantas even in their
trans-political sense remained a landed aristocracy. More importantly, neither the
segmentary state nor the integrative polity models provide alternative mqterial bases
which could be contrasted with that of the feudal polity. Both integration and
segmentation can be explained in terms of land grants which formed the crucial
element in the feudal structure. In as much as local landlords of chieftains derived
their fiscd and administrative powers from the King (the overlord), paid tributes and
Kamesh Mechrocks
performed military and administrative obligations towards him. they worked for Natureof Rcgioml Politia
integration. On the other hand, when they ruled over the local peasants i d a n
autonomous manner it amounted to the segmentation of authority. "Lineage
geography" which is crucial for the reconstruction in terms of integrative polity, is
not available 6n pan-India scale. Except in the case of the Chauhans and Paramaras,
'lineage' did not play an important part in the organisation of polity. Even ranks
were'formed on the basis of unequal distribution of land and its revenue resources.
Similarly, the distinction between political and ritual suzerainty coupled with their
association with the core and the periphery respectively, which is considered the
cornerstone of the concept of the segmentary state suffers from the absence of
empirical data from many important regions of the Indian sub-continent. On the
contrary, the reconstruction of medieval lndian polity in terms of feudalism relies on
such elements which can be applied to practically the whole of India.

Check Your Progress 2

I) Outline the political developments in the Deccan and South India. Answer in
about IS lines.

2) Write a note on the concept of Feudal Polity. Answer in about ten lines.

3) What db you understand by the term Segmentary State? Explain in about I0

lines. I

Kamesh Mechrocks
 .. ;
..........................................................................................
badin !olity 'la Ib R t g i o d
1\.
V.rl.tbm : 8tb To 13th Century
...........................................................................................

8.4 LET US StJM UP

The geographical confi urations, the economic structure and ideologital apparatus
1
greatly conditioned the nature of polity from region to region in lndia between the
eighth and thirteenth cknturies.

In Kashmir the powerful landowning social groups-particularly priests and

c & m q s influenced the internal politics.
Ga,nga Valley and Hanauj were an important bone of contention till at least
-
mid-ninth century. Three important powers of North and West lndia as well as
that of the Deccan, viz., the Palas, Gurjara Pratiharas and the Rashtrakutas were
actively involved in this.
Assam was undergoing the processes of transition from tribal polity to state polity
and was getting linked up with Northern India.
In Orissa too. the state was emerging with strong tribal elements.
In Western and Centlral lndia there was phenomenal increase in Rajput families
most of whom were feudatories of the Gurjara Pratiharas.
Developments in Webt and Central Asia had considerable impact on the lddian
political scene. From the days of the arrival of the Arabs as traders in the seventh
century to the establishment of the Turkish empire in the beginning of the
thirteenth century, the Indian sub-continent remained an important target of
external forces.
In the Deccan and the South the tussle between the Karnataka based powers and
those in the Kaveri Valley was a recurring theme. Equally persistent was the lure
of the coastal Andhra Pradesh (Vengi). Wars amongst the Cholas, Pandyas and
Cheras and occasion@linvolvement of Sri Lanka in these encounters are other
important features of the political scene in the region. Also, the Chola kings made
duccessful efforts td lreach beyond the seas-as far as the Southcast Asia. ' .
The reconstruction$ of medieval lndian political structure have broadly followed
three lines of enquiry-feudal polity, segmentary state and integrative polity.
While the latter two seem to have limited and localised applicability, they have
not been able to ratianalize the concepts in terms of alternative material bases:
Their reliance on the essential elements of mode of production of the 'feudal
model' coupled with latter's applicability on almost pan-Indian scale make
R.S. Sharma's contedtion more accephble in the present state of research. Indeed,
polity of different regions is still to be analysed separately and there is a need to
establish empirically the relationship amongst dwferent regions of the lndian
sub-continent.

8.5 KEY W O R D S
Damaras : Powerful landlords in Kashmir
Mandal : An administrative diviJion

Matsya-nyaya : Law of the fishes---state of chaos

Rajanyaka : Landed intermediary and an official
Renaka : Landed intermediary and an official
Samanta Chakra
Circle of Vast.~lChiefs :
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Naturr of Re-l Polttio
8.6 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
.-
Cheek Your Progress 1
I) Your a'nswer should include the political d e v e l o p m e r i ~ a l s h r n i rand Ganga
Valley. See Sub-scc. 8.2.1
2) See Sub-sec. 8.2.2 '

3) i) ii) x iii) W iv)

Check Your Progress 2

I) Your answer s9ould include the political history of Rashtrakutas, Cholas,
Pandyas and Cheras. See Sub-secs. 8.2.3 and 8.2.4
2) See Sub-sec. 8.3.1
3) Distinction between ritual and political sovereignty. Base your answer on Sub-
set. 8.3.2

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 9 NORTHERN AND EASTERN
INDIA
Structure
9.0 Objectives
' 9.1 Introduction
9.2 The Region ~ e f i n e d
9.3 Dispersal of Powers : The New Royalty
9.3.1 Growth of Administrative Units
9.3.2 Transfer of Administrative and Fiscal Rights
9.33 V u 4 s u King Makm
9.4 Tnnqformcd Bureaucracy
9.4.1 M ~ a a l sVand Land
.&
9.4.2
Th'e Power Hierarchy of Sun&
9.4.3
Feudalbation of Bureaucracy
landholding and Clan Considerations
9.4.4
9.5 Functions of S.mmt.s
9.6 Inter-vassal Relationship
9.7 Land Grants and Legitimization of Political Authority
9.8 Let Us Sum Up
9.9 Key Words
9.10 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

9.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you should be able to explain the:
.' areas included in .Northern and Easrern India.
real nature of kingship,
distribution of administrative and fiscal power,
emergence of lmulticentered power structure,
role of vassals and state offieials,
changes in the bureaucratic set up, in the light of land-distribution,
power hierarchy of samantm and functions of snmantm,
influence of clan on landholdings,
inter-vassal relationship, and
ideological base of political authority.
f

, 9.1 INTRODUCTION
The preceding Unit (No. 8) had attempted to introduce you to a theoretical debate ,
on the nature of political organisation in the Indian sub-continent between the eighth
and thirteenth centuries. The present Unit, however, is a specific case study of North
and East India. The overall reconstruction has been done within the framework of +t-'
what has been described as feudal polity. The Unit seeks to show the limits of the so '
called ceqtralised monarchies and the real nature of new royalty. We will discuss the /
pattern of landholdings, the distribution of adminisrrative and fiscal powers and the
transfer of judicial and policing rights. We will also analyse the emergence of a new
type of bureaucracy, the hierarchy of samantu and the multifarious functions of
samantu and other officials. All these are indicators of the rise of multi-centered
power structure in the ;region under discussion. The Unit also seeks to highlight the
ideological base of this structure.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 /
-
Northern and htw India
9.2 THE REGION DEFINED
Writings since the early 1950s have opened up great many issues bearing-on the
political structure of Northern and Eastern India. It was a product of a set of
changes at all levels and in all spheres. The pace of these changes was determined by
the mechanism of land grants (see also Block-1). Broadly, the understanding of
centuries and the regions under discussion in terms of feudalism have been the most
dominating strain of recent historical writings on the political set up.
How does one define Northern and Eastern India? Generally, territories north of the
Vindhyas and up to the Himalayan tarai are included. However, modern states
comprising Gujarat, Rajasthan and most of Madhya Pradesh are being excluded
from this discussion, for, they have been taken as constituting Western and Central
India (See also Unit-lo). Thus, Kashmir, Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana and
Uttar Pradesh make up Northern India while the Eastern India comprises Bihar,
Bengal (including prtsent day Bangladesh), Orissa and Assam as well as other states
of the Brahmaputra Valley. Important political powers of these regions have already
been identified in Unit-8.

9.3 DISPERSAL OF POWERS :THE NEW ROYALTY

Early medieval Indian kings are known to have used very high sounding and
pompous titles, such as puamabhattaraka, maharqjadbiraja, parameshvara, etc. This
has very often formed the basis of seeing these kings as very powerful centralised
monarchs. However, this is not true. The evidence relating to the territorial divisions
and distribution of administrative and fiscal powers shows the real wielders of
power. The growing bardic sycophancy had begun to create an aura around kings,
treating them as rulers of rulers and ascribing divinity to them. As a result of this
image building the King was increasingly becoming more of a private person than
the real head of the state. It was not a centralised power structure but a multi-
centered system of power.

9.3.1 Growth of Administrative Units

The overall political structure is marked by dispersal of political and economic
powers. The epigraphic evidences refer to bhuktis, mandalas, vishayas, etc. The Palas
'
had, for instance, under them Pundravudhana-bhukti, Vardhamana-bhukti, D a ~ d a -
bbukti, Th-bhukti, etc. Mandalas were widespread in Bengal but not so frequent in
Bihar. Pala inscriptions also refer to nayas or vithis and khandala as some sort of
administrative units.

I
A twelfth century copper plate grant of Vaidyadeva from Assam mentions bhukti,
mandala and vishya. In Orissa too vishayas and mandalas assigned as fiefs to royal
scions are mentioned in records of the twelfth century. Pattalas and pathakas were
administrative units under the Gahadavalas.
The literary sources of the period are also eloquent about many of the aforesaid
administrative units. Harishena's Kathakosha, a work of the tenth century, refers to
a vishaya in the sense of the principality of a King who has a samanta under him.
Rajrtatangini, the chronicle of Kashmir. distinguishes between Svamandal and
mmdalantar, which suggests that kings in Kashmir exercised direct administrative
control mostly over their own man&lns while other mandalas were governed by
umantaa with a n obligation to pay tribute and a commitment of allegiance. At the
lawest level perhaps villages also may have acquired a lord either by land grants
placing villages under samanta chiefs or by forceful occupation or by the submission
of individuals. There is a reference to qulma as consisting of three to five v,illages.
Further, allusions to gramrpati, gramadhipati, dhshagtamapati, vimshatimsha-
~ u n n p a t i sahrsragramapati
, indicate a hierarchy of villages. The mode and
quantum of payment to village heads are also specified. Dashasha (bead of ten
villages) got as much land as he'could cultivate with one plough. Vimshntisha (head
of tw pty villages) got land cultivable through four ploughs. Shatesha (head of one
d
hun red villages) was to master one full village as his remuneration.
Kamesh Mechrocks
l n d i ~Pollt) In Its Regional 9.3.2 Transfer of Administrative and Fiscal Rights
Vuirtiom : 8th To 13th Century
It was not merely the multiplication of administrative 'units at different levels. Giving
away fiscal and adminibtrative rights, including those of policing and administration
of criminal law and justice, to donees of land grants created a landed aristocracy
between the King and the cultivators. The intensity of the process varied from one
region to another.
Dispersal of administrative power which is a n important trait of feudal polity, is also
indicated by constant shift of the seats of power. Typical examples of this tendency
are to be seen in allusions to about nine skandhavaras (victorylmilitary camps) in
the Pala records. As many as twenty-one skandhavaras figure i n the Chandella
records. However, in this respect the Pratiharas enjoyed relative stawlity, for only
Ujjayini and Mahodaya (Kannauj) are known t o have been their cajtitals. Like the
shifting capitals, fortresses also assumed the functions ~f power centtk. It is
significant that the Palas built as many as twenty fortresses in their empire.

9.3.3 Vassals as King Makers

The gradual accumulation of power in the hands ot ministers is another indicator of
the nature of royalty in early medieval centuries. Ksheniendra's candid references t o
the greed of ministers and Kalhana's vivid picture of the machinations and tyranny
of the damaras make it obvious that the ministers were self-seeking persons with .
hardly any concern for the public g o o d Manasollasa, a text of the twelfth century
advises the King t o protect his subjects not only from robbers but also from
ministers as well a s officers of finance and revenue.
The records of Somavamshins of Orissa show that vassals could even depose and
install kings, although such cases were neither too many nor bad any legal sanction.

check Your Progress 1

I ) Comment on the high sounding titles of early medieval kings. .
.........................................................................................

.........................................................................................
- 1
2) Name the main administrative units in different regions of Easttrn and Northern
lndiq.

3) What d o you understand by transfer of administrative and fiscal rights? Write in

brief.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Northan and Eastern India

9.4 TRANSFORMED BUREAUCRACY

Parallel to the dispersalsof administrative powers as manifested in the localised units
was the transformation in the bureaucratic apparatus in the administrative system.
Payment to officials and vassals by land grants, the hierarchy of samantns,
feudalisation of titles of kings and officials and distribution of land to members of
the clan are some of the features of this new bureaucracy.

, 9.4.1 Officials, Vassals and Land

The Brahrna-khanda of the Skandn Pur-, which is generally regarded as throwing
light on the history and culture of India from about the eighth-ninth to the
thirteenth centuries, gives a long description of a legendary grant of a number of
villages along with 36,000 vaishyns as well as shudras four times that number, made
in ancient times by King Rama to 18,000 brgmanas after the performance of certain
religious rites. The donees were to be served by these vaishyns and shudrns. Rama
enjoined the people, so transferred, to obey the commands of the donees, who had
later divided the villages amongst themselves. That such allusions are not merely
mythical but had definite roots in historical evidence is borne out by literary and
epigraphic records which are widely dispersed-both chronologically and
geographically.
The bestowal of land on the officials in charge of the administrative divisions of
1, 10, 20, 100 and 1000 villages is mentioned as early as Manu (c. 200 A.D.). The
practice of service tenure picks up momentum in the post-Gupta centuries.
I

The Partabgarh inscription of Mahendrapala-11 irecords the grant of a village which

was in possession of talavargika Harishena. There is mounting evidence of purely
military grants. Literary works dealing with Bihar and Bengal between tenth and
twelfth 'centuries make frequent references to various kinds of grants Such as deshya,
Jcaraja, gramaja and pratipattaka to ministers, kinsmen and those who rendered
military services. The Kamauli plate of 1133 A.D. refers to grant of a tract of land to
a chief on rajapatti (royal fillet or tiara) by one of the ancestors of Govindacandra
Gahadavala. The rajas, rajaputras, ranakas, rajarajanakas, mahasamantas etc.
mkntioned in Pala land charters were mostly vassals connected with land. Sometimes
even vassals made further grants with or without the permission of their overlords.
This is calied sub-infeudation and was particularly marked under the Gurjara
Pratiharas. Since the original grantee was given the right to cultivate his benefice or
get it cultivated, to enjoy it or get it enjoyed, to d o it or get it done, the field was
wide open to sub-infeudation and eviction. The medieval land grants of Orissa also
refer to bhogi, mahabhogi, brihadbhogi, mmanta, mahasamat., ranaka, rajavlabha,
L -. All these appear to be landed intermediaries who also performed military and

ac ~inistrativefunctions.
( 1 In the eleventh and twelfth centuries key officials were also being paid through
I regular and exclusive taxes. Officers connected with revenue collection, criminal
administration including policing, accounts and members of the palace staff enjoyed
levies specifically raised for them. Thus, the akshopatalikm, pratihlrm and
vifhotiathus (possibly a revenue official of a group of twenty eight villages) under the
Gahadavalas received such sustenance.
Early twelfth century inscriptions of the Gahadavalas mention akshapata: .-prmtho,
akshapatala-adaya, prntblm-pmmtho and vishatiathuprqtha. It is'not clear vhether
these levies accounted for the total remuneration of the concerned officials or jcs!
Kamesh Mechrocks
Indlm Pomy 1. Ib Red& formed an additional emolumerlt. Yet, it is apparent that sucp state otYicials had
V u i . :~8th~ To 13th CmPuV become so powerful as to claim grants of perquisites for t'hems~lves.In sum, the
right of various 'statel officials to enjoy specific levies-irrespectwe of the tenure of
these levies-was bound to create intermediaries with some interests in the lands of
the tenants.
9.4.2 The Power $kriarehy of Samantas
By the twelfth century a hierarchical system of &mantas had become considerably
elaborate. A text of thc twelfth century classifies various vassals in the descending
order on the basis of the number of villages held by them: "Mahamandalcshvua
(1 ,00,000 villages), m~dalika(50,000 villages)", mahasamanta (20,000 villages),
'samanta, Iaghu-samanta and catum~nshtka(10,000; 5,000 and 1,000 villages
respectively)". Sandhyakara Nandi who wrote about Bengal under Ramapala, refers
to mandaladhipati, samanta-cah-chudamani, bhupala and raja.
The hierarchy of sunrantas is corroborated by epigraphic evidence too. Rajanakas
and rajaputras figure~ininscriptions of the former Chamba state. Slmanta,
mahasamanta, mawmantadhipati and thakkura figure in some eleventh century
inscriptions of Garhwal. The Tezpur rock inscription of 830 A.D. refers to Shri
Harjaravarman of the Shalastambha dynasty (of Assam) as mahuajadhiraja-
parameshvara-pammabhattaraka under whom came the mahasamanta Shrisuchitta.
Shilakuttakavaleya is mentioned as a samanta in this inscription. We conie across
raja, rajanya, ranaka and rajaputras in the Shaktipur copper plate of
Lakshamanasena of Bengal.
9.4.3 Feudalisation of Bureaucracy
Numerous officials art: listed in inscriptions belonging to almost all North Indian
states. The Pala land Warters, for example, mention nearly four dozen officials and
vassals-some of them even being hereditary. More than two dozen oficials are
listed in the Gahadavala inscriptions. The situation was no different in the territories
of the Cahamanas, Clhandellas and the Kalachuris. Even feudatories kept a long
retinue of the officers. More than two dozen of them functiolied under Samgrama
Gupta, a rnahamandalika of the Karnatas of Mithila. The feudalisation of the titles
and designations of these officials,becomes a conspicuous phenomenon of the times.
An indicator of this development is the use of the prefix maha. While the early Pala
kings such as Dharmapala and Devapala had less then half a dozen maha-prefixed
officials, the number went up to nine under Navayanapala. The number of such
officials under Samgrama Gupta was as high as eighteen. One car! even discern a
pattern in this newly dmerged set up-the lower the power of the lord the larger the
number of the dignitaries bearing the title mrha in his kingdom. Similarly, the later.
the kingdom, the greater the number of maha prefixed functionaries. The growing
feudalisation of officials is also found in the practice of using the same terminology
to express the relationship between the officials and the King as was used between
the vassals and the King. The expressions such as padapadmopajiyin,
rajapadopajivin, padaprasadopajivin, puamesvara-padopajivin, etc:.,applied to both
vassals and officials, They indicate that officers subsisted on the favour of their
masters and thus show that they were being feudalised. Officials were placed in
various feudal categories according to their status and importance. Even kayastha
scribes were invested with such titles as ranaJca and thakkura to indicate their feudal
and social rank rather than their functions.
9.4.4 Landholding and Clan Considerations
.-
The exercise of important governmental functions was gradually being linked up
with landholding. There are numerous instances of assignments not only to chiefs
and state officials but also to members of the clan and the relatives. Thus, we find
references to estates hdld by a chief of the Chinda family ruling in the region of the
modern Pilibhit distridt of Uttar Pradesh. As illustrations of clan considerationh, it is
possible to cite numerous instances of apportionment of villages in units of twelve.
The (Una) plates of the time of Mahendrapala of Kannauj (c. 893 A.D.) mention the
holding of 84 villages by mahasamanta Balmvaman. References to queen's gram and
bhukti, junior princes as bhoktsies (possessors) of villages, aejr (allotment) of a
rdaputra and rajakiyaqbhop (King's estate) are not unknown. The holders of 84
villages had formed a ~ectionof chiefs known as catur8ehIkm by the end of the
twelfth century. Relatiirely speaking, the practice of distributhg land on clan
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 . .

considerations had a greater frequency in the Western and Central India than in the . Northun and Entern India
Northern and Eastern India. This practice of distributing land to the members of
clan is reminiscent of tribal system of apportioning spoils of war amongst members
of the tribe.

Check Your Progress 2

1) Give a list of different types of grants prevalent in different parts of Northern
and Eastern India.

.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
2) Write five lines on the hierarchy of samantas.

3) Was their feudalisation of Bureaucracy? Comment.

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.........................................................................................

4) Were land grants given on the consideration of clan'?

.............. ..........................................................................
?

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9.5 FUNCTIONS OF SAMANTAS

By the end of the period under survey, the multifarious functions of the samantas
had come to be recognised. Some of these included regular payment of tributes,
compliance with imperial orders and attendance at ,the imperial court on ceremonial
occasions, administering justice, military obligations, etc. The Rajaniti RatnPlrrva
written by Chandeshwar of Mithila (north Bihar) in the thirteenth century classifies
=mantas into sakara and abara depending on \heir obligations in respect of the
payment of tributes.
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Regional The Chandellas of Jttjakabhukti (Bundelkhand) made frequent land grants to
lJtb Century '-mijitary officials. Ajayapala, the brclhmana senapati of Paramardin was a recipient of
pida of land $ 1 166 A.D. A few years later in 1171, a whole village was granted to
the brahmaqa senapati Madanapala Sharma, whose three immediate predecessors .
b e t_akk@as. The grant was free from past, present and future dues-a
charadteridic of all Chandella grants. Sometimes death in the battlefield also resulted
in grants to military personnel. An evidence of a purely non-sectarian copper plate
charter of land given to a hereditary brahmana military official is the Tehri plate of
Trailokyavarman (1207-08 A.D.).
Grants for military service were made to kayasthas as well. Members of the Vmtavya
Kayastha family functioned as warriors. This family enjoyed importance in
Chandella administration for nearly three hundred years from Ganda to Bhojavarma.
Though there are many instances of land grants to rautas and ranakas by
Gahadavala kings, military services and acts of bravery are not specified as response
for these grants. But it is equally true that they were vassals, distinct from regular
officials under the direct control of the state because ranakas and rautas are not
mentioned in the list of officials given in Gahadavala inscriptions. It is significant
that the Latakamelaka, a satirical work composed in the twelfth century under the
patronage of the Gahadavalas, refers to a rauttaraja called Samgramavisara.
Enjoying a gramapatta apparently for military service, this rauttaraja appears as a
prominent social figure.

9.6 INTER-VASSAL RELATIONSHIP

The nature of the bond between the superior and inferior vassals and between the
vassal and lord is rather uncertain. While there is some evidence about a written
contract embodying only the obligations of the vassal, the Rajatarangini also shows
signs of mutual oral understanding between a tenth century King, Chakravarman
and a leading damara chief called Samgrama. We do not find many such instances.
On the one hand we hear of vassals' autonomy in their respective spheres, there is
also available on the other hand the evidence of the Pala King (Ramapala) seeking
help of his vassals to suppress the revolt of the kaivarttas in the late eleventh
century. It is, however, interesting to note that the sentiments of loyalty and
allegiance to a common overlord went beyond caste considera?ions..Thus, the
shabara chief and a vakhya caravan leader, who have a common overlord, regard
themselves as sambandhins.

Some insights into the lord-vassal relationship are also provided by the usage of
panchamahashabda, which seems to have developed as a samanta institutiod in the
post-Gupta centuries. Many inscriptions show that a measure of the high feudal rank
enjoyed by some vassals was their investiture with the panchamahashabda by their
overlords.
A copper plate inscription of 893 A.D. records a grant of land by the ntlhasamanta
~akavarman,whose father had obtained the panchamahashabda through the grace
of Mahendrayudhadeva (Mahendrapala of Kannauj). Surprisingly, the term was not
kno"wn in the Pala kingdom, although it is known in Assam and Orissa.
There is little doubt that the acquisition of the panchamahashabda was the highest
distinction that could be attained by a vassal-indeed, even the Yuvaraja (crown
prince) enjoyed no higher feudal privilege than this. The samantas continued t o becr
this epithet even after adopting such grandiloquent titles as paramabhattarla-
maharajad hiraja-parameshvara.
According to a text of the twelfth century, the privilege of pancharnahashabda -
signified the use of five musical instruments. These are referred to as shringa (horn),
t m m a t a (tabor), shankha (conch), bheri (drum) and jayaghanta (bell of victory). In
some parts of North India, the term panchamahashabda indicated five official
designations with the prefix maha. If the word shabda is connected with the root
sbap, it acquires an additional meaning of oath or vow. If so, it would have an
important bearing on the rendering of panchamahashabda in terms of state
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officials' and lord-vassal relationship.
The lord-vassal bond and the samanta hierarchy do not show any distinctive sign of Northern and Eastern India
decay even in the changed economic scenario of the post-tenth century. Trade and
cash nexus are recognised as factors whlch weaken feudal formation. There are clear
signs of the revival of internal as well as external trade and currency between tenth
and twelfth centuries (see Unit 3 Block-I). Indian feudalism as a political system, far
from getting dissipated, shows remarkable flurd~tyand adaptability. A phenomenon
of a somewhat similar kind has been noticed In the 17th century Russia where serf
economy began to adapt itself to the developing markets. It IS, however, necessary to
add that feudalism as an economic system does show slgns of cracking up. This is
specially true of Western lndia where the self-suff~c~ent feudal economy had come
under special strain due to revival of trade, money and urban growth. The situation,
however, is not without its contrasts-the east, VIZ.Brhar. Bengal and Onssa, show a
considerable resrlience. Further, land service grants to vassals and offlc~alsare more
common in the west then in the east, wlth the exceptron of Orlssa.

9.7 L A N b GRANTS AND LEG&TIMIZATION OF

POLITICAL AUTHORITY
As far as the political organisation is concerned, the pan-lndian character of land
grants served an important function. This was to give socialand legal sanction to the
political authority, viz., the King or the vassal. In Bengal and Bihar under the Palas,
brahmanas, Buddhist monasteries and Shaiva temples emerged as landed
intermediaries due to land grants. Elsewhere in North and East India, brahmanas
were principle donees. These predominantly religious donees were agents of
providing legitimacy to political authorities. An important way to achieve this
objective was to work out glorious genealogies of chiefs and kings. Their descent was
sought to be traced from mythical epic heroes such as Rama and Krishna. The
beneficiaries of land donations also tried to provide ideological support to the ruling
authorities by undertaking cultural interaction-specially in tribal areas. For
instance, an important indicator is the way in which symbols of tribal solidarity and
coherence were being absorbed within the fold of brahmanism. I n Orissa the political r
power was consolidated through the effective instrument of the royal patronage of
tribal deities. The absorption of the cults of Gokarnasvami and Stambheshvari and
.
the process of the emergence of the cult of Jagannath are pointers of the new .
ideological force (for detailed discussions, see Block-2, Unit-6). Incidentally, these
functions of the post-Gupta land grants, viz, imparting legitimacy to ruling powers
and providing ideological support were not confined to Northern and Eastern India.
They can be seen, of course with varying degrees, in all other regions as well:

Check Your Progiess 3

I) Write the main functions of sammtas.

2) What d o you understand by panchmahashabda?,

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Indian Polity In Its Regional
,/ .-
........................................................................................
i

Varintiom : 8th To 13th Century .........................................................................................

3) Were land grants made by the kings to legitimize their authority?

.........................................................................................
r:.
1

9.8 LET US SUM UP . .

The Northern and Eastdrn lndia comprises modern states of Kashmir, Punjab.
Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Bengal, Orissa, Assam and parts
of northern Madhya Pradesh. The political structure of these regions between Jhe
eighth and thirteenth cehturies was marked by:

a new kind of royalty which was far from being centralised,

rise of new administrative units to which were transferred numerous fiscal, judicial
and policing functions,
the emergence of numerous foci of power.
simultaneous transformation of bureaucracy along with the changes in the real
nature of the ,authority of the King,
new landholdings as the basis of power structure giving rise to a hierarchy of
vassals. and
feudalisation of state officials as dell as of the entire political apparatus.

9.9 KEY WORDS

Adaya : Taxes
Akshapatalika : Revenue Official
Bhogi : Landed intermediary performing I
administrative function.
Bhukti : Administrative Unit

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 -

D u ~ b : Head of ten villages Nolthun and Emtern India

1
D~&P : Land grant to ministers, kinsmen and those .
who rendered military services.
: . Same, as deshya
i .
Grrunaja
K uJa .:. Same, as deshya
\
v -
Khandala : Administrative Unit
Mandalantu : Administrative division under the charge
of a samanta rather then overlord.
_ Padopajivin : Vassals/ Officials subsisting
on the favour of their overlord.
pathaka : Administrative Unit
Pattda ' : ~dministrativeUnit
. Pratipattaka : Same, as deshya
Rajavdlabha : Same, as bhogi
#
Shatesha : Head of one hundred villages
i
-' L
. Skandhavya : Victory/ military camp / -
Vimhatioha' : Head of twenty villages
,
Vhhatiathus . : Probably a revenue official of a group
of 28 villages

Vithi ' : Administrative Unit

9.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) The early medieval kings "sed high sounding titles though their actual pQwer
was shrinking. See Sec.9.3.
2) In Bengal bhukti, mandalas, vkhayas, nayas, vithi, etc. In Assam bhukti, mandrl
etc. In Kashmir gulma, mandalas, etc. See Sub-sec. 9.3.1.
3) The King giving certain tights for revenue collection or administration to donees
of grantees. See Sub-sec. 9.3.2.
Check J' ar Progress 2.
1) Th: 2 were different grants to different category of people like, ministers.
warriors, kinsmen or landed intermediaries, like desbya, karaja, brinabhugi,
ranaka, etc. See Sub-sec. 9.4.1.
, 2) There was a definite hierarchy of samantes depending on the'size of: grant and
powerenjoyed by grantees. See Sub:sec. 9,4.2.
j) During this p~rioda number of state officials were also paid through land
grants. This indicates some sort of feudalisation of bureaucracy. See Sub-sec.
9.4.3.
Some times grants were given to such people who did not perform any particular
iork. The only consideration was their being relatives or cla-mmen. See Sub-sec.
4.4.4.
/ Check Your Progress 3
1) In some cases obligations on functions were attached. In many cases the
..
samantes were supposed to collect revenue, provide army or maintain law and
order, etc. See Sec.9.5.
2) Panchamahashabda developed as a feudal institution. It was the bighest honour
a vassal could achieve. For other details read Sec. 9.6.

Sa
3) A number of gr nts were made to religious groups or individuals who were
zxpected to pr vide legitimacy to Kings to rule. Bmhmpnas were the main
2
beneficiaries. See Sec.9.:.
C
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Kamesh
--
-- --
 INDIA
c.A.D. 700-1000
1 Northern & Eastern
2 Western & Central

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Map2 Northrm, Eastem. Weatem .sd Ceafml lndL c. 7W1000 A.D.
UNIT 10 WESTERN AND CENTRAL
INDIA
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
The Rise of Rajput Dynasties
Origin Legends: Their Political Implications
Distribution of Political Authority
10.4.1 Prolifuat:mn of Rajput Clans
10.4.2 Formation of Lineage Power
10.4.3 Process of Rising in Social Status
Consolidation of Lineage Power
Nature and Structure of Polity
10.6.1 Political Instability
10.6.2 Bureaucratic Structure I

10.6.3 Lineage State and Feudal Polity

Let Us Sum up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

OBJECTIVES
After studying this Unit you will:
know about how various political power configurations emerged in Western and
Central India,
understand the nature of the distribution of political authority as well as the.
structure of polity, and
be able to analyse the patternsof the formation of political powers rnd their
consolidation.

INTRODUCTION
In conventional studies on Indian polity there is greater stress on the genealogy of
the ruling dynasties and chronology of their rules. Changes in polity are mostly
conceived as chadges represented by dynastic shifts. In view of the inadequacy of this
framework, recent studies on the polity have attempted to view the ancient and
medieval polity from the perspective of possible processes which were in operation.
There is a marked emphasis now on themes such as state formation, structure of
polity, nature of power and political control, etc. However generalization at sub-
continental level need to be,probed further from a microscopic point of view. In this
Unit we shall know about the emergence and evolution of regional polity in Western
and Central ~n'dia.This region comprises modern states of Rajasthan, Gujarat and
most of Madhya Pradesh.
Owing to the fact that regional political formations in various pans of India have
not been studied fully, the generalizations at sub-continental level require further'
precision. The study of regional political formations should, however, assume
importance in view of the fact that:
I) there were frequent shifts in the centres of powers, and
2) the formation of new polities was a continuous process.
Western and Central India provide us with examples of fresh spun in the emergence
of local states. For example, the Rajput clans such as the Gurjara Pratihara. Guhila.
Paramara, C!,ahamana as Well as the Kalachuris and Chandella exploited, political
uncertainties of post-Gupta and post tenth centuries in Western and Central India.
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They dominated tfie pqlitical scene for centuries, especially during the period
n d l u Polity In 118 ~egi0n.1 extending from the eighth to the thirteenth centuries. The picture of the political
ui.tmn~ : 8th To 13th. <:enlury processqs that resulted !in the replacement of old dynssties by-new Rajput powers of :.
uncertain. origin is not clear. None the less, an attempt has been made to work out :
some essentia1,traits of the nature of the distri'bution of political authority. Unlike
Northern and Eastern India, the region under discussion shows some influence of
lineage-at least in some parts of the region (See also Unit 8.3.3). Even in these
parts. the dispersal of administrative and fiscal powers along with the changes in the
bureaucratic set-up----all based on new landholdings set the tone of feudal polity. ' 'i

10.2 THE RISE OF RAJPUT DYNASTIES

The A r a b Invaded Slnd and Multan In 712-13 A.D. Within the next 25 years tJey . .
overran Marwar. M a l \ r ~and Broach and threatened other ot lndla These
raids contributed to remarkable changes in the polit~calmap of Western lndia and
2 the Deccan. Powers lihe Rashtrakutas and clans n o y known to us as Rajputs came .
to the fore in this period. These clans. not heard of in earlier times, begad to play an
important part from about the eighth century. With obscure origins the lineages like
the Paramaras and the Chahamanas, after passing through many'vicissitudes, came .
to the fore in the context of the inter-state conflicts of the major powers such as the
Gurjara Pratiharas and Rashtrakutas (See also Unit 8.2.1):
The rise of the Rajputs to political prominence appears to be accidental. but an
understanding of the early pol~t~cal debelopments shows that their appearance on the
political scene was not sudden. The emergence of these clans took plact within the .
existing hierarchical political structure. Their emergence. therefore. should be
understood as a total process.

. 10.3 ORIGIN' LEGENDS : THEIR POLITIC.AL

IMPLICATIONS
The problem of the origln of Rajput dynasties IS highly complex and controversial!
Their gotrochhara mak6s them kshatriyns of the Lunar family (Sonravamshi) while
o n the basis of old kavyas some maintain that they were of the Solar race. The
myths of Solar origin tegard them as kshatriya created in kaliyuga to wipe-out the
mlecchas (foreigners). Rajast h a n ~bards and chroniclers regard them as fire-born
(Agnikula).
According to the Agnikula myth recm'ded b j a court poet, the founder of the house
of the Paramaras or~glnatedfrom the firepit of sage Vasishtha on blount Abu. The
man who thus sprang but of the fire forcibl! wrested the wish-granting cow of sage
Vasishtha from sage Vishwamltra and restored it to the former. Sage Vasishtha gave
him the fitting name of paramara-daler of the enemy. From him sprang a race
which obtained high edteem by virtuous kings. The Paramara ~nscriptionsalso
declare the origi.1 of the Paramaras from the firepit of sage Vasishtha on the Mount
Abu. /

The Rajasthani bards went a step further and ascribed the fire origin not only io the
Paramaras but also to the Pratiharas,.the Chaulukyas of Gujarat and the
Chahamanas. Speaking of the fire origin of the Chahamanas the bardic tales said
that Agastya and other sages began a great sacrifice on the Mount Abu. Demons
rendered it inlpure by showering down filthy thlngs. Vaslshtha created from the
firepit three warl'iors Pratihara, Chaulukya, and Paramara. but none succeeded in
keeping the demons away. Vasishtha dug a new pit from where issued forth a four .
armed figure. The sages named him Chahuvana. This wgrrior defeated the demons.
This Agnlkula myth was nothing more than poetic imagination of bards. In their I
hunt for a fine pedigree for their patrons they had woven the story of'the fireorigin:
of the Paramaras. They found that it could splendidly explain the orfgin of the
Chahamanas too if th* added'some more details.
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 -
The problem.of the origin, when viewed in its totality instead of viewing it from the Watern md Central India
angle of any particular dynasty, would help us understand its political significance.
The practice of hew social groups claiming kshntriyn status became \yidesp;ead in the
early niedieval period. Kshntriyn status was one of the various symbols that the
emergent social groups sought for the legitimation of their newly acquired power.
The early medieval and medieval Rajput clans, representing a m.ixed caste and
constituting a fairly large section of petty chiefs holding,estates. achieved political
emingnie gradually. There was corrpsponding relationship between the achievement .
of political eminence by Pratiharas, Guhilas. Chahamanas and other clans and their
movement towards a respectable social status, viz. acquiring a kshntriya lineage. In
this context it is'important to note that these dynasties claimed descent from ancient
. kshntriyns long after their accession to power.,Let us note the example of the
Gvrjara Pratiharas, chronologically the earliest and historically the most important
of the Rajput dynasties. In an inscription of the late ninth century issued by King
Bhoja-1 the.y claim Solar descent for the dynasty and say that Lakshmana, the
brother of the epic hero Rama was the ancestor of their family. Their inscript~ons
are silent on the question of origin till the glorious days of Bhoja. This epigraphic
tradition of the Sola'r descent is connected chronologic,ally with the period during
which the (iurjara Pratiharas were the dominant political power. The tradition, thus.
represents a stage of imperial prominence with the temptatjon to establish a l i n k with
the heroic age of the epics. The tradition of the legendary kshntriya origin of powers
such as,thc Paramaras and Chahamanas too had not originated at the initial stage of
the rise gf these powers. I n short, the entry to the Rajput fold was possible through
the acquisition of political power. And the newly acquired power was to be
. legitimised by claiming linkages with the kshatriya lines of the mythical past. (See
also Unit 9.7).

Cheek Your Progress 1

I) Why did the bards create the Agnikuln myth? Answer in about five lines.

2) List the reasons for the need to study regional polity.

................................................................................
r . .

3) Which of the following statements are right ( / ) or wro& ( >c ) ?

i) Rajput clans suddenly appeared on the Indian political scene.
1 ii)' New sociai groups started claiming kshntriyn status In the early med~eval
period.
iii) Arabs invaded-Sind in s i x a century A.D. .
b iv) There is no problem regarding the origin of Rajput dynasties.

1 .10.4 DISTRIBUTION OF POLITICAL AUTHORITY

In India the distribution of political power did not CoHow a unifeym pattern. A study
I of the process of emergence of the political powers in nicdicval Wcstern India kllow*
'- that the distribution of political authority could be orpaniscd by a netucirk of
lincages (kuln. vnmshn) within the framework of tk lnonarchical form al' p o l ~ v 'l'hc
.

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ladlaPoYLy ~nIb R @ o d political annals of the Rajput dynasties such as the Chahamanas of Rajasthan and
widam : lJtbCcltrq the Paramaras of southern Rajasthan, Gujarat and Malwa provide examples of the
clan based distribution of political authority.
k

10.4.1 Proliferation of Rajput Clans

The bardic chronicles of Marwar state that Dharanivarab of the Paramara dynasty
of Abu made himself master of the Navkot Marwar which hl: afterwards divided
among his nine brothers: Mandovar to one brother, Ajmer to the second and so on.
Thus, apart from the Paramaras of Malwa there were at least four lines of the
Paramaras ruling in : il Abu, ii) Bhinmal. iii)Jalor, and iv)Vagada. Similarly, apart ' , -
from the Chahamanas bf Broach there was another line of the Chahamanas in
Pratabgarh region. It ww headed by a mahrsunanta of the Pratihara overlord. The
ancestor of thii'mahwmnta was a member of the famous Chahamana line of
Shkarnbhari. The Chahamanas of Shakambhari with their cradle land in the tract
extending from hwhkat to Harsa (central and eastern Rajasthan) had themselves
branched off into Chahamanas of i)Nadol, ii)Jalor. iii)Satyapura, and iv)Abu.
During about five centuries of their rule they exercised control over a vast region in
western Rajasthan and Gujarat.
The Chapas were another Rajput clan of the early medieval period. They ruled over
principalities like Bhillamala, Vadhiar in Kathiiwad, and Anahilapataka in Gujarat.
Similarly the Guhilas ruled over the regions of Udaipur and Mewar.
Apart from the subdjvisions of major clans, the emergence of various minor clam
was another important mpect of the proliferation of the Rajputs in early medieval
period: The continuing brocess of the formation of Rajput clans was through the
acquisition of political power. The new clans and subdivisions of earlier clans were
drawn into Rajput political network in a variety of ways.

10.4.2 Formation bf Lineage Power

The formation and con~oliditionof lineage power did not develop in a uniform way.
One of the indicators of the process of lineage power formation was the colonization
of new areas, as is evident in the expansion of the number of settlements. The
colonization of new areas could result from the annexation of the new territories by
means of organised military strength. The Chauhan kingdom of Nadol known as .
Saptrshata is said to have been made into Saptmahrsrikadcsha by a Chauhan chief
who killed chiefs of the boundaries of his kingdom and annexed their villages.
Territorial expansion of the Western Indian powers was accomplished, on some
areas, at the expense of tribal settlements. For example, Mandor Pratihar Kakkaka
is said to have resettled a place which was terrible because of being inhabited by the
Abhiras. Similarly, there are examples of the suppression of' tribal population like
Shabaras, Bhillas and Pulindas in Western and Central India.
Similar movements are found in the case of the CSuhilas and the Chahamanas as
well. For example, though the Guhila settlements were to be found in various parts
of Rajasthan as early as the seventh century, slightly later traditions recorded in the
inscriptions of the Nagada-Ahpr Guhilas trace their movement from.Gujarat. The
bardic tradition also suggests that the Guhila kingdoms in south Rajasthin
succeeded the earlier tribal chiefdoms of the Bhils.
The movement of the Chauhanas was from Ahichhatrapura to Jangaldesha
(Shakambhari) which, as the name indicates, was an inhospitable area. Their
movement led to its cobnization. A tenth century record says that Lakshmana, the
son of Vakpati-I of the Shakambhari Chahamana lineage started with few followers
and fought against the Medas who had been terrorising the people around Naddula
with their free-booting raids. It so pleased the brnhmana masters of the area that ,
they appointed him the guard of the towns. Gradually Lakshmana built up a small
b a d of troopers and suppressed the Medas in their. own temtory. The Medas agreed
to keep off from villages paying tribute to Lahhmana. He became a master of 2000
horses and extended his dominions at ease and built a great palace in Nadol.
Political authority of a lineage could even be brought about by simply replacing one
lineage by another as evident in the case of the Chahamanas of Jalor, a splinter line
of the Nadd Chahamaba.branch. Kirtipala, a son of Nadol Chahamana Alhana was
. dissatisfied with the shdre of land assigned to him. A man of ambition, he found that
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 the situation in Mewar offered an advantage for an invader. Having failed there, he
made his way into the region which was ruled by the Paramaras. He attacked Jalor,
their capital, and made it the capital of his new kingdom. Similarly Chahamana line
of Broach was brought into being when a Chahamana chief Bharatravaddha-11
founded a principality over the tract of the Gurjaras of Broach. He was helped by
Pratihara Nagabhata-1 in ousting'the Gurjaras from Broach in the chaotic situation
created by the coming of the Arabs. He then assumed the title of
mahasamantadhipati in 756 A.D.
Thus the formation of lineage power evolved through multiple channels and .
processes which were not compartmentalised and interacted with one another.
I

10.4.3 Process of Rising in Social Status

The political history of Western lndia shows that a large ethnic group of an area
could successfully compete for political power. It could also lay the fdbndations of
large state structures lasting for centuries. Starting from a local agrarian base a
lineage could in course of time, emerge as a big regional power by integrajing other
local lineages. For example, a tract of land variously called as Gujaraba,
Ghujuabhumi, Gurjjaruhba, etc. all referring possibly to the same area (territories
contiguous with southern Rajasthan) was the base from where many lineages >
emerged.
In the process of stratification that develeped within the Gurjara stock, some families
attained political dominance and became ruling lineages. From sevepth century
onwards various lineages that had branched off the Gurjara stock through the
channel of political power became widely distributed in Western lndia. Gurjara-
Pratihara power represents a classic example of the rise in the social ladder. It would
suggest that potential and dominant power strugtures could emerge from within local
agrarian bases by following a path of upward mobility in favourable political
circumstances.

10.5 CONSOLIDATION OF LINEAGE POWER

The emergence of the political powers in Western and Central lndia was associated
with certain features. At the level of economy the patterns of land distribution are
noteworthy. From about the late tenth century there are evidences for the
distribution of land among the members of Chahamana ruling lineages. King
Simharaja, his brothers Vatsasraja and Vigrharaja and his two brothers Chandaraja,
and Govindaraja had their own personal estates. In the areas held by the
Chahamanas of Nadol assignments called as grsa, grasabhumil or bhukti were held
by the King, the crown prince, other sons of the King, queens and so on. The
incidence of these assignments was higher in Rajasthan than in other parts. This
feature apparently represented a process which gradually developed and was
associated with the spread of a clan. Another pattern was the holding of units
consisting of villages which were part of administrative divisions as mandala or
I
bhukti. These units seem to have become centres of some kind of local control. The
units of 84 villages (chaurasia) which were held in Saurastra by the Gurjara
Pratiharas gradual19 spread to Rajasthan. This extension facilitated the land
distribution and political control among the ruling elites. Between the tenth and
twelfth centuries the kings and princes of Chahamana and Paramara clans held such
big holdings. The process coincided with the construction of fortresses on a large
scale in different locations. Apart from serving defence purposes the fortresses also
worked as foci of control for their rural surroundingi and hdped the process of the
consolidation of ruling families.
The marriage network among the ruling clans is another pointer t o the process of the
consolidation of clan power at the social level. Marriage network brought about
inter-clan relationship which had significant political implications because the
families were m ~ s t l ythe ruling Rajput clans. Apart from Paramara-Rashtrakuta and
Chahamana-Paramara matrimonial relations, the Guhila marriage network was
varied and widespread. Though the Guhilas extended their marriage relations with
Chaulukyas, Rqshtrakutas, Chedis and Hunas in addition to those with Rajput clans
like Chahamana and the Paramara, the. marriage network mostly constituted the
Kamesh Mechrocks
 -u
--
~ i r P&Y
a 1n Its ~agioad Rajput clan categary. The choice obviously was political as the families cited above
:#b To lab Cmconstituted the r u l i n ~elite of the early medieval Western India. Inter-clan marriage
- ~lationshipswere expected to lead to collaboration in wider activities of socio-
political nature since Chey facilitated the presence of clan members in different.--
kingdom and courts.
1
Check Your Progross ;1
1) Write in about five lines about the settlement of new areas as an indicator of the
pr6cess of lineage power formation in Western India.

2) Cite examples of the assignment of land among royal klnsmen in Rajasthan in

the post-tenth centpry,
&

3) Which of the follo\king statements are right ( V )orw;ong ( x ) ?

i) The newly acqlpired power was sought to be legitimised by claiming
respectable social status.
ii) The marriage network among the ruling clans had nothing to do with wider
activities of socio-political nature.
I
iii) Interclan marriages had significant political implications.
iv) The acquisitioniof political power had no role in the formation of Rajput
clans.
I
..
10.6 NATURE AND STRUCTURE OF POLITY
The political geography of early medieval Western India and the evidence of the
formation of political aqthority in disparate zones by ever proliferating lineages in
Gujarat, Rajasthan and Malwa show that there was not always a necessary
corresponding rilation between a ruling lineige and a fixed territory. The movement
of lineages outside their early centres of power led to the establishment of new ruling
families. Guhilas of Meqar may be cited as one among such lineages.

10.6.1 Political Instability I/

Mobilization of militarystrength could not only displace a ruling lineage but also
create new locus and neliwork of power. The case of the Vagada branch of the main
1
line of the Paramaras pmvides an example for this. The Vagada branch was in
existence from as early as the first decade of the ninth century. Following the' death
of Upendra Paramara, Mis son was ruling in ~ a n s w a r aarrd Dungarpur area as a
feudatory of the house of Malwa. This Vagada branch continued to be a loyal 1
feudatary line for centuries till Chamundaraja; one of Its rulers defied the Paramartis
of Malwa and became independent in the second half of the eleventh century. T h e
Vagada was lost to the of Malwa id the beginning of the twelfth century.
After the successor of nothing is heard of the Vagada branch.-Three
d e e d e s later we find on$ Maharaja Shurapala ruling over the region of the erstwhile
Vagada branch, This shaws that by 1.155 the Paramara were dethroned by the .
members of a family whyd as their geneology shows, were not connected with the
Paramgra dynasty cf Va$ada, Within next 25 years this line was also uprooiedrnd a
Guhila King was rueng- g v $ ~ y ~ & - B yt39:
-t in turn appears to have been
disposyssed of @'newly' establish J-l(bdo_mma ~ I e who r styled himself
Kamesh Mechrocks
'mahshajqlhiraja.
Chalukya overlord.
seems t o have establlshbd h ~ n n e lthere
f with the help o f his

10.6.2 Bureaucratic Structure

I t i s hardly likkly that t h early
~ medieval powers such as the Chaulukyas, Paramaras
and hah ham an as could i i v e stable government to the colintry without a powerful
bureaucracy i n the structure o f thcir polities..-~ecome across the namcs of a number,
o f officer: who evidently assisted.in the transaction of' the.,al'fairs of the state.'
. -
Lekhapaddhati furnishes the {lames 01' karanas (departments) of the government. It'is
supposed to be applicable to the ChauLukyi~gtivern-mcnt as the largest number o f its
, documents are datable to the Chaulukya poriod i n t t ~ c history of (iujarat. A few
karanas rncnticjncd i n thc work also figure in the C'haulukya records. S r i - K a r a ~ a
(Chief secretariat). for instance, i\ a familiar term in their inscriptions. Also known
from ,their records are Vyaya Karana or the ilccounts department, Vyapara-Karana
or the department in chargc of general supervision of tradc and the collection of
import and export duties and mrrndrrpika-karna or the secretariat in charge of the
collectio~~ o f taxes. Such karanas wCrc headed by ministers known by the term
mahan~atyas.Little except the namcs of. these ministers arc.,available in the rcco'rds
and t l ~ actual
r nature and functions .of bureaucracy are difficult to determine. Besides
the mahamatyas, there were other officers called mahamantrins, mantrins and
sachivns. 'l'he information about thcir status i s also very meagre as they are only
casually mentioned i n only a fkw inscriptions. Of' the more frequ6.ntly mentioned
off'iters in early medieval Wcstern India was mahasandhivigrahiits who was a
fa
minister o f peace and war and whose duties also included that of . conveyor ,
of a
grant. A mahamatya mahasandhivigrahika of the Chaulukyas was also in charge of
the Sri-Karana and the Mudra (the department that issued passports and col.lected
import duties). Another oll'iter mentioned was mahakshapatalika or the head o f
accounts or record office. He kept a full. account of the incomi of the statc and also
o f the expenditure. He also registered land grants under the Paramari
administration.
Mahamantrin or mahapradhana, literally meaning a chief minister. was an official o f
great iniportance. He held charge ol t he royai seal and exercised general supervision .
(over all departoicnts. Dandanaynkr or senapati was also an important official. who
was primarily a niilitary ol'f~cer. I h r Chahamana records show that the cavalary
commanders and baladhipas or officers in charge o f the military stationed in
outposts and towns were placed under him. The whole administration was controlled
by a department. the Baladhikarana, stationed at the capital.
l'he so called ccntral officialdoin also ~ncluded.among others. the dutaka who
conveyed the rulers sanction o f a grant to local officiats who then had the charter
drawn up and delivered. Mahapratihara (the l.ord chamberlain) and bhandagarika
(in charge o f p b i s i o n s ) also figure as governmental officers.

10.6.3 Lineage State and Feudal Polity

From the Gupta period onwards there was a marked interrelatedness o f polities.
which was the result o f the horilpntal spread o f statc society. The differentiated
polities, including clan based ruling lineages, had certain vital components that cut
across all major political structures o f the early medieval period. The region o f
Western and Ceritral lndra was no exception.
. ,

T o begin with, let us be familiar wlth the material base o f lineage based state. (See
also Unit 9.4.4). I t was not just consolidation o f the lineage power i n terms o f
political power. Much more than that was the factor o f landholding. One gets the
impression o f some sort o f land grabbing o n the part o f the members o f ruling
famil~es.The exercise o f Important gokernmental functions was gradually being
linked up with landholding. Thhs. under the rule o f the Gurjara Pratiharas we
find references to estates held by chiefs o f the ~hahamana.Guhila and Chalukya
clans. Mathanadeva, another chief of the Gurjara Pratihara lineage also claimed t o
have obtained his allotment as-svabhogavapta (own share). The Nadol plates o f
Rajaputra Kirtipala dated i n 116.1.refer to a group of twelve villages which a junior
prince had received from the reigning prince. The Kalvan plates o f Yashovarman (of
the time of the Paramara King Rhojadeva) mentions a chief who had acquired a
royal charter o f 84 villages, obviously from his overlord (See also Unit 11.4.2).
Kamesh Mechrocks
1ndl.n ~ o m yI. 1b R-~I Unlike the Chahamana and Gurjara Pratiharas, there seems to be somewhat lesser
V**iom : 8th To 13th C c n t ~ frequency of land grants based on clan consideration amongst the Paramaras. But
the Paramara records refer to more groups of villages than is the'case with the
Chahamana records. Groups of villages in units of twelve or its multiples (12, 24, 36
etc.) and even in units pf sixteen or its multiples have been mentioned in at least
scvcn cases. A Paramara inscription of 1017 refers to a stray example of district
,comprising 52 villages, which does not fit in either in the pattern of the multiples of ,
twelve or in that of sixteen. But, it cannot be ascertained fully, whether the clan.
system of administration covered the major part of the Paramara kingdom.
Irrespective of the incidence or frequency of clan influences, the more substantive
component of the so-called lineage state is the nature of landholding. As already
indicated (see Unit 8.3.3). so far the lineage state or integrative polity has not offered
any alternative materialbbase of political structurels. No wonder, therefore, even in
these states of Western and Central India the phenomenon of different foci or kvels
of power cuts across all1 major political structures which reiterates the validity of the
hypothesis of feudal polity.
What is broadly labelled as samanta system was not, however, a uniform category. It
included a wide range of status all of wbch corresponded to the landed aristocracy .
of the period.
The Kingdoms of all the major powers of Western and Central India included the
territories which were under the controi of the feudatories who were known under
the generic title 01' man&lika, but sometimes styled themselves as mahuajadhirrl(*,
mahamandalesvara, mPllamandalikas, mahasamantas and samantm. The most
important of the feudatory princes of the Chaulukyas were the Paramaras of Abu
and the hah ham an as of Jalor; others of minor importance being the Mer King
Jagamalla and Paramara Somesvara. Similarly, a considerable portion of the
Chahamana state, especially in Nadol and Jalor, was held by landed intermediaries
variously known as thakkuras, ranakas, and bhoktas, on the condition that they
supplied certain quotas of soldiers when required by the overlord.
The categories of feudatory chiefs under the Paramaras consisted of those officers
and princes :
i) who were rewarded by the King with land in consideration of their valuable
services;
ii) who had built up their own principalities during the period of aggrandisement
and acknowledged the supremacy/ of the premier line. (To this categoby belonged
the Pararnaras of Vagada, and the Paramaras of Kiradu),
iii) who had carved out their principalities by the force of their own arms in
defiance of the central authority during the difficult days of the Paramaras. (In
this category came the Paramara Mahakumaras who used subordinate titles but
were for all practical purposes independent), and
iv) who were defeated ahd forced to accept the suzerainty of the Paramaras and
were given the status of a vassal.

Rig feudatory chiefs such as the Paramaras of Arnbudamandala and the Paramara
Mahakumaras enjoyed large amount of internal autonomy. They could create their
own sub-feudatories and appoint their own officers. I t was possible for feudatory
chiefs also to distribute their lands among their dependents. The thrkkarrs served
the feudatory chiefs in almost all the feudatory states under the Paramaras. The
feudatories could also assign taxes, alienate villages and exempt certain people from ,
taxation. This practice of'granting land and its associated fiscal and adm~nistrative
rights is called sub-infeudhtion. There is surprisingly sufficient evidence for this,
particularly under the Pratiharas. It was practiced both in the areas of direct
Pratihara control as well as those under their vassals. Examples of sub-infeudation
caused by service grants ih Gpjarat under Chaulukyas are also known. A subordinate
functionary, probably a bania under Bhimadeva-11. constructed an irrigation-well
and a watering trough attbched to it, and for their upkeep he granted certain plots of
land to a man of Pragvatl clan. probably a merchant. The evidence for the I
prevalence of sub-infeudation in the Paramara kingdom does not seem to be clear.
Thus, in course of time the samanta system encompassed a proliferating range of
Kamesh Mechrocks
 designations and assumed the characteristics of a hierarchical political formation
repraented'by the ranks such as ranaka, rauta, thakkura, samanta, mahasamanta,
etc.
?he incidence of grants to state officials vary from one region to another. To
I illustrate, while we hear about half a dozen Paramara official ranks. only a few of
them are known to have received land grants - none at least in.the eleventh
' century. But very large terrritories were granted to vassals and high officers under
; the Chaulukyas of Gujarat. Chaulukya copperplates of 12th-13th centuries and their
' comparison with the data of the Lekhapaddhati help us in stressing that vassals and
high officers gradually merged into one another. In the I I th to 12th centuries key
' off~cialswere also being paid through regular and exclusive taxes. Thus, the
pattakilm and dushtasadhym of the Kalacuri kingdom and baladhipas of the
Chahamanas received such sustenance. Indeed some Chandella inscriptions of the
late twelfth and early thirteenth century specifically enjoin the feudatories, royal
officials, forest officials. constables, etc. to give up-their perquisites in the villages
transferred as gifts. There are also references to resumption of such rights.

The feudatories owed fiscal and military obligations to the overlord. Generally the
authority of the feudatories was derivative, dependent on the fulfilment of certain
conditions of which supplying the overlord with certain quotas of soldiers in time of
need was one. The paramar& of Vagada fought in the cause of the imperial
Paramaras of Malwa for more than once. The Paramaras of Abu, Kiradu and Jalor
being the feudatory chiefs of the Chaulukyas of Gujarat, laid down their lives in the
cause of their masters many a times. However, the feudatory chiefs were eager to
free themselves whenever there was an opportunity. In this case the relation between
the suzerain and vassal rested absolutely on, the force one could use. For example.
the Guhilas of Mewar accepted the Paramara overlordship when they were defeated
6y Vakapati-11 but tried to re-establish their lost position during the period of
confusion which followed the death of Bhoja-I. Similarly, Chahamana Katudeva
tried to assert his independence during the last years of his overlord Chaulukya
Siddharaja so that Chaulukya Kumara'pala deprived him of his principality a n d
brought Naddula under direct administration pjacing a dandanayaka in charge of the
area. Kumarapalaalso removed from Abu its febellious prince Vikramasimha and
installed the latter's nephew Yasodhavala, on the throne. Yasodhavala's son and
successor Dharavarsha rendered distinguished~serviceto three genergtions of
Chaulukys overlords. But even he turned agajnst Bhima-11 and was either won over
or forced to submission to the Chaulukya ovtrlordship.
The most important duty of a feudatory prince was to help his suzerain against the
enemy. Sometimes the feudatories conquered new territories for the suzerain or
brought another prince under the later's vassalage. An inscription seems to imply
that at tbe accession of a new King the feudatories swore loyalty to their new
overlord who confirmed them in their possession. Feudatories are also said to have
paid tribute to their overlord both in cash and kind. However, there was no hard
and fast rule regarding the obligations of the feudatory chiefs of different categories.
The general relations between the overlord and the feudatory depended upon the
circumstances and relative strength of the feudatory vis-a-vis his suzerain. The
feudatories under Chaulukyas of Gujarat such as the Paramaras of Abu or the
Chahamanas of Nadol ruled over, quite extensive territories and had their own
systems of administration.
Instability of the political conditions was partly the result of the samanta-feudatory
system. Often the strength of the feudatory bonds depended upon the personality of
the overlord. Overlbrds who went on expeditions t o distant lands had to entrust
some of their capable generals with the administration of certain territories as
feudatory chiefs. The personal relations between the King and the subordinate, which
might have been strong enough to keep the territories together for a generation or
two, faded out in the course of time and the feudatory chiefs tended to assert their
independence. Often samanfas had no permanent bonds and were prepared to
transfer their allegiance to a powerful invader in return for greater privileges.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 r-
Indm Potkf In Ib R w Ch k Your Progress 3
Vulatlom :8th To 13th Century pe
I). In column A some terms from Lekhapaddhati are given and in B the
I
. degiagnnts with which they were connected. Match A and B. .
-
A? B
-i) Yyayohrana a) Chief Secretariat
ii) Vyapara-kardna b) Accounts Department
iii) Shri-karma C) Dept. in charge of supervision of trade
iv) Mmdapka-khrana d) Dept. in charge of collection of taxes
2) Discuss in about 10 l i n e the powers and functions of the feudatory thiefs.
. . . . . . . . . .
, ...........................................................................................
.I

or wrong ( x )?
3) Which of the followjng statements are right ( v )
i) Samanta system was not a uniform category and included a wide range of
status.
i
ii) Centralization is an essential characteristic of the state structure.
iii) Feudatories were permanently bonded to their overlords and could no@
transfer their allggiance to others.
-
10.7 LET US SUM UP
From about the beginnink of the eighth century there emerged a political set up in ,
Western lndia and Central lndia in which new' social groups acquired political power
by various means such as settlement of new areas. The pattern of the emergence of
the Rajputs, which was partly clan based organization of political authority, show$
some deviations from developments outside Western lndia. However, the mobility of
new powers towards kshatriya status for legitimation was not specific to Western
lndia as a similar process was in operation el~ewhere~in early medieval India. After
seeking legitimacy for theit new kshatriya role the ruling clans of Western and
Central lndia formulated detailed geneologies in the period of their transition from
feudatory to independent itatus. They consolidated their political position by means
of specific patterns of land1 distribution and territorial system. ode other prominent
features of the polity in the region are :
1 *
organisation of bureaucracy which could'connect different modes in their political
structures marked by different foci or levels of power,
dominance of overlord-wbordinate relations,
C

landholding as an imporcant component of the somanta status,

integration of local polities into larger state polities,
certain amount of land based ranking associated with politico-administrative roles ,
and services, and
wielding of vast-administrative and financial powers by vassals and offlcen to the,
extent of sub-infeudation,

Kamesh Mechrocks
 \
10.8 KEY WORDS

Baladhipa : Military officer put in charge of customs house.

Chaurasia : '~oldersof grant of 84 villages.
I
Duahtmadhyas k Police officials in charge of criminal administration.
Cotrocchua. : Announcing of gotra.
Legitimation : Seeking lawful acceptance or justification.
" Lineage : A line of descent, kula or vamsha.
Mleccha : Name applied to the Arabs, Turks and other foreigners.
\
pa&imony : Lands or villages granted to dependents for maintenance jagirs.

1 1
EXERCISES
Check Your Prowess 1
I) The Apikula myth was created by the bards to find a fine pedigree for their
patrons and splendidly explain their origin. See Sec. 10.3.
2) See Sec. 10.1.
3) i) x ii) iii) x iv) x
Check Your Progess 2
1) The colonization and annexation of new areaslterritories led to the spread of
clans etc. See Sub-sec. 10.4.2. I
2) See Sec. 10.5.
3) i) ii) x iii) 4 iv) )(

Check Your Progess 3

I ) i) b ii) c iii) a iv) d
.
2) Your answer should be based on the powers and functions mentioned in
. ,Sub-sec. 10.6..3.
3) i) i) iii) x

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 11 THE DECCAN
Structure
I I .O Objectives /

I I. I Introduction
1 1.2 Identification of the Region
11.3 Formation of Political Authority : The Historical Background
1 1.4 Emergence and Expansion of Ruling Families
1 1.4.1 The Lineage and its Territory
1 1.4.2 The Patterns of the Emergence of Ruling L~neages
1 1.4.3 Fabrication of Genealogies 1

1 1.5 The Power Brgkers .

1 1.6 Inter-Lineage Networks
11.7 Land and Integration of Dispersed Foci and Levels of Power
1 1.8 The Bureaucratic Structure
1 1.9 Resource Base of the State
11.10 Political Instability in the Deccan Polity
11.11 Let Us Sum Up
11.12 Key Words
11.13 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

11.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit we will know about the nature, organisation and distribution of power
in one select region-the Deccan. After studying this Unit you will be able to :
understand the geographical spread of the Deccan,
list the major and minor powers that.exercised their authority over different
territories of the DBccan between the eighth and the thirteenth centuries,
grasp the political processes of the formation of local powers and their integration
into the power structure beyond local bounds,,
grasp the totality of the differential distribution of power, And
understand the nature of early medieval polity in the Deccan.

11.1 INTRODUCTION
Keepi,ng in view the general trend of political developments, specially the nature of
polity in Western and Central lndia (Unit lo), the present Unit should be seen as a
complementary component. Beginning with the historical genesis of state society in
the times of the Mauryas, the Unit demardtes important strands in the political
structure in the Deccan during the early medieval centuries. It attempts to show the .
operation of such factors as lineage and land rights in the rise of states. Also, the
social and economic bases of political power are identified. Finally, it also highlights
the nature of the integration of plethora of power levels.

11.2 IDENTIFICATION OF THE REGION '

The name Deccan apparently derives from the Sanskrit term 'Dakshina' meaning the
South. As to the exact limits of the region called the Deccan, the historical e v i d c n q
give divergent pieces of information. Sometimes its correspondence is established
withJhe whole ,of peninqalar lndia and sometimes it is restricted to a part thereof. 111
its narrowest delimitatioh the Deccan is identified with Marathi speaking area and
lands immediately adjoining it. But the term Deccan may be extended so as t o cover
the whole of lndia sauth of the Narmada. Generally, it is understood as designating
a more limited territory in which Malabar and the Tamil regions of the extreme
Kamesh Mechrocks
 south are not included. Southern India as distinguished from the plateau of the The Deam
Deccan (from which it is separated by the Krishna-Tungabiiadra rivers) has a
I
i
character of its own.
t
Thus limited, the term Deccan signifies the whole region occupied by the Telugu
speaking populations as well as Maharashtra with certain parts of northern
Karnataka (Kannada speaking).

11.3 FORMATION OF POLITICAL AUTHORITY :THE

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The Deccan was among those nuclear regions which were covered by the state
society by as early as the Mauryan period (third century B.C.). The territorial
expansion of the Mauryas had resulted in a horizontal extension of authority. The
Mauryan control in the Deccan which was supervisory in nature was exercised
through the viceroys and a section of the bureaucracy stationed in provincial
headquarters. The establishment of provincial.headquarters and the association of
the local chieftains in a subordinate position ww the emergence of a ruling elite after
the retreat of the Mauryan authority from the Deccan. These local elite groups
consolidated themselves, ascended to power and established ruling houses after the
disintegration of the Mauryan power. The process was particularly marked during .
the Satavahanas. They evolved a system of government in which vice-royal functions
were assigned to the local chieftains conquered by them and assimilated into their
power structure. The Satavahana administrative units which were placed under the
supervision of the functionaries drawn from the clans of local chiefs emerged later as
seats of political authority during the post-Satavahana period.
The total political mechanism came to be built up on a kinship base. It was
characterised by a system of alliances controlling subordinate semi-tribal fam-ilies
dominant-in different local bases. A permdent ruling class came to be established
when the titles became hereditary with further intensification of the process of
assimilation and consolidation of the ruling elite. Incidentally, the Satavahanas have
left for us the earliest inscriptional evidence of land grants in India. This
phenomenon, as already seen (Units 1.7 and 8.3.1) was to affect not only social and
economic processes but also the political structure. In course of time, these
developments culminated in the real crystallization of state in the Deccan.

Cheek Your Progcss 1

I) Read the following statements and mark right ( d ) or wrong ( X ).
i) The Decean is to be identified with Marathi speaking area only.
ii) The understanding of the real nature of political structure is possible only
through totality of socio-economic groups and their resource mobilisation.
iii) The Deccan was outside the pale of state societies till as late as the eighth
century.
iv) The administrative units placed by the Satavahanas, under the supervision of
the subordinate officers belonging to local elite families emerged later as
seats of political power.
2) Define three linguistic areas that constitute the Deccan.

Kamesh Mechrocks
3) Write ten lines on the emergence of the ruling elite in the Deccan in the post-
Maurya period.

11.4 EMERG&NCE AND EXPANSION OF RULING

FAMILIRS
The crystallization of the state had taken place. over a major portion of the Deccan
much before the eighth century. However, it does not mean that there were no shifts
in the centres of power and changes in the pattern of the emergence of ruling
lineages. The emergenae of new ruling lineages was a cont'inuous process.
AS elsewhere in India the inscriptions of the Deccan from the seventh century start
producing elaborate genealogies of the ruling lineages. The inscriptiohs issued
between the eighth and the thirteenth centuries speak of the emergence of several
major and minor ruling powers such as the Rashtrakutas, Chalukyas, Silaharas,
Kakatiyas, Sevunas (YBdavas), Hoysalas, etc.
he. period in the Deccan was characterised not only by the emergence of the new
ruling lineages but also the branching off of the existing ones. Thus, apart from the
main Chalukyan house ruling from badami, there were collateral Chalukya lines
ruling in various places such as Lata, Vengi as also a line bearing the Chalukya .
name in vemulavada. lhdividual members claiming to belong to the Chalukya kula
or vamsha in different localities in Karnataka are also known. Similarly, apart from
the main Sevuna lineap ruling from Devagiri, we hear of a minor Sevuna family
ruling over a territorial divisiop called Masavadi. We al$o hear of differegt branches
d i n g in different localities bearing the name of a particular line, a s for example, the
Haihayas of Morata and Aralu, the Kadambas of Karadikal, Nurumbada, Goa,
Hanagal, Banavase and Bandalike. The Gangas and the Nolambas had thrown off
many junior branches. The branches of a ruling line continued to be operative for
centuries even after the main line disappeared from the arena. As an example can be
cited the Vengi line of the Chalukyas, which was brought into being by Pulakesin-I1
of the Badami Chalukyas. The minor branches of the Gangas, the Kadambas and
others also outlived the main lines of their respective families.

11.4.1 The Lineage and its Territory

The status, power and territorial extent of the lineages w-re not uniform. Somei~mes
the relationship between the lineage and its territory was expressed in the form of the
name of the area in which the lineage was dominant as for example the Gangavadi,
Nolambavadi etc. The ducleus of the power of a lineage could be a small territory.
The Sevunas of Masavddi 140, and the Haihayas of Aralu 300 were powerful over
the areas comprising the number of villages indicated in the suflixes to their names.,
-t

Kamesh Mechrocks
 The haul

'
The changing distribution patterns of ruling lineages did not necessarily correspond
to static territorial units. For example, the Kalachuris who appear in the sixth
century A.D. as the rulers of a vast area comprising Malwa, Gujarat, Konkan,
Maharashtra and Vidarbha also estqblished several nuclei of power as in Tripuri
(near Jabalpur) and Ratanpur in the upper Narmada basin. One of their branches
ventured into a remote area of Eastern India which came to be known as Sarayupar.
A segment of the Kalachuri line migrated to Karnataka. Kalachuris of Karnataka
claim to be the descendants of the Kalachuris of central India.

11.4.2 The Patterns of the Emergence of Ruling Lineages

The formation and mobilization of lineage power developed along a variety of ways.
A lineage power could be brought into being by simply replacing another. The Vengi
line of the Chalukyas was brought into existence by eliminating the erstwhile
powerholders of the Telugu speaking country when Pulakesin-11 of the Badami

'!
Chalukya line conquered it. Second, it could involve settlement of new areas by an
immigrant line and change of the economic pattern of the region. For example,
Kalanjara having been conquered by the Pratiharas and subsequently by the
Rashtrahtas, some members of the Kalachuri line living there migrated southward
to seek new pastures. A segment of it'migrated towards the forested tract of Kuntala
and settled at Mangaliveda now in the Sholapur district of Maharashtra.

Generally the emergence of a ruling lineage as a potentially dominant political force

was from a local. often agrarian, base. The interpretation that the term Chaluki
resembles the name of an agricultural implement would make one think that the
Chalukyas were originally tillers of the soil who took to arms and founded a
kingdom subsequently. However. the emergence of the Hoysalas who were the hill
chiefs of the forests was characterised not by their association with an agrarian base
but by their ability to command other hill forces and to use the political situation in
the plains t o their advantage. .
Again, although it is generally true that the large state structures of lndia of the
early medieval period thrived in potentially rich resource bases or nuclear regions in
Ganges basin, Kaveri basin and Krishna-Godavari doab, the resource potential was
sought to be expanded. In this context it is notable that Orugallu (Warangal), away
from the Krishna-Godavari doab, remained a base on which the large state structure
of the Kakatiyas was built. Before the time of the Kakatiyas the tanks were small,
the irrigation facilities inadequate and the area of cultivation limited in extent. The
Kakatiya kings like Beta-11, Rudra, Ganapathi, Prataprudra got several tanks built
in different parts of their kingdom. Prataprudra tried to increase the extent of
cultivable land by cutting down forests and bringing large tracts under cultivation.
e.g. in the Rayalaseema area. A similar movement of the expansion of arable lands
also characterised the early phase of the emergence of the Hoysalas in the Southern
Katnataka.

11.4.3 Fabrication of Genealogies

i Many of the ruling families, which headed large power structures in the Deccan like
the Chalukyas of Kalyan, the Sevunas of Devagiri and the Kakatiyas of Warangal.
began their political career as humble feudatories under the Rashtrakuta sovereignty.

i Rashtrakutas themselves were ruling in the feudatory capacity in central lndia prior
to the rise of Dantidurga in the first half of the eighth century. The exploits of
Rashtrakuta Dantidurga and his successors who grew into a regional power from a
small patrimony somewhere in Berar can be cited as instances as to how a small
family could not only make a bid for political authority .but also establish the
qundations of large state structures.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Indian Polity In Its Regional
Variations :8th T o 13th Century

1. WESTERN GATE 10. RUINS OF SVAYAMBHU

2. OUTER MOAT SIVA TEMPLE AND FOUR
3. MUD FORT TORNA GATES
I I. VISHNU TEMPLE '
4. NORTHERN GATE
12. VENKATESWARA TEMPLE
- - - ~
'
5. EASTERN GATE
13. NELA SHAMBUNIGUDI
6. SOUTHERN GATE
- .-- --
.. TANK
I- 4
7. INNER MOAT & BASTIONS
15. OMTI-KONDA (EKASILA)
8. INNER FORT (KANCHO-KOTA)
9. SHAMBUNIGUDI

Orugallu Fort
A notable feature of the process of the emergence of ruling lineages in early medieval
Deccan is their attempt to align their local roots with a mythical tradition or trace
their descent from mythical-heroic lineages. The Rashtrakutas and the Sevunas
profess to be descended from Yadu, a puranic hero. The Hoysalas claimed descent
from the lunar race through that eponymous hero Yadu and said they were the
Yadavas and Lords of the excellent city of Dvaravati, the legendary capital of the
Yadava Prince Krishna. Similarly, while the spiritual guru of the Kakatiya king
Ganapatideva provided them with the Suryavamsi Kshatriya identity, an inscription
of the king himself traces the geneology from a mythical and legendary account of
Manu, Ikshvaku, Bhagiratha, Raghu, Dasharatha and Rama.
Such claims are often dismissed on the ground that they were later inventions. It is
true that such claims, freely drawing their inspiration from mythology and puranic
legends, lack historical accuracy as they refer to times for which no records exist.
But from the point of view of political processes the attempts to claim descent in
solar or lunar lines assume impyrtance because these claims sought to conceal rather
than reveal the original ancestry. Hoysalas for instance were the hill chiefs who
gradually established their command over the rest of the hill chiefs, migrated to the
plains and established a nucleus of power. The Kakatiyas were the shudrm. Their
political power and "low origin" had to be reconciled by assuming a higher status for
themselves. In other words the achievement of political dominance was Sought to be
correlated with a torresponding social status. The Chalukyas of Kalyan, for example,
sought this status by claiming that their progenitor was born out of a handful
(Chuluka) of water taken by the Sage Bharadvaja i. e. Drona, or the water of Ganga
poured out from the cavity of his hands by Ashvatthama, the son of Dron'a. The
Kamesh Mechrocks
 ex
Kshatriya status was a symbol of legitimation. The new and upcoming non- kshatriya The I)cccan

groups sought to validate their political power through this. H e n ~ ethe Yadu vamsha
came in very handy and most lineages traced their descent from Yadu.

11.5 THE POWER BROKERS l

The process of legitimation of royal power cannot be viewed simply in terms of a

newly emerged local polity seeking validation through connections with a respectable
ancestry. The validation of power was sought not only in areas where a transition to
state society was taking place but also in established states of the Deccan. It means
that the need for validation was constant. . ,
Theoretically the temporal power was required to guarantee protection. According to a
phrase (Dushta nigaha-Shishta pratipalana) which occurs constantly in the inscriptions
of the Hoysalas in southern Deccan, a King'sduty was two-fold: to restrain the evil and to
protect the good. The phrase summarises d l the commands addressed to the king by the
dharmashastraf. However, the protection did not simply mean physical protection of
subjects. It also meant the protection of the social order. In fact, the danda or force was
intended by the priestly class not so much as a political expedient; it was intended more
for the preservation of the social order.
However, the state society was to cut across the barrier of disparate dharmas or
Oorms if it were to spread horizontally. The territorial spread of the bmhmanas,
heads of religious sects, institutions such as temples and the mathas which
represented some kind of a central focus to disparate norms was therefore supported
by the early medieval states. There is an obvious emphasis on the mutuality of
interests of the ruling chiefs and the menlinstitutions of religion. In fact, the latter
were not only at the receiving end but also contributed to the sanctioning of the
authority of rulers. Formation of the ruling elite is quite evident. That accounts for
the territorial mobility of the religious beneficiaries and massive support in the form
of munificent gifts of gold and land made by the royalty and the nobility to them.
There are many examples of the brahmanas of one province moving freely to settle
in another. While the immigrant brahmanas who received grants from the
Rashtrakuta kings included those from Vengi (Andhra). Pataliputra (Bihar),'
Pundrawardhana (in Bengal) and Kavi (Gujarat), those in the Sevuna kingdom
included brahmanas from central India and Uttar Pradesh. The kings identifying
themselves with a particular religious sect or cult, calling themselves as the parama-
maheshvaras, or p~uamabhagavatas,and even attributing their political rise to the
grace of the divinities was not unknown in the Deccan. For example Ta~la-ll,the
overthrower of the Rashtrakutas believed that it was the favour of Jagadguru lshvara
Ghalisasa, the head of a brahmadeya village, that had secured him the throne.
Madhavavarman, the founder of the Kakatiya family, is said to have acquired an
army comprising thousands of elephants and lakhs of horses and foot soldiers by the
grace of the goddess'Padmaksh~. The benefactions of some kings of .the Deccan, for
example Kakatiya Prola-I and Beta-11 seem to have been confined to the followers of
the Shaiva doctrine. There were also a few persecutions here and there.

11.6 INTER-LINEAGE NETWORK

An essential feature of the early medieval polity in the Deccan was a marked inter-
relatedness of the polities. No political unit or entity operated in isolation. Military
activities of the mighty rivals for the hegemony over the fertile-strategic lands would
render neutral existence of the small powers impossible.
While owning real or nominal allegiance to the overlord power, the smaller polities
would conserve and consolidate their strength and resources.
In a polity of this nature, the more powerful among the subordinate powers such as
the mahamandaleshvaras were always to be feared. Their tendency to form alliances
against the overlord or to grow at the cost of the other subordinates of the overlord
needed to be checked. It is well-known how the Chalukyas of Kalyan, who were the
Kamesh Mechrocks
feudatories of the Rashtrakutas, entertained political ambitions and declared
Indian Polity I n Redona1 independence realising the weakness of the Rashtrakuta power structure during tne
Vulatiom :8th To 13th Cmtur~ period of the successors of Krishna-111. In the mid-twelfth century the Sevunas, the
Hoysalas and the Kakatiyas utilised the Chalukya-Kalachuri struggle for their own
good and asserted their independence.

Despite these possibilities the intet-lineage relations could not be disregarded as they
proved extremely helpful in situntions of the military exploits requiring mobilization .
of greater force. As examples can be cited the Hoysalas of Southern Karnataka
rushing to the aid of their ovsrlord Chalukya Someshvara-11. Similarly, the Gangas
helped their Rashtrakuta ovzrlords in capturing the fortified town Chakrakuta in
Bastar in central India.

Check Your Progress 2

I ) List the names of any five ruling families which emerged in the Deccan between
tht: eighth and thirteenth centuries.

iii) ....................................................................................

2) Read the following and choose the right answer. Mark ( \/ ) in the columns.
i) The patterns of the emergence of the ruling lineages in the early medieval
Deccan shows that:
A a) only the Kshatriyas could wield political power
b) any clan or a larger ethnic group could make a bid for political power.
ii) The state encouragd the territorial spread of the brahmanas and religious
institutions because:
a ) it was deemed lo be an act of merit.
b) they posed a threat to the social order.
C) they represented some kind of uniform norms.
d ) the state society had t o cut through the barrier of disparate social norms
if ~t were to spread horizontally.

LAND A N D INTEGRATION OF DISPERSED FOCI

11.7
- A N D LEVELS OF POWER
An important p0in.t that needs to be noted with reference t o the structure polities is
the phenomenon of the dispersed distribution of power which was not specific t o the
Deccan alone but was present in all major political structures of the early medieval
period. '

These diverse or diffused foci and levels of power in the Deccan were represented by
what is called the Samanta-feudatory system. Two types of feudatory powers were
noticeable in the Deccan:
I) Those petty lineages which were integrated by a n expanding polity into its' power
structure by either reducing them t o submission by military manoeuvres or by
peaceful means.
2) Those which came to be created by the political powers by means of the grant of
landed estates as a reward for their help in some military exploit. However, these
latter were originally app@inted only as governors of an area with feudatory
privileges s6ch as the panchamahashabdas (See also Unit 9.6). But the principle of
hereditary transmissions df office tendW t; convert them in course of time into
full fledged feudatories. Most of the feudatory powers of the larger polities were
such pre-existing lineages /ncorporated into their power structures. For example,
Kamesh Mechrocks
when the Rashtrakutas started expanding their power, they had to deal with the
 representatives of the famous ruling lineages of the Deccan. Among their The Deccan
feudatories were the Chalukyas of Vengi, Chalukyas of Vemulavada and many
individual petty chiefs. The feudatories of the Hoysalas. Sevunas and Kakatiyas
bore the names of the erstwhile lineages like the Nolambas. Gangas, Chalukyas,
Kadambas, Abhiras, Haihayas and so on. .
Inter-marriages into the families of the suzerain and subordinate served as the social
bases while the recognition of the enjoyment of the landed estates by the local
powers served as the economic bases of the interlinked political process.
In strict political terms the use of force was not unknown especially when the local
powers stood in the way of the expansion of a lineage's power. The territories of the
Nishad Boyas, a race of hardy warriors who inhabited the region around Nellore
were sought to be integrated by means of involving their chief men into the
bureaucratic structure. But when the Boyas continued to offer resistance to the
advance of the Chalukya arms in the south, the King dispatched an army under
1
Pandaranga with instructions to demolish the strong-holds of the Boyas and to
(subjugatetheir country. Similarly, Kakatiya Rudra reduced to submission the Kota
chiefs.
Another important political mechanism of the integration of diffused foci of power
was the system of ranking i.e. the conferring of titles and ranks associated with roles
and service's. Kakatiya Ganapatideva conferred upon Recherla Rudra, a Reddy by
caste, the rank of mnndnlikn along with royal insignia like throne, a pair of chauris,
etc., in recognition of the help that Rudra rendered to him in a situation of crisis. .
Ranks in the families of chiefs varied from one generation to the next. The Kayastha
chiefs under the Kakatiyas who were a class of warriors and whose rank was sahini
(men in charge of cavalry) were elevated to the position of mahnmandaleshvnras by
the king Ganapatideva. These chiefs from the time of Gangaya sahini onwards
became the governors 6f a large region extending from Panugallu in Nalagonda to
Valluru in ,Cudappah district. This elevation in their position was in recognition of
the participation of Gangaya sahini in several battles on behalf of Ganapatideva.
Thus in a situation in which the basis of territorial political control was not static,
the ranks which had a correlation with such structure could not remain static either.
Integration of dispersed foci of power was not confined to the award of feudal ranks
such as nnyaka, snmanta, samnntadhipati or mahasamanta, mandalika,
mahamandaleshvara, etc., but also extended to bureaucratic positions. Irrespective of
multiple forms of integration, it must be realised that the mechanics of integration
always did not work only in the direction of integration. Second, whether it was
integration or disintegration, land rights served a common feature. Local landlords
or chieftains performed the role of integrators when they derived their administrative
and financial powers from their overlords, paid tributes and performed various other
obligations to them. However, the same landlords became real breakers and wreckers
when they lorded over peasants and artisans unmindful of overlords' concern. They
acted as an autonomous power within their territory. even though the degree of
autonomy varied from region to region. If the central government became weak the
feudatories used to be practically independent; in such a situation they could exact
their own terms for supporting the fortunes of their titular overlord. Their position
became still more strong if there was a war of succession. They could then take sides
and try to put their nominee on the imperial throne thus playing the role of the kfng
makers. On such occasions they could settle their old scores by dethroning their
overlord and imposing their own terms on the new successor. Rashtrakuta Dhruva,
Amoghavars ha-1 and Amoghavars ha41 owned their thrones to a considerable degree
to the support of their feudatories.

11.8 THE BUREAUCRATIC'STRUCTURE

The political processes of the early medieval Deccan came to be characterised by the
dominance of the overlord subordinate relation over other relations and the role of
the bureaucracy in the over all'structure of polity was varied and sometimes limited.
In the Rashtrakuta grant charters only the royal sign-manual and the names of the
composer of the grant and the person who conveyed it to the grantees are found.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Ministers and secretaries are conspicuous by their absence. The assumption of a very
 @

lndlrn PoMy In Its R e g i d big secretariat at their capital is not supported by any information about the maliner
Vuhd- : 8th To 13th Century in which the daily business of administration was carried on at the capital. Although
a body of high ranking officers and ministers known as nmntyas or mantris existed
in the capital to assist the King the questions regarding the size, constitution and
position of a regular council of ministers, if any, have not been satisfactorily'
answered. In the capital and in provincial headquarters in the Rashtrakuta
administration the revenue records, records bearing upon land ownership and
original drafts of copperplate grants were carefully preserved.
In the areas directly administered by the officers of the state, the provincial
governors (Rashtrapatis) enjoyed considerable power over their subordinates h ' t h e
provinces. Some of the provincial governors were royal princes. The provinces which,
are said to have been administered by the princes and queens in the later Chalukya
administration appear t o have been those bestowed upon them as their personal fief.
Some others were appointed as governors in recognition of their distinguished
military services. Petty offices like those of the supervision over small units
consisting of 10 or 12 villages very soften went tp relatives of the provincial
governors.
Provincial governors and district level governors in the Rashtrakuta administration
were assisted by a body of assistants called the kashtrmnhnttarns and
Vishnynmahnttaras respectively. But very little is known about their powers, modes
of election, meetings etc. Their powers must have been considerably less than those
of the village councils which were made up of the rural elite.
The nature of the office of the village headmen and divisional headmen, the revenue
officers who helped the state officers of the subdivisions shows that these officials
were often remunerated for their services in the form of hereditary rent free fields.
The integration of dispersed foci of power also expressed itself in the absorption of
the members of local lineages into the bureaucratic structure. In the Rashtrakuta
structure, the district and provincial governors and lower officers like Vbhayapatis
enjoyed feudatory status and were allowed to use feudatory titles. Apparently they
were the descendants of the local kings who were once independent but were
subsequently conquered by the imperial powers. In such cases they seem to have
continued as the government's officers.

RESOURCSE BASE OF THE STATE

The main source of the state income was agricultural taxation. Private individuals
holding arable lands paid to the state the land tax which formed the backbone of its
revenue. The cultivators were also subject to some additional imposts called the
Upgkriti. Upakriti and Wanikn seem to refer to a kind of customary tax levied by the
government on villagers and townsmen in return for some service performed for their
benefit by the k i n g or their officers.
Land taxes were assessed both in kind and cash. In the Kakatiya kingdom the taxes
in kind were generally paid in two instalments in the months of KIlrtikn and
Vnishnkha, the two main crop seasons. Under the Rashtrakutas they could be paid
*
in three instalments in Bhadrnpnda, Knrtikn and Mnghn, the king's officers went
rourfd the villages to collect his share of the grain from them. The State's share of a
householder's income was also collected in kind.
Land was divided into dry, wet and garden lands for purposes of assessment in
accordance with the nature and fertility of the soil. Part of the state income came
from the pastures and forests, the ownership of which was cia-imed by the state. It
also claimed ownership in mines, hidden treasures, waste lands, orchards on State
lands, lakes and public wells.
Other important source of state income included customs, excise duties and charges
levied on trade and industry. Sunkamu or Sunka, a term used in this context was of,
broad import and denoted duties on exports and imports excise duties and customs -
duties collected on articles of merchandise brought to and taken from market towns.
Iri the-Kekatiya system the tolls collected on articles of trade were farmed-out to
merchant associdtions cami,ii$irrg members of the trading community oh payment of
a fixed s~;z :; ;kc gcv^:rcrfiment.
Kamesh Mechrocks
Regular offerings and tributes by the feudatory chiefs comprised another source of The Dcerm
the income of the state. A Rashtrakuta inscription refers to an occasion when King
Govinda-111 toured about in the southern parts of the empire to collect the tributes
due from his feudatories. Special presents were exacted from the feudatory chiefs on
the occaSions of festivities in the imperial household.
The picture of the State expenditure is not clear. There is no mention of a
department in charge of public works or of officers directly appointed with the duty
s f carrying out irrigation and other welfare projects. Apparently the state undertook
no direct responsibility for the construction and maintenance of irrigation works
though some Hoysala and Kakatiya kings were known for evincing keen personal
interest in creating,a series of irrigation works. Influenced by the belief that the
construction of tanks was an act of merit, the kings, chiefs, nobles, officials, religious
leaders,' merchants and wealthy men sponsored the construction of tanks. State
doesn't appear to have spent enormous cash resources on the salaries of the menin
its service as the practice of remunerating by grant of landed jagirs to officials was
on an increase throughout this period in theaeccan. In military organisation too the
state forces consisted partly of the standing army directly recruited by the
government and partly of the levies contributed by the provincial viceroys and
feudatories.

11.10 POLITICAL INSTABILITY IN THE DECCAN

POLITY
~nstabilitywas built into the nature of early medieval polity. Frequent changes in the
composition of territorial limits of the political powers itself is an0indicationof this.
(See the map showing the territorial extent of the Sevunas in different periods.)
State society even in nuclear areas did not necessarily have a stable locus.
Mobilization of military strength could displace existing power holders and create
new locus and networks of political relations. We have already noted the
decentralised character of the state with different foci of power. The shifting
allegiances of the diffused foci of power, e.g. those represented by the subordinate
chiefs or samantn.feudatories would add to political instability.
Increasing land assignments to various classes of functionaries, including those
rendering military service, rent-free grants of villages to various categories of
beneficiaries and an increase in the incidence of land grants by the diversification of
the ruling elite would weaken the control of the state over revenue resources of the
constituent territorial units. A tilt in the balance of loyalty of the landholders and
the m a n t a landed aristocracy would weaken its control on its polity as well. These
weaknesses surfaced in the face of external threats and brought about the
disintegration of even long existent power structures. The dramatic fall of the mighty
Rashtrakuta empire can be noted as an example. In 967 A.D. Rashtrakutas under
Krishna I11 were the masters of practically all the territories to the South of the
Narmada. Only six years later, with the overthrow of his nephew Karkka by their
Chalukya feudatory Taila in 973 the empire of the Rashtrakutas fell and remained
only in memory.

Cheek Your Progress 3

1) Which of the following statements is right or &ong? Mark ( 4) or ( X ).
i) The phenomenon of differential distribution of power was a special feature
of the Deccan alone.
ii) An important political mechanism of the integration of diffused levels of
power was the system of ranking.
iii) All the feudatory powers in the early medieval polity of Deccan enjoyed the
same'measure of internal autonomy.
2) In Column A are given the names of some prominent regional polities and in B
the iiames of their feudatories. Match A with B.

a) Rashtrakutas i) Haihayas of Morata and Aralu:

b) ~akati~as Kamesh
ii) Velanadus Mechrocks
 47
Indian Polity In Its Rcgbnal c) Chalukyas of Vengi iii) The Shilaharas of Konkan
Variations : 8th To 13th Century
d) Sevunas iv) The Kota chiefs. 1
3) Write in ten lines about the integration of the dispersed foci of power into the
state society.

4) List the main sources of State income.

i) ....................................................................................

!
iii) . ................................................................................... .
iv) ........:...........:.............................................
.- ~.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Map extent 3. Territarial of Sevunas
 The Dearn
11.11 /LET US SUM UP
11

The foreg%& account of the political structure in early medieval Maharashtra.

Andhra Pradesh and northern Karnataka shows:
the local chieftains who were integrated into the Mauryan polity in the Deccan
emerged as the ruling el!tes and introduced monarchicpl ideology and form of
*- polity in the Deccan,
.o the formation of the new ruling lineages and centres of power was a continuous
process,
various social groups, often non-kshatriya in origin, continued to emerge and
&ow into big political powers by integrating preexisting lineage powers into their
structures. These latter represented diffused foci of power and became vital
components in the newly emerging political structures.
the overlord-subordinate relation came to be dominant over other levels of
relations in the political structure,
apart from claiming Kshatriya status to legitimise the acquired power, the early
medieval lineages also encouraged territorial spread of brahmanas and religious
institutions as they could provide a central focus to disparate norms.
land rights explain inter-lineage network,
*, resource base of the state relied upon the vast agrarian surplus which sustained -
integrative elements in society, and '
state also penetrated into growing networks of trade and exchange and diversified
, and expanded its resource base considerably.

11.12 KEY WORDS

Dyda : Force
Eponymous : One which gives his name to people, place or institution
Kmika : Tax on villagers/townsmen in return for services performed
for their benefit by kings or their officers
Panchamabashabda : A feudatory privilege
Puamabhagavata : Devotee of Vishnu and associated divinities
Puamamaheshvara : Devotee of Shiva
Rashtramahattarr : Official of province
Sahini : Men in charge of Cavalry
Sunkamu/Sunka : Customs and excise duties
Upakriti : 'See Kanika
I
b

11.13 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
"1 (i) X (ii) V (iii) y (iv) d
2) See Sec. 11.2
3) See Sec. 11.3

Check Your Progress 2

I) SeeSec..ll.4
2) (9 b - (ii) d - -- Kamesh Mechrocks
ladim Polity In Its Regiotul Cheek Your Profiess 3 a $

Vuiatiom :8th To 13th Century

1) (i) x (ii) M (iii) X
2) (a) iii (b) iv (c) ii (d) i
3) See Sec. I I. 7
4) See Sec. l 1.9

INDIA :II
c.A.D. 700-1000
1 The Deccan
2 9outh India

Kamesh Mechrocks
 - F
:
UNIT 12 SOUTH INDIA '

Structure
12.0 Objectives
12.1 Introduction
. 12.2 The Region
12.3 Emergence of Political Powers
12.4 Perspectives on the South lndian Polity
12.5 Sub-regional Polities
12.6 The Agrarian Order and Polity
12.6.1 The Nadu
12.6.2 The Bmhradqs
12.6.3 Valanadu
126.4 The Temple
126.5 The Nagman : The Market Centre
12.7 Taxation .
12.8 Bureaucracy
12.9 Military Organisation
12.10 Structures of Control
12.1 1 ideological Bases of South lndian Polity
12.12 Let Us Sum Up
12.13 Key Words
12.14 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

12.0 OBJECTIVES

I After reading this Unit you should be able to:

I determine the parameters of South lndia in terms of regional polity.

I sketch the broad spectrum of political powers.

I identify important ways of studying polity of the concerned region.

1. delineate major foci of polity and their socio-economic bases.

I
1 .
'e know about major components df the political structure such as taxation.
bureaucray and military control, and
outline the ideological bases of South lndian polity between the eighth-thirteenth

i centuries. 1

I
I
12.1 INTRODUCTION -
A

This is the last Unit concerning regional variations of early medieval polity. It deals
with South lndia, which broadly covers the portion of the peninsula lying south of
130 Northern Latitude. It begins with the emergence of the Pallavas in the sixth
century of the Christian era and ends with the establishment of the Tamil macro-
region as a regional state with distinctive politico-cultural features under the Cholas
(ninth-thirteenth centuries). After analysing the major lines of enquiry the Un~tseeks
to demarcate'various tiers of administration. These tiers have been identified with a
distinct focus on their social and economic bases. The nature of resource
mobilisation and apparatus to regulate it have also been sketched. Finally. the
ideological support of the South lndian polity has been suggested.

Kamesh Mechrocks
l n d h Polity 16 Im R e
V u l d a m :IMb To 13tb CIlltury 12.2 THE REGION
Here South India refers to the region called Tamil Nadu, not in its present form as a
linguistic state, but as a macro-region, which evolved from the seventh to the
thirteenth centuries and at times extended into parts of South Karnataka, southern
Andhra and South Kerala. This region may be divided into various zones, which had
a long historical evolution, viz., the core and subsidiary zones in the plains, on the
basis of its river systems and a.secondary zone located in its north-western parts
marked by the upthrusting eastern ghats and the edges of the plateau leading to
Karnataka and Kerala. These zones represented different politico-cultural regions,
which were known as m ~ d a l a m sfrom the Chola period onwards. The geography of
the whole region determined to a large extent the nuclei of the regional polities
which emerged during the c nturies under discussion.
'i
12.3 EMERGENCE OF POLITICAL POWERS '

The post-Gupta history of India is dominated by the evolution of a number of

regional polities. Some of them emerged as regional states (Orissa and Tamil Nadu)
coinciding with regional cultures. Others were smaller polities located as buffers
between larger ones. This is well illustrated by the larger polities of South India such
as those of the Pallavas of Kanchipuram and the Pandyas of Madurai in Tamil
Nadu (sixth to ninth centuries A.D.). Dispersed between these larger ones were
several smaller powers such as the Western Gangas, Kadambas, Banas and a host of
others, owing allegiance alternatively to the larger lineages of the Deccan (See also
Unit 11.4) and Tamil plains or occasionally establishing their independence. The
most powerful of these regional polities was, however, that of the Cholas (ninth to
thirteenth centuries),wh with the Kaveri Valley as the nucleus of their,power,
succeeded in establishing their territorial sovereignty covering the whole of the Tamil
macro-region. The Cholas were able to estab1ish.a regional state with its distinctive
politico-cultural features.

12.4 PERSPECTIVES ON THE SOUTH INDIAN POLITY

There are three different perspectives on the Tamil regional polity. The pioneering
works on South lndian polity in general and Tamil polity in particular showed a
direct concern with administrative institutions and their history and were devoted to
the study of institutionq like kingship, brahmadeya with its sabha and the temple,
their orpnisation and functions. They neither adopted a viable framework of
analysis nor an integrated approach to study the political processes and their
linkages with the socioeconomic organisation. In short, they treated polity in
isolation from society and economy. They were also influenced by imperialistic
notions of the state and empire, centralised monarchies and powerful bureaucracies..
Their assumptions were that all the known features of a modern state were prevalent
in the earlier periods.
New perspectives on pality have been provided by more recent works, which
emphasise the need for understanding the inter-connections between social
formation, economic ocganisation and political structures. They focus on the
processes of evolution and change, leading to the emergence of regional polities and
the role of institutions such as the brahmadeya and the temple in the formation of
political structure. As a result, the theory of the centralised state followed by the
conventional studies has been seriously questioned. As an alternative, the concept of
the segmentary state has been used to charazterise the medieval South lndian state.
The main difference between these two perspectives is based on the nature of local
organisations, the degree of their autonomy and the extent of central control or
direct political control txercised by the ruling dynasties over the different zones of
the Tamil region. The first view assigns greater and more effective control to the
central authority over all regions, despite the existence of local initiative and
autonomy (what they called "local self government")hile the second view rejects it
as contradictory and assigns a high degree of autonomy to the local Organisations
Kamesh Mechrocks
n n A P mnrn r;tnmnl'cn.rmr~;nnt.r tn thn rrml:nn A r r n a a t r r n v n n r t :m t h a nnr- nwsn
 As against both these extreme views, the studies of the Chola' itate, based on a South India
careful statistical analyses of the rich inscriptional data, provide a third perspective
suggesting the need for modifications of both the above views. They show the
development of a centralised polity from an earlier stage of independent peasant
regions controlled by peasant assemblies. These peasant regions were integrated
through various institutions and through the introduction of innovative
administrative measures by a political authority. The zenith of the Chola power was
reached in the eleventh century, which also marked the crystallization of a
centralised polity.

12.5 SUB-REGIONAL POLITIES

Under the Pallavas of Kanchipuram and the Pandyas of ~ a d u r a(sixthi to ninth
centuries), two sub-regions of the larger Tamil region became the territorial bases of -
two monarchies, in the Palar-Cheyyar Valley and the Vaigai-Tatnraparni Valley
respectively. The Pallavas were influenced by the political climate of the Deccan and
Andhra regions, where they originated as the subordinates of the Satavahanas (See
also Unit 11.3). The Pallavas later emerged to power in the p6st-~atayahanaperiod,
ivhich was marked by a transition t o the brahmanical socio-political order and a
land grant economy. Hence, the Pallava polity introduced into the northern part of
the Tamil country the sanskritic elements of the Gupta and post-Gupta periods as
they developed in the Deccan and Andhra regions. However, this polity of northern
Tamil Nadu (known as Tondai nadu) was slightly different from the North lndian
brahmanical variety due to the specific agrarian context. The nature of agrarian
society in the region was dominated by peasant organisations, which had evolved
from the early historic period, popularly known as the "Sangam" age (first to the
third centuries). Though Pallava statecraft was inspired by the Dharmashastra
'
model, the northern regal forms were adapted to suit the Tamil regional context and
the Pallavas succeeded in establishing a brahmanical monarchy, a territorial base
around Kanchipuram and new forms of integration through the brahmadeya and the
temple. This is illustrated in their copperplate records, which are bilingual (Sanskrit
and Tamil) and in the Puranic religion and temples which they sponsored. The
Pallavas acquired legitimation through impressive genealogical claims of descent
from Vishnu and epic heroes, their basic ideology being derived from Puranic
cosmological. world view. The Pandyas of Madurai also established a monarchical
state of the same type, although they claimed descent from Shiva and Chandravarnsa
(lunar lineage), with the sage Agastya as their preceptor.
The Pallava and Pandya dynasties aspired for control over the Kaveri Valley, the
most fertile add well irrigated agricultural core of the Tamil region. They also set in
motion a process of agrarian expansion and integration through the brahmadeya and
the temple, which helped to integrate the agrarian or peasant units called the nadus
(also k u r r m ) (see also Units 1.2.2 and 1.3).

Check Your Progress 1 -

..
I) What are the three main perspectives of studying South lndian polity?

Kamesh Mechrocks
l n d h PoYy In Ib Rqlonrl ) What are the spkific features of agrarian society of northern Tamil Nadu?
Vulrtiona : 8th To 13th Centur; --

................. ................................................
1 .................... .

.................. t...................................:......;.........................
. ..

\s

12.6 THE AGRARIAN ORDER AND POLITY

>

For a proper understanding of the agrarian order and polity wc will study a number
of aspects. Let us start with the nadu.

1.2.6.i The Nadd

It dates from pre-Palllava times and is marked by common agrarian t'katures and a :.
kinship based social arpnisation. The production processes in the ndu were
controlled by the nattrr assembly (the Nadu) composed of the heads of'pcajant a

families of veWm (agriculturists). The nadu consisted of subsistence level settlenkntb.

coming together for common economic and social activitks. The integration of the -
*
nadus into a larger and sy,stematic agrarian organisation through land grants to
b r l m a n m (brahmadcya) and the temple by the ruling families (Pallavas, Pandyaa
and Cholq) let to the emergence of the first regional Tamil polities. Special emphasis
was laid on the const~uctionof irrigation works, advanced irrigation technology and
their management through the b r l m a n a assembly called the Sabh.. Thus, the
earlier subsistence level production of the nadu was transformed into a surplus
oriented one which resulted in a restructuring of the.economy (see also Unit 2.4.2).
The brlmadeya and temple not only helped in agrarian integration but also played
political roles by acting as instruments of mobilisation and redistribution of
resources.
With its expansion and integration through the brah&leya and the temple, and duc
to new irrigation worb, the internal structure of the nadu also changed. Land rights
and tenures became wore complex, land relalions became stratified, and the
composition of the netter also underwent changes. The kinship basis of social
organisation was eroded and gave place to a brahmanical caste and ritual ranking,
i.e. caste hierarchy.
The nadu, although it ev6lved as a kinship bas* agrarian unit, shows the prevalen4
of awariety of collective controls over production. This is seen in the k.hi rights or '
hereditary rights in land which were transferable by.sale or donation. Various '
categories of rights in land existed and were determined and enjoyed within the
norms accepted by the contemporary organisations of the brabmrdeya, non-
brahmadeya(ur) settlements and the family.
In the earlier conventional approach, the nadu received only marginal attention in:-
its significance was lost in such studies. In view of the segmentarypate, a high
degree of autonomy is assigned to the nadu as a segment and hence the medieval
South Indian'state is characterised as a segmentary and peasant state. However, t k
nadu cannot be studied independently of the other institutions. In reality, the mdu
brahmadeya and the temple together mark the phased opening of the Tamil plains.
With the recognition oh the nadu as the basic unit of agrarian organisation, the o l d a
Kamesh Mechrocks
 t h e m of the uncha'ngini village communities has lost its validity. The debate now
centres on the degree of nadu autonomy and the stability of the natter organisation
and hence also on the validity of the segmentary state concept.
12.6.2 The Brahmadeya
Land grants to brahrnanas are known from early historic times. However, it is only
by the end of the sixth century that it assumed an institutional character in the
Tamil region. Bmhmadeyrs were invariably created by iuling families in hitherto
uncultivated land or among existing settlements (within a nadu or kottam) by
'clubbing together two or more settlements. They introduced advance farming
methods-irrigation, management of means of production and resources. The
Pallava and Pandya reservoir systems were managed by the brahrnana assembly viz.
the Sabb.. The brrhmadeym were separated from the jurisdiction of the nadu. The
major brrhrnadeyaa also'bqcame independent units (tan-kuru) from the tenth century
especially under the Cholas, adding to their economic and administrative/political
signir~cances.They are often regarded as pace makers of royal authority, enlarging
the sphere df political action.
f i e Sabba or the assembly of the brahmana landowners grew into a more prominent
institution vis-a-vis the Ur, the assembly of a non-brahmadeya settlement. The
growing maturity of the Sabha is illustrated by the famous Uttaramerur (Chingleput
district), a major brahrnadeya and tan-kuru of the eighth to thirteenth centuries as
well as by Manur (Tiruneleeli district), an important brnhmadeya of the eighth and
ninth centuries. The tan-kuru had a central function also and often had under its
purview several other centres of agricultural and craft production. The brahmanical;
temple, which was invariably the nucleus of many of these settlements, was also
under the supervision or direct control of the Sabha, which functioned through
various committets called vuiyams.
12.6.3 Valanadu
Revenue surveys and assessment of land revenue were systematically undertaken
under the Cholas, in the eleventh century. In the process, new and larger revenue '
units were formed by grouping some n d u s together and even by partitioning some
under different valanadu-s. This was determined by their irrigational -needs and hedce I
vdanadu-s had consciously chosen boundaries such as water courses. The valanadu
was an artificial unit and a politicoeconomic division created by the will of a
political authority. The valanadu-s were named after the kings who created them.
Their organisation was also linked with the establishment of a hierarchy of officers
and a department of revenue collection, which kept detailed records of revenues.
This department (the puravu-vui-tinakkalrm) was the most impressive of the
ldrninistrativc machinery eZrolvcd by the Cholas for mobilisation of resources.

12.6.4 The Temple

The temple was looked upon and functioned as a "superordinate" instrument of the
political apparatus from the ninth century. Under the Cholas its role progressively
increased and diversified, thereby forging institutional links for territorial
sovereignty. This is well illustrated by the imperial temples such as those at
Thanjavur and Gangaikondacholapuram. Its economic outreach became phenomenal
with a widening orbit through huge temple endowments land and money grants. gold
deposits, merchant interaction through gifts and the luxury trade of larger merchant
l&orporations. ItS social function was the integration of various ethnic and
-
-5
professional groups through ritual ranking within the brahmana varna order. Temple
administration was in the hands of the h b h a , ur and the Nagararn. In the
redistribution of resources the temple assumed a more direct role than even the
brrhrnadeya. It is through the temple that the ~ h o l a sachieved a greater degree of
centralisation in the eleventh century, f o it~ broke local ties by virtue of its economy
and management of resources across nadu limits. It provided a foothold for the King
to intervene in local affairs through royal officers "quditing" or enquiring into temple
endowments, scale of expenses and making reallocat~diis.The temple was. in short.
the symbol of royal authority.

t2.6.5 Nagaram: The Market Centre

Aaguam was another major tier of administration.
Kamesh .merged by the ninth century
Mechrocks
Indian Polhy In Its Regional as a market centre with a merchant body (nagarattar) administering it. With the
Variations :8th To 13th Century growing needs of an expanding agrarian society, such market centres came up in
most nadug to serve their exchange requirements as well as those of the )mhmrdcya
and other settlements. The nadu and nagnram were m'utually supportive. The
nagaram members ware themselves agriculturists who could channelise their surplus
produce into trade. They became a full fledged trading community called the
nagarattar. At the same time the nqgaram, like the brahmadeya enjoyed a special
status, with considerable autonomy vis-a-vis the nadu. The nagarm, often created or
,
sponsored by the ruling family, had direct revenue arrangements with the King's
government-and participated in temple administration. The brahmadeya and
nagaram brought the nadus together in a system of unified political organisation and
economic exchange, thereby assisting in the process of a state synthesis.
A network of naprruns emerged between the ninth and twelfth centuries. The royal
and political centres as' well as larger commercial centres such as Kanchipuram and
Thanjavur were designated as managarams or great nagarams. This network was
further brought into a wider inter-regional exchange due to the revival of ~ & t h
Asian trade by the tenth century involving South India, Sri Lanka, Southeast Asia
and China. The Cholas promoted this trade by undertaking maritime expeditions to
Sri Lanka and Sri Vijaya (Sumatra) and sending trade missions to China. They
extended their patronage to their merchant organisations by issuing royal charters .
for establishing mercantile towns protected by mercenaries. Warehouses'and
distribution centres knpwn as erivirappattana interacted with the n a g u m as well as
other smaller localised merchant organisations like the manigramm and foreign
merchant organisations like the Anjuvannm. They traded in luxury goods, exotic
items from other countries and in South Indian textiles. They also obtained in
exchange agricultural products from the Chittkameli Periyanadu. The Chittbmeli
was an organisation of agriculturists belonging to all the "four castes" (atuwunya).
It originated in the Tamil regiog and extended their activities into South Karnataka
and southern Andhrl regions in the twelfth century.
-,
Check Your Progress 2 I

I) Why and how the internal structure of the Nadu changed?

2Y How brahmadeya became more important?

Kamesh Mechrocks
 South India

3) How the temple came to occupy significance in polity?

4) How ayr.mr came into prominence?

12.7 TAXATION
The existence of a regular taxation system, which the segmentary state concept
denies, is indicated by a statistical analysis of tax t e k s in Chola inscriptions. The
major land tax called kdrmmai was uniform as also many other smaller ones
related to land. There was a system of storage and transfer of revenue from the
locality to the government at the vrlmrdu, nadu and ur levels. Taxes, both central
and local, have been identified. Increase in non-agricultural taxes over time has also
been recognised. Local official involvement in tax collection also increased. Local
forms of collection and re-investment in regional economy avoided problems of
antral collection and redistribution. The state's active interest in trade and
commercial ventures provided a second resource base. Royal ports were consciously
developed and tolls were levied by royal agents. Exemption from tolls also formed
part of the policy of encouragement of trade venture&.
,,

12.8 BUREAUCRACY
The Chola, state was viewed as a highLy bureaucratised one by the pioneering
scholars. This is denied by the followers of the segmentary state theory. Statistical
data from inscriptions, however, have been used to show the existence of officers at
Kamesh Mechrocks
I
Indlmn Pdlty In Ib R e g i o ~ l both central and local levels. The term adhikui pref~xedto names of important
Vuirtber :llth To personages with the Muvenda ve!an Ule indicates the presence of a bureaucracy
especially in the hiera'rchically structured revenue department. Ranking among
officers is also shown by the terms perundaram (higher grade) add sirut.ram (lower
grade), both in the 'civil' and 'military' establishments. Officers at the royal court
(udan kuttam) and officers touring the country (vidaiyil adhikari) are also known.
. The King's government was present in the localities through a hierarchy of
officers - the mandal~mudali,nadu vagai and kadhyastha acting as important links
between the King and the locality.
\-I'

12.9 MILITARY ORGANISATION

m e r e is no conclusive evidence in Chola records of the existence of a regular army,
recruited by clearly defined criteria. Hence there are alternative interpretations of the
meagre evidence. According to the conventional view, there was a royal military
force. But this denied by the proponents of the segmentary state concept, who
look at the military forces as an assemblage of "segments", peasant militia and/or
caste and guild armies. However, there are references in inscriptions to grants for
army chiefs and to army camps at strategic points indicating the existence of a royal
force. The higher and lower grades were also prevalent among the Right Hand units
of the army corps known as the Velaikkuu. There was also a Left Hand unit
mentioned in royal records. Armies of local chiefs supplemented royal military
expeditions.

12.10 STRUCTURES OF CONTROL

f

Given the nature of politico-cultural zones which evolved from the early historic
period, the Cholas evolved different structures of control by adopting the concept of
the mandalam to designate such zones. Each mandalam was named after the King. It
was one of the innovations of Rajaraja-l (983-1014 A.D.), who also initiated revenue
surveys and the valanadu system. For example. earlier structures such as the K o t t m
(a pastoral-cum-agricultural region) were left undisturbed in the Tondaimandalun'
(also called Jayankondacholamandalam), but the tan-kuru was introduced. The
valanadu replaced earlier chief6incies in the Cholamandalam and the adjoining
Naduvil nadu or mandalam in the north. Similarly, army units came to be stationed
at strategic points in transit zanes-and routes of trade leading to the adjoining
Karnataka region to establish lines of communication. Chola princes and mandda
mudalis were appointed to rule over such sub-regions.
Lesser chieftains. described as feudatories, represent another distinct level of
intermediate strata in the Chola polity. Arrangements were made by the King with
the powerful chiefs. under different terms, either by conceding a certain amount of
local autonomy in return for military support or in return for trading interests in
zones of transit. Somelchieftaincies were conquered but re-instated and others were
newly created lineages supborting the king in return for local control. They were also
ranked at different levels as chiefs or even as Chola officials with 'civil'and 'military'
service tenures and policing rights.

12.11 IDEOLOGICAL BASES OF SOUTH INDIAN

POLITY
In the Pallava and Pamdya polities genealogies claiming descent from divinities, epic
heroes, and lunar lineage formed an important ideological force. KshalYiya status
and the gift (dana) provided additional concepts in support of sovereignty. Puranic
religions and world view were other important aspects of the ideological base.
The Chola genealogies are more complex in their ideological claims. Apart from the
solar lineage, the Cholas directly linked themselves with the "Sangam" Cholas, the
Kaveri region and the temple building activities of their ancestors for legitimating
Kamesh Mechrocks
 their claims to sovereignty. Above all, they adopted and promoted in a signifidnt
way the bhakti ideology of the Tamil Vaishnava and Saiva saints by popularising it
through temple building, temple rituals and iconography. The symbolism of the
temple, equated with territory/cosmos considerably enhanced royal power. The ritual
and political domains coincided which shows further limitations of the idea of
segmentary state (for a critical evaluation of this idea, see also Unit 8.3).

' Check Your Progress 3

1) Was there a bureaucracy in ~ h o l astate? Give names of some officers.

I What was the Chola system of administrative control?

.i2 LET U S SUM UP

'iis Unit was concerned with the :
region of South India comprising modern states of Tamil Nadu, Kerala and
southern portions of the states of Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh,
@ the nature of political structure in the aforesaid region between the eighth and
thirteenth century.
relative viability of hypotheses concerning so called centralisation and
segmentation in the political order,
expansion of agriculture and trade network and their impact on the evolution of
centres of administrative and fiscal powers,
nature of resource mobilisation and mechanism to regulate it, and
role of prominent socioeconomic ~ n religious
d forces in providing $mlogical
support to the newly emerging'polity.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Indian Pollty In Its Regional
Vuiatiom :8tR To 13th Century 12.13 KEY WORDS

Bhakti : Devotional cult

Chittirm e l i : Organisation of agriculturists belonging to all the
'four castes"
: Warehouses and distribution centres

-
Kadamrri : A major land tax
Kottun : Pastoralcum-agricultural region
~..
Mad hyastha : ~ b c officer-impartially
a~ supervising royal orders
relating to land aqd other grants
I
Ma"iIala mudali : Chief of a mandalam
Mandalam : Term used for a politicocultural region
Nadu : Peasant assembly or organisation
Nadu vaqd : Officer organising the nadus ,

Perundarm : Higher grade amongst officials

Purava-vari-tinaikkdm : Department of revenue records
Right Hand and Left Hand : A vertical division of the army into
Right and Left Hand groups
,'
,
'
Sabha : Bmhmana assembly

Sirutuun : Lower grade amongst officials

Tan-kuru : Independent unit
Ur : Non-brahmadeya~settlementand assembly
Valanadu : Artificial revenue unit created by the Chotas
Variyam : Committee through which the %bha functioned

Vidayil adhikui : Officials touring the country

12.14 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1 .
I) The South Indian polity was first studieg through the organisation and
functions of institutions. The recent works emphasise the need for understanding
the interconnections between social formation, economic organisation and
political structure. The third view points out the development of a centralised
polity from an earlier stage of independent peasant regions controlled by peasant
assemblies. See Sec. 12.4.
2) The organisations and their influence were the main features of agrarian
society. Also See Sec. 12.5.
Check Your Progress 2
1') Through integration and expansion of bnhmadeya and temple the Nadu
underwent a change. New irrigation works also contributed. Land right and
tenures became complex. Land relations also became stratified. Also see
Sub-sec. 12.6. I.
2) After brahmadeyas bwame independent units they gained economic and
administrative significance. See Sub-sec. 12.6.2.
3) Through large donations and grants temples became important. With the hdp of
the temples Cholas could intervene in local affairs and tempJes became the
symbol of royal authority. See Sub-sec. 12.6.4.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 4) Nagrama came into existence to fulfil the exchange requirements as market South India
centres. In due course through inter-regional and South Asian trade they became
very important. See Sub-sec. 12.6.5.

Check Your Progress 3

I ) There was a hierarchical bureaucracy under-the Chdlas both at central and state
levels. See Sec. 12.8.
2) The Cholas dvolved the administrative zones (mandalam). These were generally
placed under princes. Chieftains were also governed through well established
norms. See Sec. 12.10.

SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

Burton Stein Peasant State and Society in Medieval
South India, Delhi, 1980.
C. Minakshi : Administration and Social Life under
the Pallavns, Madras, 1977 (Rev.Ed.)
D.N Jha(ed) : Feudal Social Formation in Early India, Delhi, 1987.
K.A. Nilakanta Sastri : The Cholas, Madras, 1975.
: History of South India, Delhi, 1984.
South Indian History and Society,
Delhi, 1984.
R.S. Sharma : Indian Feudalism, New Delhi, 198 1.

1 Romila Thapar : History of India, Vol. 1, New Delhi, 1983.

I T.V. Mahalingam
Y. Subharayalu
: South Indian Polity, Madras, 1955.
Political Geography of the Chola
Country, Madras, 1973.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 t

UNIT 13 RISE OF TURKS AND

MONGOLS IN CENTRAL ASIA
Structure

Objectives
Introduction
Central Asia
13.2.1 Central Asia: A More Detailed View
13.2.2 Central Asia: An Ensemble of Micro-Regions
Pastoral Nomadism
Civilhition and Turkish Nomads: Early Contacts
13.4.1 The Tiukiu Empire
13.4.2 Two Forms of Contact
Turkish Irruptions
The Mongols
13.6.1 Chengiz Khan and the Steppe Aristocracy
.13.6.2 Conquests and Expansion
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers t b Check Your Progress Exercises

The rise of the Turks and Mongols; their rapid conquests and expansion over the
regions of Central Asia and the adjoining territories between the tenth and thirteenth
centuries, marks the beginning of a momentous period in history. Its consequences
#or India were direct, palpable and far-reakhing. After reading this Unit you should
be able to:
know who the Turks and Mongols were and what precisely was their role in an
exciting period of history,
acquaint yourself with the geography and some of the characteristics of Ce~tral
Asia as a region of considerable historical sigdicance, and
place medieval India in a larger historical contep of political and social
developments.

13.1 INTRODUCTION
1

I
The tenth century witnessed a westward movement of a warlike nomadic pimple
inhabiting the eastern corners of the Asian continent. Then came in wave upon wave,
each succeeding invasion more powerful and more extensive than the last. In a
relatively short span of time, the barbarian hordes had overrun and brought down the
once prosperous empires and kingdoms of Central and West Asia, reaching the .
shores of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. While between the tenth and twelfth
centuries the invaders were primarily 'Turks', the invasion of the thirteenth to
fifteenth centuries involved a kindred but more ferocious people, the Mongols.

Nthough the devastations caused by these dovements here immense-particularly

those wrought by the Mongols-they left behind a trail'of blood and gruesome
massacre wherever their advance was resisted. These invaders were eventually
tamed by the civilizations they had conquered. Settling down in conquered territories,
the resulting fusion between them and their new environments became the basis of a
new order.

Mahmud of Ghazni's invasions of India at the close of the tenth century, followed
some hundred years later by the Ghorian invasions (both Ghami and Ghor are in
Kamesh Mechrocks
Afghanistan) were distant proieitiorh of these vast nomadic movec --'9. As in other
 .1 .
"mdependent political !entity;the Delhi Sultanate in the early years of the thirteenth
' century. The term 'W Sultanate' signifies the rule of Turks over large parts of
Northern India from their capital at Delhi. in more than two centuries of existence,
the Sultanate gave bifh to institutions-political, social and economic-which though
greatly different from the ones existing earlier, were a unique combination of what
the Turks had brought with and what they found in India. One could say the same
?bout the Mughal empire which succeeded the Delhi Sultanate. -
In this Unit we will be taking a w s - e y e vim o f . d m d o ~
Central Asia by the dse of Turks and Mongols.

13.2 ' CENTRAL ASIA

-1

.Before we discuss the rise of Turks and Mongols, it is necessary to form a mental
p i m e of the regions comprising Central Asia and to acquaint ourselves with some
of their outstanding features. 'Central Asia' is a loose geographical term that refers to
the huge and varied territory bounded in the South by an immense chain of
mountains of which the Himalayas form a part. Its northern limits may be roughly
placed around the Ural mountains; the western alonn the Aral and Cas~ianSeas; and
the eastern somewhere between the lakes Balkash and Baikal, perhaps around lhe
Thfer Irtysh (S=W).
As the name of a region Central Asia has at least one other competitor, namely,
hukestan, though not identical in geographical spread, Turkestan does cover a very
large portion of the territories one includes in Central Asia. Perhaps it also offer$ a
more apt descriptioa of a region whose population is @ominanrly Turkic in
pornposition. But, when using the term in an historical context, one has to remember
that 'Turkestan' is an ethnonym: it signifies an e t l d c temtory as well as a human
community. And, in both respects, changes down the centuries have b e b profound.
Both the physical and human boundaries of Turkestan hzive shifted, contracted and
expanded by turnsiuntil perhaps our own times when modem states acquired
relatively stable bou~dariesand populations. In terms of modern political frontien, it
comprises the Soviet Sociplist Republic of Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan,
bghizia and 'Chinese ~hkestan'.

133.1 Cential Asia: A More Detailed View

As we close in on Central Asia, focusing attention on its distinctive natural features,
an area of considerable complexity comes into view. It looks like an extraordinary
mosaic of mountains, deserts, oases, steppes and river valleys. The foothills and the
valleys contain oases, i.e. fertile islands of cultivation surrounded by desert. And
beyond the deserts are the Eurasian steppes-those limitless expanses of arid and
patchy vegetation. Towards the north and east the Steppes once again disappear into
the great Siberian desert.

As we shall see latet, the steppes have been crucial in determining the course of
, history of Central Asia and indeed of the world. For, atjeast, a few thousand years
the steppe environment could support only one kind of fife-the nomadic as opposed
to sedentary.

The oases, by contrast, were the rallying points of settled existence. The history of
civilized communities in Central Asia goes back to a few thousand years at least.
Periods of peace, intermittently ruptured by barbarians churning on the periphery,
led to the extension of imgation works and agriculture. With the growth of trade and I
handicrafts, towns sprouted. Together these enabled garden kingdoms and dates to
flourish. The oases Were thus real counterpoints to the preponderance of deserts and
steppes. Owing to them Central Asia could emerge as the centre piece in a
commercial highway connecting the far-flung civilizations of India, China,
Mesopotamia, and Europe. We will talk more about this a little later.

13.2.2 Central Asia: An hscrn~leof Micro Regions

At another level, Central Asia could be seen as composed of distinct micro regions,
Kamesh Mechrocks
or, in other words, territorial units that owe-tbeir identity to a peculiar & of
Kamesh Mechrocks
~eographyand history-Khwarizm, Khurasan, Transoxiana, Soghdiana, Semireck
Farghana-these are same of the names you will frequently come across in any
btorical literature dealing with the area. Most of these regions have been broadly
bdicated on the map.

~ransoxiana (i.e. Land across the Oxus) is the region carved out by the rivers Oxus
m d Jaxartes (also knom as, the Amu Darya and the Syr Darya respectively). Both
)low into the inland Arhl Sea arid are the two most important rivers of Central Asia.
The Arabs, who conquered Transoxiana in the eighth century (A.D.), called it
wawaraunnalu, literally meaning "that which is beyond the river". Along the middle
of the Oxus-Jaxartes babin flows the Zarafshan river, after whose ancient name
Aghd, the region came to be called Soghdiana. The two. most famous towns of
Central Asia, Samarqmd and Bukhara, are located within this tract.

T o the south of the Aral Sea, around the fertile delta of the Oms, is the region
b o w n as Khwatizm (niodern Khiva). Here, as early as the seventh or sixth century
(B.C.), a large centraked state came into existence which lasted a few centuries. At
-
?he end of the first centiry A.D., KhwariPn became part of the vast Kushan empire
which straddled the Hindukush and included the whole of North India within its fold.
Cultural contacts between India and Central Asia were greatly strengthened as a
consequence.
To the west of Transoxiana begins the region of Khurasan. As a land-locked region;
IUl(msan has no access' to the sea. Its rivers peter out into lakes and swamps. But
around its oases excellent pastures abound. These have recurrently attracted nomads
to descend into its valleys from across the steep mountains that jut out into Central
Asia from the Eurasian steppes. "Because of such movements of people Khurasan
inevitably became a cockpit...."The Arabs used it as a springboard to conquer
Central Asia.

To the east of the Jaxartes, along its middle reaches is the Farghana valley-the
pncestral home of Babur, the first Mughal ruler of India. As early as B.C. 102.the
Chinese subdued Farghana and, henceforth, Chinese influence over Central Asia
remained an abiding factor.
U

Check Your Progress 1

1) Give the main geographical features of Central Asia.

..............................................................................................................................................
- 2) Name a few Micro-regions of Central Asia giving their geographical extent.
..............................................................................................................................................

.............................................................................................................................................
Write five lines on the region called Turkestan.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Rise of Turks rind Mongols
in Contra1 Asia

13.3 PASTORAL NOMADISM.

st'#
The Turks and Mongols were the product of deserts and steppes that encircle Central
Asia in a massive area, extending north and east of Transoxiana. More specifically,
they descended from the mass of nomads who roamed in the area of the Altai
mountains, south of Lake Baikal-regions that are now part of outer Mongolia. They
had a primitive mobile civilization based on tribal organization and ownership of
herds of cattle, sheep and horses. In addition, the tribes often possessed camels,
mqles and asses. The animals supplied most of the essential needs of the nomad in
the way of food, clothing and shelter. Milk and flesh gave him nourishment. The hide
of animals was used as clothing, and also to make tents, yurts, in which he lived.
Pastoral nomadism was governed by one great drive-the searchfor grazing lands.
This kept the nomads constantly on the move, from place to place, with their flocks
and herds. In the absence of agriculture and fixed habitation, the 'nomads
attachment to land was minimal, lasting only as long as it yielded fodder for the
animals. When the tribes camped, each tent or household was allotted a piece of land
for its exclusive use. Once exhausted, the tribes migrated in search of new pastures.

Mobility, thus, was central to nomadic society, and the horse its most outstanding
asset. One description of pastoral nomads aptly characterises them as a people whose
country was the back of a horse. In consequence, among the Mongols, for instance,
no offence was greater than stealing a horse. It invited execution.
\

Horsemanship combines with skill in archery made the nomads a formidable fighting
force. The Mongols brought the art to perfection in the thirteenth century. Galloping
at full speed, they could rain arrows in every direction-forward, rear, and
sideways-with deadly accuracy.

Opportunities for testing and amplifying these skills were provided in plenty by the
steppe environment where conflict over grazing lands were normal occurrences.
Periodically, these magnified into large-scale bloody battles.

It would, however, be too simplistic to see all nomadic irruptions into settled areas as
merely a spill over of conflicts within the steppes. The inadequacies of a pastoral
economy have as much to explain. Although it met most of the basic needs of the
nomads, specially when supplemented with hunting or fishing, pastoralism had one
serious drawback: ~nlikeagriculture,it produced no durable reserves. Its produca
were rapidly consumed. Therefore, nomadic urge was not only to acquire more and
better foraging lands but also products of agrarian communities. Pastoralism by its
very nature veered to a 'mixed economy'-secured by trade and alliance or by
aggression.

13.4 CIVILIZATION AND TURKISH NOMADS:

EARLY CONTACTS
According to an old view, it was the Oxus that clearly demarcated civilization from
barbarism. The classic expression of this view was the one given by Firdausi, the
famous tenth century poet at Mahmud Ghazni's court. In his Shahnama, Firdausi
poses a stark antithesis between the two worlds of Iran and Turan: "Two elements
fire and water which rage against each other in the depths of the heart." For Firdausi,
Iran was the realm of the Turks, of barbarism. A natural antipathy, born of opposed
ways of life, set apart the two racial groups.
I
Kamesh Mechrocks
However a closer look at the Oxus regions reveals that the two worlds had been in
 '
tenth century. Although the Oxus had been the historic bastion against nomadic
incursions, it was relentlessly breached by the nomads, no less in times of peace than
during violent collisions. Far from being stark and clear, by the tenth century the
boundary had become greatly blurred.

13.4.1 The Tiukiu Empire

The fitst contact betwesn civilization d d Turkish nomads dates back to the mid-sixth
century when a vast nomad empire, extending all the way from the borders of China
to Byzantium, came int6 existence. The empire, known as the Tiukiu empire, was
really a confederacy of twenty-two tribes of a people then called the Toghuz-Oghuz.
It lasted for close to two hundred years. During the next three centuries, the Tiukiu
dominions in Central Asia came to be partitioned and repartitioxied between its
constituent tribes and other newly arrived Tlirkic nomads (the Qipchaqs, the
Qarlughs and the Oghw called Ghur). Stray elements of the Oghuz had already
found their way into the upper Oxus lands a couple of centuries earlier. The en bloc
migration of the Oghuz across Siberia during the eighth century brought them "into
the field of Muslim Writers." The appellation of 'Turks' or 'Turkeman', which came,
into use in the late tenth century, was initially applied by these writers to Oghuz
tribesmen. Its gradual extension to Turkic nomads in general appears to have
proceeded alongside a progressive weakeningeof the Oghuz ethnlc identity as tribes
either broke away from the larger confederacy or new ones were incorporated into it ,
, after being defeated.

13.4.2 Two Forms of Contact 1

'I
'
The contact between the Turks and settled people took two major forms: (i) military
conflict, and (ii) commercial transactions. In either event the result was mutual
assimilation and acculturation. Let us first discuss the military conflict.

The natural instinct of the nomads was to conduct raids into settled areas south of
the Oxus. To ward off these attacks, states in western Asia evolved active defence
policy centred on Transoxiana-the principal staying zone for invasions from the east.
During the sixth century the Sassanids, who ruled Iraq and Persia, were the bearers
of this-mission. In the eighth century it was the Arabs. After penetrating Transoxiana
and displacing a considerable Turkish population east of the Jaxartes, the Arabs laid
out fortified walls and rabats (frontier-posts) along the frontier, manned by aemilitary
guard system. On either side, Muslim and Turkish, the frontier bristled with colonies
of guards. On the Muslim side, they were called ghazis, i.e. men whose business it
was to defend the faith against infidel hordes. Though belonging to hostile camps,
both groups nonetheless "came to live the same kind of borderline existence,
adopting each other's weapons, tactics and ways of life and gradually forming a
common military frontier society, more similar to each other than to the societies
-from which ihey came and which they defended."

In TrCQ.oxiana the distinction between Turk and non-Turk had been worn thin by
the time of the Arab takeover in the eighth century. Internal disturbances had often
prompted Transoxianean leaders to enlist Turkish mercenaries as a
counterbalancing force. At least one account has it that the earliest settlers of the
Bukhara oasis came from 'Turkestan'.

The second form of contact was established through trade and commerce. The centre
of a nomad empire has always attracted merchants because of the ready market it
provided for products of the settlements. In the case of the Tiukiu empire, the
attraction was more pronounced because it lay across the great Silk Road, the
premier channel of international commerce. The bulk of these materials was of every
day use, like lather, hides, tallow, wax, and honey. It also included luxuries like furs.
Then there was the regular traffic in slaves-also procured from the steppes. From
these northerly regions the foods anived in Khurasanian towns lying on caravan
routes and eventually reached Iraq and Baghdad, the supreme centres of
consumption in West Asia, via the transit trade.

Tenth century accounts refer to numerous settlements of the Turks &I the lower Syr
Kamesh Mechrocks
in-....--A,...
- ...L,.~~ ;..L~I.;+~..~~Y .A+
. . . ~ ~ ~ ..rrmnrlr I... ..n.-n
t n ~ c r rn nttle--i~~~
! fishermen and agriculturists." Most of these Turks were of Oghuz extraction, the
group under whose leadership the Turks emerged the rulers of Central and West
Rise of Turb and Mnnprols
in Centrrl Anis
.

i Asia!

Check Your Progress 2 .

1) Write' in brief the main features of nomadic life of peOple in Central Asia.

...............................................................................................................................................
2) Write flve lines on Tiukiu Empire.

3) Discuss the main items of trade between Turks and settled people. Which trade
route was followed by them?

13.5 TURKISH IRRUPTIONS

Not only were the Turks known, settled, or commercially active in the civilized parts
of Central Asia, they often rose to positions of considerable influenze iu the
prevailing military administrative apparatus. The dominant social . a s e s of
pre-Islamic Transoxiana, the dihqans (small landed propriefors) inerchants had
made increasing use of Turkish mercenaries as the coercive arm for guarding and
extending their patrimony.

The Arabs, who conquered Transoxiana (in the early eighth) century, pushed the
Turks beyond the Jaxartes, converting Mawaraunnahr into a bulwark against
barbarian inroads. However, in the long run, the idea of employing Turks as soldiers
was not lost upon the Arabs either. The hardy steppe background made the Turk a
warrior. With training and discipline he could be made into a first rate
machine. Moreover, he could be bought like any other commodity: markrrs
/'
Transoxiana abounded in slaves captured from Central Asian st:-ppes
north of Mawaraunnahr. Kamesh Mechrocks
Establishment of Delhi Under the Omgyyads (A.D. 661-750) recruitment to the military was almost totally
Sultanate confined to the Arabs. The replacement of the Omayyads by the Abbasids in
A.D. 750 as undermined the Arab monopoly of the army especially in the decades
after the Caliphate-of Harun a1 Rashid (d. 809 A.D.). The civil wars among the sons
and successor of this last great Caliph shook the foundations of the Abbasid empire.
In these circumstances, recruiting mercenaries of foreign origin, not involved in the
internal affairs of the empire, see,med to be the answer.

The Caliph Mu'tassim (A.D. 833-842) was the first to surround himself with a large
body of Turkish slaves and make it the base of his troops. In order to impart them a
distinct and separate identity, the Turkish soldiery was kept well away from the
indigenous population and could only marry women of the same origin: "Thus he
created a sort of military class, whose role-was to protect the Caliph and the regime
without taking part iri the palace struggles or in the political or religious internal
quarrels. But the reverse happened, and the interference of this cl?ss in the conduct
of the state took on proportions which became more and more disastrous as the
officers of the guard, divided into rival clans ....supporting different claimants ...and
did not hesitate in so doing to trigger off palace revolutions."
Withethe weakening of the power of Abbasid Caliphs their control over Islamic world
became nominal and limited just to issue farmans to confirm their authority. It gave
way to the emergency of a number of small independent kingdoms during the 10th
century the Jahirids, the Saffavids, the Buwaihids, Qara-Khanids and the Samanids.

Alaptgin, the Samanid governor and slave of the Turkish origin, established an
independent kingdonl at Ghazna. The Ghaznavid kingdom became prominent under
Mahmud Ghamavi (A.D. 998-1030). Under him, the Iranian influence reached its
peak. Mahmud claimed to have traced his descent from Iranian mythical hero
Afrasiyab. This process Islarnised and Persianised the Turks completely. Mahmud -
also made regular inroads in India. As a result, Punjab became part of the Ghamavid
Empire.

Mahmud's death was followed by the emergence of the mighty Seljuqs. They soon
overran Iran, Syria and Transoxiana. These developments gave a great jolt to the
power of the Ghaznavids which became confined to Ghazna and parts of Punjab
only.

During t h i twelfth century, the Seljuq power was destroyed by a group of Turkish
tribes. The vacuum created by the Seljuqs led to the rise of the Khwarizmian in Iran
and the Ghorid power in north-west Afghanistan. T o begin with, the Ghorids were
vassals of Ghazna. On the other hand, the Khwarizmian ruler's started in a big way
engulfing Ghazni and almost whole of Central Asia and )an. ~ n b e such
r
circumstances it was not possible for the Ghorids to expand at the cost of the
Khwarizmian power. The possible direction left was India. This process of expansion
started towards the end of 12th century.

13.6 THE MONGOLS

In the early decades of the thirteenth century Asia and Europe experienced a new .
wave of nomad conquerors from the east, an invasion more formidable and
devastating than any other known to history before. These new invaders were the
Mongols, who are best known'for the great empire which they formed under Chengiz
Khan. By the close of the thirteenth century, the Mongol empire covered a vast
portion of the known world: China, Manchuria, Korea, North Vietnam, Tibet,
Turkestan, Afghanistan, Iran, Mesopotamia, Southern Russia and Siberia.

Before rising to world dominion, the Mongols were dwellers of the steppe region,
north of China and eadt of Lake Baikal. T o their east lived a kindred people, the
Tatars, presumably M~ngolisedTurks, who lent the name-of 'Tartars' to the Mongols
in European literature in conjunction with Tartarus, the Greek word for ell. T o the
west of the Mongols lived the Keraits and Naimans, once again people Qfturkish
origin and speech. All these people were in different stages of development,
Kamesh Mechrocks
mrnhinino h ~ r d i n ok i t h h ~ ~ n t i n
and
o fichino2n varvino tieoreec
 Rise of Turks and Mongols
The sudden rise of Mongols to power appears t o fall in line with ah old pattern in Ccntml Asia
characteristic of the steppes. Long periods of internecine conflict between bands of
nomads would throw up a leader of outstanding ability who after ironing out
diierences between the warring hordes welded them into a powerful coalition.
Through choice or compulsion, the smaller, fragmcntcd nomadic groups were
absorbed into the coalition. The next stage saw the nomads aggressively directed at
the surrounding sedentary societies.

13-6.1 Chengiz Khan and The Steppe Aristocracy

Chengiz Khan built the Mongols into a stupefying striking force. Born of a powerful
Mongol chief sometime in the sixties of 12th century. Chcngiz Khan (also spelt as
Chingiz, Chengez Khan), or Temuchin as hc was originally called. Three decades of a
bitter struggle within the steppes paved the way for Tcmuchin, who eve~tually
emerged as the pre-emir:ent leader of the Mongols. During this time he developed his
skill both as a warrior and a canny tactician who cxccllcd in dividing and
circumventing. his enemies.

The nucleus of Chengiz Khan's army, and his imporial government, came from a
mrps of carefully selected guards (bahadur). Units of the Mongol army were put
under command of generals drawn from it. Military mobilisation reached its peak
under Chengiz Khan. Using a well-established nomadic tradition, he enrolled all
adult males into mingghan, literally "units of ten thousand". The mingghan in turn
were divided into smaller units of ten and hundred. Ten mingghans constituted a
tuman and these were deployed for largescale operations. Each of these units was
placed under the command of a general whose worth had been personally tested by
Chengiz Khan. The~authorityof the commander extended over the soldiers and their
families. Thus, administrative control and military mobilisation were parts of a single
mechanism.

13.6.2 Conquests and Expansion ,

The first military efforts of Chengiz Khan were devoted to bringing the pastoral tribes
of the eastern steppes under his sway. Temuchin now ruled over an immense
confederacy of Mongol, Turkic and Manchurian tribes. He was the head of all their
kibitki (tents) and his family held the conquered/hordes in patrimony.

At a k d t a i (assembly of nomad chefs) held in 1206, Temuchin was declared

"Qaghan of all Mongolia" and received the title of Chengiz Khan.

Internally consolidated, the Mongols burst out of the confines of Mongolia. At the
end of a series of annual campaigns beginning in A.D. 1211, they breached the Great
Wall of China and laid hold of Peking.
Soon after, their attention was drawn to Transoxiana and Khurasan which formed the
dominions of the Khwarizm Shah. The defence of the Khwarizm empire crumbled
before Mongol siege-craft which used battering rams, flame-emitting machines (using
naphtha), mangonels or catapults (manjaniq), etc. ~ u k h a r aand Samarqand fell in
1220 in the midst of fearful carnage. A witness reporting on the state of Bukhara
said: "They came, they sapped, they burnt, they slew, they plundered, they
departed."

It had taken the Mongols just about three years, 1219-22, to complete the
annexation of Transoxiana and Khurasan. Two years after, returning to Mongolia in
1225, Chengiz Khan died. By then the whole of northern China had been annexed.
The empire was divided among his sons. Ogedei, his third son, was declared the
Great Khan in 1229. They as yet unconquered Eurasian steppes went to Jochi. The
second son, Chaghtai, received Turkestan, and Tolui, the youngest, got the
Mongolian homeland.

Hulagu, one of the successors of Chengiz Khan, attacked Baghdad in A.D. 1258.
The city was the capital of the Abbasids. It perished in blood and flame. According
to a conse -timate some 800,000 were savagely murdered. The Abbasid
Cab d himself mel a &lent end. Kamesh Mechrocks
 1. hinqjdq
Emally, four great empires a y d b e d out of the .Moog01 conquests:The Golder
Horde rule1 the Volga steppe land and southern RuSsia; the nLbrnn who contra
Afghanista and Iran; the Chaghtai empire which hduded most of Central Asia,
and the em re of KuMai Khan which ruled over China and neighbouring territonz
These empha lasted Well into the 15th century.
Check Your Progress 3
1) How Turks got in~~olved
with the Arab caliphate?

2) How Cxengiz K h a ~rose to.Power?

.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 3) Give a brief account of Chengiz Khan's conquests outside Mongolia. Hiw of Turks and illongols
in Central Asia

13.7 .LETUS,SUM UP

We hope this Unit has given you a general overview of the developments in Central
Asia during 10-13th century. Now you know briefly the geographical features of
Central Asia. You have also learnt about the nature of pastoral nomadism. In due
course, the Turks, who were mainly nomadic tribes, established powerful e g d o m s .
We also described the consolidation of Mongol power under Chengiz Khan and the
Mongols' expansion into Central Asia, etc. In the next Unit, we will narrate the
expansion of the Turks towardq India, and the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate
by them.

13.8 KEY WORDS

Nomad: Groups of people who do not have a settled habitation.

Eurasian Steppes: A geographic region on the borders of Europe & Asia.
Kushan Empire: The Empire covered the north-westem part of India and ruled
from mid first century A.D. to the end of third century A.D.
Land-locked region: A geographic region which has no access to sea.
Shahnama: A tenth century poetic work written by Firdausi in Persian.
Silk Route: Overland route-srarting from China passes through the
North-West frontier of India, across Central Asia and Russia
to the Baltic.
Omayyads: The dynasty of Caliphs which ruled from A.D. 661-A.D. 750.
Tatars: A nomadic tribe.

13.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOURPROGRESS

I Check Your Progeae 1 Check your PrbgFegs 3

1) See Sec. 13.2 1) See Secl. 13.5
I
I 2) See Sub-sec. 13.2.2 2) See Sub-sec. 13.6.1
I *.
3) See Sub-sec. 13.2.2 3) See Sub-sec. 13.6.2
f
Check Your Progress 2
1) See Sec. 13.4
2) See Sub-sec. 13.4.1
Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 14 ESTABLISHMENT AND
CONSOLIDATION

14.0 Objectives
14.1 Introduction
14.2 India from 7th to 12th Century: An Overview
14.3 Initial Conquests up' to Circa 1190 A.D. . .
14.4 The Ghorian Invasions, 1192-1206
14.5 Why the Turks Succeeded?
14.6 Conflict and Cansolidation 1206-1290
14.7 The Mongol Problem
14.8 Political Consequences of the Turkish Conquest of India /
14.9 Let Us Sum Up U.

14.10 Key Words

14.11 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

14.0' OBJECTIVES

After reading this Unit you will know:

the political and socio-economic condition of India during the centuries

preceding the Turkish conquest,
the stages in which Northern India was conquered,
the 'causes' of Turkish success; and
the conflicts, nature, and basis of power of the class that ran the Sultanate.

14.1 INTRODUCTION

In the last Unit, we took an overview of the region called 'Central Asia', its peculiar
environment, and its volatile population of nomad wamors. These nc~madsset out of
their steppe habitat in great numbers and came into contact and collision with the
surrounding civilizations of China, Europe, West Asia and India.

The empires of the Ghamavids and the Seljuqs were built on the ruins of the
Abbasid Caliphate. In the final analysis, both these states were products of the
acculturation of the Turks in the institutions of settled societies. The latter, too, saw
considerable changes iri their own mode of organisation and direction after coming
into contact with the hbngols.

Under the Seljuq umbrella, the Turks had expanded into the Meditarranean and
Byzantine territories. Anatolia (modem Turkey) was conquered and settled by the
'Ottoman Turks'. The Seljuq empire which warded off pressure from incoming tribes
was itself engulfed by political developments drawing upon nomadic movements. The
Khwarizmian empire which undermined the Seljuqs, was swept away by the Mongols.
These cataclysmic and cyclical developments convened the 'Old World' into a vast
melting pot.

In this Unit we will be looking at the conquest of India by the Turks, leading to the
Kamesh Mechrocks
~ctahlichmentnf the nelhi Sirltanate at the heoinnino nf the 1 Bth rentiirv
 Establishment and
14.2 INDIA FROM 7TH TO 12TH CENTURY: AN Consolidation

OVERVIEW
We have already discussed the political, social and economic conditions of lndia
during this period in Blocks 1 to 3 of this course. In this section, we will recapitulate
in brief the conditions prevalent in lndia during this period. It will help you in
understanding this Unit.

Politico-economic Order, A.D. 700-1200

The five centuries or so preceding the Turkish invasions have been described by
Indian historians as 'feudal'. Though the use of this concept in characterising the era
has been subjefted to some criticism, the political and socio-economic realities of
lndia during this time answer to many of the general, and some of the specific,
features of feudalism.

The central essential feature of feudalism in India (as in other parts of the world
where it came into vogue) was the grant of land by the king among his officers and
certain sections of society. In return, the grantees (or feudatories, vassals) were under
obligation to serve the king and supply him with men and materials whenever he
called for them. A portion of the revenue collected by the feudatory went to the king
by way of annual tribute. T~G-remainderwas used by them to maintain armed levies
which were put at the disposal of the king in times of war.
."
The ~ ~ r q m \ l l e r f feudatories
ul were permitted to grant land, in turn, thus creating
t 6 r own sub-'teudatories and in the process giving birth to a hierarchy of commands
and obligationi. In India, the feudatories came to adopt various titles. The more
impp~tant-&Yescalled themselves mahasamantas, m_ahamandaleshvara, etc. The
-*6ser ones took the titles of raja, ranaka, samanta, thakura, bhoghika, etc.

The origins of this system-the alienation of rights over land by the king-have been
traced back to the land grants made to Brahmans from the 2nd century onwards.
These Brahmans, who were the beneficiaries of these grants not only collected the
land tax, but also looked to the maintenance of law and order. From the 7th century
onwards, the practice was extended to other sections of society also. In particular, the
officers of the king were granted land in lieu of cash salaries, With time there was a
tendency for these grants to become hereditary, leading to the disappearance of the
distinction between royal officials and 'feudatories', hereditary feudatories being
appointed to royal offices, and officials being granted the titles and, presumably, the
privileges of feudatories.

From 7th century the ruling class was inevitably ruralised. The tendency reinforced
an environment in which urban life had steadily declined (since the Mauryas) along
with commerce as witnessed by the extreme paucity of coins for the period under
consideration. In such conditions, the officials and aristocracies 'lived off the land'.
Dislocation of centralised political power, the appearance of landed magnates and
crystallisation of warrior castes, notably the Rajputs, Were the natural fallout of this
environment.

14.3 INITIAL CONQUESTS UP TO CIRCA 11 90 A.D.

The period between the 9th and I lth century saw the emergence of 'warrior
castes'--military ruling clans which ultimately coalesced into a single caste, that of the
Rajputs, the term being derived from the Sanskrit word rajaputra. The four Rajput
clans that claimed a special status during his timepere the Pratiharas, the Chalukyas,
the Chauhans (also called Chahamanas), and the Solankis.

1) Mahmud of Ghazni
w
In political and military terms, the invasions of Mahmud of Ghami were the actual
Kamesh Mechrocks
precursors of the Delhi Sultanate. Beginning in A.D. 1000, when the Shahiya king,
Jaypala was routed, the incursions became almost an annual feature of Mahmud and
came to an ead only with his death in A.D. 1030. After taking Multan, he occupied
Punjab. Later, Mahmud made incursions into the Ganga-Yamw doab. The major
interest of Mabmud in India was its fabulous wealth, vast quantities of which (in the
form of cash, jewdery, and golden images) had been depoeited in temples. From
1010 to 1026, the inva8ions were thus directed to the temple-towns of l b m w a r ,
Mathura, Kannauj and,finally !bmnath. The ultimate result was the breakdown of
Iudian dstance, pa*g the way for Turkish conquests in the future. More
importantly, the afternlath of the campaigns had exposed the inadequacy of Indian
politics to offer a unit4 defence agairlst external threats.

Within a short time'of Uahmud's death, his empire met the fate of other empires.
Newly emerging cemtre$ of powers, formed around growing clusters of Turkish .
soldieradventurers,replaced the older ones. The Ghamavid possessions in Khurasan
and Transoxiana were thus annexed, first by the Seljuqs (Unit 13), and later by the
K h w a r h Shah. In their own homeland, Afghanistan, their hegemony was brought
to an end by the principality of Ghor under the Shansabani dynasty. However, in the.
midst of these buffeting, the Ghaznavid rule survived in Punjab and Sind till about
A.D. 1175.

The extent of the Ghaznavid territory in the north-west India is difficult to ascertain.
Towards the north, it included Sialkot and probably, Pesbewar. The southern limits
w a r steadily plshed),back by the Chauhan Rajputs who re-established control over *
portions of h j a b .

hthe initial phase of invasions, Muhammad Ghori's military objective was to gain
contrd over Punjab and Sind. Unlike earlier invaders, he decided to enter the Indus
plains through the G o a d pass and not through the more common Khyber pass
W e r north. By 117g1Peshawar, Uchh and Multan were seized.Later, Lahore was
~ttacked.Muhammad Ghori now pressed his conquests further into India. Within a
short time, military operations cam6 to be directed against the Rajput kingdoms
controlling the Gangetic plains. The Chauhans faced the most acute pressure as they
ruled the territory from Ajmer to Delhi-the gateway to Hindustan. Bhatinda was
besieged in 1191. The garrison quickly surrendered, but the Chauhans, under
Rithviraj, speedily retrieved it after inflicting a humiliating defeat on the Ghorians.
In the following year, Muhannmad Ghori returned with a larger force. At the famous
battle of Tarain, fought in 1192, he conclusively defeated the Chauhans. All places of
military importance-Hansi, Kuhram,Sarsuti-were immediately occupied and
garrisoned. Muhammad Ghori returned to his projects in Central Asia, leaving
behind 'an occupation army at Indraprasth (near Delhi) under the command of
Qutbuddin Aibak'. The latter was given wide powers to extend and consolidate the
conquests.

check Your Progress 1

1) What were Mahrnud Ghazni's main objectives for invatling India?

.............................................................................................................................................
2) Briefly mention the initial conquests of Muhammad Ghori in India.

14.4 THE GHQRIAN INVASIONS:1192-1206

Kamesh Mechrocks
 way for the ascendancy of the Turks. From this date onwards, the Rajput power
eritered the phase of irreversible decay. For some time to come, the Ghorians did not
think it convenient to immediately take over the administration of all the conquered
territories. Wherever it seemed feasible, they allowed the Rajputs to continue,
provided Turkish suzerainty was acknowledged. Thus Ajmer, for instance, was
allowed to be retained by Prithviraj's son as a vassal ruler. This uneasy balance,
powever, was often disturbed by the recurrent conflicts between the imperial designs
of the Ghorians and local rulers.
I ,
Under Aibak's leadership, the Turks continued to make territorial advance in all
bedions. After having refortified Hansi towards the end of 1192, Aibak crossed the
Yamuna to establish a military base in the upper Doab, Meerut and Baran (modem
Bulandshahr) capitulated iri. 1192. In 1193 Delhi was occupied. Its location and
historical tradition made it most suitable as a capital for Turkish power in India. It
was both close to the Ghorid stronghold in Punjab as well as conveniently placed for
sending expeditions towards the east. In 1194 Aibak ~ ~ o s s ethed Yamuna for the
1 second time and captured Kol (Aligarh).

The a ~ o v military
e successes encouraged Muhammad Ghori to confront king
I
Jayachandra of the Gahadavala dynasty in the vicinity of Chandwar (between Etah
and Kanpur). Jayachandra, eventually lost. Afterwards, Turkish military stations
were placed at Bharas, Asni and other important towns. However, the capital city of
Kannauj could not be occupied until 1198-99.

I
The other important areas over which the Ghorians were able to extend their sway
were Bayana, Gwalior and Anhilwara in 1195-96, and Badaun in 1197-98. The
opening of the 13th century saw action against the 'last surviving imperial
Rajputs'-the Chandellas of Bundekhand. Around 1202, Kalinjar, Mahoba and
Khajuraho were occupied and grouped into a military division.

I
From 1203 onwards, the Turks made forays into the eastern provinces of the Indian
subcontinent with varying degrees of success. Magadha was conquered for the
'Sultanate' by Bakhtiyar Khalji and his tribesmen. Under him,the Turkish intrusions
could also penetrate Bengal (ruled by the Lakshrnanas).

In general, during this phase, the Ghorians were able to extend their hegemony over
a very considerable part of Northern India. But, as yet, they stood on shaky ground.
Areas once conquered tended to slip out of control. It took several decades before
their control found firm ground.

14.5 WHY THE TURKS SUCCEEDED ?

Various reasons have been assigned for the success of the Turkish conquests of North
India. Many of the contemporary chroniclers do not go beyond the standard
explanation of attributing this major event to the 'Willof God'. Some British
historians, who initiated the study of Indian history in greater depth, accounted for
the success of the Turks as follows: The Ghorian armies were drawn from the warlike
tribes inhabiting the difficult region lying between the Indus and the Oxus. They had
gathered military powers and expertise fighting the Seljuq @es and other fierce
tribes of Central Asia. On the other hand, <heIndians were pacifist and not given to
war. Moreover, they were divided into small states which hampered expansionist
ambitions.
!I
I The explanation is inadequate and unbalanced insofar as it leaves out of
1 consideration well-known facts of Indian history as well as the history of countries
Erom where the invaders came. It should be remembered that the large-scale conquest
.and destruction of the so-called warlike Islamic regions by the Mongols in 1218-19
I I was camed out without any real resistance. On the other hand, the Rajputs, whom

the Turks conquered, were not lacking in bravery and martial spirit. The period from
the 8th to the 12th century is one long story of warfare and violent internal struggles.
It is, therefore, hardly worthwhile to emphasise the peaceful or docile temperament
Kamesh Mechrocks
of the Indian populations as the cause of the Turkish success. -
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Some Indian historians have traced the Turkish success to the peculiar social htnblishment .and
structure created by Islam. Jadunath Sarkar, for instance, lays stress on three unique Consolidation
characteristics which Islam imparted to the Arabs, Berbers, Pathans, and Turks: first
complete equality and social solidarity as regards legal and religious status. Unlike
India, the Turks were not divided into castes that were exclusive of each other.
Secondly, an absolute faith in God and his will which gave them drive and a sense of
mission. Finally, Islam secured the Turkish conquerors from drunkenness which,
according to Sarkar, was the ruin of the Rajputs, Marathas, and other Indian rulers.
Whatever partial truth it might contain, this explanation, too, seems insufficiently
grounded in history.

, Aleastmoretwocomprehensive view of the Indian debacle must perhaps take into account at
major factors: the prevailing socio-political system in India and her military
preparedness.

After the fall of the Gujara-Pratihara empire, no single state took its place. Instead,
there arose small independent powers like Gahadavalas in Kannauj, Parmaras in
Malwa, Chalukyas in Gujarat, Chauhans in Ajmer, Tomars in Delhi, Chandellas in
Bundelkhand, etc. Far from being united, they tended to operate within the confines
of small ~emtoriesand were in a state of perpetual internal conflicts. Lack of
centralized power was an important factor in emasculating the strength and efficiency
of the armed forces. Fakhr Mudabbir in his Adab-ul Harb wa al-shuja't mentions
that Indian forces consisted of 'feudal levies'. Each military contingent was under the
command of its immediate overlord/chief and not that of the king. Thus, the army
lacked 'Unity of Command'. Besides, since only few castes and clans took military
profession, the bulk of the population was excluded from military training. This made
the general population of the country totally detached from the defence of the
country; when the Turks came, we find the Indian masses hardly came to the rescue
of their kings. The concept of physical pollution (Chhut) also hampered military
efficiency since it made the division of labour impossible; the soldiers had to do all
their work on their own, from fighting to the fetching of water.

Another important reason for the success of the Turks was their superior military
technology and art of war. These nomads from the steppes could be credited with
introducing the age of the horse'. The Turks used iron stirrup and horse-shoes that
reinforced their striking power and the stamina of the cavalry, while horse-shoes
provided greater mobility to the horse, stirrup gave the soldiers a distinct advantage.

The popular notion that the Indians were defeated on account of the use of elephants
does not seem plausible now, we do not find any evidence in the Tabaqat-i Nasiri or
other sources in support of this view. Jayapala's case is an exception where his elephants
took to flight:Such examples are hard to come by. In fact, Mahmud of Ghazni is
reported to have maintained large number of elephants that he took to his Kingdom
from India and employed them with success.
Check Your Progress 2

1) Match the following:

A B
Battle Year
i) Kol 1193
Tarain 1194
Delhi 1 1 98-99
Anhilwara 1192
Kannauj 195-96

ii) Match the following:

A B
Dynasty Place
Gahadavalas Bundelkhand
Chauhans Delhi
Tomars Ajmer
Chalukyas Kannauj
Chandellas Gujarat Kamesh Mechrocks
Kamesh Mechrocks
 2) Write in about ten lines the causes for the Turkish Success.
I

...............................................................................................................................................
..............................................................................................................................................
..............................................................................................................................................

14.6 CONFLICT AND CONSOLIDATION, 1206-1290

The period from 1206 to 1290 constitutes the formative and the most challenging
period in the history of the Delhi Sultanate. It was marked by a prolonged,
multi-cornered cbnflict within the Ghorian ruling class as well as against the renewed
Rajput resurgence.

Muhammad ~ h o r i ' ssudden death in 1206 resulted in a tussle for supremacy among
his three important generals, Tajuddin Yalduz: Nasiruddin Qubacha and Qutbuddin
Aibak. Yalduz held Karman and Sankuran on the route between Afghanistan and
upper Sind. Qubacha held the important charge of Uchh, while Aibak had already
been deputed as the 'viceroy' of Muhammad Ghori and the over all commander of
the army in India. Though, technically still a slave, the title of sultan was conferred
upon him soon after the death of his master. The formal establishment of the Delhi
Sultanate, as an entity in its own rights, is traced back to this event. Subsequent ,
developments made this a reality.
t.
Early in* brief reign of four years, Aibak (d. 1210) moved his capital to Lahore in
brder to frustrate Yalduz's ambition of annexing Punjab. With the Khwarizm Shah
keadly advancing on Ghor, there was partly a compulsion in Yalduz's attempt to
-
kstablish himself in India.

'Aibak 'was succeeded on the throne by his son-in-law Iltutmish who brought back the
I capital to Delhi. Large portions of the territories conquered by the Turks had slipped
.'out of control and subjugated Rajput chieftain had 'withheld tribute and repudiated
allegiance'. Iltutmish's quarter century reign (1210-1236) was distinguished by a
concerted drive to re-establish the Sultanate's authority on areas that had been lost.
in 1215, Yalduz was defeated at Tarain and in 1217 Iltutmish wrested the province
of w o r e from Qubacha and placed it under his own governor.

.Within three years of this event, t h e ' ~ o n ~ o lunder

s, Chengiz Khan's leadership,
appeared on the banks of the Indus in pursuit of Jalduddin Mangbarni (the son of
the Khwarizmian ruler) who had taken refuge in Punjab. In Unit 13, we have
discussed the destruction of Islamic lands by the Mongols. Henceforth, the Mongols
remained a constant factor among the concerns of Delhi Sultans. We will discuss
Mongol intrusions during the 13-14th century in the subsequent section.
Though the Mongol presence had upset ~ltutrnish'splan of consolidation on the
north-west, it also created conditions for the destruction of Qubacha who held Uchh
and faced the brunt of Mangbami's invasion. As a consequence, lltutmish was able to
seize Bhatinda, Kuhram, and Sarsuti. About 1228, he launched a two-pronged attack
on Multan and Uchh. Defeated; Qubacha drowned himself in the Indus. Unified
control over the north-west now became posib!e for the Delhi Sultanate. In
Kamesh Mechrocks
Rajputana, the Turks were able to reclaim Ranthambhor, Mandor, Jalor, Bayana and
 DELHI SULTANATE
0 KABUI
c* 1235 AoDo

,
APPROXIMATE BOUNDARY ,,,
,

BHATNAIR

Kamesh Mechrocks
ANHILWARA

UJJAlN

*
 Thangir. After 1225, IPtutmish could turn towards the east. Apart from sporadic Fstnblishment and
Consolidation
military successes, however, Lakhnauti (in Bengal) and Bihar continued to evade the
authority of the Sultanate. A modern historian asseses the Sultan's achievement as
follows:

"to him the Sultanate owed the first outline of its administrative system. He laid
. the foundations of an absolutist monarchy that was to serve later as the
instrument of a military imperialism under the Khaljis. Aibak outlined the Delhi
I Sultanate and its sovereign status; litutmish was unquestionably its first king."

lltubnish's death saw more sharpened factionalism and intrigue among the Turks. In
a period of some thirty years, four rulers, (descendants of Iltutmish) occupied the
I throne. The most prominent group t o decide the course of high politics during these
years is identified as the k L . 4 & M g d brreQgm SLoaPsi (the 'forty' Turkish
slave "officers" of Iltutmish). The fourteenth century historian, Ziauqdin Barani, has
left behind concise and insightful account of these critical years:
II
"During the reign of Shamsuddin - (Iltutmish), ....owing to the presence of
t1 peerless m&ks, wazirs....educated, wise and capable, the court of the
Sultan (Sharnsuddin) had become stable....But after the death of the Sultan....his
'forty' Turkish slaves got the upper hand ....So owing to the supremacy of the
Turkish slave officers, all these men of noble birth....were destroyed under
.various pretexts during the reigns of the successors of Shamsuddin....".

In the main, Barani's account is borne out by contemporary developments. Between

1235-1265 political developments revolved round a conflict between the crown and a
military aristocracy,determined to retain its privileged position with the balance often
increasingly tilting in favour of the latter.

In these circumstances, the very survival of the Sultanate was under question.
Pditical instability was exacerbated by the recalcitrance of smaller Rajput chiefs and
local leaders. Moreover, the Mongols were constantly active in and around Punjab.

The accession of Balban in 1265 provided the Sultanate with an iron-willed ruler.
Balban addressed himself to two major objectives:

i) to raise the prestige of the crown through elaboratecourt ceremonials, and

inculcation of Sassanian traditions that distanced the ruler from ordinary folks,
converting him into a symbol of awe; (ii) consolidating Turkish power: rebellions
were put down with determination and administrative procedures were streamlined.

After the death of Balban, struggle for the throne started. Balban had nominated Kai
Khusrau, son of Muhammad (Balban's eldest son) but the nobles helped Baiqubad,
son of Bughra Khan, to ascend the throne. Intrigues continued for more than two
years. Finally, Jalaluddin Khalji, who was a prominent noble during this period,
managed to capture the throne which was strongly resented because it was thought
I that the Khaljis were not Turks but belonged to a different race. Barani does not
I
speafy the race to which the Khaljis belonged. The Khaljis had been occupying
impartant positions during the period 1206-1290. For example, Bakhtiyar Khalji was
the m.qti of Bengal. Even Jalaluddin Khalji was the muqti of Sunam in Western
I
Punjab.

Jalaluddin Khalji started consolidating his kingdom but was killed in 1296 by his
nephew Alauddin Khalji who captured the throne. For almost 20 years, the Sultanate
under Alauddin Khalji fdoweh a policy of conquests. You will read about this in.
Unit 15.

CLeeLYoerPIogess3
1) Write in five lines how Qutbuddin succeeded in crushing the power of Yalduz.

Kamesh Mechrocks
EstPMishment of Delhi
Sultanate ..............................................................................................................................................
b

2) Iltutmish was the teal founder of the Turkish rule in India. Explain.

14.7 THE MONGOL PROB-

We have already discussed the &e of the Mongol power in Central Asia and Persia
in Unit 13. Here our emphasis would be on the Mongol threat on the north-west
border of India and its kepurcussions.

For the Delhi Sultans, wntrol over Kabul-Ghazni-Qandahar line flanked by the
Hindukush, was impo-t not only for stabilizing the 'scientific frontier' but also for
the fact that it connected India with the major silk-route passing from China through
Central Asia and Persia. But the development in Central and West-Asia did not
permit the newly founded Turkish state to do the job. The situation on account of the
Mongd onslaught (as p u would see)compelled the Delhi Sultans t o take comfort
along the Chenab, while the cis-Sutlej region became the cock-pit of ccmfrontatio~ls.
Thus, the "Indus remaiOed only the cultural boundary of Iadia," and for all practical
purposes the line of codtrol was confined to the west of the Indus only.

Professor K.A.Nizami has categorised the response of the Sultanate towards, the
M o w challenge into three distinct phases: (i) .loehess,(ii) and (iii)
reswlmce.

lltutmish followed the @icy of 'd-.The Delhi Sultans had to face the Mongol
threat as early as A.D. 1221 when, after destroying the Khwarizmi empire, Chengiz
Khan d e d the Indiap frontiers in pursuit of the crown-prince Jalaluddin
Mangbarni. The latter seeing no alternative, crossed the Indus and entered the
cis-Indus region.

lltutmish had to take ndte of the Mongols who were knocking at the Indian frontier,
but equally p i m e was the p r m w of Mangbarm in the cis-Indus region. The Sultan
feared a W b l e alliance of Qubacha and the Khokhars with Mangbarni. But,
Qubacha and Maugbami locked their horns for political ascendancy, and meanwhile
bonds of friendship developed between Mangbarni and the Khokhm through a
matrimonial alliance. Tbis strengthened the position of Maugbarni in the northwest.
Ata MaliL Juwaini in hid T d - i JPhPn Gaehp decisively opines that Ututmish smelt
danger from Mangbarni who might "gain an ascendancy over him and involve him in
ruin." Besides, lltutmishlwss also aware of the weaknesses of the Sultanate. These
factors compelled Utu- to follow the pohcy of 'doofnecas'.

Chengiz Khan is reported to have sent his envoy to Iltutmish's court. It is difficult to
say anything about the Sultan's response, but so long as Chengiz Khan was alive
(d. A.D.1227), Iltutmish did not adopt an expansionist policy in the north-west
region. An understanding of non-aggression against each other might have possibly
been arrived at. Iltutmisln shrewdly avoided any political alliance with the Khwarizm
Prince.The latter sent hi+ envoy Ain-ul Mulk t o lltutmish's court requesting for
asylum which lltutmish denied by saying that the climate was not codgenial for his
my. On the other hand, Ihe put the envoy to death. Minhaj Siraj mentions that
11tgtmishled an e x p d t i m against Mangbarni but the latter avoided any
confrontation and finallylleft the Indian soil in A.D.1224.

shift from ~ltbtmish'spolicy of 'aloofness' to 'appeasement' was the result of the

Kamesh Mechrocks
extension of the sultanate frontier up to Lahore and Multan which exposed the
 Sultanate d h d y to the Mongol incursions with no buffer state left between them. K%tablishmentand
Consolidation
Razip's dkowa& rapooae to anti-Mongd alliance, proposed by Hasan Qarlugh
of Bamym is t)le indicata of her appmmmmt policy. We must bear in mind that
this policy of nak-- mdue pnmanly to the partitioning of the Chengiz's
empire among his stma which weakened their power; and also on account of the
hlongd p.esccuptioos in West-Asia.

At any rate, between 1240-66, the Mongols for the first time embarked upon the
~ofPaacrrtionofIndiP~dthegoldenphaseofmutual'.oll-.ggeseionp.ct'
with Delhi ended. During this phase, the Sultanate remained under serious Mongol
t h a t . 'Ibe main reaeoa mthe change in the situation in Central Asia.The Mongol
Khan of Tnumxiana found it difficult to face the might of the Persian Khanate and,
thus, was left with no alternative except to try his luck in India.

In 1241, Tair Bahadur invaded Lahore and completely destroyed the city. It was
followed by two successive invasions in A.D. 1245-46. In spite of the best efforts of
I Balban during the reign of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud, the Sultanate frontier during
1 AD. 1 ~ 1 6m 6 at &ar ~ n dyet, , the y t pdicy mtinued for
sometime. In A.D. 1260 Halagu's envoy to Delhi was well received and this
diplometic gesture was reciprocated by Halagu also.

A distinct change in Delhi Sultan's policy can be seen from Balban's reign onwards.
On the whde, it was the phase of 'resiebce'. By and large, Balbm remained in
Delhi and his energies concentrated mainly in keeping away the Mongols, at least
from the Beas. Barani mentions, when the two nobles Tamir Khan and Adil Khan
suggested the conquest of Malwa and Gujarat and advised him to pursue an
expansionist policy Balban replied:

'When the Mongols have occupied all lands of Islam, devastated Lahore and
made it a paint to invade our country once in every year....If I move out of the
capital the Mongols are sure to avail themselves of the opportunity by sacking
Delhi and ravaging the Doab. Making peace and consolidating our power in our
own kingdom is far better than invading foreign territories while our own
kingdom is insecure."
Balban used both 'force and diplomacy' against the Mongols. He took some
measures to strengthen his line of defence. Forts at Bhatinda, Sunam and Samana
were reinforced to check any Mongd advance beyond Beas. Balban succeeded in
oclWing Multan and Uchh but his forces remained under heavy Mongol pressure in
Punjab. Every year Prince Muhammad, Balban's son, led expeditions against the
~~. 'Ibe Prince died in AD. 1285 while defending Multan. Actually, till A.D.
1295, the Mongols did not show much enthusiasm to occupy Delhi.
During Alauddin Khalji's reign, the Mongol incursions extended further and they
atmnpkd to ravage Delhi for the first time in'A.D. 1299 under Qutlugh Khwaja.
Since then, Delhi became a regular target of the Mongols. For the second time,
Qutlugh Khwaja in A.D. 1303 attacked Delhi when Alauddin Khalji was busy in his
Chittor campaign. The attack was so severe that the Mongols inflicted large-scale
c b t r u d o n and so long as the Mongols besieged Delhi, Alauddin could not enter the
aty.
Constant Mongol attacks pressed Alauddin to think of a permanent solution. He
recruited a huge standing army and strengthened the frontier forts. As a result, the
Mongols, were repulsed in 1306 and 1308. Another reason for the Mongol reversal
was the death of Dawa Khan in 1306, followed by civil war in the Mongol Khanate.
It weakened the Mongols greatly, and they ceased to remain a power to reckon with.
This situation helped the Delhi Sultans to extend their frontier as far as the Salt
Range. The last signidcant Mongd invasion was under the leadership of Tarmashirin
&uing the reign of Sultan Muhammad Tughluq.

Thus, the Delhi Sultans succeeded in ta&8 the Mongol problem and succeeded in
teeping their kingdom intact. It shows the strength of the Sultanate. Besides, the
Mongol destruction of Central and West-Asia resulted in large-scale migration of
(rholars, mystics, artisans and others to Delhi, which transformed it into a great town
i.f la la mi^ nrlhrre-area Kamesh Mechrocks
bla~lishrnentof Delhi -
Sultanate POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE
TURKISH CONQUEST OF INDIA
f i e Turkish conquest of Jndia brought about some far reaching changes in the
polltical economic and axial conditions of India.

Its first major consequence was to replace the 'feudal', multi-centred, polity of the
buntry by a centralised state, in which the king enjoyed practically unlimited powers.
m e 'Sultanate' which we briefly referred to in Unit 16, was the form in which this
power was expressed.

The chief institution which made the Sultanate possible was that of the iqta:
transferable revenue assignments, an institution which the Seljuqs found in operation
In the Abbasid ruled areas and which they updated in the light of their own
fequirements. In Block 9 and 6, you will be reading the history of the iqh system in
w a in greater detail. Here we will simply touch upon its principal features to
hlustrate how it provided the basis of a different polity. Under this system, the
.rfficers of the king were assigned territories to realise revenue and maintain troops
md cavalry cuntingents. The holders of such assignments were known .as rnoqti .
Unlike the pre-Turkish system wherein the land grantees had acquired permanent
tights of ownership, the iqta-holders were regularly transferred and their tenure in.
particular places or localities was normally for 3 to 4 years.

Taking the Delhi Sultanttte as a whole, such a system made the assignee dependent
on the central authority to a far greater extent than it was +ble under the earlier
Indian politics. While the rais, ramw and thakures failed to unite the country, the
Turks succeeded in establishing an "all-India administntion by bringing the chief
-
cities and the great routes under the control of the government of Delhl."

Much as the iqta system provided the base for a despotic state, it was also a means of
e x m c b g the agricultural surplus. The Turks had brought with them the tradition of
Cving in the cities and, as a result, the large surplus produce of the countryside found
p way into the cities in the fonn of land tax. This led to a c o n d d l e grbwth of *;
urban economy. Turks also brought with them the Persian wheel and the spinning
wheel. The former helped greatly in inaeasing the agricultural production (for
further details see Block 6, Unit 22).

ehecLYoarProgress4
1) Aloobesg t- and resabrce were the thrq w e a p n s ~ u s dby the
Delhi Sultans to face the Mongd challenge. Explain in ten lines.

............................................................................................................................................
2) Match the following
A B . b
i) Falrhr Mudabbii T d - i , Feroa ShPbi
Ata Malik Juwaini T-t-i NIsn
Kamesh Mechrocks
Minhaj Siraj
.7:---~~2- n---:
Adab-PI, E b b wa PI-Shja't
m - 2 9~ 1~-~--
I~--L-
 A B
'@)~ K b o n ' s d e r r t h 1241
JrLLuddbhh@am?sretum 1260
Hah#u's envoy to India 1227
Tair Bahdur's attack 1224

3) Briedly discuss the political consequences of the Turkish conquest.

.............................................................................................................................:................
............................................................................................................................................. 4

........................................................................
......................................................................

Thii Unit began with the description of Indip p6litical scenario on the eve of
fl;rliish invasion.India was not a mitied political unit but divided into number of
mall states ruled by k+ and autonomous chiefs. Muhammad Ghori tried to
subjugate them, the culmination of which may be seen in the defeat of Prithviraj
Chauhau at the battle of Tarain. This laid the foundation of the Turkish rule in India.
After Muhammad . . Ghori's departure one of his commanders, Qutbuddin Aibak got
busyinestablrsbmg the Turkisb power in Iedia In the proces he suppressed Yalduz,
the Muhi slave who had rival claims to the Muhi throne in India. But, he failed to
suppress Qubacha, 'Ihe task was left to Il~tmis&.Rtutmish not only expanded the
Muhi empire but also organised and strengthened the admiuismtive machinery with
the hdp of the group of nobles called-the 'Forty'. He also introduced certain
Sassanid htituticms like iqta that helped greatly in centralizing the administration.
'Ihio~nithPs&covdthefactorsbehioldthe~urkishsu~andits
coasequences. Turks succeeded primarily because of their superior military
tedmdogy and on account of the fact that hdian armies mainly consisted of 'feudal
levies'. Turkish conquest was not, simply the change of one dynasty by another. It
bad a far reaching affect on Indian society, economy and polity. You will study about
these as- in Blocks 5 to 8.

14.10 HEY WORDS

burlgr m*.Cltutmish's Turkish officers' group

(T--I C L I Y d e ) (popularly called -'the forty')
A tribe in Central Asia
Shocks
Suddexi videnit change
Forays: Sudden attadw
Horseshoe: Horses were nailed to protect their hoofs (Persian MI)
' Inn-s(imp: D-shapediron foot-supports hanging down from a horse's
saddle.
A water-lifting d&ce used to lift the water from some
depth. Fgr details See Block 6
Device for spinning the cotton. This was moved with the
Kamesh
help af meal-handle Mechrocks
and had six spindles.
14.11 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
~ Y a ~ 1
1) See Sac. 14.3
2) See Sac. 14.3

CbcdrYaP1ogese2
1) i) 1194,1192,1193,1195-96,1198-99
U j ,Dew, Gujarat, Budelkhand
ii) ~ ~ ~ aAjmem,
I
2) See Sac. 14.5 I

CkdrYaRagess3
1) See Sac. 14.6
2) See Sac. 14.6

CbscLYffProgess4
1) See See 14.7

Kamesh Mechrocks
' 15.0objectives
15.1 In-
15.2 ExpcrasionuntkrtheKhaljis
15.2.1 W a t md Ceadnl
15.2.2 North-West md N a t h Indis
15.2.3 Dccan +SoutLnud Exp.luioa
15.3 E x p r n s i o a u n d c r t h e ~ u ~ s
15.3.1 'Lhe South
15.3.2 Eest Iadir
1%3.3 N n t b W a t m d North
15.4 Let Us Sum Up
15.5 Keywads
15.6 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

You have r d in Unit 14 that after military conquests, the rulers of the Delhi
Sultmate ad thanadvc8 on the t& of d d a t i n g the Sultanate.'Ihe first
buadrea years of the -Ddbi Sultanate did not thus witness any-large-scale expansion of
tbeiaiCbl~~oftheSultsartc.Itwasoalyaftcrfirstesta~gtheroots
d the SulClraate that attention was paid to the expansion of the boundaries of the
Mtmmc in the fommcath century.

Aha reading this Unit you will know about:

a the tedtorial expamion of the Delhi Sultanate in the 14th century in the north,
north-west and north-east, and

'. 'Ibe initial surge of occupation untkr the early Turkish Sultans died down about the
middle of the t b t e.n t .h century. Now the primary obj&ve,of the hter Sultans
hrrune.theconsold.bon of the Sultanate.Tbus, it was not until the establishment of
the Kbslji rule that the boumhies of the Sultanate expanded beyond the early gains.
'ibe werthmw of the Turtirh hegemony at the end of the thirteenth century and its
replacement with the Khaljis, under whom the exclusive racial character of the ruling
dass was thoroughly diluted, is thus an event not without significance. 'Ihe opening
up of the Sultanate and d i v e participation of ruling groups in managing the
& f i r s of the !Wauate made ~~ expansion a feaaiMe propsition. Initial fora
into main and Ranthambhar soon after the accession of Jalaluddin Feruz Khalji to r"
tbeSulclrnrteof~hsd~thomethe~thatterri~~onwasnow
r poWcalnecessity. Ncighbdng kingdoms had become strong and any ;concerted
attamp @mt the Sultpnw coukl cast it dear. Moreover, Alauddin's glittering
p q e c t of the acquisition of wealth, besides extending territorial gains, had sei the
~ a t t h e b ~ d t h e f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y f o r t h e ~ o anexpansionist
nof
policy-

-
154 EXPANSW)N UNWl THE KHALJIS
The first of the Khalji SultansiJalaluddin, did neither have will nor resources to
undertake any large-scale
. . ofexpansionist programme. His six years reign was gripped by
the i n t d Kamesh Mechrocks
ha* to reumcile between the policies of the Sultan
 and the interests of his supporters. The resolution of @ problem came in the
unfortunate assasination of the Sultan. Alauddin Khalji, his assassin and successor,
had a different imperial design. He was to herald an age of territorial annexation and
expansion of the Sultanate which saw the frontiers of the Sultanate reaching close to
the tip of the Southern peninsula by the middle of the fourteenth century.

15.2.1 West and Central India

Alauddin Khalji, after consolidating his position and firmly establishing himself at
Delhi, undertook the first expedition in the region of Gujarat in 1299. This aIso
happened to be the first project of temtorial expansion under him. possibly Alauddin
was attracted by the wealth of Gujarat whose flourishing trade had always lured
invaders.

The imperial army was jointly commanded by Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan, two of
Alauddin's best army generals. Gujarat was an easy prey-the province was
plundered and the capital Anhilwara was sacked. The administrative control of
Gujarat was entrusted to Alp Khan as governor.

In the control and westward expansion of the empire, the next kingdom to fall was
hat of Malwa in 1305, It was an extensive region and was governed from the capital
Mandu by Rai Mahalak Dev with the assistance of a powerful rnioister Koka

"I
, .Radhan. The impe army was outnumbered by the forces of Rai but did eventually
wceed and the fort o Mandu was captured. The province of Malwa, after its fall,
was given for adrhinistiation to Ainul Mulk who was known to have soon brought
Ujjain, Dhar and Chadderi, too, under his control.

Malwa was followed by Siwana, a town situated some eighty kilometres to the
south-west of Jodhpur. Alauddin's army had been besieging Siwana for five or six
years beginning 1304-05 without much success. The fort was finally captured in ,/
1309. The ruler of Siwana, Rai Sital Dev, was killed in action and the fort and the '
'territory was put under the charge of Kamaluddin Gurg.

)I the same year (1309), Jalor was attacked and its ruler Kanhar Dev was killed in
the battle and the fort annexed to the Sultanate under the control of Karnaluddin
Gurg.

15.2.2 North-West a
uk North India
Soon after his accession, Alauddin was faced with the problem of suppressing the
prospects of revolt by the surviving member of Jalaluddin's family who had fled to
Multan. Ulugh Khan m d Zafar Khan were entrusted with the job .of eliminating
Arkali Khan at Multarl. Arkali Khan was made prisoner and escorted to Deihi.
Multan once again carbe under the control of Delhi. Strictly speaking, Multan
expedition was not an act of temtorial expansion but formed part of the policy of
consolidation.

In 1300, Alauddin sent Ulugh Khan to march against Ranthambhor ruled by Rai
Harnir. Nusrat Khan, then posted at Awadh, joined Ulugh Khan. The Imperial army
captured Jhain on the way and then laid a siege. Alauddin had to personally take the
~coqmandof the campBign. The siege lasted for over six months. Ultimately, the
women inside the fort performed jauhar and one night the gates of the fort were
o ~ n e by
d Hamir Dev who died fighting.

51pursuance of the saqne policy, Alauddin attacked the kingdom of Chittor in 1303.
After several assaults, the ruler of Chittor suddenly sent an offer of surrender to the
Sultan on his own. The heir apparent KhiP Khan was assigned the governorshipof ,
the temtory. But soonlthefort was bestowed upon Maldeo, a son of the sister of the
leariier ruler of Chittori who remained loyal to Delhi till the end of Alauddin's reign.

By the end of the first decade of Alauddin's rule the frontiers of the Delhi Sultanate
had expanded to cover~almostthe whole of north, west and central India. From
Kamesh Mechrocks
Multan in the north-west to the Vidhyas in central India, and almost the entire
 A.D.1290-1320
Approximate Boundary ,-
-
,

BAY OF BENGAL

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Dewgin in the Deccgn had already tasted Alauddin's plunder in A.D. 1296 during
bis tenure as the governor of Kara. The next military campaign in the Deccan was
planned by Alauddin against Rai Ram Chandra Dev of Ddagiri in 1306-7. An
bunedhte cause for this was an unduly long delay in sending the m u d tribute to
Delhi in 12%.
'Lbe command of the ~eccan'cam~ai~n was given to Malik Kafur, and directions
were sent to Ainul Mulk Multani and Alp Khan for providing assistance. Only a
feeble re&tmce was1provided by Ram Chandra Dev as he surrendered to the
lmpenal army under the assurance of personal safety. His,son, however fled with a
part of the army. Ram Chandra Dev was accorded great honour by the Sultan and
nstored to the throne of Devqm in return for the assurance of regular and prompt
payment of an a n n u tribute to the Sultan. The Rai also gave his daughter in
Furriage to the Sult4n. It appears that Alauddin's policy was not to annex Devagiri
but main it as a protectorate and amass as much wealth as possible from the
kiogdom.
.L

Malik Kafur's careful handling of the affair of Devagiri enhanced Sultan's confidence
b his abilities as a military general and he decided to entrust him with the
mspomibility to malce forays in the peninsular region in the South. Acquisition of
'trerlth from southern kingdoms and not actual territorial annexation seems to have
been the prime motive in sending these exped~tions.Accordingly, in October 1309
be impexid army began its southward march under the command of Malik Kafur.
Amir Khusrau has given details of these campaigns in his Kbrrzrrin-d Fatuh. Enroute
a surprise assault wss made by Malilr Kafur on the fort at Sirpur (in Adilabad
W c t ) . The nobles of Sirpur fled to Rai Rudra Dev of Warangal and the fort was
captured by the 1 r n p - d army.
,
By the middle of January 1310, the marching army had reached the suburbs of
warangal.

On 14 February 1310, Kafur attacked the fort. The war came to an end because Rai
Pudra Dev decided to surrender. He agreed to part with his treasures apd pay an
manual tribute as token of submission.

Warangal was a qx$taah success for the Sultanate army: the booty comprised of
20,000horses, 100 dephants, and an enormous stock of gold and precious stones
Men on thousand ~amels.The province was not territorially annexed but accorded
the status of a protectorate. The imperial army came back to Delhi at the beginning
of June 1310. Sultan's avarice now knew no bounds. Since the Sultanate was by this
\
time made secure of Mongol menace and almost the entire country to the north d
the Vindhyas had come under the sway of Alauddin, he planned another military
campaign in the far south.

The sight of the Sultan was now set on Dwarasamudra, further south of Warangal.
M a U Kafur was odce again commanding imperial army and was instructed to
capture nearly 500 elephants besides the treasures of gold and precious stones. The
Port was besieged in February 1311and the very next day a message seeking peace
came from Ballala Dev, the ruler of Dwarasamudra. Like earlier cases the terms
included parting of much wealth and a promise for annual tribute.
Encouraged by his success in Dwarasamudra, Malik Kapur decided to move further
muth. Accordingly, he marched towards Ma'bar in a little less than a month's time
reached-Madura,the capital of the Pandyas. Sundar Pandya, the ruler, had already
led.The elephants and treasure were captured by Malik Kafur. There were 5 12
elephants, 5000 horses and 500 mans of precious stones.

Alauddin's Deccan and southward campaigns *ere aimed at achieving two basic
Ipbjectives: (i) a fortnal recognition of the authority of Delhi Sultan over these
M o m , and (ii) the amassing of maximum wealth at the minimal loss of life. His
Kamesh Mechrocks
 p h c y of not annexing the conquered tenitories but accepting the acknowledgement ; ~erritoriaiExpansion
i ofthe Sultan's suzerainty speaks of Alauddin's political sagacity.
Within a year, however, of Malik Kafur's return from Ma'bar, developments in the
Deccan called for a review of the policy of non-annexation. Ram Dev, the ruler of I

Devagiri, died sometime in the latter half of 1312 and was succeeded by his son
BhiUama. Bhillama refused to accept the suzerain status of the Sultan of Delhi and
1 declared his independence. Alauddin sent Malik Kafur to suppress the rebellion and
instructed him to take temporary charge of the province. But Malik Kafur was soon
I
called back and asked to handover charge of the province of Ainul Mulk. In January
1316, after Alauddin's death, even Ainul Mulk was called back to Delhi, leaving the
affairs of Devagiri unsettled. Thus, Mubarak Khalji, the successor of Alauddin,
I wanted to march to Devagiri soon after his accession, but was advised by his nobles
I
t o take some more time so as to consolidate his position in Delhi. In the second year
of his reign in April 1317, Mubarak started for the campaign. The march was
, uneventful.'Devagiri offered no resistance, and the Maratha chiefs submitted before
I the Sultan. l'he provinq was annexed to the Sultanate.

1
Check Your Progress 1
I
1) From the places given below, identify the first one conquered by Alauddin Khalji
as Sultan of Delhi:
a) Devagiri
b) Malwa
I
c) Gujarat
d) Ma'bar

2) Which of the following places were annexed to the Delhi Sultanate by Alauddin
Khalji:
a) Warangal
b) Siwana
C) Devagiri
d) Jalor '

3) Explain Alauddin's policy with regard to the kingdoms in the Deccan and rar
south.

4) Who from among the names listed below was appointed the first governor of
Devagiri after its annexation by the Sultanate:
I . a) Rai Ram Chandra Dev
b) Malik Kafur
c) Mubarak Khalji
, d) Khusrau Khan

15.3 EXPANSION UNDER TEk 1'iJGHLUQS

The Tughluqs came to power in Delhi When Ghiyasuddin Tughluq ascended the
throne in 1320. The Sultanate was suffering from unsettled political conditions and
demanded immediate attention of the new ruler. The outlying provinces had
proclaimed independence as the effective control of the Sultanate had shrunk only to
the heartland. The administrative machinery was completely out of gear and the
treasury had been completely depleted. Ghiyasuddin naturally addressed himself k t
Kamesh Mechrocks
& ( . ~ ~ s h w nef
c Dclhi to the task of restoring the exchequer and the admhhhtion. But soon after that
Sultrnate
came the question of*testoringprestige and authority in the outlying parts of the
empire.
1

15.3.1 The South

The polttical ccmdition in the Deccan was not assuring in any way. The aaxptance of
Abuddin's sueminty 8nd the promise of loyalty by the rule19 of the South was only
nondaeL Fresh milimy e o n s were cettainiy needed for.the reinforcement of
' h p d d authority in qcvagrri and Telbgana. Dewgbi, as you bave~alreadyread, had
been annexed to the SGltanate by Mubarak Khplji. But the southern states beyond
Devagiri had cqnpletely overthrown whatever little sembbce d imperial authacity
remained there. The Telingana, therefore, chimed Ghiyasuddin's immediate:
attention.

In 1321, Ulugh Khan (later Muhammad Tughluq) started for the swth with a large
army. Without much resistance in the way he r e a d d WarPnepl. After two sieges,
each lasting four or five months, the ruler Rai Rudra Dev finally decided to
surrender. But this time there was no forgiving the recalcitrant: the fort was
occupied,plundered and some demolitions effected. The Rai was made a prisoner
and escorted to Delhi. Warangal was annexed to the Sultanate under dirad imperial
administration.

In continuation of the same policy Ulugh Khan also brought Ma'bar to submission
and set up direct imperial adminimation there. The region of T e h p n a was thus
made a part of the Dew Sultanate and divided into several adminkative units. The
, local talent was abundantly employed in the administration and acts of v e n d a h
against the vanquished were forbidden.

15.3.2 East India

The expedition in the eastern parts of India came as a consequence of the wars in the
South. Bhanudeva 11, the ruler of Jajnagar in .@ksa, had giveh support to Rai Rudra
Dev of Warangal at the time of imperial offensive against the latter. Ulugh Khan,
therefore, after laving Warangal sometime in the middle of 1324, marched against
Jajnagar. A fierce battle 'todr p h in .which victoiy sided with Ulugh Khan. He
plundered the enemy camp and collected large booty. Jajnagar was annexed and
made a part ofthe Sulmate.

Bengal was another kinedm in the east which had always been a hotbed of sedition.
Its governors would not miss any m t y of assexbg independen&. In 1323-24
a fratricidal quarrel b r a e out in Lakhnauti after the death of Feroz Shah, the ruler of
this independent princqdty. Some nobles from Lakhnauti came to Ghiyasuddin for
help who responded and decided to march to Bengal in person. After reaching
Tihut the Sultan himself made a halt and deputed Babrarn Khan with a host of other
officers to march to Lakhnauti. The rival forces confronted each other near
L.akhnauti. In the battle that ensued the forces of Delhi easily pushed back Bengal
army and pursued them for some distance. One of the warring groups led by
Nasiruddin was conferreid a tributary status at Lakhnauti.

15.3.3 North-West Pml North . ,.

>
Sin& Alauddin's expedition to Multan thi-n-6-western &onti& of the S u l t ~ a t e
had remained 6 x 4 . Subsequent Sultans were mostly occupied with the affairs of the
South and Gujarat. It w& after Muhammad Tughluq acceded to the throne that
attention was paid to th+ north-west frontier. Soon after his a d o n , Muhammad
Tughluq led campaigns to Kalanaur and Peshawar. Probably it was a sequel to the
invasion of the Mongols under Tarmashirin Khan in 1326-27 and was aimed at
securing north-western frontier of the Sultanate against future Mongd attacks. On
his way to Kalanaur, the Sultan stayed at Lahore but ordered his army to march and
conquer Kalanaur and Pcshawar. The task seems to.have been accomplished without
much difiiculty. The Sultan settled the administrative arrangement d the newly
conquered regions and rbarched back to Delhi.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 I

DELHI SULTANATE
c.1335
.
Approximate Boundaries ,
, ,
,,,

BAY OF BENGAL

CEYLON
I

Kamesh Mechrocks
Establishment of Delhi S6metime in 1332, Sultan Muhammad Tughluq planned the conquest of the Qarachil
Sultanate
region identified as the modem Kulu in Kangra district of Himachal Pradesh. It
formed part of the plan to fortify north and north-west frontier. For this purpose, he
enlisted a large army under the command of Khusrau Malik. The army succeeded in
occupying Jidya, an important place in Qarachil region, and was then instructed to
return. But in his enthusiasm, Khusrau Malik exceeded the instruction and marched
ahead towards Tibet. Soon the rains set in and the army was overtaken by disease
and panic. The disaster was such that only three soldiers returned to tell the tale of
'
the catastrophe. Qarachil expedition led to tremendous waste of resources and an
erosion in the authority of Muhammad Tughluq.

A little before ~ a r a c h iexpedition,

l Muhammad Tughluq had launched an ambitious
project of bringing Khurasan under submission. A large army of soldiers numbering +

about 370,000 was rdcruited for this purpose and the soldiers were paid a year's
s a l e in advance. Lakge sum was also invested in the purchase of costly equipments
for the army. Ultimately when the project was abandoned as an unrealistic scheme
and the army disbanded, it led to a tremendous financial loss. The authority of the
Sultan also suffered ;Iserious setback and a series of rebellions followed that
hollowed the most efiensive of the empire of Delhi Sultanate.
/

Check Your P r o p s 2
1) When were southern kingdoms annexed to the Delhi Sultanate:
a) Under Alauddin Khalji
b) Under Mubarak Khalji
c) Under Ghiyasuddin Tughluq
d) Under Muhammad Tughluq

2) Which of the following military expeditions was.abandoned:

a) Warangal
b) Qarachil .
c) Jajnagar
d) Khurasan

3) Why was Qarachil expedition a disaster?

..............................................................................................................................................

i 4) Which of the following formed the eastem limit of the Sultanate in 1335?
a) Jajnagar
b) Peshawar
c) Kalanaur
d) Malwa
&

15.4 LET US SUM UP

You have read in Unit 14 how after 'the death of lltutmish in 1235 the process of
expansion of the boupdaries of Delhi Sultanate came to a halt. Following this for
nearly a half century all efforts of the Sultans of Delhi were geared towards
consolidating early territorial gains by strengthening the fiscal and administrative base.
of the Sultanate. The next phase of territorial expansion, therefore, began with the
opening of the fo~rtwnthcentury under the Khaljis. Alauddin's administrative and
Kamesh Mechrocks
economic measures had helped consolidation as well . as
. widen the base
., of the . . r .
 Even then we find Alauddin moving in tbis direction with a reasonable distame from
the central seat of thHultanate for implementing an effective control of the Sultan
over directly annexed territories and made them the provinces of the Sultanate. But
more distant regions were conquered for two main reasons-the acquisition of wealth
- and according the status of a protectorate rather than making them a part of the
Sultanate. This was particularly true of kingdoms\,conquered in the Deccan and in far
south.

.This policy was changed, in the case of Devagiri, by Mubarak Khalji. It w b followed
by Ghiyasuddin Tughluq in the distant kingdoms in far south like Warangal and
Ma'bar. The question of effective administrative control was addressed by
Muhammad Tughluq by making Devagiri the second administrative seat of the
Sultanate. But that experiment was shortlived and failed*due partially due to the
unwillingness of the ruling and other classes of the Sultanate. Nonetheless, under
Muhammad Tughlaq's reign the boundaries of the Sultanate were at their apex
touching Peshawar in the north-west and Ma'bar in the South, and Gujarat in the
West and Jajnagar in Orissa in the East. It was, however, an irony of fate that in the
' closing years of the reign of the same Sultan, the boundaries of the Sultanate shrank
nearly the A.D. 1296 status. The reasons for this decline have been discussed in Unit
18 of Block 5.

15.5 KEY WORDS

Avarice: Greed for wealth

,
Booty: Things captured from an enemy in war
kabru: The practice of committing mass self-immolation.by women in case of
imminent defeat at the hand of enemy followed in some Indian
kingdom
Vand.Lism: Destruction of public and private property
/

15.6 ANSWERS TO CHECK YO- PROGRESS

EXERCISES

Check Yoar Progress 2 '

1) (a) (b)J ( 4 x (d) x

2) (a) (b) x (c) x (dW
3) See Sub-seaion 15.3.3
4) (a)J (b) x ( 4 x (dl x
Appe-
CHRONOLOGY OF THE DELHI SULTANS (A.D. 1206-1526)

Qutbuddin Aibak
Arem Shah
ntutmish
-ya
Behram Shah
M d Shah
Nashddin
Ghiyasutkh Balban
Kaiqubad
Kamesh Mechrocks
KHIUIS
1) Jalaluddin Khalji
2) Aladdb Khalji
3) Outbuddin Mubarsk
NGHLUQS
1) Ghiyasuddin Tu@q
2) MuhammadTughluq
3) FeruzTughluq
4) TTughluq Shah-I1 '
5) Nasiruddin Muhauhmad Shah
6) Mahmud Shah T u a u q
SAYYIDS
1) Khizr Khan
2) Mubarak Shah
3) Muhammad Shah
4) Alauddin Alam Shah

Period between 1412-1414 was a period of internal conflict

SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

K.S. Lal, History of the AD.1290-1320, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers

Fvt.Ltd., New Delhi, 1980 (Revised Edition).
(Agha) Mahdi Husain, lbgblq Dynmay.
Mohammad Habib & K.A. Nizami (ed.), C o m p d e d v e H h a q of Ldb, Val. V:
Dclhi Sultanate.
Awdh Behari Pandey, Erty McQkvd Id&Central
, ~ o o k ' ~ e p oAUahabad.
t,
- -

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 16. ADMINISTRATION OF THE
SULTANATE '

Structure
16.0 Objectives
16.1 Introduction
16.2 The Caliphate and the Delhi Sultanate
16.3 The Nature of the Delhi Sultanate
16.4 Central Administration
16.4.1 The Sultan
16.4.2 The Wizarar
16.4.3 Diwan-i arz
I
16.4.4 O t h s Departments
16.4.5 Slaves and Karkhanns
16.5 Revenue Adfninistration
I 16.6 Iqta System and Provincial Administration
i 16.6.1 lqra System
16.6.2 Provincial and Local Administration
I '16.7 Let Us Sum Up
16.8 Key Words
16.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
I

1
16.0 OBJECTIVES
In the last Block (4) you have studied the territorial expansion and the process of the
establishment of the Delhi Sultanate. In this Unit, the focus of our study will be on the
administrative set up of the Delhi Sultanate. We will take note of the following
aspects :
the contacts that were maintained with the Caliphate,
the nature of the state,
the different departments at the central and provincial level,
the main officials who werk involved in the administration, and
the manner in which the control was exercised.

i -
,I 16.1 INTRODUCTION

You have already studied in Block 4 how in 1206 Qutbuddin Aibak laid the
foundation of an independent Sultanate at Delhi and a beginning was made in
severing links with Central Asia. We have also dealt with the territorial expansion
under the Sultans. In this Unit, our focus would be on the consolidation of the
Sultanate. This Unit introduces you to the central and provincial administrative
system,.the revenue administration and the nature of the Delhi Sultanate.

1 16.2 THE CALIPHATE AND THE DELHI SULTANATE

The institution of the Caliphate came into existerne after'the death of Prophet .
Muhammad when Abu Bakr became the new head (Khalifa) of the Muslim
community (Umma or Ummat). Originally, there existed some elements of elective
principle in the matter of succession, a practice not much different from the previous
tribal traditions.
I In the Islamic world, the Caliph was regarded as the guardian of religion and the
I ..-L-1.4~- LC--1:r:--1 --A-- U- -.-- r Kamesh Mechrocks
~ I-->--
- -CAL- A r r r . .
.
 period of the first four "pious Caliphs" (Abu Bakr, Umar, Usman and Afij dynastic rule '
became the norm when the Umayyads took over the Caliphate in 661 A.D. from their base
at Damascus in Syria. After the fall of the Umayyad Caliphate the Abbasids came to
power in the mid-eighth century as Caliphs at Baghdad. However, with the decline of
central authority, the centralised institution of Caliphate (Khifajat)broke into thrw
centres of power based in Spain (under the rule of a branch of the Umayyad Caliphs),
Egypt (under the Fatimids) an'd the older one at Baghdad - each claiming theexclusive
loyalty of the Muslims. Nearer home, towards the north-west, many minor dynashes
carved out small states, one of which was based at Ghazna (Ghazni). The significant pqint
to remember .is that, theoretically, no Muslim could have set up an "independent" state,
big or small, without procuring tpe permission from the Caliph, else its legitimacy could
become suspect amongst the Muslims. And, yet, all this 'was nothing more than a
Gmality which could be dispensed with impunity.

The recognition of a Caliph by the Delhi Sultans seen in the granting of robes of
honour, letter of investiture, bestowing of titles, having the name .of theelCali
inscribed on coins and reading of khutba in Friday prayer in his name symbolized an
acceptance and a link with the Islamic world, though in reality it only-mdant an
acceptance of a situation whereby a ruler. had already plaad himself in power. The
Sultans of Delhi maintained the fiction of the acceptance of the position of the
Caliph. Under the Saiyyids (1414-1451) and the Lodis (1451-1526 A:DX the legends
on the coins continued in the sense of a &$ition being maintained but it was purely
a nominal allegiance. In actual effect, the Caliphate, weakened and far removed as it
was, had little direct role to play in the Delhi Sultanate.

Check Your Progress 1

1) What was the position of the Caliph?
-
..........................................................................................
-

2) Who,were the four "pious Caliphs'?

I
,
.........................................................................................
' Z . .

3) Name the three centres of the Caliphate.

'?
4) What were the symbols of allegiance maintained by the Delhi Sultans with
respect to the Caliphate?

16.3 THE NqTURE OF THE DELHI SULTANATE

The early Mulism Turkish State established itself in north India by virtue of
conquests. sin& the Turks were far fewer in number than the indigenous population
over whom they sought to govern and since they also lacked resources, they, of
necessity, had to control the resources of the country. This had an important bearing
a Kamesh Mechrocks
nn the nature of the Turkish State.
 In a theoretical and formal sense, the Delhi Sultans recognized the supremacy pf the Adminbtntion of the Sultanate
Islamic law (sharibh) and tried to prevent its open violation. But they had to
supplement it by framing secular regulations (zawabit), too. A point of view is that
i the Turkish State was a theocracy; in practice, however, it was the p;oduct of
expediency and necessity wherein the needs of the young state assumed paramount
I importance. The contemporary historian Ziauddin Barani distinguished.betwen
j a w ("sgsular") a d ~ ~ c m sand "accepted ) the inevitability of some
secular features, because of the contingent situations coming up. Thus, the needs of
the emergent State shaped many policies and practices not always consistent with
rslamic fundamentalism. For example, during the reign of Sultan lltutmisli (121 1-
I
1236), a s h u i a n group (shajai) of Muslim divines approached the Sultan and asked
him to enforce the Islamic law strictly, that is, giving the Hindus the option of Islam
g h t h . On behalf of the Sultan, the wuzir; 'Junaidi, replied that this could not be
done for the moment as the Muslims were like salt in a'dish of food. Barani records
a conversation that Sultan Alauddin Khalji had with one of his leading theologians,
Qazi Mughisuddin, over the question of appropriation of booty. While the Qazi
pointed out the legalistic position which prevented the Sultan from taking the major
- share of the booty, the Sultan is said to have emphasized that he acted according to
the needs of the State w.hich were paramount. These instances show that, in practice,
the Turkish State was not theocratic but evolved according to its special needs and
circumstances despite the fac! t h t the main ruling class professed Islam;

16.4 CENTRAL ADMINISTRATION

1
The central administrative machinery of the Sultanate consisted of the nobles
controlling various offices with the Sultan at the helm of affairs.

16.4.1 The Sultan 7

In the early Islamic world, there was no sanction for the position of the Sultan. With
the disintegration of the Caliphate, the Sultan began to appear in the sense of a
powerful ruler-an independent sovereign of a certain territory.
The Delhi Sultans could make civil and political regulations for public welfare.
Khutba and sikka were recognised as important attributes of sovereignty. The
khutba was the formal sermon following the congregational prayer on Fndays
,
wherein the name of the Sultan was mentioned as the head of the community.
Coinage was the ruler's prerogative : his name was inscribed on the coins (sikka).
The ~ u l t k a t ewitnessed a rapid rise and fall of dynasties. The Sultan, or a contender
to the t'lrone, could only keep himself in power with the support of the nobles who
were themselves divided into numerous groups. Barani says that Balban stressed the
special position of the Sultan as 'shadow of God' (zill a1 Allah) on earth. Balban
emphasized courtly splendour decorum and etiquette. He also believed in severe
exemplary punishments even to the nobles. All this bore relevance to a situation
where the throne was never safe from the ambitions of the nobles, many of whom
felt that they had an equal right to rule.
There were many officials to look after the royal household. The wakil-i-dar looked
after the entire household and disbursed salaries to the Sultan's personal staff. The
amir-i-hajib functioned as the master of ceremonies at the court. All petitions to the
Sultan were submitted through the latter. There were other minor officials also.

16.4.2 The Wizarat (Finance)

The wmir, as the head of the diwan-i wizarar, was the most important figure in the
central administration. Though he was one of the four important departmental .
heads, he exercised a general supervisory authority over others. The wizarar
organised the collection of revenue, exercised control over expenditure, kept
accounts, disbursed salaries and allotted revenue assignments (iqra) at Sultan's order.
There were several officials who helped the wizaraf such as the mushif-i mumalik or
Kamesh Mechrocks
the accountant-general and the mustaufi-i mumalik or the auditor-general. During
Indian Polity : The Sultanate the reign of Alauddin Khalji, the diwan-i mustakhraj was made responsible for the
collection of arrears of revenue.

16.4.3 The Diwum-i Arz

The diwan-i arz or military department was headed by the ariz-i mumalik. He was
responsible for the administration of military affairs. He inspected the troops
maintained by the iqta-holders. He also supervised the commissariat duties (supply
and transport) of the Sultan's army. During the reign of Alauddin Khalji, some
measures were introduced to maintain a check on recruitment and quality. He
ordered a descriptive roll (huliya) of every soldier to be kept and also ordered the
branding (dagh) of horses to be done so that horses of poor quality were not
brought by the amirs or iqta-holders to the muster. It seems that the branding qf
horses was strictly maintained till the reign of Muhammad Tughluq.
The army consisted of troops maintained by nobles as well as the standing army
(hashm-Cqalb) of the Sultan. In the thirteenth century, the royal cavalry, in lieu of
cash salary, was assigned the revenue of small villages in the vicinity of Delhi which
Moreland calls "smdll iqta". Under Iltutmish, the number of such cavalry was about
three thousand. Balban tried to do away with these assignments which led to much
dissatisfaction. Alauddin Khalji was successful in doing so, and he started paying his
soldiers in cash-a trooper was paid 238 tanka while one who brought an additional
horse used to get 78 tanka' more.
Feroz Tughluq gave up the practice of paying his royal soldiers in cash: instead, he.
gave them a paper called itlaq - a sort of draft on whose strength they could claim
their salary from the Sultan's revenue officers of the khalisa ("Crown" or "reserve"
land).
16.4.4 Other Departments
The diwan-i insha' looked after State correspondence. It was headed by dahir-i
mumalik. This department dealt with all correspondence between the Sultan and
other rulers, and between the Sultan and provinc~algovernments. It issued jarmans
and received letters from subordinate officials.
The barid-i mumalik was the head of the State news-agency. He had to keep
information of all that was happening in the Sultanate. The administrative sub-
divisions had local barids who sent regular news --letters to the central office. The
barids reported matters of state - wars, rebellions. local affairs, finances, the state
of agriculture etc. Apart from the barids, another set of reporters existed who were
known as munhiyan.
The diwan-i rhalat was heided by the sadr-us sudur. He was the highest religious
officer. He took care of the ecclesiastical affairs and appointed qazk. He approved
various grants like waqj for religious and educational institutions, wazfi and idrar
to the learned and the poor.
The Sultan headed the judiciary and was the final court of appeal in both civil and
criminal matters. Next to him was the qazi-ul mumalik (or qazi-ul quzzat), the chief
judge of the Sultanate. Often, the offices of the sadr-us sudur and qazi-ul mumalik
were held by the same person. The chief qazi headed the legal system and heard .
appeals from the lower courts. -4 -

The muhatsibs (public censors) assisted the judicial department. Their task was to set
that there was no public infringement of the tenets of Islam.
\

16.4.5 Slaves and Karkhanas

Slaves were an important feature of the royal household. Alauddin Khalji owned
50,000 slaves, while Feroz Tughluq is reputed to have had 1.80.000 slaves. During his
reign, a separate department of slaves (diwan-i bandagan) was set up. The slaves
were used for personal service and acted as body-guards (the latter numbering'
40,000). Afif also records that a large number of Feroz's slaves (12,000) worked as
artisans (kasibs). Baradi describes a large slave market at Delhi, but by the first
quarter of the 16th century there is no mention of slave markets.
Kamesh Mechrocks
The needs of the royal household were met through karkhanas which were broadly
I
I (kitabikhana) was considered as karkhana. Under Feror Tughluq. k m e - 3 6
\

Admhlrtntlon of the Suknmte

karkhanas. Each karkhana was supervised by a noble who had the rank of a malik
or khan, and a mutasarri/ who was responsible for the accounts and acted as the
immediate supervisor. A separate diwan or accounts office existed for the karkhanas.
The karkhanas manufactured articles for Imperial household as well as for military
r: purposes. It is said that Muhammad Tughluq had employed about five hundred
1 workers in gold brocade and four thousand weavers to manufacture cloth required
by the court and for making robes of honour to be given in gift to the favoured

I f
ones. It must be remembered, however, that articles produced in the royal karkhanas
were not commodities, i.e. not for sale in the market. Nobles, too, maintained their
-
own karkhanas (for further details see Block 6).
Check Your Progress 2
1). Examine the nature of Turkish state under Delhi Sultans.

.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................

I , 2) Outline the main [unctions of the diwan-i wizarat.

.........................................................
3) writ; a note. on karkhanas.

1 4) Mark ( ) the right answer : Khutba was:

a) the right to coin m&ey
b) a robe of honour
C) the recital of sermon after the congregational Friday prayer.

5 ) Who were the following :

l a) mushrij-i ntumalik .................................................

I b) ariz-i mumalik ..................................... ;...............

... \
...................................................
d) qari-ul mumalik
-
16.5 REVENUE ADMINISTRATION
What was the revenue system during the 13th century'! We do not get a clear picture;
even the exact magnitude of the revenue-demand under the llbarite rule is-uncertain.
Perhaps the old agrarian system continued t o function with the difference that the
coyposition of the suprerile appropriators of the surplus produce at the centre had
ehanged, that is. the Turkish ruling gro;p had replaced q e prekious receivers of the
land revenue. However. some reconstruction can be made by projecting back the
account .of Barani about the situation prevailing in this respect under Sultan
Alauddin Khalji's early rule. Briefly, we are told of three groups of rural istocracy-
khot. muqaddam, and chaudhuri-who collected land revenue (kharaj) from the
peasants on behalf of the state. and deposited the same with the officials of the
diwan-i nizarat. For this service,.theFwere allowed perquisites (haqq-i khoti) as
remuneration by the state which consisted of being exempted from the revenue of a
portion of land held by them. Also. they took something from the peasants as their
share of the produce which Harani calls qismat-i khoti. Besides land revenue
(kharaj), every cultivator had to pay house ?ax (ghari) and cattle or grazing tax
1,-hnrnih I n r i A ~ n t a l l v t h ~
Kamesh Mechrocks
/*hntlrlht~ri
m i o h t nrlt h a w e hppn A i t p r t l v invnlverl i n t h o
I d a n Pdity :Tbe sultanate ' collection of the revenue because, according to Ibn Battuta, he was the head of
"hundred villages" (paygana): this inference is reinforced. by the fact that Barani
always employs terms 'like haqq-i khoti or niuqaddar~ii,but never haqq-i chaudhrai.
W.H. Moreland, howdver, uses the term intermediaries for all the three groups; and
we shall be doing the Same henceforth.
What motivated Alauddin Khalji in introducing stern measures is explained by
Barani in detail (see Block 6 Unit 20). In short, the intermediaries had become
intractable-always in readiness for rebellion. The Sultan levelled the following main
charges against them:
a) They did not pay the revenue themselves on that portion of their land which was
not exempted from assessment; rather they shifted their 'burden' onto the
peasantry, that is, they realised additional levy from the peasants besides the
fixed demand of the state in order to pay their own dues.
b ) They did not pay the grazing tax.
c) The ill-gotten 'exass of wealth' had made then4 so arrogant that they flouted the
orders of the revenue officials by not going to the revenue office even when
summoned to iender accounts. -
As a result, the Sultan had to strike at their resources for economic and political
reasons. The measures taken by him were as follows:
i) The magnitudi of the state demand was set at half the produce of the land. The
land was'to be measured (masahat), and the land revenue fixed on the ~ i e l dof
each unit of the area. The term used was la fa-i biswa (rvafa = yield; hisrc.a =
1120th of a bigha). Most probably, it was levied separately on the holding of
each individual cultivator.
ii) The intermediaries and the peasants alike were to pay the same standard of the
demand (50%) without any distinction, be they intermediaries or 'ordinary
peasant' (balahar).
iii) The perquisites of intermediaries were disallowed.
iv) The grazing and the house tax were to be taken from the intermediaries'also.
a

It can be seen, then, that one objective was to free the peasants from the illegal
exactions of the intermediaries. That is exactly what Barani means when he says that
the sultan.'^ policy was'that the 'burden' (bar) of the 'strong' (aqwi,*a) should not
fall on the 'weak' (zuaja). We know that this 50% demand was the highest in the
agrarian history of India. On the other hand, though the peasanis were protected
now from the economic oppression of the intermediaries, the former had to pay a
higher rate of taxation than they did earlier. Since the rate was uniform in a sense it
was a regressive taxation. Thus the state gained at the cost of the intermediaries,
leaving the peasants in the lurch.

Such peasants as were weak and without resources were completely made prostrate,
and the rich peasants who had resources and means, turned rebels. Whole regions
were devastated. Cultivation was total& abandoned. The peasants of distant .
regions, hearing of the ruin and destruction of the peasantry of the D,oab, fearful
that the same orders might be issued for them as for the latter, turned away from
obedience and fled to the j u d e s . The two years that the Sultan was in Delhi (c.
1332-4), the country of the ~o&;%win~to the rigours of revenue-demand and the
multiplicity of abwab,(additional cesses), was devastated. ~ & Hindus
6 set fire to the
grain heaps and burnt
ordereq the shiqqdar$
.
a ~ drove
d away cattle from/their homes. The Sultan
(revenue collectors and commanders) to lay
waste and plunder the country. They killed many khots and muqaddams, a n d p n y
they blinded. Those who escaped gathered bands and fled into jungles; and the
country became ruined. The Sultan in those times went to the district of Baran -
. (modern Bulandshahr), on a hunting expedition; he ordered that the entire district
of Baran be plundered and Ia5d waste. The Sultan himself plundered and laid waste
from ~ a n a u j ~ Dalmau.
to Whoever was captured was killed. Most (peasants) ran
away and fled into the jungles. They (the Sultan's troops) surrounded the jungles
and killed every one whom they found within the jungles. ,
I . Ziauddin Barani's account of the oppression of the peasantry during Alauddin Khaljl's reign. English
translation is from, The Cdmbryge Economic History oilndia, Vol. I. ed. Tapan p a y Chaudhun and Ir&n
Kamesh Mechrocks
Habib, London, 1982, p. M.
 I t is 'true that the intermediaries were eliminated from-direct revenue collection. but Administration of the Sukuuri
fhey'were still expected to maintain law and order in the countryside and help the
revenue officials without any remuneration or perquisites. The state's direct ;elations
with the peasants resulted in an expansion of revtnue officials called variously
'ummal, mutasarrij, mushrij, muhassilan, navisindagan, etc. Soon, large scale
corruption and embezzlements surfaced among the revenue officials for which they
were ruthlessly punished by the naib wazir, Sharaf Qaini: about 8 to 10 thousind
officials were imprisoned. The process for discovering the deceit was simple: the bahi
or the ledger of the village [mtwari was meticulously scrutinised by the auditors. The
'bahi contained every payment, legal or illegal, made to the revenue collectors, and
these payinents were then compared with the receipts. Corruption occurred in spite
of the fact that Alauddin Khalji had raised the salary of the revenue collectors.
Barani gives an indication of the extent of the area where these measures were
operative: it was quite a large area, covering the heart of his empire. But Bihar,
Awadh, Gujarat and parts of Malwa and Rajputana are not mentioned. At any rate,
it must be borne in mind that these measures were largely meant for the khalisa
("crown" or "reserve" land). (Also see MAP at the end of the Block.)
As for the mode of payment. Moreland thinks that ordinarily payment in cash was
the gendral practice during the 13th century, and it had become quite widely
prevalent by the 14th century. However, Alauddin himself preferred collection in
grain. He decreed that the whole revenue due from the khalisa in the Doab should
be realized in kind, and only half the revenue due from Delhi (and its suburbs) in
cash. The reason for his preference for collection in grain was not only to have a
large reserve of grain stofed at Delhi and other areas for contingencies (such as
scarcity owing to drought or other factors), but also to utilize the storage as a lever
for his price-fixation measures in the grain market.
Two important changes were introduced by Ghiyasuddin Tughluq:
a) The intermediaries got back their haqq-i khoti (but not qismat-i khoti). They were
also exempted from the house and cattle tax.
b) the procedure of measurement (masahat) was t o continue along with observation
or "actual yield" (bar
...
2
hukm.hasi1).
As for Muhammad Tughluq, there is a confusion that he enhanced the rate of land
tax beyond 50%. It is also thought that after the death of Alauddin Khalji, the rate
was reduced by the Khalji rulers which was later raised to the previous level by
Muhammad Tughluq. Both these views are incorrect: the rate fixed by Alauddin was
never sought to be tampered. What Muhammad Tughluq actually did was to im;ose
new cesses (abwab) as well as revive the older ones (for example, charai and ghari on
the intermediaries). Apart from this, it seems that measurement alone was retained
for assessment purpose. The matter aggravated when assessment in kind (grain) was
carried out not on the principle of the "actual yield" but on the officially decreed
yields (wafa-ifarmani) for each unit of the measured area. Again, for payment in
cash, commutation was not done according to the market prices but on the basis of
the rates as "ordered by the Sultan" (nirkh-ijarmani). And, then, as Barani says, all
these taxes and cesses were t o be realized rigorouslv. The area covered under these
regulations was the khalisa land in the Doab. The result was obvious: an
unprecedented rebellion of the peasants, led by the intermediaries, occurred which
led to bloody confrontations. Feroz Shah claims to have abolished twenty three
cesses including charai and ghari.
Another development that took place, especially under the Tughluqs, was the-
practice of revenue-farming, that is, the task of collecting the revenue of some areas
was sometimes given to contractors who perhaps gave a lump sum in advance for the
right of revenue collection for a certain period. Under Feroz Shah, 'water tax' (haqq-
i sharb) was taken from those cultivators who irrigated their land from the water
supplied from the canals constructed by the state. It must be pointed out that in case
of bad harvest, the state tried to adjust the land tax, and also gave agricultural loans
to the peasants called sondhar in Muhammad Tughluq's reign.
What was the total estimated revenue during any period of the Delhi Sultanate? No
such attempt seems to have been made before the reign of Sultan Feroz Shah
Kamesh Mechrocks
Tughluq. 'Afif tells us that a t t & w r c k d ~ g l t a n , Khwaja Hisamuddin Junaid
Indm PoUty :tbe Sultmate determined the jama (estimated revenue) of the kingdom according to the "rule of
inspection" (bar hukm mushahada). It took six years to do this job, and the figure
arrived at wac six krar and seventy-five lakhs tanka.t (a silver coin: see Block 6 )
which continued t o bf valid for the entire reign of the Sultan. For further details 04
Revenue Administration during the fourteenth century see Moreland's Appendix 'C':
"Some
- Forteenth Cenrury Passages" in BlocK 6.
Check Your 'Progress 3
I ) What measures did Alauddin Khalji take to eliminate the intermediaries?

2) Define the following :

L d) Sondhar
1 . .
16.6 IQTA SYSTEM AND PROVINCIAL
-
...............................................:.........................

ADMINIBTRATION
The territorial expansion and cdnsolidation of the Sultanate was a process which
continued throughout the 13th and 14th centuries. It involved varying kinds of
control in terms ~f~territories:
those brought under direct administration and those
which paid tribute and remained semi-autonomous. The expansion of the Sultanate
and'& difficulties involved in administering areas that were far away from the
I
centre shaped different kind$ of control.
16.6.1 Iqta System
The initial Turkish conquests in the early 13th century d.isplaced many local chiefs
(whom the contemporary sources refer to as rai and rana). In order to conso~idat~,
the Turkish rulers made revenue assignments (iqta), in lieu of cash,'to their nobles
(umma). The assignees (known as rnhqti and wcrli) collected revenue from these
areas, defrayed their own expenses, paid the troops maintained by them and sent tbe
surplus uawozil) to the centre. lqta is an Arabic word and the institution had been in
force in the early lslamic world as a form of reward for services to the Sthte. It was
used in the Caliphate iqdministration as a way of financing operations and paying
civil and military officers. The grant of iqta did not imply a right t.0 the land nor was
it hereditary though the holders of jqta tended to'-acquire hereditary rights in Feroz
Tughluq's reign. These revenue assignments were transferable, the iqta-holder being
transferred from one region to another every three or four years. Therefore, iqta
should not be equated with the fief of medieval feudal Europe, which were hereditary
and non-transferable. The assignments could be large (a whole province or a part).
Assignments even to nobles carried administrative, military and revenue collecting
. responsibilities. Thus, provincial administration was headed by the muqti or wuli. He
had to maintain an army composed of horsemen and foot soldiers.
"They.(the muqtis) should know that their right over the subjects is only totake the
rightful amount of maney or perquisite (mal-ihqq) in a peaceful manner... the life,
property and the family of-thesubject should be immune from any harm, tbe muqtfs
have no right over them, if the subject desires to make a direct appeal to the Sultan,
the m h t i should not prevent him. Every mu# who violatea there laws should be
dismissed and punisW... the muqtir and wulfs are so many supyintendentsover
them aa the king is sup!erintenbent over other muqtid... After three or four years, the
umih and the muqtis should be transferred so that thw may not be too strong"
,
2. A pwrO from N i m u l ! Mulk Tusi'r slycwrnama on the rights of nnrq~lr.Endub (nnurtmn from
12 Kamesh Mechrocks
A.B.M. HabibuU.b, The Fowdcrrkm 01Murlbn Rukln Inr#o'AILb.bd,~1976pp. r n 1 0 .
 16.6.2 provincial and Local Administration Admhirtrrtion of the Sultanate
I
, As the State became more settled and efforts were made fbr greater centralization,
provincial administration also underwent a change. A separation between fiscal and
i fiilitary responsibilities started evolving. During the reign of Muhammad Tughluq,
1 fiscal responsibilities were partially withdrawn from the muqris or walis and placed
b under central officers. According to Ibn Battuta, the iqra of Amroha was placed
I
I , . under two officers, one called aniir (possibly in charge of the army and

iI , administration) and the other as ruli-ul kharai (in charge of revenue collection).

l
11 Muhammad Tughluq also brdered that the salary of the soldiers maintained by iqfa-
holders be paid by the diwan-i wizarar to prevent fraud by the officers.
J Greater control also came to be exercised over fiscal matters. The diwanS office, at
I the centre, received and examined detailed statements regarding income and
expenditure in the provinces. It supervised the work of the revenue officials in the
provinces. The provinces had a sahib-i din+an,whose office kept books of account

I and submitted information to thecentre. It was assisted by officials like murasarrijs.

The entire lower revenue staff was called karkun.
By the end of the thirteenth century. conternporary sources refer to an administrative
division, known as shiqq. We do not have adequate information about the exact
nature of shiqq. However. by the time of Sher Shah ( 1 540-1 545 A.D.) shiqq had
emerged as a well-defined administrative unit, known as sarkar. Administrative
officials, mentigned with respect to shiqq, were shiqqdar and faujdar. The
demarcationlof,tp\ir duties is not very clear.
According to Ibn Battuta, chaudhuri was the head of hundred villages. This was the
.nucleus of the administrative unit later called pargana. The village was the smallest
, unit of administration. The functioning and administratih'of the village remained
basically the same as it had existed in pre-Turkish times. The main village
functionaries were khor, muqaddam (headman) and parnVari(see Unit 16.5). The
judicial administration of the sub-division was patterned on that of the centre.
Courts of the qazi and sadr functioned in the provinces. The korwal'
maintained law
and order. At the village level, the panchaj*ar heard civil cases.
-
Check Your Progress 4

I) Write a note on iqra.

..........................................................................................
......................................................................................... , .
i

2) What were the functions of the wali or muqri? .

.........................................................................................

3) What steps were takcn to curb the powers of thc rr~iryriin the 14th century?

I
I 4) Define the following:
a) shiyy ".......... "" ............................................................
1
b) korn,cll ........ ' . " " . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
I

Kamesh Mechrocks
Indian Polity :The Sultanate
I.
*A 16.7 LET US SUM UP
We pave seen how the Delhi Sultanate was shaped by its historical experience of
being a part of the wider Islamic world and how it changed and evolved as a result
of its needs and circumstances during the 13th century. We have studied the
administrative framework of the Sultanate at the cerltral and local levels. The need
of maintaining a large army (for defence and expansion) and maintaining an
administrative apparakus shaped many of its institutions, such as the iqra. Greater
centralization brought about changes 1n the nature of administrative control.
,
16.8 KEY WORDS

Abwab : Cesses
Amir : Officer
Bahi t Ledger/ accounts books
Balahsr : Village menials/ ordinary peasants
Biswa r 1120th part of a bigha
Charai Grazing-tax
Chaudhuri Head of Hundred villages or pargana
~agh Branding (of Horses)
Diwm-i Wizarat Finance Department
Fawazil Surplus amount
Ghari House-tax
Hashm-i qalb Central/ royal cavalry
Hasil Actual reveAie,,,
ldrar Revehue-free land grant
Idaq Draft, assignment order
Jama Estimated Revenue
*
KhaUPa YCrownn("resthe") land whose revenue was reserved for the
Sultan's treasury'
\.
Khot Village officia1,lrevenue collector
Khutba A sermon recited in mosques on Fridays wherein the
name of the ruler was included
Measurement
Revenw collectors
Muqaddam Village headman
Muqti or Wali Iqta-holder/ governor
Revenue officer
Auditor
Navhindagan Clerk
Nirkh-i farmani 0fficially.decreed prices
Patwari Village-accountant
Qbmat-i khoti Perquisites
and Hnqq-i khoti
. Rais and Rams Chiefs
Shariat Islamic law
.4

Tanka Silver coin

Kamesh Mechrocks
Ummal Pfural of amil (revenue officer)
Wafa-i farmani : Officially decreed yields 4-
\
Waqf : Grants assigned for the r n a i n t i d d e of
retigious institutions
Wazifa : Stipend
Zawabit

16.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS '

EXERCISES~
I

Check Your Progress 1

1 ) See Sec. 16.2
2) See Sec. 16.2
3) See Sec. 16.2
4) See Sec. 16.2

Check Your Progress 2

1) See Sec. 16.3
2) See Sub-sec. 16.4.2
3) See Sub-sec. 16.4.5
4) a) x b) X c) w
5) See Sub-sec. 16.4.2, 16.4.3, 16.4.4

Check Your Progress 3

1) See-Sec. 16.5
2) See Sec. 16.5 I

Check Your Progress 4

I) See Sub-sec. 16.6.1
2) See Sub-sec. 16.6.1
3) See Sub-sec. 16.6.1
4) See Sub-sec. 16.6.2

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT W--FORMATION
OF-THE
SULTANATE RULING CLASS
Structure
17.0 Objectives
17.1 Introduction ,
17.2 The Ruling Class at the Time of the Ghorian Invasion .
17.3 Composition of the Ruling Class
17.3.1 The llbaritcs
17.3.2 The KUjh
17.3.2 'Ibe Tughluqr
17.4 Iqta and the Dispersal of Resources Among the Ruling Class
17.5 Ulema
17.6 Let Us Sum Up. -. -
17.7 Key Words
17.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

In Unit 16, y e have discussed the administrative structure of the Delhi Sultanate. In
this Unit we will analyse the nature of the Sultanate ruling class taking into
consideration the following :
its role as an appqopiiator of surplus,
the composition of the ruling class,
changes in the ruling class, and
the interests that bound it together.

17.1 INTRODUCTION
The most important ptoblem of the Sultanate in its early stages, and even later, was
to consolidate the conquered territories. To this end, the ruling class served as an
important pivot who shared the resources of the country. The Turks brought with
them the institution of the iqtas (see Sec. 16.6), which helped in the centralization of
authority to a great extent. As greater.ceotralization was sought to be effected,
changes could be seen in the institution of the 'iqta'as well as in the composition of
the ruling class.

17.2 THE RULING CLASS AT THE TIME OF

THE GHORIAN INVASION ,
I

At the time of the Ghorian invasions, north India was divided into a number of I

principalities r u l d by rais and ranas (local chiefs). At the village level, khots and
muqaddams (village hadman) stood on the borderline of the rural aristocracy. In
between, the chaudhursi can spotted as the head of hundred villages.
. \

Atany rate, we can accept a broad definition of the position of the pre-Ghorian
ruling class as one which appropriated the surplus produce of the peasants, by
exercising superior rights over land. In analyzing the formation of the ruling class in
the Sultanate, some pertinent questions arise : How did the new ruling class supplant
this older ruling class? What measures did it adqpt for appropriating the surplus
revenue? How was it different from the class that it supplanted?
'. i

Kamesh Mechrocks
 /

of the Sultuute
~orktbn
17.3 COMPOSITION OF THE RULING CLASS R u h g Clan

Throughout the thirteenth century, the Turkish armies furthered the political and
military control over North India. By the mid-fourteenth century, it spread to the
Deccan. A large alien territofy had to be pacified and governed and the ruling class
had to be maintained and sustained. The early Turkish ruling class was very much in
the'nature of a co-sharer of political and financial powers with the Sultans. In the
beginning, the nobles (amirah) were practically independent in distant areas of the
conquered territories where they were sent by the Centre as governors. The latter
were designated muqti or wqli agd their territories were known as iqtas. Gradually,
the practice began of transfekring muqtis from one iqta to another (a detailed
discussion on iqta system is given in Unit 16). The pre-Ghoriar! political structure
seems to have continued, wiyh tribute being realised from the rais and ranas, who
were expected to collect taxis as they had done before.
From our contemporary historians, like Minhaj Siraj and Barani, we learn that the
most important nobles, and kven the Sultans, in the early stages of the foundation of
the Sultanate, were from the families of the Turkish slave-officers. Many of the early
Turkish nobles and Sultans (such as Aibak and Iltutmish) had started their early
career as slaves but they reckived letters of manumission (khat-i azadi) before
becoming Sultans. One such was Qutbuddin Aibak. On his death in A.D. 1210,
Ilturmish, one of his favoured slaves, seized Delhi and set himself up as Sultan. He
created his own corps of Turkish slaves-the Shamsi maliks, called by Barani
turkan-i chihilgani ("The FO;~~"). Iltutmish's nobility also included a number of
Tajik or free-born officers. That this element of free-born immigrants continued to
form a part of the ruling class is noted by Minhaj at the time of Nasiruddin
Mahmud's accession (1246 A.D.). The problem of succession after the death of
lltutmish brought into light the division within the nobles.
In spite of the internal quarrels within the ruling class, there was a basic solidarity
which manifested itself in it$ hostility to outsiders. For example, Raziya's (1236-4240
A.D.) elevation of an Abyssinian, Jamaluddin Yaqut, to the post of amir-i akhur
("master of the royal horses'? caused great resentment. Similar was the case of
Raihan, a Hindu covert to Islam. Thus, the nobility was seen as the preserver of the
certain groups, sometimes under the principle of 'high birth', as reflected in the
policies ascribed to Balban by Barani.
Now you can understand how an identity of interests bound the dominant groups.
Race and perhaps religion, too, played important role in the formation of ruling
groups. Actually, the ruling class was not a monolithic organization. There were
numerous factions and cliques, each trying to guard their exclusive positions
jealously. The Turkish military leaders who accompanied and participated in the
Ghdrian invasion formed t i e core of the early Turkish ruling class: they acquired
most of the key-posts at the centre and provinces.
I
I
17.3.1 The Ilbarites
Qutbuddin Aibak who sucdeeded to the Indian territories of Muhammad Ghori,
had no greater right than the other nobles like Yalduz and Qubacha who asserted
their independenqe and autonomy at Ghazna and Sind respectively. This was to be a
feature of the early history pf the Sultanate. The Sultans needed the support of the
nobility to establish and maintain themselves in power. For instance, lltutmish came
to the throne with the support of the nobles of Delhi. The Turkish nobles played an
important part in elevating Sultans to the throne and supporting contenders to the
throne. According to Baradi, the older Turkish nobility used to tell each other :
"What are thou that I am not, and what will thou be, that I shall not be."
I
The early Turkish nobility kought to emphasize their exclusiveness and their
monopoly to rule. Efforts by other social groups to challenge their monopoly were
resented and resisted. The hobles of Iltutmish called turkan-i-chihilgani ("The
Forty") wielded considerable power-after his death. They were an important group,
and efforts by the Sultans to incorporate other groups were met with much
resistance. As already mentioned,. Raziya Sultan had to face stiff opposition from the

Kamesh Mechrocks
Indian Polity : nc Suitmmte Turkish amirs, when she elevated an Abyssinian, Jamaluddin Yaqut, to the office of
- amir-i akhur. Efforts of Nasiruddin Mahmud (1246-1266 A.D.) to break the vested
power of this group by dismissing Balban (who was one of the 'Forty') from the
court and replacing him by an Indian cbnvert, Im'aduddin Raihan, did not meet with
much success. Minhaj ioiced the anger of the " ~ u r k sof pure lineage" who "could
not tolerate lmaduddin Raihan of the tribes of Hind to rule over them." The
opposition of the Turkish ruling class forced the Sultan to remove Raihan and
reinstate Balban.
On his accession to ths throne, Balban (1266-1286 A.D.) took measures to break the
power of the turkon-i ~hihilgoniby various measures. He himself was the creation of
a group of nobles loyal to him. Barani states that Balban had several of the older !
Turkish nobles killed. This was an effort to intimidate the nobility, who could and
did pose, a challenge to the Crown. Balban himself, according to Barani, kept Sultan
Nasiruddin as a "puppet" (nomuno); therefore, he was vary of the leading old nobles.

17.3.2 The Khaljb

In A.D. 1290, the llbari dynasty was overthrown by the Khaljis. The coming to
power of the Khaljis is seen as something new by contemporary historians. Barani
mentions that the Khaljis were a different "race" from the Turks. Modern scholars
like C.E. Bosworth speak of them as Turks, but.in the thirteenth century no one
considered them as Turks, and thus it seems that the accession to po\ker was
regarded as sdmething novel because earlier they did not form a significant part of
the ~ u l i n gclass. Alauddin Khalji further eroded the power of the older Turkish \

nobility by bringing in new groups such as the Mongols (the 'New Muslims?, Indians
and Abyssinians (for t h t latter, the example of Malik Kafur is well-known). This
trend towards a broadehing of the composition 'of the ruling class continued during
the rule of the Tughluqs.
It may be incidentally mentioned here that there was a very small group called
kotwolion (pl. of kotwol) at Delhi during the reign of Balban and Alauddin Khalji.
Infact, this was a family group, headed by Fakhruddin who was the kotwol of Delhi.
This group appears to have played some political role during and aftQr Balban's
death.
, I

17.3.3 The Tughlu~s

Under Muhammad Tughluq, apart from the Indians and the Afghans, the ruling
class, became unprecedemtally more heterogenous with the entry of larger numbers of
foreign elemen,ts, especially the Khurusoni, whom the Sultan called oizzo (dear ones).
Many of them were appointed as omir sadoh ("commander of hundred'?. Concerning
the non-Muslim as well ps the converted Indians, Barani laments that the Sultan
raised the "low-born" (jawohir-i lutroh) to high status. He mentions musicians,
barbers, cooks, etc. why got high positions. He gives the example of Peera Mali
(gardener) who was given the diwon-i wimrot. Converts like Aziz-ud Din khommor
(distiller) and Qawamul Mulk Maqbul, Afghans like Malik Makh and Malik Shahu
Lodi Afghan, Hindus lihe Sai Raj Dhara and Bhiran Rai were given iqto and
positions.
The reign of Feroz Tughluq does not give us any clear pattern about the social
otigins of the nobles. T k situation was fluid with a false veneer of peace between
the Sultan and the ornird. Certain designations were used with reference to the nobles
- khan, molik and omir. Khan was often used with reference to Afghan nobles,
omir came to mean a commander, molik-a chief, ruler, or king. Along with their
titles of honour, the nobles were given some symbols of dignity designated as
morotib which signified privileges-khilot (robe of honour), sword and dagger
presented by the Sultan, horses and e!ephants that they were entitled to use in their
processions, canopy of State and the grant of parasol (chhotri) and insignia and
kettledrums.
It is significant to note that every Sultan sought to form and organize a group of
nobles which would be personally loyal to him. This obviated the necessity of
depending upon previou groups whose loyalty was suspect. That's why we find the
?
contemporary historians employing terms like Qntbi (ref. Qutbuddin Aibak), Shamsi

Kamesh Mechrocks
 -

i (ref. Shamsuddin Iltutmish). Balbani and Alai amirs. But one thing was quite certain:
every group tried to capture the kkention of the Sultan-whether weak or strong-
Fornrtba of the S u b a t e
Rmlbg Clnr

I
because all privileges andpower issued forth from the sovereign. This, in turn, went
to a great extent in strengthening gradually the position of the Sultan himself if he
was a man of strong will.

I The Afghans were frequently recruited into the feudal bureaucracy of the Delhi
Sultanate. With the coming of the Lodis (145 1-1526), the Afghan predominance got
enlarged.

I '
Check Your Propess 1
1) ~ x a m i n ethe composition of the ruling class under the Ilbarites.

2) What changes were brought about in the composition of the nobility under the
Khaljis and the Tughluqs? Write in about five lines.
.........................................................................................

.........................................................................................
3) Mark ri,oht ( v .or) wrong ( X ) against the following statements :
a) In the thirteenth century the Turkish nobles were paid in cash.
b) Muhammad Tughluq incorporated different social groups into his nobility.
-
c) Barani regards the Khaljis as Turks.

17.4 ZQTA A N D THE DISPERSAL OF RESOURCES

AMONG THE RULING CLASS
We have studied the institution of iqra, its early history in the Islamic world, apd its
application in India in Udit 16. The income of the Sultanate was primarily and
largely derived from the land revenue. Khalisa was the term for the land whose
revenue was exclusively meant for the Sultan himself, while the revenue from the
land, called iqra, was assigned by the state to the nobles. The muqris or iqra-holders
were required to furnish military assistance to the Sultan in times of need, apart
from maintaining law and order in and collecting the revenue from their iqra.
I These revenue assignments were generally non-hereditary and transferable. In fact, it
was through the institution of iqra that the Sultan was able to contrbl the nobles.
I The muqri collected land revenue from the peasants of his territory and defrayed
I
therefrom his own salary as well as that of his soldiers. The demand to send the
excess amounts Cfawazil) to the diwan-i wizarar was symbolic of the trend towards
centralization. The muqri had to submit accounts of their realisation and expenditure
to the treasury. Auditing was severe to prevent fraud.
1
Kamesh Mechrocks
Indian POMY :The ~ ~ l b m a t c Alauddin KhaIii also took other measures for controlling his nobility. Regular
reports from the barids (intelligence officers) kept him'posted with the actions of the
nobles. A check was kept on their socialisihg, and marriages between them could not
take place without thk permission of the Sultan. These measures have to be seen
against the background of recurrent incidents of rebellions in which the muqris
utiliqeQ and appropriated the resources of their areas, to rebel or to rhake a bid for
the throne. This explains the principle of transfer also. Under Muhammad Tughluq '
(1325-1351 A.D.), the nobles were given iqra in lieu of cash salary but their troops
were paid in cash by the treasury in contrast to the earlier period. These new fiscal
arrangements and the,greater control over assignments possibly contributed to the
conflict between the Siultan and the nobles since they were deprived of the gains of
the iqta management. However, during the reign of Feroz Tughluq there was a
general retreat from the practice of increased central authority over iqra. In practice,
Feroz started granting iqra to the sons and heirs of iqta-holders. The long reign of
Feroz Tughluq comparatively witnessed few rebellions but it also saw the beginning
of the disintegration and decentralisation. By the time of the Lodis (1451- 1526 A.D.),
the iqradars (now called wajhdars) do not seem to have been subject to constant
transfers.

17.5 ULEMA
The u l m the theologtcal class; had an important position in the Sultanate. It was
from them that important legal and judicial appointments were' made-the sadr-us
sudur, shaikh-ul Islam, qrui, mujti, muhrasib, imam and khorib. The ulema can be
seen as an adjunct of the ruling class, maintained by revenue grants from the Sultan,
and often by members of the ruling class. The ideological significance of the ulema
was great as they provided legitimacy to the ruling class. They exercised an influence
which was not only reli&ious but sometimes political, too.
a-
1 - --
CbtcL Your Prograr 2
1) Write two main characteristic features of the iqra system.

2) What measures were undertaken by Alauddin Khalji to control his nobility?

..........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
I

........................ . *. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..........
!

3) ark right (4) or wrong ( X )against the following statements :

a) i) lqras were hereditary assignments.
ii) lqras were the personal property of the nobles.
Kamesh Mechrocks
iii) Generally iqras we're transferable revenue assignments.
 ;
r h

b) i) Muqris were personal body-guards of the Sultan. FolroHoa of the Sultanate

ii) Muqris were religious teachers. R u b 8 Chra
' iii) Muqris were governors to whom the revenue from the iqras were
1
assigned.

C) Fawazil was :
i) Extra payment met to the nobles.
ii) Excess amount paid to the exchequer by rhe iqredars.
iii) Revenue assigned in lieu of salary.

17.6 LET US SUM UP

With the establishment of the Sultanate a new ruling class emerged which was
entirely different in its nature and composition to its predecessars. In the beginning,
primarily, it maintained its alien (Turkish) character, but, later, as the process of
amalgamation deepened, the Sultans started recruiting nobles fr0.m other social
groups as well. Thus, the nature and the character of the nobility widened greatly I

and not only the Turks, but Indian Muslims, non-Muslims and even foreigners
(Abyssinians, etc.) were incorporated into its fold. The ulema can also be seen as an
adjunct of the ruling class who were primarily maintained by revenue-free land
grants or wazifa (cash).

17.7 KEY WORDS

Ami-i akhur : Master of royal stable/ horses
Amir-i sadah : "Centuriansw, "Commander of hundred"
Khat-i azadi : Letter of manumission

T@jfi : a racel'free-born nobles"

Turhn-i chihilpni : "The Fortyw(corporate body of Turkish nobles of Iltutmish)
Ulema : Theologians
Wajhdar : Salaried persons / iqra-holders

17.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Cheek Your Progress 1
1) See Sub-sec. 17.3.1
2) See Sub-sec. 17.3.2, 17.3.3
3) a) x b) v c) x
Check Your Progress 2
I 1) See Sec. 17.4
2) See Sec. 17.4
3) a) (i) (ii) X (iii) ,/
b) (i) X (ii) V (iii) x
c) (i) x (ii) (iii) x

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 18 PROBLEM, CRISIS A N D ,

DECLINE
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Nature of Kingship
Conflict between the Nobility and the Sultans
C r i e fn Revenue Administrption
Rise of Regiond States
The Mongols
Let Us Sum Up)
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

18.0 OBJECTIVES
The Sultans of Delhi faced many political and administrative problems. With the
passage of time, these problems became so critical that they generated political
crgis and eventually led to the decline of the ruling dynasties. This Unit attempts to ,
consider the following aspects :

Nature of kingship,
Conflict between the Sultan and the nobles,
Crisis in the Revenue Administration;
Rise of Regional Stbtes, and.
The Mongols.

18.1 INTRODUCTION
During the Sultanate period (1206-4526'A.D.), five dynasties ruled India. Since the
Turks came from Central Asia, they,b&cinitial stage, were unaware of the Indian
political and economic systtnf:To maintain their rule, the Turks introduced many
administrative practice which, by and large, continued for a long time with some
changes. A study of the political history indicates that the rulers had to cope with
internal strife and external dangers, especially the running struggle between the
nobility ancfthe Sultans which contributed towards the gradual decline of the Delhi
Sultanate.

18.2 NATURE OF KINGSHIP

No clear and well-defined law of succession developed in the Sultanate. Hereditary
principle was accepted 'but not adhered to invariably. There was no rule that only the
eldest son would succeed (primogeniture). In one case, even a daughter was
nominated (for exempl, Raziya Sultan). At any rate, a slave, unless he was
manumitted, that is, freed, could not claim sovereignty. In fact, as it operated in the
Sultanate, 'the longest the sword, the greater the claim'.
Thus, in the absence offany succession rule in the very beginning intrigues surfaced
to usurp power: After Aibak's death, it was not his son Aram Shah but his slave and
son-in-hw Iltutmish who captured the throne. Iltutmish's death (1236 AID.) was '

followed by a long period of struggle and strife when finally Balban, Iltutmish's slave
Kamesh Mechrocks
 of the "Forty" fame, assumed power in 1266 A.D. You have already seen how Prdan. Crbb and Dcdhe
Balban attempted to give a new shape to the concept of kingship to salvage the
prestige of the office of the Sultan, but the struggle for power that started soon after
.
Balban's death confirms again that the 'sword' remained the main deciding factor.
Kaiqubad was installed at the throne agaipst the claims of Balban's nominee,
. Kaikhusrau. Later, even he was slain by the Khalji Maliks (1290 A.D.) who laid the
foundation of the Khalji rule. In 1296 A.D. Alauddin Khalji, killed his uncle,
Jalaluddin Khalji and occupied the throne. Alauddin Khalji's death signalled civil
war and scramble for power. Muhammad Tughluq's reign weakened due,to the
rebellions of amirs. Rivalries that followed after Feroz Tughluq ultimately led to the
.rise of the Saiyyids (1414-51 A.D.).
With the accession of the Lodis (1451-1526 A.D.) a new element-the Afghans was
added. The Afghans had a certain peculiar concept of sdvereignty. They were
prepared to accept the position of a Sultan over them, but they sought to partition
the empire among their clans (Farmulis, Sarwanis, Niyazh, etc.). After the death of
Sultan Sikandar Lodi (1517 A.D.), the empire was divided between Ibrahim and
Jalal. Even the royal privileges and prerogatives were equally shared by the clan
members. For example, keeping of elephants was the royal privilege but Azam
Humayun Sarwani is reported to have possessed seven hundred elephants. ~esides,
the Afghans entertained the concept of maintaining tiibal militia which in the long
run greatly hampered the military efficiency of the Central Government. It is true
that Sikandar Lodi tried to keep the ambitious Afghan nobles in check, but it seems
that the concept ?f Afghan polity was more tilted towards decentralization that
created fissures in the end.

18.3 CONFLICT BETWEEN THE NOBILITY AND THE

SULTANS
~ h c ~ o l i t i chistoe
al of the Sultanate period testifies that consolidation and decline
of the Sultanate were largely the result of constructive and destructive activities of
the nobles (umara). The nobles always tried to maximise their demands in terms of
the economic and political gains.
Under the Ilbarite rule (1206-90 A.D.), the conflicts usually revolved around three
issues: succession, organization of the nobility and division of economic and political
power between them and the Sultans. When Qutbuddin Aibak bacame the Sultan,
his authority was hot accepted by the influential nobles such as Qubacha (governor
of Multan and Uchh), Yilduz (governor of Ghazni), and Ali' Mardan (governor of
Bengal). This particular problem was inherited by Iltutmish who finally overcame it
through diplomacy as well as by force. Later, Iltutmish organised the nobles in a
' corporate body, known as rurkan-i chihilgani ("The Forty'? which was personally '
loyal to him. Naturally, other groups of nobles (see Unit 17) envied the status and
-privi!eges of the members of the "Forty", but this does not mean that' the latter were .
free from their internal hickerings. At the most they united in one principle: to plug
the entry of non-Turkish persons in the charmed circle as far as possible. On the
other hand, the "Forty" tried to retainits political influence over the Sultan who
wouldnot like to%alienatethis group, but at the same time would not surrender his
royal privilege of appointing persons of other groups as officers. Thus, a delicate
balance was achieved by Iltutmish which broke down after his death. For example,
Iltutmish had declared his daughter, Raziya, as his successor during his life, but
some nobles did not approve her svccession after his death, because she tried to
'organize non-Turkish groups (Abyssinians and Indians) as counterweight to the
"Forty". That was one main reason why a number of nobles of this grouprsupported
her brother, Ruknuddin whom they thought to be incompetent and weak, thereby
giving them an opportunity to maintain their position. This spectacle continued
during the reign of Nasiruddin Mahmud (1246-66 A.D.) also, as exemplified by the
)rise and fall of Immaduddin Raihan, an Indian convert. This episode coincided with
,the banishment of Balban who was the naib (deputy) of Sultan Mahmud (and also
belonged to the "Forty'? and his subsequent recall.

Kamesh Mechrocks
lodm P a r :me Sub- During Balban's reigtll(1266-87 A.D.), the influence of the turkan-i chihilgani was
minimised. Since he hhmself was a member of the "Fortyn before his accession, he
was fully aware of the! nobles' rebellious activities. Therefore, he eased out the
"tallest poppieswamongst them through assassin's dagger or poisoning, even
including his cousin. On the other hand, he formed a group of loyal and trusted
nobles called "Balbanl". The removal of many members of the "Fortyn deprived the
state of the services od veterans and the void could not be fulfilled by the new and
not so experienced 'Bhlbani" nobles. This situation inevitably led to the fall of the
llbarite rule, paving the way for the Khaljis. .
b

The reign of Alauddin Khalji (1296-1316 A.D.) saw a broadening in the composition
of nobles. He did not admit of monopolisation of the state by any one single group
of nobles. State office$ were open to talent and loyalty, to the exclusion of race and
creed. Besides, he controlled them through various measures (see Unit 17).
Moreover, the enhancement of land revenue up to 50 per cent of the surplus produce
(see unit 16) must have pacified the nobles because an increase in the revenue of
their respective iqta wbuld have raised their salarjf, too. Territorial expansion also
provided enough resources towards recruiting persons with talent. The case of MaIik
Kafur, an Abyssinian slave, is well-known. But this situation was shortlived: the
death of Alauddin Khalji brought out once again the dissensions and conspiracies of
the nobles, leading to the elimination of the Khaljis as rulers.
As for the Tughluqs, you know (see Unit 17) how Muhammad Tughluq made
attempts to organize nobles again and again, with turns and twists. But all his efforts
failed to put them under check. Even the Khurasanis, whom he used rn call "Aizzah"
(the dear ones), betrayed him. The problems created by the nobles can be gauged
I
from the fact that twenty-two rebellions took place during his reign with the loss of
a t least one territory, later known as Bahmani kingdom.
The crisis set in motion after Muhammad Tughluq's death seems to have gone out of
hands. Under these circumstances, Feroz Tughluq could not be expected to be stern
with the nobles. They were given many concessions. They succeeded in.making their
iqtas hereditary. The appeasement policy of fultan pleased the nobles, but in the
long run, it proved disastrous. The army became inefficient because the practice of
branding (dagh) of the horses introduced By Alauddin Khalji was almost given up. It
was not possible, henceforth, for his descendants or later rulers to'roll back the tide
of decline of the Delhi Sultanate.
Under the Sayyids (1414-51 A.D.) and the Lodis (1451-1526 A.D.), the situation did,
not appear to be comfortable: the former were not at all fit for the role of saviours.
Sikandar Lodi made the last attempt to prevent the looming catastrophe. But
dissensions among the Afghans and their unlimited individual ambitions hastened the
final demise, actually its murder, with Babur as the executioner.

Check Your Progressit,

I) Critically examinethe role of nobility in the disintegration of the Sultanate.

.........................................................................................
I ,.

2) How far did'the absence of law of primogeniture contribute to the decline of the ,
Sultanate?

Kamesh Mechrocks
 3) Discuss the chief characteristic features of the Afghan theory of kingship. Problem, Crisis and Dedinc

....................................................................................
.......................................................................................
.........................................................................................
......................................................................................... i
-.
18.4 CRISIS IN REVENUE ADMINISTRATION
lltutmish had introduced a sound system of revenue assignments (iqta) through
which the vast bureaucracy was maintained. Feroz .Tughluq's reign, however, saw
deterioration in its working. During his reign, revenue assignments tended to be
hereditary and permanent. This applied even to the (royal ?) soldiers (yaran-i
hashm). "If a person died," says Afif, "his office would go permanently to his son; if
he had no son, then to his son-in-law; if he had no son-in-law, then io his slave; if he
,had no slave then to his women." Sikandar Lodi (1489-1517 A.D.) stopped to
/ dclaim the balance Cfawazil). The tendency of the principal assignees to sub-assign

their territories also increased greatly during his reign.

All this had deep implications. It meant not only loss of vast revenue resources to
-the state exchequer but by making the assignments permanent the Sultan allowed the
{assignees to develop strong local roots which led to wide-scale corruption and
turbulence.

18.5 RISE OF REGIONAL STATES

You have already studied that the clashes between the nobles and the Delhi Sultans
marred the Sultanate from the beginning of its foundation. But, so long as the centre
was powerful to retaliate. the rebellions were succesrfully crushed. S~gnsof physical
disintegration were witnessed for the first time during Muhammad Tughluq's reign in
1347 A.D. with the establishment of the Bahamani kingdom. But the Sultanate
remained intact at least nearly for fifty years when finally the Timurid invasion (1398
A.D.) exposed ~ t weakness.
s It provided ample opportunity for the nobles to
establish their own areas of influence, independent of the Sultan. Governors like
Khwaja Jahan (Jaunpur) in 1394 Khwaja in 1394, Dilawar Khan (Malwa) in 1401, Zafar
Khan (Gujarat) in 1407, and some regions in Rajasthan also declared their
independence during the 15th century. Bengal was already .a semi-independent
kingdom since the days of Bughra Khan (for details see Block 8). The Sultanate
practically shrank to the radius of 200 miles around Delhi. It had deep implications.
Loss of the fertile provinces of Bengal, Malwa, Jaunpur and Gujarat curtailed
greatly the vast revenue resources of the state. That, in turn disabled the centre to
wage long wars and organise campaigns against the refractory elements. The
situation became so critical under the Sayyaids and the Lodis that even for regular
revenue exactions the Sultans had to send yearly campaigns. For example, forces
were sent repeatedly to suppress the Katehr and Mewati chiefs with frequent
intervals from 1414 to 1432 A.D. Similarly, the chiefs of Bayana and Gwalior also
showed their reluctance to pay revenue and, as a result, repeated campaigns~followed
from 1416 to 1506 A.D. All this shows that the control of the Sultans during the
15th century remained nominal and only minimum efforts would have sufficed t o .
overihrow the Sultanate.

18.6 THE MONGOLS

To what extent the Mongol invasions could be heldresponsible for the decline of the
Delhi Sultanate? As.you
.
have read
. . . . -Kamesh Mechrocks
Block 4, the Mongol danger first appeared
. - . ..
Indim PoMy :Tbe S u l t . ~ t e overcome it through diplomacy. Their invasions continued up to the period of
Muhammad Tughluq with intervals. Balban, Alauddin Khalji and Muhammad
Tughluq were very much conscious of the Mongol assaults and resisted them
, successfully. True, much money and time had to be spent and thousands of soldiers
were sacrificed, but it does not seem that these invasions enfeebled the Sultanate in
any substantial manner. Occasional shocks were awesome but without any visible
damage to the economy.or the state apparatus.

I) Discuss the implications of Feroz Tughluq's policy of making the assignments \

(iqta) permanent and hereditary?

2) To what extent risp of the regional states led to the decline of the Delhi
Sultanate?

LET US $UM UP
One political reason fot the decline of the Sultanate was the absence of any well-
established and universally accepted law of succession. This was in line with the
entire history of the Ishmic polity. As long as a Sultan was strong and was able to
gain the suppo~tof some groups of'nobles, he could continue with some superficial
semblance of dynastic stability. Dissensions and conflicts amongst the ruling groups
might remain apparently dormant in such circumstances; but at the slightest
opportunity their internal struggle would come to the force often in a viblent
fashion. Initially, the iqta system served the central authority: its elements of transfer
and non-permanence elsured the Sultan's power. On the other hand, the gradual
disappearance of these principles, especially during Feroz Tughluq's rule, paved the
way for the steady dissipation of the state's authority. The Lpshot was the emergence
of autonomous and, then, independent political centres in different regions. The
Mongols might have hammered the Sultanate off and on but, on the whole, their
forays did not affect the Sultanate's political and economic fortune.

KEY W O R D S
Aiz2.k : "Dear Ones" (Khurasani nobles under Muhammad Tughluq).
Umara : Nobles (plural of amir)
yuan-i hashm : Soldiers
.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Problan, Crisb and Dedine
18.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES

Check Your p r o p & 1

I) See Sec. 18.2
2) See Sec. 18.2
3) . See Sec. 18.3

Check Your P r o b e s 2
1) See Sec. 18.4
2) See Sec. 18.5

I
SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK
b
A.B.M. Habibullah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India.
W.H. Moreland,.The Agrarian System of Moslem India. (Chapters I1 & 111;
Appendices A, B and C).
R.P. Tripathi, Some Aspects of Muslim Administration.
K.S. Lal, History of the Khafiis (Chapter XI).
klohammhd Habib & K.A. Nizami, A Comprehensive History of India, Vol V.
Tapan Ray Chaudhuri & lrfan Habib, The Cambridge Economic History oj
India, Vol, I , pp. 45-82.)

Kamesh Mechrocks
 - -. .
APPENDIX
A REPRODUCTION FROM W.H.MORELAND,
AGRARIAN SYSTEM O F MOSLEM INDIA
Provincial Governors in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries
The words "Province; and "Governor" are used in Chapter 11 to represent two
groups of terms, which 1 take to be either precisely synonymous, or else
distinguished only by minor differences, of no practical importance for'our present
purpose. The first group is wilayat, wali. The word wilayat is used in the chronicles
in various senses, which can almost always be recognised with certainty from the
context: it may mean (1)a definite portion of the kingdom, that is, a province; (2)an
indefinite portion of the kingdom, that is, a tract or region; (3) the kingdom aS a
whole, (4) a foreign country; (5) the home-country of a foreigner .(in which last sense
a derived form has recently become naturalised in English as "Blighty"). Wali
occasionally means the ruler of a foreign country, but the ordinary sense is Governor
of a*province of the kingdom, that is to say, a localised officer serving directly under
the orders of the Kin8 or his Ministers.
So far as 1 know, it has never been suggested that the Wali held anything but a
bureaucratic position a t this period, and the word Governor represents it precisely,
as is the case throughout the history of Western Asia. The position is different in
regard to the second g o u p of terms iqta, muqti (more precisely, iqta, muqti).
Various translators in the nineteenth century rendered these terms by phrases
appropriated from the feudal system of Europe; their practice has been followed by
some recent writers, i& whose pages we meet "fiefs", "feudal chiefs", and such
entities; and the ordinary reader is forced to conclude that the organisation of the.
kingdom of Delhi was heterogeneous, with some provinces ruled by bureaucratic
' Governors (Wali), but most of the country held in portions (iqta) by persons
(Muqti), whose position resembled that of the barons of contemporary Europe. It is
necessary, therefore to examine the question whether these expressions represent the
facts, or, in other words, whether the kingdom contained any element to which the .
nomenclature of the feudal system can properly be applied. The question is one of
fact. The nature of the European feudal system is tolerably well known to students:
the position of the Muqt~sin the Delhi kingdom can be ascertained from the
chronicles; and comparison will show whether the use of these archaic terms brings
light or confusion into the agrarian history of Northern India.
The ordinary meaning of Jqta in Indo-Persian literature is an Assignment of revenue
conditional on future service. The word appears in this sense frequently in the Moghul
period as a synonym (along with tuyuf) of the more familiar jagir; and that it might
carry the same sense in the thirteenth century is established, amqng several passages,
by the story told by Barani (60, 61) of the 2000 troopers who held Assignments, but
evaded the services on which the Assignments were conditional. The villages held by
these men are described as their iqtas, and the men themselves as iqtadars. At this
period, however, the word iqta was used commonly in a more restricted sense, as in
I
the phrase "the twenty iqtas", used by Barani (50) to denote the bulk of the
kingdom. It is obvious that "the twenty iqtas" points to something of a different
order from the 2000 iqras in the passage just quoted; and all through the chronicles,
we find particular iqtas referred to as administrative charges, and not mere
Assignments. The distinction between the two senses is marked most clearly by the
use of the derivative nouns of possession; at this period, iqtadar always means an
assignee in the ordinary sense, but Muqti always means the holder of one of these
charges. The question the^ is, was the Muqti's position feudal or bureaucratic?
T o begin with, we may consider the origin of the nobility from whom the Muqtis
were chosen. The earliest chronicler gives, us the biographies' of all the chief nobles

1-T. Nasiri, book xxii, p. 229 ff. 1 follow the Cambridgc History in usingthe form lltutmish for the name usuallj
written Altamash.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 ProvhcLI Govemon
of his time, and we find from them that in the middle of the thirteenth century practicafly
in the Thirteenth and
every man who is recorded as having held the position of began his career as a Fourteenth Centuries
royal slave. Shamsuddin lltutmish, the second effective king of Delhi, who had himself
been the property of the first king, bought foreign slaves in great numbers, employed them
in his household, and promoted them, according to his judgement of their capacities, to
the highest positions in his kingdom. The following are a few sample biographies
condensed from this chronicle.

Taghan Khan (p. 242) was purchased by Shamsuddin, and employed in succession as
page, keeper of the pen-case,' food-taster, master of the stable, Muqti of Badaun,
and Muqti of Lakhqauti, where the insignia of royalty were eventually conferred on
him.
Saifuddin Aibak (p. 259) was purchased by the king, and employed successively as
keeper of the wardrobe, sword-bearer, Muqri of Samana, Muqri of Baran, and
finally Vakil-i dar, apparently, at this period, the highest ceremonial post at Court.?
Tughril Khan (p. 261) also a slave, was successively depuQ-taster, court-usher,
master of the elephants, master of the stable, Muqti of Sirhind, and later of Lahore,
Kanauj, and Awadh in succession; finally he received Lakhnauti, where he assumed
the title of king.
Ulugh Khan (p. 281), afterwards King Balban, is said to have belonged to a noble
family in Turkistan,3 but was enslaved in circumstances which are not recorded. He
was taken for sale to Baghdad, and thence to Gujarat, from where a dealer brought
him to Delhi, and sold him to the King. He was employed first as personal
attendant, then as master of sport, then mkter of the stable, then Muqti of Hansi,
then Lord Chamberlain, and subsequently became, first, deputy-King of Delhi, and
then King in his own right.
It seems to me to be qliite impossible to think of such a nobility in terms of a feudal
system with a king merely first among his territorial vassals: what we see is a royal
household full of slaves, who could rise, by merit or favour, from servile duties to
the charge of a province, or even of a kingdom-essentially a bureaucracy of the
normal Asiatic type. The same conclusion follows from an examination of the
Muqti's actual position: it is nowhere, so far as I know, described in set terms, but
the incidents recorded in the chronicles justify the following summary.
1. A Muqti had no territorial postion of his own, and no claim to any particular
region: he was appointed by the King, who could remove him, or transfer him to
another charge, at any time. The passages proving this statement are too numerous
to quote: one cannot usually read ten pages or so without finding instances of this
exercise of the royal authority. The biographies already summarised suffice to show
that in the thirteenth century a Muqti had no necessary conhection with any
particular locality; he might be posted anywhere from Lahore to Lakhnauti at the
King's discretion. Similarly, to take one example Erom the next century, Barni (427
ff.) tells how Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq, on his accession, allotted the iqtas among his
relatives and adherents, men who had no previous territorial connection with the
places where they were posted, but who were apparently chosen for their
administrative capacity. Such arrangements are the antithesis of anything which can
properly be described as a feudal system.

I Da~sat-dar.The dictionary-meaning of "Secretary of State" does not seem to be appropriate here, for we are
told that on one occasion Taghan Khan was sharply punished for losing the king'sjewelled pen-case, and 1 take
the phrase to d'enote the official responsible for the care ofthe king's writingmaterials. In later times the Chief
Dawatdar was a high officer.
2 Th'eexaa status of the vakil-idar at this period isa rather complex question, but its discussion is not necessary
for the present purpose.

I 3 The chronicler is so fullsome in his praise of Balban, under whom he was writing, that this statement may b. '

i merely a piece of flattery, but there is nothing intrinsically improbable in it, having regard to the circumstances
of the time. Writing in the next century, Ibn Batuta recorded (iii 171)a much less complimentary tradition; it is
unnecessary for me to enquire which account is true, because both are in agreement on the essential point, that
Balban-was brought to India as a slave.
I
I
I
I Kamesh Mechrocks
 -
Indim Polity :The
- -- S u h--.
nat~ 2. The Muqti was essentially administrator of the charge to whichqhe was posted.
- - - - > -
This fact will be obvious to any careful reader of the chronicles, and many examples
could be given, but the two following are perhaps sufficient. Barni (p. 96) tells at
some length how Balban placed his son Bughra Khan on the throne 'df Bengal, and
records the advice which he gave on the occasion. Knowing his son to be slack and
lazy, he insisted specially on the need for active vigilance if a king was to keep his
throne, and in this connection he drew a distinction between the position of King
(iqlimdari) and that of Govefnor (wilayatdari) a King's mistakes were, he argued; apt ,
to be irretrievable,.and fatal t o his family, while a Muqti who was negligent or
inefficient ip his governorship (wilayatdari), though he was liable to fine or dismissal, '
need not fear for his life or his family, and could still hope to return to favour. The
essential function of a Muqti was thus governorship, and he was liable to fine o r
dismissal if he failed in his duties.
As an instance from the next century, we may take the story told by Afif (414), how
a noble named Ainulmulk, who was employed in the Revenue Ministry, quarrelled
with the Minister, add was in consequence dismissed. The King then offered him the
post of Muqti of Multan, saying, "Go to that province (iqta), arld occupy yourself in
the duties (Karha wa kardarha) of that place." Ainulmulk replied: "When I
undertake the administration (amal) in the iqta, and perform the duties of that place,
it will be impossible for me t o submit the accounts to the Revenue Ministry; I will
submit them to the Throne." On this, the King excluded the affairs of Multan from
the Revenue Ministry, and Ainulmulk duly took up the appointment. The language
of the passage shows the position of a Muqti as purely administrative.
3. It was the Muqti's duty to maintain a body of troops available at any time for the
King's service. The status of these troops can best be seen from the orders which
Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq issued! to the nobles "to whom he gave iqtas and wilayats."
"DO not," he said, "covet the smallest fraction of the pay of the tropps. Whether you
give or d o not give them a little of your own rests with you to decide; but if you
expect a small portion of what is deducted in the name of the troops, then the title
of noble ought not to be applied to you; and the noble who consumes Any portion of
the pay of servants had better consume dust."This passage makes it clear that the
strength and pay of the Muqti's troops were fixed by the King, who provided the
cost; the Muqti could, ij he chose, increase their pay out of his own pocket, but that
was the limit of his discretionary power in regard to them.
4. The Muqti had to collect the revenue due from his charge, .and? after defraying
sanctioned expenditure, such as the pay of the troops, to remit the surplus to. the
King's treasury at the capital. To take one instance (Barni, 220 ff.), when Alaud$in
Khalji (before his accession) was Muqti of Karra and Awadh and was planning his
incursion into the Deccan, he applied for a postponement of the demand for the
surplus-revenue of his provinqs, so that he could employ the money in raising
additional troops; afid promised that, when he returned, he would pay the postponed
surplus-revenue, alohg with the booty, into the King's treasury.
5. The Muqti's financial transactions in regard to both receipts and expenditure were
audited by the officials of the Revenue Ministry, and any balance found t o be due
from him was recovered by processes which, under some kings, were remarkably
severe. The orders of Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq, quoted above, indicate that under his
predecessors holders of iqtas and wilayats had been greatly harassed in the course of
these processes, and he directed that they were not to be treated like minor officials
in this matter. Severity seems to hpve been reestablished in the reign of his son '
Muhammad, for Batni insists (pp. 556, 574) on the contrast furnished by the wise
and lenient administtation of Firuz, under whom "no Wali or Muqti" came to
ruin from this cause. The processes of audit and recovery thus varied in point of
severity, but they were throughout a normal feature of the administration.
This statement of the Muqti's position indicates on the face of it a purely
bureaucratic organisation. We have officers posted to their charges by the King, and
transferred, removed, or punished, at his pleasure, administering their charges under
his orders, and subjcicted to the strict financial control of the Revenue Ministry.

I Barni. 431.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 '- .
None of these features has any counterpart in the feudal system of Europe; and, as a Provinci. nl Governors
student of European history to whom 1 showed the foregoing summary observed, the inathe T hirfemih and
analogy is not with the feudal organisation, but with the bureaucracies which rulers Fourtetrih pnturirs
like Henry I1 of England attempted to set up as an alternative to feudalism. The use
of feudal terminology was presumably inspired by the fact that some of the nobles of
the 'Delhi kingdom occasionally behaved like feudal barons, that is t o say, they
rebelled, or took sides in disputed successions to the throne; but, in Asia at least,
bureaucrats can rebel as well as barons, and the analogy is much too slight and
superficial to justify the importation of feudal terms and all $he misleading ideas
which they connote. The kingdom was not a mixture of bureaucracy with feudalism
its administration was bureaucratic throughout.
The question remains whether there were differences in status or functions between
the Wali and the Muqri. The chronicles mention a Wali so rarely that it is impossible
to prepare from them a statement similar to what has been offered for the Muqri.
The constantly recnrring double phases, walis and Muqris, or iqras and wilayats,
show that the two institutions were, at any rate, of the same general nature, but they
cannot be pressed so far as to exclude the possibility of differences-in detail. A recent
writer has stated that the difference was one of distance from the capital,' the nearer
provinces being iqras and the remote ones wilayats; but this view is not borne out by
detailed analysis of the language of the chronicles. Looking at the words themselves,
it is clear that Wax is thecorrect lslamic term for a bureaucratic Governor; it was
used in this sense by Abu Yusuf (e.g. pp. 161, 163) in Baghdad, in the eighth
century, and it isstill familiar in the same sense in Turkey at the present day. I have
not traced the terms Iqra or.Muqri in the early Islamic literature-to which I have
access through translations, but taking the sense of Assignment in which the former
persisted in India, we may fairly infer that the application of iqra to a province
meant originally that the province was assigned, that is to say, that the Governor
was under obligation to maintain a body of troops for the king's service. It is
possible then that, at some period, the distinction between Wali and Muqri may have
lain in the fact that the former had not to maintain troops, while the latter had; but,
if this was the original difference, it had become obsolete, at any rate, by the time of
I
Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq, whose orders regarding the troops equally to both classes, to
I "the nobles to whom he gave iqras and wilayats."'
...
, The chronicles indicate no other possible distinction between Wali and Muqri, and
I the fact that we occasionally read2 of the Muqri of a Wilayat suggests that the.terms
were, at least practically, synonymous. The possibility is not excluded that there were
1 minor differences in position, for instance, in regard to the accounts procedure of the
Revenue Minktry, but these would not be significant from the point of view of
I agrarian administration. In my opinion, then, we are justified in rejecting absolutely
I
the view that the kingdom of Delhi contained any element to ivhich the terminology
of the feudal system can properly be applied. Apart from the regions directly under
the Revenue Ministry, the entire kingdom was divided into provinces administered
f by bureaucratic Governors; possibly there may have been differences in the relations
between these Governors and the Ministry, but, so far as concerns the agrarian
administration of a province, it is safe to treat Wali and Muqri as practically, if not
absolutely, synonymous.

I Qanungo's Sher Sh& p. 349, 350. Baini, however, applies the term wilayat to provinces near Delhi such as
Baran (p. 58), Amroha (p. 58). or Samana (p. 483); while Multan (p. 584) and Marhat, or the Mafathacountry
(p. 390) are described as iqra. Some of the distant provinces had apparently a diffaent status in parts of the
fourteenth antury, beingunda a minster (Vazir) instead of theGovcrnor (Barani, 379,397,454. & C.), but they
cannot be distinguished .either as wlhjwts or as iqrm.

2 For instance, T. Nasiri; Mugti of the Wila yat of Awadh (246,247); Muqriof the Wilayat of Sarsuti (p. 256): As
has been said above, Barani (96) describes the duties of a Muqri by the term Wilayatdari.

Kamesh Mechrocks
!dim PoWy : The Sukanrte It may be added that the latter term did not survive for long. In the Tarikh-i
Mubarakshahi, written about the middle of the fifteenth century, the title is
preserved in summaries of earlier chronicles, but in dealing with his own times the .
writer consistently uses the term Amir. This term had already been used by Ibn
Batuta a century earlier; he speaks of Indian Governors sometimes as Wali,
sometimes as Amir, bCt never, so far as I can find, as Muqti; and possibly Amir was '
already coming into popular use in his time. Nizamuddin Ahmad, writing under
Akbar, usually substituted Hakim, as is apparent from a comparison of his language
with that of Barni, whom he summarised; Firishta occasionally reproduced the
word Muqti, but more commonly used Hakim, Sipahsalar, or some other modern
equivalent; and Muqti was clearly an archaism in the time of Akbar.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 STATE AND ECONOMY
Structure
19.0 Objectives
19.1 Introduction
19.2 Distribution of Revenue Resources
19.2.1 Iqta and lrhPtlsl
' 19.2.2 The iqta System in Operation
19.2.2 Land Grants
19.3 Land Revenue and its Extraction
19.3.1 Agrarian Measures of Alauddin Khalii
19.3.2 Agrarian Measures of Muhammad Tughluq
19.4 Alauddin Khalji's Market Control
19.5 Currency System
19.6 Slavery and Slave Trade
19.7 Let Us Sum Up
19.8 Key Words
19.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

This Unit discusses how the Ghorian conquest and the establishment of the Delhi
Sultanate affected the Indian ecoriomy. It also attempts to highlight the changes that
occurred during the course of the Sultanate.
After-going through this Unit you will be able to learn about:
the nature of land revenue system and its extraction,
the mechanism of distribution of revenue resources,
price control measures of Alauddin Khalji,
the use of slaves in urban economy and sources of enslavement, and
- thk increasing use of money in economy and the currency system.

19.1 INTRODUCTION
'-
The conquest of,Northern India by the Ghorids and the establishment of the Delhi
Sultanate not only changed tfre existing political structure but also brought, economic
change?. The conquerors came with fairly well-defined concepts and piactices , ,. -
regarding tax collection and distribution, ahd system of coinage, etc. But the existing
systems could'not be changed altogether immediately: in the beginning, these were
superimposed on the older systems, and modifications and changes were introduced
by different Sultans uptb the close of the 15th century.
The new rulers wanted luxuries and comforts according to their taste and habits. The
slave labour was thus a great help to provide these.
In the opinion of Muhammad Habib, the economic changes that occurred as a
consequence of the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate created an organisation
considerably superior to the one that had existed before. He felt that the changes
were drastic enough to deserve the designation of 'Urban Revolution' and 'Rural
Revolution'. D.D. Kdsarnbi recognised that 'hidebound customs in the adoptation
and transmission of new techniques' were broken down by the 'Islamic raiders', but
he regarded the changes no more than intensifying elements already present in Indian
.-
'feudalism'.
In this Unit we will study the economic institutions and changes that the Delhi
Sultanate introduced.

19.2 DISTRIBUTION OF REVENUE RESOURCES

Kamesh Mechrocks
During the 13th century, large territories rapidly passed into the hands of the Sultans.
Economy of Delh. ...,-_L,d rhi-c.c.ve$ And their troops by plundering or by~xtracting
tribute from
. .. - the defeated and subjdgated rural aristocracies. Unlike the previous rulers, the
soldiers were paid their salaries in cash.
The regions that refused to pay land-tax or kharaj were known as mawas and were
plundered or forced to pay through military raids. Gradually a mechanism of
simultaneous revenue rcollection and distribution had tohe introduced.

19.2.1 Iqta and Kbalisa

The new rulers brought with them the iqta system that combined the two functions of
revenue collection and distribution without immediately endangering the unity of
political structure. The iqta was a territorial assignment and its holder was called the
muqti or the wali. The classical definition of the iqta system has been given by
Nizam-ul Mulk Tusi, a Seljuq statesinan of the 11th century (see Block 5). ~ c c o r & g
to Tusi's definition, the iqta was a revenue assignment that the muqti held a t the
pleasure of Sultan. m e muqti was entitled to collect in proper manner t& land tax
and other taxes due to the Sultan, he had no further claims on the person, women and
children, land or other possessions of the cultivators. The muqti had certain
obligations to the Sultan the chief being the maintenance of troops and furnishing
them at call to the Sultan. The iqta was a transferable charge and the transfers of
iqta s were frequent.
Khalisa: The territory whose revenues were directly collected for the Sultan's own
treasury was designat d khaIiba. Its size seems to have expanded quite considerably

4
under,Alauddin Khal". But the k h d h did not appear to consist of shifting territories
scattered throughout he country. In all probability, Delhi along with its surrounding
district, including parts of Doab remained in khalisa. In Iltutmish's time, Tabarhinda
(Bhatinda) too was in khalisa. Under Alauddin Khalji, the. khelisP.cdvered the
whole of middle Doab and parts of Rohilkhand. But during the days of Feroz
Tughluq, the khalisa perhaps had reduced considerably in size.
Iltutmish (1210-36) is reported to have assigned in lieu of salaries "small iqtas" in the
Doab to the soldiers bf the Sultan's army (hashm qalb). palban (1266-86) made a
half-hearted attempt tit' their resumption without success. It was Alauddin Khalji
(1296-1316) who established firmly the practice of payment of salaries in cash to the
soldiers. A practice that was again altered by Feroz Tughluq who began to assign
villages to soldiers in lieu of their salaries. These assignments were called wqjh and
the holders wajhdars, These assignments tended to be not only permanent but
hereditary.

19.2.2 The Iqta Spstem in Operation

L _ & & _ - -.=*
-.
>.

You have already read about the Iqta system in Block 5. Here, we are adding a few
more aspects. In the tarly years of the foundation of the Sultanate, neither the
revenue income of these assignments was known nor the size of the contingent of the
assignee was fixed. However, certain modifications and mild attempts at introducing
central control to some-extent were made by Balban (1266-86) when he appointed a
khwaja (accountant) with each muqti: this may imply that the Sultanate now was
trying to find out the actual income of the iqta and muqti s expenditure.
'I'he real interventiorl in the iqta administration came under Alauddin Khalji. The
central finace department (diwan-i wizarat) perhaps prepared some sort of an
estimated revenue inicome from each iqta. The audit was stringent, punishments
severe, transfers frequent and enhancements (taufir) were often made in the
estimated revenue i w m e of theiqta on various pretexts.
Ghiyasuddin ~ u g h l u q(1320-25) introduced some moderation. The enhancements in
the estimated revenup income by the central finance ministry wds not to be more than
1/10 or 1111th annually. The muqtis v:ere allowed to keep 1110th to 1120th in excess of
their sanctioned salqies.
The auempt at centre1 intervention reached its climax during the timi of Muhwmad
Tughluq (1325-51). h several cases. a walk and an Pmir was appointed to the same
temtory. The wali wbs to collect revenue and, after deducting his pay, to send the rest
to the treasury. or commander had nothing to do with revenue realization
Kamesh Mechrocks anrl thn ealnmr nf h i e t r n n n e in ,-sch nrmcmnmghlv Fmm th..
 reign the troops of the iqta holders were paid in cash by the state's treasury. This State and
. Eammv
possibility infuriated the commanders and created political problems for Muhammad
Tughluq. Feroz Tughluq, therefore, decided to make concessions. He enhanced the
cash salahes of the nobles and got new estimates of revenue (mahsul) prepared which
I
was designated jama. ,
There was no attempt to restore central control by the successors of Feroz. Under the
Lodis (1451-1526),'the administrative charges and revenue assignments were
combined together and these were no more called iqta but were simply called sarkars
and parganas. A system of sub-assignments came in vogue particularly under
Sikandar Lodi (1489-1517). The main assignees used to sub-assign portions of their
assignment to their subordinates who in turn made sub-assignments to their soldiers.

19.2.3 Land Grants

As you know already, the religious persons and institutions such as dargahs,
mosques, madraw and other dependents of the ruling class were maintained by
making grants of revenue income. These revenue grants were called milk, idrar, and
in am. These grants were not generally resumed or transferred. But the Sultan had
the right to cancel them. Alauddin Khalji is reputed to have cancelled almost all
grants. Ghiyasuddin Tughluq too cancelled large number of grants. However, Feroz
Tughluq made a departure and not only returned all the previously resumed grants
but also made new grants as well. In spite of this generosity of the Sultan, according
t o the figures recorded by Afif, the total grants by the Sultan accounted only for about
one-twentieth of the total jama (estimated revenue income). Nobles, too, made
revenue grants out of their own iqtas. Noticeably, the Sultans made grants not only in
the khalisa but also in the iqtcrs. These grants covered cultivated as well as cultivable
areas not yet brought under plough.

Check Your Progress 1

1) How will you define iqta?
. , t

..........................................................................................................

.........................................................................................................
4 .

.........................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................
, .

2) p a t changes were introduced in the iqta system by Muhammad Tughluq? . ,

3 Mark ( d )against the correct and (x) against the wrong statements given below:
(a) Alauddin Khalji allowed the muqtis to keep the excess income from their
.iqtas. . .
(b) Ghiyasuddin Tughluq handed over iqtas to revenue-farmers.
(c) The jama under Feroz Tughluq meant the estimated revenue income.

19-3 LAND REVENUE AND ITS EXTRACTION

f i e Islamic land tax with which the new rulers of India were familiar was kharaj. The
,kharaj was essentially a share in the produce of the land and not a rent on the land?
During the 13th century, the kharaj took by and large the form of tribute. As
Kamesh Mechrocks
mentioned earlier, this tribute was paid, in lump sum, either by the potentates
Economy of ~elbiSultanate some arrangement. Alternatively, from the recalc~trantareas (mawas) where such
arrangements were hot possible, the tribute was extorted through plundering raids. It,
was thus probably mostly in the form of cattle and slaves.
The sources of ~ e l d Sultanate
i do not suggest that before the reign of Alauddin
Khalji (12961316) any serious attempt was made to systematise the.assessment and '

realization of kharaj.

19.3.1 Agrarian Measures of Alauddin Khalji

You have already rehd (Block 5) .in some detail about the agra;ian measures of
Alauddin Khalji. ~ iattempt
i wa%toincrease the revenue collection by enhancing the
demand, introducing direct collection and cutting down the leakages to the '
intermediaries.
As you know, the demand was thus fixed in kind but realization appears to be mostly
in cash. Barani informs us that the revenue collectors were ordered to demand the
revenue with such rigour that the peasants should be forced to sell their produce
immediately at the side of the fields. At another place, Barani says that Alauddin
Khalji brought the q o a b into khalisa apd the tax (mahsul) from there was spent on
paying the cash salaqies to the soldiers.
Yet there is a rathericontradictory statement by the same author that the Sultan
ordered that the peakant should pay tax in kind and not in cash. According to Itfan
Habib, it seems to hdve reference to only some parts of the khalisa in the Doab. From
there the Sultan wanted to obtain supplies for his granaries. Otherwise the realization
was normally in cash'.
Yet these new measures affected the rural intermediaries which we will discuss in
Unit 20. .
The system of taxation introduced by Alauddin seems to have lasted for long though -
Gh~yasuddinTughluq (1320-25) modified it to.some extent and exempted the khots
aod muqaddamsfrom paying tax on their cultivation and cattle. But he did not permit
them to impose any cesces on the peasants.

19.3.2 Agrarian Measures of Muhammad Tughluq

~ u h a m m i dTughluq, first extended Alauddin Khalji's system of revenue collection
based on measurement to Gujarat. Malwa, Deccan, South India and Bengal. At a
later,stage, the scale of agrarian taxation wgs enhanced considerably. Barani's
statement that the increase amounted to 20 or 10 times is undoubtedly a rhetoric but
it certainly gives the impression of an enormous increase. Barani suggests that
additional new imposts (abwab) were levied. Of the other taxes. kharaj, chard and
ghari were more rigorously collected. According to Yahya, cattle were branded and
cottages counted to avoid any concealments. B U more~ important than these
measures was the fact that for assessment of kharaj, wafa-i-farmani (officially
decreed yields) and drkh-i-farmani (officially decreed prices) were used. The
statement very clearly implies that the yields and prices used for'calculating revenue
were not actual.
One could very well expeCt that the decreed yields and prices were certainly inflated.
Use of inflated yields instead of actual and prices much-higher than what were
prevailing, had the obvious result of overstating the value of produce and thus the
share of the state. This tremendous increase in revenue demaqdresulted in
contraction of area under plough, flight of peasantry, and, as wswill see in Unit 20
in a b ~ gpeaqant revolt in the Doab and around Delhi. This caused failure of grain
supplies to Delhi and a famine that lasted for about seven years, from 1334-5 to 1342.
Faced with these problems, Muhammad Tughluq became the first Sultan to attempt
to formulate an agrichltural policy for promoting agriculture. He introduced the '
practice of giving agrkultural loans named sondliar for increasing the area under
plough and foidigging wells f o irrigation.
~ Barani says that 70 lakhs tenkas (according
Kamesh Mechrocks
to Afif 2 krors t a n k 4 were given till 1346-7 in sondhar but perhaps hardly any
A new ministry designated diwan-i amir-i kohi was established to promote
agriculture. Its two main functions we-re to extend the area under cultivation and to
reclaim the land that went out of cultivation and improving the cropping pattern. It
was recommended that wheat should.be replaced by sugarcane and sugarcane by
grapes and dates.

The Sultan was so determined to introduce his project of agricultural improvement

that when a theologian said that giving loan in cash and receiving the interest in grain
was sin, he executed him.
Barani, however, says that alr these measures were almost a complete failure. Feroz
Tughluq (1351-88) abandoned these projects but abolished agrarian cesses, forbade
levying of ghari and chard. But he is reported to have imposed a separate tax -jiziya
-distinct from kharaj (land-tax) on the peasants. He also introduced an irrigation tax
in Haryana where he d u g canals.
There is little information forthcoming for the intervening period but in all probability
the land tax continued to be collected in cash by whomsoever be the rulers, till the
time of Ibrahim Lodi (1517-26). Owing to the scarcity of currency and cheapening of
the grains, he is reported to have ordered collection of land revenue in kind or in
grain.

Check Your Progress 2

1) Discuss the land revenue system introduced by Alauddin Khalji.

2) Indicate the correct and wrong statements given below hy marking ( d )or ( x ) .
(a) The areas which did not pay kharaj without the use of force were called
mawas.
(b) Ghiyasuddin Tughluq imposed tax on the cultivation and cattle of khots and
muqaddams.
(c) Ibrahim Lodi ordered for the collection of revenue in cash.

19.4, ALAWDDIN KHALJI'S MARKET CONTROL

Alauddin Khalji's measures did not remain confined to rural economy but extended
to urban market as well. He is credited for issuing a set of seven regulations which
came to be known as market-control measures. Barani,who is our main source on this
aspectis the only authority who gives these regulations in detail.
The Sultan fixed the prices of all commodities from grain to cloth, slaves, cattle, etc.
(Regulation 1). These prices were really to be enforced since the Sultan carefully
made all arrangements for making the measure a success. A controller of market
(shahna-i mandl), barids (intelligence officers) and munhiyan (secret spies) were
appointed (Reg. 2). The grain merchants were placed under the shahna-i mandi and
sureties were taken from them (Reg. 4). The Sultan himself was to receive dailjl
reports separately from these three sources (Reg. 7). Regrating (ihtikar) was
prohibited (Reg. 5). While ensuring strict control in the market, the Sultan did not
Kamesh Mechrocks
overlook the more essential requirement, namely the regular supply of grains and
 </ $, 3
4
1
Economy of Delbi Sultanate 1

No. Commodities Alauddin Muhammad ~eroz

I
, Khalji Tugluq Tughluq
(Prices in Jitals per maund)
.
1. What 7'h 12 8 r

2. Barely 4 8 4
3. Paddy 5 14 ..
4. Pulses 5 .. 4
5. Lentils 3 4 4
6. Sugar (white) 100 80 .- I
7. Sugur (soft) 60 64 120,140 -
8. Sheep (mutto*) 10-12 64 ..
9. Ghi (clarified butter) 16 .. 100

Table of prices is reprodpced from K.M.Ashraf, Life Pod Conditiolloft& people o,-f Delhi.
1970, p. 160. The table copplied from dierent sources shows that the prices of these commodities
went up'under Muhammakl Tughluq but dropped under Feroz Tughluq to the price level of Alauddin
Khalji's relgn.1
A

as mentioned in contemporary .rrounts of the sultanate period.

1. Rlees of some commod~ties

Obviously, the grain merchants could bring supplies to the market only if they could
get the grains and that, too, at sufficiently low prices. It was apparently for this reason
that the Sultan decreed such a rigour in realization of land revenue in the Doab that
the peasants should be forced to sell the grain to the h a n i a n (the grain merchants)
at the side of the field (Reg. 6).
The Sultan established granaries in Delhi and in Chhain in Rajasthan. The land tax
from the khalisa in the Doah was realised in kind. T h e grain went to the state
granaries (Reg. 3). The Multanis who were cloth merchants were given 20 lakhs of
tankas as advance loan to purchase and bring cloth to the market.
The Sultan succeedekl in maintaining low prices and ample supplies in the market as
reported by all our authorities. But there are varying reascns mentioned for why the
Sultan introduced tHe market control and in what region it was enforced. The poet
courtier Amir Khusrau considers the measure to be of immense generosity taken for
the welfare and comfort of all, the elite as well as the public at large. The Chishti di-
vine Nasiruddin Mapmud (Chiragh Delhi) attributes it to the Sultan's effort to do
good to all the people. But the historian ~ a i a n i ' view
s was totally different. He did not
credit it to Sultan's btnevolent intentions but gives a hard financial reason. The Sultan
was anxious to have1 a large army and to take other precautions such as building of
forts at strategic plaues, fortification wall around Delhi, etc. against the Mongol inva-
sions. If numerous additional cavalrymen and troops were to be employed ar&e pre-
vailing salaries, the drain from the state treasury was to exhaust it totally. The salaries
could be reduced only if the prices were kept at a sufficiently low level.
Barani's reasoning abpears of course, more valid. Since the main lmhkargak (army
\
. encampment) was id Delhi and most bf theroyal troops were to be stationed in or
around Delhi, the mpin area of price control was Delhi itself. However, since the
sl~ppliesof cheap grain were to be made available to the grain merchants in the
surroundirlg districm of the oo?h, the low prices ought to be prevalent there as well.:
The market control did not sbrvive its enforcer and we do not hear about it after
Alauddin Khalji's tiMe. A very efficient and alert administration was imperative for
the success of price control. Therefore, one possible reason for its not surviving could
be the lack of sufficiantly competent administration. Irfan Habib, however, offers a
different reason for t@ abandonment of price control by the successors of Alauddin
Khalji. Since the prevalence of low prices implies lower revenues from the low-price
zone, the price contr?l was viable as long as the zone of low prices was restricted and
most of the expenditqre was concentrated there. With the Mongols no more
, remaining a threat, the army and the expenditure was t o b e dispersed Fore widely
and not to be concentrated at and around Delhi alone. The interest of hstate
Kamesh Mechrocks
f r = a s ~ m nnw in AirrnantIinn thn --;- ---+--I
Check Your Progress 3 State and Economy
1) Discuss the measures taken by Alauddin Khalji to introduce 'price control'.

.........................................................................................................
2 ) Explain briefly the reasons for:
.(a) Introduction of price control according to Barani.
....................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
- .

(b) Dismantling of price control under the successors of Alauddin Khalji.

19.. CURRENCY SYSTEM

The establishment of the Delhi Sultanate was marked by a considerable growth of
money economy which accelerated particularly in the first half of the 14th c e n t u j .
Since the growth of money economy in simple words means larger use of currency in
transactions (monetisation is another term for this pbnomenon), a large scale
minting of gold, silver and copper coins that followed'the foundation of the Delhi
Sultanate was an attendant process of the monetization of Indian economy.
The period prior to the foundation of the Delhi Sultanate was marked by the scarcity
of coinage particularly of pure silver. The early Ghorid conquerors found mints
uttering coins of copper with very small silver contents. Except an increase in the
number of coins stamped, no changes were introduced in'the beginning. The coins
continued to bear the image of goddess Lakshmi or bull-and-horseman, etc. Only the
name of the new ruler in a corrupt form got inscribed over it in Nagri script. These
coins were called Dehliwal.
lltutmish (1210-36) is credited for standardizing the coinage of the Delhi Sultanate.
The currency system established by him in its essentials survived the Delhi Sultanate
He introduced gold and silver tankas and a copper jital that was reckoned at 1/48th of
a tanka in North India and 1150th in the Deccan after the conquest of Devagiri.
'A firm ratio of 1:10 between gold and silver appears to have been established.
For studying the currency system we not only have the testimonybf the chronicles but
also the physical evidence available in the form of suniving coins (this is called
numismatic evidence).
The Sultanate mints generally uttered coins in three metals: gold, silver and billon
(copper mixed with very small quantity of silver). The main coins were tanka and jital
but some smaller currencies were also in circulation. Barani mentions dangs and
dirams in use at the capital Delhi. The equation between these currencies in the north
has been worked out as:
1silver tanka = 48 jital = 192 dangs = 480 dirams
The gold and silver remitted from Bengal was the main source of coinage during the
13th century. The seizure of treasure hoards in northern India and later in t b Deccan
was the other major source of silver and gold for coinage.
The Sultanate mints should not only have coined government money but also
Kamesh Mechrocks
stamned hlillion and f o r e i ~ ncoins hrow~hthv the nrivate merchant<
 The silver currency remained dominant till the reign of Alauddin Khalji. From
Ghiyasuddin TughluQ's reign, a decline in silver coinage in relation t ~ ' ~ o and
l d billon
. set in. Under Muhammad Tughluq gold coinage overshadowed the silver, and silver
coinage practically disappeared under Feroz Tughluq. In the 15th cenfury, billon
winage dominated (the Lodis (1451-1526) uttered no other coins).
Token Currency of Muhammad Tughluq
The only major innovation in the currency system established by Iltutmish was made
by Muhammad Tughluq. The Sultan introduced a coin of copper and brass alloy and
reckoned it at the value of a silver tanka. This w i n for the first time camed an
inscription in Persian. This new currency w h o ~ eface value was much higher than its
intrinsic value (that is, value of the metal it was made of) is termed as token currency.
The introduction of tdken currency was already attempted in sister Asian empires. In
China, Qublai Khan (1260-94) had introduced a token currency of paper and the
experiment was successful. In Persia, Kaikhatu Khan (!293), too, tried to introduce a
token currency but thre attempt failed.
Muhammad Tughluq's experiment, too, met total failure perhaps owing to the fact
that the new currency could easily be forged. Barani says rhetorically that every
'Hindu' household became a mint. However, the Sultan accepted the failure with
grace and exchanged all the token currency brought to the treasury with pure
currency.
--
Check Your Progress 4
1) Discuss the introduction of 'token currency'.

.........................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................
2) Mark (y)
against the statement if it is true and ( X ) if false.
(a) Alauddin Khalji established the currency system of the Sultanate.
(b) One silver tanha was equal to 48 jitals in North India.
(c) The main sourae of silver for coinage in the Deccan were the treasure hoards 9
of the local rulers.
-
'"t
(d) Silver coins in Feroz Tughluq's reigh outnumbered gold coins.

19.6 SLAVERY AND SLAVE TRADE -

The Ghorians found slavery in existence in India where it had an ancient history.
They certainly had no ethical qualms about it. Slavery was permitted in Islam and it
was prevalent in the Islamic world. According to Irfan Habib, the Ghaznavid and the
Ghorid invasions of Ndrthern India, like Julius Caeser's invasions of Britain, were
partly for acquiring slaves. The success of a campaign was to be measured by the
number of captives acquired along with gold, silver, cattle and horses. Qutbuddin
Aibak captured 20 thousand slaves in his Gujarat campaign of 1195 and 50 th9,usand
slaves in raid on Kalinjar in 1202. Even after the establishment of the Sultanat, the
enslavement continued through campaigns in yet to be wnquerred areas. One of the
main objects of Balbanls raid of Ranthambor and Malik Kafur's campaigns in the
Deccan was to get slaves.
Another source of getting captives was the plunder raids of rebellious villages
(mawas) in the Sultanate that refused to pay the k h a M or tribute. The number of
slaves received from these sources was tnormous. There were 50,000 slaves in
Alauddin Khalji's (12991316) establishment. The number increased to 1,80,000
under Feroz Tughluq (135.1-88). Besides the Sultans, nobles had their private large
retinues of slaves induding large number of concubines. Even the respectabls poor
kept slaves,
!
i:
Kamesh Mechrocks
The slwes were of meai use to the new ruling class that needed things fashioned to
 their taste. At the beginning, it pight have been somewhat difficult for the traditional .
Indian craftsmen and artisans to adjust themselves to the demands of the new
aristocracy and to new production technology such as spinning wheel, carding bow,
etc. The previously unskilled slpves could be trained in any craft. Feroz Tughlua's
slaves included 12,000 artisaas.
There was a large slave market. The prices of slaves of the twc sexes arid ci srious
ages fixed under Alauiidin Khalji are recorded by Barani. The abundance or slaves
encouraged continuous export of slaves from India to the Islamic World. But Feroz
Tughluq prohibited the export of slaves.

I ' Check Your Progress 5

1) Indicate the correct statement by marking ( d )and wrong by (X).
(a)
(b)
(c)
Slaves were maintained only by the Sultan and his nobles.
Ghorid campaigns were partly invasions of slave raiders.
Feroz Tughluq had a large number of slaveaartisans.
(d) Alauddin Khalji prohibited export of slaves from India.
2) What were the main sources of supply of slaves in the Delhi Sultanate?

19.7 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit, you have studied the impact of the Delhi sultanate on Indian economy
w e have traced how gradually the previously existing systems of revenue collection
-and distribution changed, cash nexus grew, and pure silver currency was introduced.

19.8 KEY .WORDS

A coper coin; 48 jitd = 1tanka
Grain Merchants
Land revenue
Estimated revenue
Rebellious aredvillage where land revenue was extracted by the ,
use of force
A Muslim educational institution
Revenue free grants
See Block 5
Iqta-holder/provincial governor

" 19.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

I EXERCISES
1 - Check Your Progress 1
I 1) See Sub -sec. 19.2.'1
I -. - - . -- - Kamesh Mechrocks
 I
Econom) of Delhi Sultanate
Check Your ~ r o ~ r e s s i 2. . .
1) See Sub - r e c 19.p. I
2) (a) d (b) x (c) T
Check Your Progress 3
1) See Sec. 19.4
-.
2) See Sec. 19.4

Check Your Progress 14

1) See Sec. 19.5
2) (a) x (b) d (c)
Check Your Progress 5
1) (a) x (b) d (c) v (dl x.
2. See Sec. 19.6 ,

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 20 AGRARIAN STRUCTURE
Structure
0.0 Ol>jcctivcs
2 .I I~~lrc)tluc-lio~~ .
0 . Agricultu~.;~l I'rotluclio~~
2 . 2 . I (".OIPS;IIII~ 0thr.r Agrict~ltur;tl I'rt~~lttcs
211.2.2 .(*;tt1;11 lrrig:t~ta~t~ ; t t r ~ l11s IIII~P~IC~

20.3 Agr;lri;ln l < c l ; ~ l i o ~ ~ s

3 . 3 I 1'r~~ls:lll~s
20.3.2 l<t~r;~l Itt~~~rtrt~11i;tri~~s
. 4 I.ct 1ISSLII \11>
I . Key Wortls
0 . AIISW~~S( t i ('kc.ck'Yotrr I'rogrcss Iini-c~-i'isc.s

-- -

20.0 OBJECTIVFS
III t l ~ i s\ ! ~ ~ i wc
t . will iliscuss tllc. ;I~~;II:~;III t ~ ~ I~l ~
c c o ~ ~tl11ri11g l~13111-
y 14111c c . ~ ~ l ~ ~We-
rics.
will ;IIWt l y t~ g;lugc ill wllilt W;IYS tllc C S I ~ I ~ ~ ~ S ~ I I I I ~ . I ~of
~ t l l I
~ ) ~ l SUII;III:IIC
l~i ,:~l'l'cc.tetl
1l1c. : ~ g r i c ~ ~ l ~~u>r ;rroI c l u c ~;111tl rc.l;rlio~ls.Al'lcr going tllrough this \ Init. yo11
i o ~;rgr;rri;~l~
~
~ l \ i ~ t l I t l ;ll>lc~to Ic;1r11;1I>ot11:
tllc cxlc-111ol' c.ulliv:~lic~~~, lllc crops grown by Illc. IX:IS;III~,ir~igilti011
~;III;I~ ils
;III~
~II>;ICI, :IIICI

I 1 will of c.oursc. I>c. IIIII'~.;IS~II;I~>~C l o c*xpcc.l'~l~il tllc cst;~l>lisll~~lcnl of III~. I)c.llli

SI~I:II;IC wo11ltl Il;lvc. cl'li.c~ctl ri~tIic;~l c11:111gc~si n the SYS~CIII of ; ~ g r i c ~ ~ l t u r i ~ l
i o ~ ~ .the COIII~II~ ol' cc.rt;lil~I I ~ W ~c.c'l~~~ologic.s
l x o ( l ~ ~ c . ~Illcnlph scc.111to II;IVC Ilcll>c-tl
icrig;~tio~l ;IIICI 111c.r~ was sprc;1il ol' SOII~* 111i1rketcrtq9s SIICII S
I; i ~ ~ t l i g;III~I
t ) gr;~l>c.s.
Ilowc.vc.r. i t was tllc. ;~gr;lri;l~l rcI:11io11stl1;11 IIIICI~~W~III 3 signiCi~i1111 c.Ii;~k~gc-.
ACcorclillgft) I).0. KOS~IIII~I~. IIICSC C~I;III~C'S tlitl IO IIIO~C' III;III i111c11sit'y t 1 1 ~-ITIII~*III~
~
I ) ~ - cill
:III.~:I(IY l l t.l i~; ~'I'II~~;I~~sI~I'.
~ l~ ~ ~ WII~I~MII~;IIIIIII;I~~ t !:lhiI> ~.cg;~rtIs
IIIC'SC fo Ilc- 1101
ollly r;~tiic.al~III
so (>rog~.cssivc- 111 Ilaturc ~II;II
l o II~III IIICi I e ' ~ i ~ ~ l ; o~fl i o ~ l
Ihcsc iIcsc*~-vctI
'rur;11 rc.vcdt~rio~l'.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 4
The control over bits o land was, therefore, not as important as on.persons
cultivating them We 11 discuss the implications of this for agrarian relations at the
prop.tr place. Hc 'ever) the land-man ratio is also cmcial for understanding the
nat of agricul rre. 4 favourable ratio of land to man naturally implies agriculture
to t ,: extensive. .n simple terms, extensive agriculture is that where the increase in
production is attempted by bringing more area under crop. On the other hand,
;~g~iculture is called intdnsive if the production is sought to be increased on the same
tract by using higher agt.icultural inputs: for example, more labour, better ploughiag
'ind irrigation. Owing to abundance of cultivable land in the Delhi Sultanate,
agriculture was extensive in nature. The large area of cultivable waste and fallows
n,i:,-rallyprovided good pasturage facility for cattle. The author of the M d i k d
Ah-.ar records that in Iqdia cattle were innumerable and their prices were low. Afif
I <,portsthat no village in Doab was without a cattle-pen which were called kharaks.
t;,lllocks were so plentiful that the pack-animals and not the bullock-carts were the
>,sin means of carryingigrains and other goods.

20.2.1 Crops and oiher Agricultural Produce

One of the most remarGable feature of the agriculture of the time was the large
number of crops grown by the peasants of the Delhi Sultanate. This has perhaps no
parallel in other parts of the wo_rld except perhaps in South China. Ibn Battuta was
struck by the multiplicity of crops grown and described in sufficient detail the various
crops grown in the two cfropping seasons. He also suggests that in the region around
Delhi double cropping was also practised, that is, on the same soil both the kharif and
the rabi crops were raiqd. Thakkur Pheru, the mint-master at Delhi under Alauddin
Khalji, writing in c. 12% lists some twenty-five crops grown under two harvests and ;
gives also their yields. While the yields cannot be comprehended owing to the
uncertainty of the units used, one gets a fairly good idea of the crops raised. Among
food crops, he mentions, wheat, barley, paddy, millets -juar, moth etc. arid pulses
(mash, mung lentils, etc,). For cash crops, sugarcane, cotton, oil-seeds, sesamurn,
linseed, etc. are referred to.
One may perhaps legitirbately assume that improved facilities of higation w o J d
have hetpcd extend the area under rabi (winter) crops suck as Wheat, sugarcane etc.
With the 'Islamic raiderd' making of wine from sugarcane became widespread and a
new rural industry emer&ed,atleast around Delhi and in the Doab by the 14th century
as is evident from Baraqi's account. Thakkur Pheru surprisingly omits the dye-crop
(indigo) though its prodvction is testified to by the fact that indigo was already an
important item of export t o Persia. It is recorded thar the I1 Khanids tried t o
encourage indigo plantation in Persia to avoid dependence upon India for its supply.
The probable use of lime-mortar in the indigo-vats by providing apknproved surface
should have helped the qnanufacture of dye.
From Ibn Battuta's accohnt, we get information on fruit growing in thk Delhi
Sultanate. It appears thar technique of 'grafting' was not known by peasants. Earlier
grapes were grown only Cn the few places besides Delhi but Muhammad Tughluq's
urging to peasants to improve cropping by shifting from wheat to sugarcane to grapes
and Feroz Tughluq's laying down of 1200 orchards in the vicinity of Delhi t o grow
seven varieties of grapes seems to have made them so abundant that, according to
Afif, the prices of grapes fell.
However, the Indian peqsants did not practise sericulture (rearing of silk-worm) at
that time and no true silq was produced. Only wild and semi-wild silks,namely, tasar,
eri and m u p were knoNn. Ma Huan, the Chinese navigator in 1432, makes the first
reference to sericulture ib Bengal.

20.2.2 Canal irrigation and Its Impact

Agriculture was general]$ dependent upon natural irrigation, that is, rains and floods.
Since cultivation was largely based o,n natural irrigation, the tendency was to grow
/
mostly single, rain-waterpd kharif (autumn) crop and coarse grains more.
Canal irrigation is described in our sources. The Delhi Sultans themselves got the
canals cut for irrigation. /Ghiyasuddin Tughluq (1320-25) is reported t o be the f i ~ s t

Kamesh f Mechrocks
Sultan to dig canals. But he cutting of canals in a much bigger way was undertaken by
Feroz Tughluq (1351-88),. Feroz Tughluq cut two canals from the river Yamuna
carrying them to Hissar. one from the Kali river in the Doab joining the Yamuna near Agrarian Structure
Delhi; one each from the Sutlej {nd the Ghaggar. Certainly, it was the biggest canal
network in India till the 19th century.
Canal irrigation helped greatly in the extension of cultivation in the eastern Punjab.
Now there was an emphasis on the cultivation of cash crops like sugarcane, etc. that
required more water than other crops. Afif says that a long stretch of land of about 80
krohs (200 miles) vast irrigated by the canal Rajabwah and Ulughkhani. According to
Afif, as a result of abundance water available, peasants in the eastern Punjab raised
two harvests (kharif and rabi) where only one was possible earlier. This led t o new
agticultural settlements along the banks of the canals. In the areas irrigated by the
canals 52 such colonies sprang up. Afif comments enthusiastically, "neither one
village remained desolate nor one cubit of land uncultivated."

Cheek Your Rogress 1

1) What were the implications of the prevailing favourable land to man ratio during
the Delhi Sultanate?

..........................................................................................................
2) Write a note on canal irrigation.

..........................................................................................................
.-
3 ) Which of the following statements are correct or wrong? (Mark or X )
i) Muhammad Tughluq built a number of canals for irrigation.
ii) Double cropping was practised during the Sultanate period in the Doab.
iii) ~ericulturewas practised by Indian pEasants during the 13th-14th centuries.

20.3 AGRARIAN RELATIONS

Crucial to any discussion of agrarian economy is, indeed, the nature and extent of
change that resulted in the agrarian relations since the establishment of the Delhi
Sultanate. This involves. first of all, an assessment of the pre-1200 agrarian structhre.
Without entering into the debate whether the prevailing socio-economic order
deserves the appellation 'feudal' or not, we can perhaps say with some certainty, that
on the eve of the Ghorid conquest, the ruling class.was heavily ruralized like
contemporary feudal aristocracy of Western Europe.
Minhaj Siraj designates the chiefs opposing the Ghorians and the early Delhi Sultans .
as rai and rana and their cavalry commanders as rawaeFrom the epi'graphic evidence
from different parts of Northern India, the earlier feudal hierarchy of raja (rai),
ranaka (rana) and rauta (rawat) is fairly well established.
In the early phase. the Sultans tended to enter into settlement with this defeated and
subjugated rural aristocracy. As discussed earlier, kharaj was largely the tribute
imposed upon them. It seems that e v e ~ a f t ethe
r replacement of this tribute by
vigorously assessed tax imposed on the peasants under Alauddin Khalji, the older
rural aristocracy had some role to play in revenue collection. This can be inferred
'
from an incident of Alauddin Khalji's reign. Ghazi Malik, the governor of Dipalpur
Kamesh Mechrocks
when wanted to pressurise Rana Mal Bhatti. according to Afif, one of the rais (rajas)
lic;~dmcn)and chaudhudis. The incidcnt suggests that though the members of
auhjug;~tedi~risloeracv.rherever present, werc at leilst till the earlv years of the 14th
ccntul.y, held responsit~lcfor collcctinp;~~id paying the land revcnuc. The
administration, t o o . exercised the right to collcct it directly through village headmen
and cbaudhuris.

20.3.1 Peasants !

1!
Cultiv;~tionwas hascd o individu;~lpc;~s;~t~t.
not at ;III c g ~ l i t i ~ r i ;1'
farming. Hut this pc;t.s;lnt economy was
~ nc. sizc of land cultiv;~tcdby 1hc.111prci111y varied in sizc. From
Barani's i~ccountit i ~ p pars tli:~l a1 one cstrcmc werc the khots anti muqaddams
.
'

,
.

1
having large holdings ;II cl enjoyilig superior rights on ordinary pasants; and at tlic
oihcr was the habhar, t c vill;lgc nicnial holding i1 petty plot of land. Hclow tlic
Ixasilnt. thcrc must h;l\.iF hCc~i a tn;iss of landlcss labourers hut their presence col~ltl
only he disccrncil from Ihc Ixtcr sources. since wc did 1101 find any mention in
. ,
.

contcmpcjrar~accourltxj
!
In spite o f tlic ahundan+c 01' ct~l~iv;~lrle Ii~ntl.there was no proprietary right o f the
peasant over the I;lnd Ilk tillccl. 0 1 1 the contrary. .cven on his producc there wmc
claims of the supcrior c[;~sses.71'licpeasant. though recognised n 'free horn' at times
was deprived of the frrcedom t o Ic;~vethc I;~lidat will or t o change the domicile.
. ,

According to Afif. ;I vill;~gcIi;~tl2lY) to 3(H1 nialt' nic~nhcrsand Rariini says that each
villagc hid a patwari tti keep accounts. I-lishnhi (;~ccountregister) was scrutinized to
discover every p;~vnicnti.Icg;~lor illegal. made hy the peasants t o the revenue officials.
Thc patwari was not n hovcrnment officiill hut a vill;lgc official. fle was certainly not
a creation o f thc I)clhi bult;ln;~tc..l'lic prcscnce of ;I village clerk for.njaintaining
accounts may sbppcst thi~ttlic vill;~gcwas an administrative unit outside the
adniinistr;~tivoS!lstc~i~({l'the Sult;~~i;~tc. I t seems th;~ltlic villase was collectively a tax
paying unit othcrwiac $h!. ;I clerk to keep villugc j~ccountswas needed. The presence .

1
of patwnri ; I I I ~the 11:1tu c o f his duties thus indicate cxistcncc of village community. It
sccms that in spite of A itudclin ~1ialji's.cf'orts'toasstsss the tax on individual peasant,
in pri~cticcthe villi~gcc+ntinuccl to rcliiai~ithe unit of land r h e n u e payment: Barani's
complaints qhout the 'ldurdcn of tlic rich fallins on the poor' further indicates that the
uilliigc commu~iit!.w;~slnota n ide;ll i~istitutic~n hut itself a machinery of exploitation.

20.3.2 Rural lnterbediaries

You have ;~lrc;ldyrcsdlin Block 5 aljout tlic rural aristocracy called khaQ,
muqaddrrms and ch.aut(huris. 7'hey helongui to thc highest stratum of the peasantry.
From Harani's i~ccou~il/ it ;~ppc;~rs
that hcforc Alauddin Khalji's agrarian measures :
they held rcvcnuc frcc lands. A> a el;~ss,the village headmen were prosperous. Barani
with malacious plc;lsuri. records thilt Ali~udttinKhalji imposed fuU land revenue upon
tlicm and witlidrcw 1114 cuc~iij~tio~i froni house and grazing tax. He prohibited them
fro111lekyi~lga n \ ~.c.sscbof their ow11;11ic1thus he kvelled them to the ordinary
I
~Ic;ls;lnts. I

llo~vcvcr.\111ccthcac Iural internirdi:~rtcswere necessary for the system of land

revenue r c a l ~ ~ a t i otn .esc stern measures against them were not t o last longer.
Ghiyasuddin l'ughluq ~ntroduccdmoderation. The exemption from grazing as well as
tax on thcir onn c u l t ~ ~ i ~was t ~ ograntcd
n again. But they were not allowed to impme
;my cc\\ upln the peasantry. They received further concessions under Feroz Tughluq
and,intc~cstlnglycnoygh,thcse concessions and a resulting affluence are very
approvingly dcacr~hedihy Harnn~. \

'1

1
Aniong these rural In er~iiediaric~,
the chaudhuri seems to have emerged during the
14th century. Hc is no mcntioncd hy Minhaj br any other source of the 13th century.
It is during the middl c ~ the
f 14th century that he makes hls appearance in Barani's
account. Ibn Battuta efines him as the 'chief of a group of l(H! villages' he c a f l s w . )
However. the usual tdrm from the middle of the 14th century for a group of villagesis
par gana. lrfan Habi suggests thar the chaudhuri was in fact a successor. though
$
much reduced in aut ority, of the head of the c h r u r d (group of eighty four villages)
of Gujara-Pratiharas bnd Chalukyas.
Kamesh Mechrocks
From the time of Ferbz Tughluq. all thcse intermediaries werc given a blanket
Check Your Progress 2 Agrarian Structure
1) Write 50 words o n each of the following:
(a) Village Community

(b) Chaudhuri /

....................................................................................................
(c) Patwari

2) Put ( d )against correct and ( x ) against incorrect statement given below:

(a) During the Delhi Sultanate peasant had proprietory rights over their holding.
(b) The patwari was a village official who maintained an accounts book.
(c) During the Sultanate period cultivable land on laGe scale
was yet to be brought under cultivation.

20.4 LET US SUM UP

To sum up. in the present Unit we have focussed on the agrarian structure -
agricultural production, means of irrigation, peasants and the rural intermediaries
-of the Delhi Sultanate. During this period large scale cultivable land was yet to
be brought under cultivation. Double cropping was prevalent in the Doab. Canals
were the major source of artificial irrigation. At village level differentiation
(hierarchy) existed between the superior right holders (khots, muqaddams and
chaudhuris) and the ordinary peasants (raiyat).

Cash-crops : Crops produced for markets

Distillation : Lit. substance was turned to vapour by heating. then the condensed
yapour was collected
KrohrKuroh : Used for measuring distance. 1 Kuroh = 2.5 miles
Kharif : Autumncrop
Kharaks : Cattle-pens
Rabi : . Winter crop
- - .. Kamesh Mechrocks
Economy of Delhl Sultanate
20.6 ANSWER8 TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISBS
Check Your Rognsp 1
1) See Sec. 20.2
2) See Sub-sec. 20.2.2
3) (i) X (ii) V (iii) x
Check Your Prognrs 2
1) See Sub-sec. 20.3.1+20.3.2
2) (4 x (b)V (c) V

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 21 RISE OF URBAN ECONOMY
TRADE & COMMERCE

Structure
21.0 Objectives
21.1 introduction
21.2 Growth of Towns
21.3 Urban ~ a n u f a c t u r e s
21.4 Trade and Commerce
21.4.1 Inland Trade
21.4.2 Foreign Trade: Seaborne and Overland
21.4.3 Commercial Classes
21.4.4 Transport
21.5 Let Us Sum U p
21.6 Key Words
21.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

21.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, you will study the development of urban economy and expansion of
trade during the 13th-14th centuries. After reading this Unit, you should be able to
learn that in the Delhi Sultanate three interrelated developments occurred :
a considerable increase in the size and possibly in the number of towns,
a marked rise in craft production, and
a corresponding expansion in commerce.

21.1 INTRODUCTION
The available evidence suggest that the urban economy on the eve of the Ghorid
conquest waq on a low ebb. The towns were fewer in number and smaller in size in the
centuries preceding the establish'ment of the Delhi Sultanate. D.D.Kosambi shows
that even the capital was a camp city on the move. The higher ruling class wandered
from place to place along with the army while the lower ruling class was almost
completely ruralized. This view of urban decline has been supported by R.S. Sharma
who has cqnvincingly reasserted his theory of urban decay with the help of enormous
archaeological data painstakingly collected.
This theory of decay of towns is further corroborated by the evidence of sluggish
trade: The near complete disappearance of gold and silver currencies and the almost
total absence of foreign coins in the Indian coin-hoards of the period are indicators
that the foreign trade was at a very low scale. Moreover, the fact that not even the
coins of various regional dynasties are found in the coin-hoards of other regions
,suggests that inland commerce was not widespread. All this scenario changed almost
immediately with the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate. The archaeological and
numismatic evidence corroborate the literary evidence of growth of towns and
- increase in commerce. This led Muhammad Habib to postulate a theory of 'Urban
Revolution' as mentioned earlier in Unit 19.

21.2 GROWTH OF TOWNS

Before discussing the evidence of increase in number and size of towns, we must first
understand what we mean by town. There are two simple definitions of a town : (a)
the usual modern definition of a settlement of 5 0 0 o r above, and (b) a settlement
where an overwhelming majority of population (say above 70%) is engaged in
Kamesh Mechrocks
occupations other than agriculture. The two definitions are not mutually exclusive but
Economy of Delhi Sultanate While the archaeological evidence available for earlier period is not forthcoming from
the 13th-14th centuries owing to the much less attention paid to medieval
archaeology, the literary dvidences testify growth of urbari centres. Some major towns
m e n t i ~ n e d ~ the
i n contemporary sources are Delhi (the capital), Multan, Anhilwara
(Patan), Cambay, Kara, Lakhnauti and DaOlatabad (Deogiri). Lahore was a big town
but decayed after the Motlgol invasion in the 13th century. However, in the 14th .
century it flourished again. While not even a guesstimate of the population of any
town is available in our sOurces there are reliable indications to assume that at least
some of these were cities big enough by contemporary standards. Ibn Battuta, who
visited Delhi in 1330,.deseribes it as of enormous extent and population, the largest
city in the Islamic East in spite of the fact that Muhammad Tughluq had shifted much
of its population to Daulatabad. H e describes the latter too, as large enough to rival
Delhi in size. Some new tDwns were established during the period, such as Jhain
(Chhain) in Eastern Rajasthan that was named 'Shahr Nau' during Alauddin Khalji's
reign (1296-1316).

Factors for Urban Expansion

f i e strength of the invader, of course, lay in combination and not in dispersal in an
unfamiliar land and, thus, in initial stages, it was but natural for the members of the
ruling class to prefer to stay at their iqta headquarters along with their cavalry. These
iqta headquarters having the concentration of cavalry, its hangers - on and the
retinue and household of the rnuqti thus emerged in the early phase as camp cities.
Most of the 13th century towns are infact defined as iqta headquarters in our sources;
for example, Hansi, Kara, Anhilwara, etc. These towns were to be fed and provided
for. In the beginning, theltroops had to go for realising khar&j/mal by plundering the
surrounding villages; but gradually by the 14th century, as pointed out by Moreland,
cash nexus developed. The revenue was realised in cash from the peasants who were
thus forced to sell their ptoduce at the side of the field. The merchants catered to the
needs of towns giving risk to what we will discuss below as-'induced trade'.
The ruling class coming from a different cultural milieu had needs of leisure and
comforts of a different type; they wanted songs in Persian'and dances of a different
style, books, silk to wear and arcuate light architecture (not !he stone edifices). Out
of the resources that were indeed enormous by contemporary standards at its
command, the new rulers naturally.wanted to get luxuries and comforts of their taste
which encouraged immigration from Islamic culture area. These immigrants were not
only soldiers, but craftsman, artisans, singers, musicians, dancers, poets, physicians,
astrologers and servicemen as described by Isami. The immigrant master-craftsman
most probably introduced new techniques and articles of technology (you will read
the details in Unit 22). In due course, Indian artisans must have learnt the new crafts.
*
Check Your Pfogress 1
I ) Enumerate the factors responsible for rise of towns during the 13th-14th centuries.

2) Mark the following stdements true (d) or false (X):

a) The pre-1200 coin-hoards do not usually contain foreign coins.
Kamesh Mechrocks
b) Lahore remained a big town during the Delhi Sultanate.
I
21.3 URBAN MANUFACTURES
I'
It seems that the urban craft droduction received a twofold impetus with the
I establishment of the Delhi sultanate. First, the Sultanate ruling class remained
I town-centered and spent the enormous resources it appropriated in the form of land
revenue mainly in towns, either on buying services or procuring manufacturers. Even
the money spent on the service sector partly went to help the urban craft sector
through multiplier effect. While the nobility created demand for high-priced
skill-intensive luxury items, its hangers-on in all likelihood created a mass market for
I
I ordinary artisanal product.
The second factor that contributed to urban manufacturers was the introduction of a
number of technological devices that reached India with the invaders. (You will learn
, about them in detail in the next Unit). In the luxury sector, silk weaving expanded
and carpet-weaving came from Persia. The other notable urban manufacture was
I
papermaking. Perhaps a major sector of urban employment was building industry.
Barani says that Alauddin Khalji employed 7b,000 craftsmen for his buildings.
t One may well be justified in saying that there was considerably more masonary per
acre of occupied space in the towns of 1400 than in those of 1200.
Organization of Production
It is indeed important to know how production was organized. Whether the town
artisans carried out production under the 'domestic system', that is, they owned their
tools, raw material and the end product and also sold their product themselves; in
other words, whether they were self employed or while tools were their own and they
worked at their homes, raw material was provided to them by the merchants, that is
whether they worked under the 'putting-out system'. The contemporary iources shed
little light on these aspects. One can, however, legitimately assume that since the
tools of production even after the introduction of new devices were still simple and
mainly of wood and little of iron should have remained cheap. The artisan wis thus
master of his own tools, though varied forms of labour organization seem to be
prevalent. Certain artisans hawked or hired out their services such as cotton-card&
who with a bow- string on his shoulder, went door to door selling his services as is
evident from the account given in Khair-ul Majalis. Spinning was done usually by
women staying at their homes. The weavers too usually worked at their own looms at
home weaving'cloth for sale, out of the yam bought or spun by theplselves. They also
worked on wages to weave yarn supplied to them by customers. But if the raw
material was expensive such as silk or gold of silver thread, etc. and the products were
luxury items, the craftsmen were to work in karkhanas under supervision. We have
definite iniormation about the Sultans and high nobles maintaining these karkhanas
where the production.was to cater to their own needs and contrary to D.D.Kosambi's
assumption was not for market. Shahabuddin al Umari records in his Masalik-ul
Absar that in Muhammad Tughluq's karkhanas at Delhi, four thousand silk workers
worked as embroiderers. According to Afif, Feroz Tughluq's karkhanas produced
cloth and carpets in a big way. While there is no suggestion in our sources, we may
only conjecture that perhaps merchants also maintained karkhanas where production
was for salc.
I
'
;.
\
Check Your prog;-ess 2
1 ) Discuss the factors that contributed to the expansion of urban manufactures
during the 13th-14th centuries.

t . . . . . ....................................
.................................................................

Kamesh Mechrocks
 ..........................................................................................................
2) Briefly d k u s s thelvarious forms of labour organisation in uiban centres. '.

21.4 TRADE AND COMMERCE

We have seen that thkre emerged some considerably big flourishing towns as well as
numerous townships during the 13-14th centuries. These towns naturally needed to be
fed and supplied raw material for craft production. At the same tinye, there was .
growing practice of l a d revenue realization in cash. By the time of Alauddin Khalji,
the cash-nexus came to be well developed and the-ruling class tended to claim almost
the entire peasant suhlus by attempting to reduce the share of rural intermediaries,
as we have seen in the previous Unit. .
Both these factors wehe conducive to the development of inland trade. T o pay the
land revenue in cash, the peasantry was forced to sell its surplus produce while
merchants had a marldet in newly emerged towns for agricultural products. This trade
resulting from the compulsions of land revenue system is termed as 'induced trade'

21.4.1 Inland Trade

...The inland trade devdloped at two levels : (a) the short distance village-town trade in
commodities of bulk,'and (b) long distance inter-town trade in high value goods. The
village-town trade, as hlready explained, was a natural consequence of the emergence
of towns and realizatibn of land revenue in cash. The urban centres were dependent
for supply of food grdns and raw material for manufactures from t h e surrounding
villages whereas the villages had to sell the agricultural prodpcts to receive cash for
meeting the land revepue demand. The peculiar nature of this trade was the one-way
flow of commodities. While the towns received grains and raw material from the
villages in the vicinity! they had no need to send their products in'exchange to the
villages which were by and large self-sufficient. This one-way trade was owing to the
land revenue demand imposed upon villages which naturally led to a continuous drain
on rural sector and mbde the towns dependent on villages. The turnover of this trade
was high in terms of volume but was low in terms of value. The commodities were .
food grains, that is wheat, rice. gram, sugarcane, etc. and raw material like c%{on for
urban manufactures.
I
-
The inter-town trade was mainly in luxury articles and was thus high value trade.
The manufactures of One town were taken to another : for example Barani reports .
that Delhi, the capita] itself, received distilled wines from Kol (Aligarh) and Meerut.
muslin (fine cloth) frdm Devagiri and striped cloth from Lakhnauti (Bengal) while,
according to Ibn Battota, ordinary cloth came from Awadh and betel-leaf from
Malwa (twenty-four d!ays journey from Delhi). Candy sugar was supplied to Multan
from Delhi and Laholie and ghi from Sirsa (in Haryana). ,
Kamesh Mechrocks
The long distance inter-town trade also carried goods coming from other countries
 exit-points. Multan was perhaps the great entrepot for overland fore~gntrade and Rise of Urban Econc~:.
served as a centre of re-export, while Gujarat port t o h s such as Broach and Cambay and Trade and Comn...

were exchange centres for overseas trade

21.4.2 Foreign Trade : Seaborne and Overland

During the Sultanate period, overland and overseas trade were in a flourishing state.
Seaborne Trade
The Khalji annexation of Gujarat must have enlarged trade relat~onsbetween the
Delhi Sultanate and the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea Gujarat was connected with
the Persian Gulf as well as the Red Sea. Hormuz and Basra were the chief ports for
the ships passing through the Persian Gulf, while the ports of Aden, Mocha andJedda
along the Red Sea were important for Gujarat. Through these ports, commodities .
moved on to Damascus and Aleppo, on the one hand, and Alexandria on the other.
Aleppo and Alexandria opened upto the Mediterranean Sea with linkages to Europe.
Merchandise of Gujarat were also carried towards the East - the port of Malacca
situated at the Malacca straits and Bantam and Achin in the Indonesian archipelago.
A European traveller Tome Pires, who came to India in the first decade of the 16th
century,comments on the trade of Cambay as follows :
"Cambay chiefly stretches out two arms : with her right arm she reaches out
towards Aden,with the other towards Malacca.. . ."
Pires further says :
"Malacca cannot live without Cambay, nor Cambay without Malacca, if they are to
be very rich and very prosperous. If Cambay were cut-off from trading with
Malacca, it could not live, for it would have no outlet for its merchandise."
The main export from Gujarat to Malacca was the coloured cloths manufactured in
Cambay and other Gujarat towns. These cloths were in demand in these places. In
exchange, the Gujarati merchants came back withspices grown there. This pattern of
"spices for coloured cloths" continued even after the Portuguese advent in the Asian
waters.
Varthema, an Italian traveller, who came to India during the firkt decade of the 16th
century.says that about 300 ships (annually?) of different countries come and go from
Cambay. He adds that about 400 "Turkish" merchants resided at Diu.
The I1 Khanid court historian Wassaf reports that 10,000 horses were annually
exported to ~ a ' b a and
r Cambay from Persia. The Broach coin-hoards (see Unit 19)
containing the coins of the Delhi Sultans along with the gold and silver coins of Egypt,
Syria, Yeman, Persia, Genoa, Armenia and Venice further testifies to largerscale
overseas trade.
The ports of Bengal had trading relations with China, Malacca and Far East. ~extiles,
1 sugar and silk fabrics were the most important commodities exported from Bengal.
, Varthema noted that about fifty ships carried these commodities annually to many
I places, including Persia. Bengal imported salt from Hormuz and sea-shells from the
Maldive islands. The latter were used as coins in Bengal, Orissa and Bihar.
Sindh was yet another region from where seaborne trade was carried on. Its most
well-known port was Daibul. This region had developed close commercial relations
with the Persion Gulf ports more than the Red Sea zone. Sindh exported special
cloths and dairy products. Smoked-fish, too, was its speciality.
I Coastal Trade , .
I .
It was natural for the coastal trade to flourish right from Sindh to Bengal, touching
1 Gujarat, Malabar and Commandel coasts in between. .Thi; provided an opportunity
I
for exchange of regional products along the'coastal line distinct from inland
I inter-regional trade. -
Overland Trade
Multan was the ,major trading 'centre for overland trade. India was connected to th
,.---.--& X#----l
-----*-.-I +..---:I
Kamesh Mechrocks
Central Asia, Afghanistan and Persia through the Multan-Quetta route. But, on
i- Pa-+--I A..,-.-
-:-- - A De--:-+hic 1-00
 C H I N A

Kamesh Mechrocks
THE MAJOR SEAPORTS
13th-15th Centuries ,
Imports and Exports R i of Urban Economy
and Trade and Commerce
The two principal items of import were : (a) horses - that were always in demand for
cavalry since superior horses were not bredi? I@ia and Indian climate was not well-
suited to Arabian and Central Asian horses. They were primarily imported from
Zofar (Yemen), Kis, Hormuz, Aden and Persia; (b) precious metals viz. gold and.
silver, especially silver that was not at all mined in India but for which there was a
high demand not only for metallic currency but also for fashioning luxury items.
Brocade and silk stuffs were imported from Alexandria, Iraq and China. Gujarat was
the major centre from where the luxury articles from Europe used to enter.
The Sultanate India mainly exported grain and textiles. Some of the Persian Gulf
regions totally depended on India for their food supply. Besides, slaves were exported
to Central Asia and indigo to Persia along with numerous other commodities.
Precious stones like agates were exported from Cambay.
The Portuguese Advent
In spite of brisk trading activities, Indian merchants' share in the overseas trade was
negligible. Only a small section of Gujarati Banias, Chettis of the South and domicile
Indian Muslims used to take part in this large trading activity. Trade was mainly in the
hands of the Arab Merchants. With the landing of the Portuguese at Calicut in A.D.
1498 after the rounding of the Cape of Good Hope, a new dimension was added to the
Indian seaborne trade, that is, the 'element of force'. On account of better ships
armed with cannons, the Portuguese soon imposed their commercial hegemony over
the trading world of Asia, includiq the Indian seas, especially in Western part. This
curtailed the Arabs' share of the Indian trade, though they survived in the Eastern
part, especially at Malacca along with the Indian merchaffts.
The Portuguese took Goa in 1510 which became their headquarters, Malacca fell in
them hands in 1511. Hormuz in 1515; and Bassem and Diu In 1534 and 1537
respectively. Goa, under their patronage, soon developed as a major centre for
import and export. The Portuguese well understood the strategic importance of Goa,
which in their opinion, was essential to the maintenance of their position in India.. But
the Portuguese possession of Goa was unfavourable to other Western Indian ports.
Tome P ~ r e shad rightly observed that the Muslim rulers of the Deccan and Gujarat
had "a bad neighbour in Goa". Many ports on the west coast fell into decay during the
hundred years of the Portuguese domination In the Indian waters. This happened as
a result of the aggressive policies of the Portuguese :
i) they controlled the sea-routes,
ii) controlled the type and volume of cargo carried by other merchants, and
iii) they introduced the system of issuing cartaz (from Persian qirta = paper sheet)
which was a kind of permit to ply ships in the Asian waters without which the .
ships were liable to be confiscated and the cargo plundered. A fee was charged for
issuing a cartaz. No wonder, then, all these policies adversely affected the
seaborne carrying trade of the Indians as well as of the Arabs.

21.4.3 Commercial Classes

Two types of merchants are mentioned in the sources of the Delhi Sultanate : the
karwanis or nayaks and Multanis. The merchants specialising in carrying grains were
designated by Barani as karwanis (a Persian word meaning those who moved together
in large numbers). The contemporary mystic, Nasiruddin (Chiragh Delhi) calls them
nayaks and describes them as those "who bring food grains from different parts to the
city (Delhi) - some with ten thousand laden bullocks, some with twenty thousand"
It can be said with a degree of certainty that these karwanis were the banjaras of
succeeding centuries. As is clear from the Mughal sources, these were organised in
groups and their headman called nayak.
The other important group of merchants mentioned in our sources was that of the
Multanis. Barani says that the long distance trade was in the hands of these
merchants. They were engr)ged in usury and commerce (sud o sauda). It appears that
the sahas and Multanis were rich enough to give ioans even to nobles, who,
according to Barani, were generally in need of cash. The sahas and Multanis were
Kamesh Mechrocks
generally Hindu, but at least some Muslims also were among the Multani merchants:
merchant). Besides these well defined merchant groups, others who had p chosen
could take to trade : thus a s*fi (mystic) from Bihar became a slave-merchant trading
between Delhi and Ghazni, and a number of pious men from Central Asia came to
Delhi and became merchant$.
Another important commerc{al class that emerged during the Sultanate period was
that of the dallals (brokers). h e y worked as a )ink between the buyer and the seller
and took commission from bdth the parties. Barani says that they were the 'masters of
market' (hakimnn bsenr) : they were instrumental in raising prices in ihe market.
Alauddin Khalji used to condult them about the cost of production of every article in
the market in order to fix priaes. The reference to 'Chief brokers4 mihtrm-i d d b h )
by Barani also suggests a somewhat well established guild of brokers, though the
details are lacking. ~ o w e v e r during
l Alauddin Khalji's reign these 'Chief brokers
were severely dealt with. But by Feroz Tughluq's reign, they seem to have regained

1
their position. Feroz Tughlu had abolished rlslnlrt-i bezPrh. (a tax on broker's
licence; a cess on brokers). esides, even if a deal between the buyer and t'he seller

4
failed to materialize, the bro ers were not supposed to retwn the commission money.
This also shows that during t e Tughluqs 'brokerage' became a fairly well-cstablished
institution.
i
S a d s were yet another m e b n t i l e group whose economic role was no less
important than the brokers. b s money changers, they were most sought after by the
merchants, especially the foreign ones who came to India with their native coins. The
sarrPfs tested the metallic pabty of the coins (indigenous and foreign) and established
the exchange-ratio. They alsq issued bills of exchange (Hindi: huadi: Persian: sldbj.)
or letters of credit, thereby qcting as "bankers". The introduction of paper by the
Turks into India accelerated the institution of bill of exchange. For all these troubles,
the sarraf naturally charged his commission.
Thus, both the brokers and the sarrafs occupied pivotal position in the commercial
world of their period; they were the custodians of several basic economic institutions.
Indeed, no merchant could have dispensed with their services.

21.4.4 Transport
It appears that the goods weae transported both by pack animals and on bullock-carts.
Perhaps the share of the pack animals was more than the latter. Ibn Battuta mentions
30,000 mans of grains being transported on the backs of 3,000 bullocks from Amroha
to Delhi. Bullock-carts were also used, according to Afif, for carrying passengers on
payment. The pack-oxen were of course a cheap mode of transport travelling slowly,
grazing as they went and mdving in large herds, thus reducing the cost of transport
specially along the desert routes. Ibn Battuta describes that highways ran through the
empire marked by minarets spaced at set distances. On the testimony of Shahabuddin
a1 Umari, the author of the kasalik ul Abser, we may infer that efforts were made to
create conditions conducive ko trade. Inns were built at each stage (mruudl). In
Bengal, Iwaz Khalji built long embankments to safeguard from floods. Boats were
employed for riverine routes to carry bulk goods, while large ships used for seabrone
trade.

Check Y w r Progress 3
1) Write notes on:
a) Banjaras

. .
..........................................................................................................
b) Multank ,

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Rise of U r b m Ecoaomy
and Trade and Commerce
......................................................................................................
c) Goods of import and export
........................................................................................................

...........................................................................................................
d) 'Induced Trade'

..........................................................................................................
e) Brokers and sarrafs

...........................................................................................................
.

2) DiscuSs the factors responsible for the expansion of trade.

..........................................................................................................
. .
3) Describe the means of transport.

..........................................................................................................
4) List major inland and overseas trade'-routes of the 13th-14th centuries.
..........................................................................................................

21.5 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit you have studied that with the coming of the Turks trade and commerce
increased. We see increase in the number of coin-hoards after A.D. 1200, and the
emergence of large number of new towns. You have also read how manufacturing
.* - - Kamesh
--- Mechrocks
activities were organised at urban level, the main trading routes - born overland and
. -. . , z
 <-
Economy of Delhi Sultanate and functions of the existing commercial classes - the karwanians, Multanis, brokers
and sarrafs. You have also read, in spite of the brisk trading activitiesIndian
merchants' participation was negligible and the overseas trade was almost
monopoli d by the Arab merchants. During the closing years of our period of study,a
new factor the 'Portuguese was also introduced with the discovery of new route via
Cape of Good Hope that gradually transformed India's trading relations with the
world in the coming year.

21.6 KEY WORDS

Domestic Production : Production in which tools as well as raw materials were owned
by the artisans
Entrepot :Trading centrelport for import and exports
Mal : Land revenue
Putting-out system : Production in which the tools were owned by the artisans but
,. c<?\h \\.a\ \upplicd - I,,.
,hct Incrctl.int.

21.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCfSES
Check Your Progress . I
1 ) See Sub-sec. 21.2. I
2) (a) d (b) x (c)

Check Your Progress 2

1 ) See Sec. 21.3
2) See Sub-sec. 21.3.2

Check Your Progress 3

1 ) See Sec. 21.4
7) See Sub-see. 2 1.3.1
3) See Sub-sec. 21.4.4.
4) See Sub-sec. 21.4.1, 21.4.2.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT TECHNOLOGY AND CRAFTS
\

. Structure
22.0 'Objectives ,
22.1 Introduction
22.2 Agricultural Technology
22.2.1 Plough
22.2.2 Sowing
22.2.3 Harvesting, Threshing and Winnowing
22.2.4 Irrigationat devices
'22.3 Textile Technology
22.3.1 Ginning, Carding and Spinning
22.3.2 Weaving
I 22.3.3 Dyeing and Printing
22.4 Building Construction
22.4.1 Lime Mortar
I 22.4.2 Arch and DomeNautted Roofing
22.5 Papermaking and Bookbinding
22.6 Military Technology
22.6.1 Stirrup
22.6.2 Horseshoe
22.6.3 Gunpowder and Fire-arms
22.7 Tincoating
22.8 Glass Manufacture '
22.9 Shipbuilding
22.10 Distillation
22.11 Let Us Sum U p
22.12 Key Words
22.13 Answers t o Check Your Progress Exercises

This unit introduces you to major crafts and technology that existed during the Delhi
Sultanate. Afterxeading this Unit, you would learn about the following:
Agricultural technolbgy,
Textile technology,
Building Construction,
Papermaking and Bookbinding.
. Military technology,
Tincoating,
Gl;l\\ manufacture,
r \ l ~ \ l ~ l ~ t ~ i l dand
ing.
*-l '
l l l i 0 1 1 i

There has never been any human settlement which did not use some kind of technique
- or craft for its survival. In fact, the history of technology is no less important than
political o r economic studies. Technology is an inseparable part of the material culture
of a society.
In this Unit, we are offering you a few glimpses of the state of Technology in India
during the Delhi Sultanate.

Kamesh Mechrocks
The most remarkable aspect is the introduction of new articles of technology and new
,-.-nKte h., t h o ;--in---+ h , f ~ , c l ~ - ~ -t h ~ ~t Q oAi t h ~ -r 4 ~ ~ , o l c . ~A-
~ Ao x r n l . , o A tho I c l * m ; ~
Economy of Delhi Sultanate Therefore, our methodology is t o juxtapose the indigenous crafts and techndogy
along with the new importations.
One thing that will strike p u is that by and large the tools, devices and implements
were made of wood and earth, while iron was employed only when most necessary.
Ropes, leather and bamboo, too, were used when the need arose. That is why they
were inexpensive.
We have not gone into the'details of tools and implements used by different
craftsmen. For example: hhmmer, saws, basola (adze), randa (plane), awl, axe,
barma (bow-drill), pick-axt, shovel, chisel (tesha) and anvil, etc. I

We have also left out mining and metallurgy. For the latter, it may be pointed out that -
smelting of ore was carried out by using wood and charcoal. There was no "blast"
furnace, but bellows served this need. Salt and diamond mining were very important '
industries. Salt was also procured by the natural evaporation of the saline sea-water
collected systematically. I

22.2 AGRICULTURAL TECHNOLOGY

In this section we \kill discuss the main technological devices related to agriculture. .
22.2.1 Plough
The use of hoe o r hoeing was replaced by plough centuries back. Archaeological
evidence from Kalibangan (Rajasthan) - an Indus valley culture site -for the use of
'ironless' plough is well-known, although the doubt remains whether it drawn by. '
men or oxen. Plough-cultivation employing oxen during the Vedic Age is, however,
an established fact. The Iron Age, identified with the Aryan settlement in the
Gangetic plain, contributed to the development of the plough in the sense that while
the entire frame earlier wa6 of timber, the ploughshare/courter now was of iron. This
metallic piece immensely k l p e d in the tillage of comparatively hatder soil. An
illustration in the M i M - u l Fuzala - a Persian lexicon compiled in about A.D. 1460 in
Malwa - clearly shows the plough with an ironshare drawn by two yoked oxen. Unlike
Europe, India could not develop horse-drawn wheeled-plough for the reason that our
plough was light in weight suited for the soft soil.

Kamesh Mechrocks
22.2.2 Sowing Technology end Crafts

For sowing, the method of broadcasting was known. The practice was to scatter seeds
manually by taking them out from a cloth-bag slung over shoulders. The time-scale of
seed-drill in India is controversial :some would trace it back to the Vedic Age. At any
rate, the only positive evidence for its use along the western coast of India comes from
one Portuguese -Barbosa (c. 1510) -in connection with the wet-cultivation of rice.

22.2.3 Harvesting, Threshing and Winnowing

Harvesting was performed with a sickle, and threshing by using oxen who walked
round and round over the ears put on the threshing floor. "Wind power" was
exploited in winnowing in order to separate the chaff from the grain.

22.2.4 Irrigational Devices

There were many sources of water for the purpose of imgating fields. Rain water was
the natural source. Ponds and tanks received this water which was used for irrigation.
Water channels formed by inundation, too, served the same purpose. But the most
important controlled source was the water of the wells, especially in North India.
Almost all the imgational devices were oriented towards drawing water from wells.
The latter were more often than not masonry ones with raised walls and enclosures1
platfroms. Kuchcha wells also existed, but these could not have been durable or
strong enough for extensive water-lifting.
Broadly, there were five devices or techniques to raise water from wells:
i) The most simple technique was to draw water with rope and bucket by using
hands without any mechanical aid. Obviously, then, the bucket was small in size
and, thus, this operation would not have adequately served to water large fields.
But we cannot deny the use of rope-bucket technique for irrigating small fields for
crops, most probably vegetables that did not require much water.
ii) The second method was the employment of pulleys (charkhi) combined to the
rope-bucket contraption which was, once again, activated manually.
Undoubtedly, the pulleys needed lesser amount of human energy and, therefore,
comparatively larger bags or buckets could have been attached to the rope. It was
also used for domestic purpose, especially by women.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Economy of Delhi Sultanate
iii) An improved method of the rope-bucket-pulley contraption was the employment
-
of a pair of oxen to replace human-power. At this stage, it had become a
specialized device for drawing water intended specifically for irrigation. In some
areas of North India it 'is still in operation known as charasa. The latter is a huge
bag that gives an idea of the immense quantity of water raised from the well in
one eingle haul-up. Moreover, the bullock track was like a ramp or sloping path-
the length of the path corresponding to the depth of the well. The water of the *
well (mounted with this device) could not have been used for drinking, cleansing
utensils or for washing cloths. Of all the five methods, charasa was not a
multi-purpose one, it was solely de,vised for irrigation - a fact which has not been
realized till now.

iv)1 The fourth technique was what is considered to be semi-mechanical as it worked

on the First Class Lever .principle. A long rope is lashed to the fork of an upright
beam or trunk of a tree (especially meant for this purpose) to put it in a swinging
position. The bucket is fastened to a rope whose other end is tied to thepne of-the
the swinging pole hovering over the well. The pole's other end carries a
'counterweight', a little heavier than the bucket when filled with water. Thus, the
fulcrum forms at the centre of the pole, with weight and 'counteryeight' (Effort)
at its two ends. This contraption requires only a little effort on the part of the
person operating it. The device is known as shaduf in Egypt. It is called tula *
(balance) in Sanskrit, but in Bihar and Bengal it's known as dhenkli or lathatha.
.--..- The fifth water-lifting method is called saqiya or 'Persian Wheel'. None of the fou;
mechanism described above required wheels as their basic component. This -
5. Dhenkli
water-wheel could well claim to be called a water machine because of the
employment of the g a r system. With gears we enter upon a very advanced stage
in the technological $ense: it has been surpassed only now by electric tube-wells.

Much controversy has ctopped up about the origins of saqiya: did it exist in India
prior to the advent of the Muslims, or was it a foreign importation through the agency
of the Turks? In India, Its earliest form was one wheel with pitchers or pots of clay
Kamesh Mechrocks
attached around the rim of t h e wheel It wnc r n l l e d slrnohatta n r nrnhntts in CancGAt
 'Technology and Crans

6. (a) First stage of noria

(b) Second stage of noria: an
imagery model
(c). Saqya: third stage of noria. !ke
Kamesh Mechrocks
thrcc wheels with gear mechanism;
 w
Economy of Ddhl Wtolutt by human power only. Its form itseif forced,tt to bk set up over shallow water or open
surfaces-stream, reservoir 9 r even rivers where water wbuld level up to its banks.
Thus, its use over wells was absolutely out of question.
The second stage wad to exploit it over wells. This was done by releasing the earthen
pots fitted around the rim of the wheel and, in its place, a chain or garland
(Hindi: mala) of pots1was provided which was long enough to reach the water level of
the well. The mala or chain was made of double ropes without open ends between
which the pots were secured with timber strips. It is important to note that there is no
separate term for thi$ contrivance in Arabic or Persian. In Sanskrit, however, it was
called ghatiyantra (pot-machine), although the words ar&ghstta and rwluttr
continued to be used for both the types of noria. This, too, was operated by
human-power.
At the third and final stage, we find three deve~o~mentsto
have taken place:
a) addition of two mbre wheels;
b) gear mechanism; and
c) the use of animal power.
The lantern-wheel provided with vertical pegs at regular intervals, was set trp on an
upright axle to be moved by animal power round and round horizontally. The
pin-wheel was arrane~edvertically with a shaft or axle cmnected to the third wheel
over the well that cartied the pot-garland. This was, then, the gear system in order to
exploit animal power. Essentially, the point was to convert the originai horizontal
inotion of the lantern-wheel into a vertical one for the wheel set up over the well.
The confusion of sortie modern scholars in this controversy is to identify the two first
stages of noria with sbqiya. But now you know that the latter was radically different
not only in its conception but also in its components. A semantic blunder was
committed when the same terms-araghatta and arahatta (modern r-)-were used
for the saqiya when the Muslims brought it in early medieval period. In fact, there is
no evidence of water,wheels being operated by animals in Ancient India.
The five devices to rdise water from wells described above can be put into two broad
categories:
a) Intermittent or Dikcontinuous water-supply device, 'and
b) Continuous suppl system.
7
. The greater partdf t h e Hindustan country,ls situated on level land. Many though its
1 .
towns and cultivate lands are, it nowhere has running waters. Rivers and, in some
places, standing-wu er are ~ t "running-waters"
s (dqar-sillat). Even where, as for some

1
towns. it is practica le to convey water by digging channels (driq). this is not done. For
not doing it there m y be several reasons, one being that water is not at all a necessit*
cultivating crops an@orchards. Autumn crops grow by the downpour of the rains
themselves; and strbnge it is that spring crops grow even when no rain falls. T o young
trees water is made t o flow by means of buckets o r a wheel. They are given water
constantly during two o r three years; after which they need no more. Some vegetables
are watered constahtly.
In Lfthor, DibBlpGr and those parts, people water by means of a wheel. They make two
circles of ropes long enough t o suit the depth of the well, fix strips of wood between -
them. and on thesefasten pitchers. T h e ropes with the wood and attached pitchers are
put over the well-wheel. At one end of the wheel-axle a sacond wheel is fixed, and close
( q b h ) t o it anothev on an upright axle. This last wheel the bullock turns; its teeth catch
I in the teeth of the skcond. and thus the wheel with the pitchers is turned. A trough is set.
wherc thc water empties from the pitchers and from this the water is conveyed
evfrywhcrc.
In Agra. Chandwiit. Bilna and those parts, again, people water with a bucket; this is a
laborious and filthy way. At the. well-edge they set up a fork of wood. having a roller
adjusted between tfie forks, tie a rope t o a large bucket, put the rope over the roller, and
tle its other end to the bullock. One person must drive the bullock, another empty tlie
bucket. Every timelthe bullock turns after having drawn the bucket out of the well, that
. rope lies on the bulllock-track, in pollution of urine and dung, before it descends again
into the well. T o same crops needing water. men and women carry it by repeated cfforts
in pitchers.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Technology and Crrns
The first fou;belong to the former and the fifth to the latter category. Again, .
depending the nature of the operative source, that is, human power and animal
power, the. first and the fourth fall in the human power category and the others were
driven by animal power. Since the water had to be lifted from wells, all the devices
except the fifth, shared two things amongst them: rope and buckethags, the latter
varying in size commensurate to the 'power' used.
[There were many implements like shovel, pick-axe and scraper (khurpi), etc. that
were used not only in agricultural processes but in gardening, too.

Check Your Progress 1

1)Mention various techniques used during the 13th-15th centuries to lift the water
from wells.

2) Discuss t h e technique used in 'saqiya' to lift water from the wells.

'
..........................................................................................................
,.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 3) Mark (d) against the right and ( x ) against the wrong statements given below:
i) Kuchcha wells were durable for extensive water-lifting.
ii) Dhenkti worked oq th'e First Class Lever principle.
iii) In saqiya gear rnecbanism and animal power was used.
iv) Charasa was mainit used for domestic purposes. ,
I \

22.3 TEXTILE TECHNOLOGY

During the sultanate various ncu techn~queswere introduced by the turks rn
the field of textile.
i

22.3.1 Ginning, Callcling and Spinning

Cotton cultivation belongs to agricultural technology. After picking up cotton balls.
there were three basic sthges before cotton could be used for weaving:
i) ginning or seed extraption:
ii) carding or fibre loosqning; and
iii) spinning or making yarn.
The first was done in twd ways:
a) roller and board methbd. and
b) worm-press or worm-rk~ller(charkhi).
Cotton thus separated frdm seeds was "beaten" with sticks or carded with bow-string
in order to separate and lbosen the fibers (naddafi in Persian; dhunna in Hindi).
Spinning was traditionally done with the spindle (duk in Persian; takla in Hindi) to
which il whorl (phirki in uindi) was attached to stabilize it.

1 The most important techrwlopical revolution in the textile sector was the introduction
of the spinning-wheel (chbrkha) through the agency of the Muslims during the
13th-14th centuries. Charkha did not exist in Ancient India. The first literarv
reference to charkha conits from Isilmi'sFutuh-us Salatin (A.D. 1350). This new
contribution. however. did not displace the spindle: it only accelerated the latter's
rotation. The spindle was,attiiched to the wooden frame of the charkha at its one end
to be set in motion'by the "belt" which wils wrapped over the wheel at the other end
of the frame. connecting iti to the spindle. Thus. the charkha combined within itself
the element of power-tranbrnission (through belt-drive) and the principle of flywheel
resulting in differentla1 spqeds of rotation. There is a controversy about the date as to
when a handle or crank-hdndle \vas attached to the device. But this controversy can
he llow settled with the hqlp of a pictorial evidence (c. A.D. 1530) in the Mittah-ul
Fuzala where il spinning-\\heel has heen shown being operated wi.th a handle attached
to the frame.
According to one estimate. a spinning-wheel could produce yarn six-fold more than
the spindle during the sam4 unit of time. This must have resulted in greater output of
yarn and. constantly. morq cloths. It must be pointed out that the yarn from spindle
was of il very fine quality whereas the charkha produced coarse yarn for coarse cloths.
I

22.3.2 Weaving
Horizontal loon1 of thron-shuttle type was used for simple or tabby weave. It is
difficnlt to determine uhether the pit-loom (treadle loom) was in use In Ancient
Indin.'but \\e get the first egidcnce of this loom in the Miftah-ul Fuzala (c. A.D. 1469)
illustrated in c, 1530. This Ihom allowed the weaver to employ his hitherto idle feet to
lift and depress the sets of +arp threads. while his hands worked mainly upon the
shuttle iind the shed. This speeded up the pace of weaving. For.patterned weave (of
different colours ~imultane~usly). one scholar suggests that draw-loom for this ,
purpose r~lighthave ex~stediin South India around A D. 1001. But this view has been
questioned by arguing that Ferhaps it \vas brought to Indla by the Muslims late in the
17.1. Kamesh
....
r..... Mechrocks
 ' I ' C C ~ M I O ~ ~ slid ('rafts

Kamesh Mechrocks
 9. dt-loom, a 16th century Mughal painting (Kablr)

22.3.3 Dyeing and Printing

Various colours derived from vegetable and mineral sources were used for dyeing.
Indigo, madder and lakli, etc. were widely employed. Indigo was used for both
bleaching and dyeing. F Ofast
~ colours, many articles like alum were added. The
Indian dyer (rangrez) employed many techniques like immersion, tie-and-dye
ibandhana), etc. But blotk-printing (chhapa) was perhaps unknown in Ancienf India.
cm- , scholars credit theiMuslims with its diffusion in India.
,
Check Your Progress 2
1) State the methods usdd for ginning during the 13th-15th centuries.

...........................................................................................................
2) Write a note on spinning-wheel.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Technology and Crafts

..........................................................................................................
3) Discuss the techniques used by the weavers during the 13th- 15th centuries.

22.4 BUILDING CONSTRUCTION

/aw

In this section o u r focus would be on major building construction devices introduced

by the Turks in India.

22.4.1 bime Mortar

T h e traditional basic units of construction in Ancient India consisted of clay, stones,
I
wood and occasionally bricks. The simplest cementing material o r mortar was plain
earth mixed with water. An improved kind was straw (bhus) added t o a mixture of
clay and water which was used for plastering also. But lime mortar was definitely
I
brought by the immigrant Muslims during the Delhi Sultanate.
T h e basic ingredients in lime-mortar were lime (chuna) and surkhi (pounded bricks). .
Lime was of various kinds, according t o the material from which it was extracted. T h e
two major sources of lime were gypsum and gravel (kankar). The latLer were first
burnt in kilns yielding quicklime. This quicklime was then treated with water t o turn
it into slake lime. Surkhi was added t o this mix. Afterwards, a number of gelatinous.
glutinous and resinous cementing agents like gum, pulses. jaggery, etc. were added t o
make the q o r t a r more sticky.

22.4.2 Arch and DomeIVaulted roofing

O n e result of lime mortar was the extensive use of bricks as ~t made the brick
buildings more durable. Another important consequence was that lime mortar paved
the way for the construction of true arch (mihrab). Actually,, the very arrangement of
bricks o r stones in making a true arch demands a strong cementing material t o hold
the voussairs together. Lime mortar fulfilled this need. This t xplains the almost total
absence of true arch in lndian buildings prior t o the Turkish advent. T h e only
:. exception, however, was the Kus'hana period: excavations at Kausambi (near
Allahabad) have revcalcd the exis~cnceat'some arches - over s n ~ a l windows
l (not
gates). A s you know, the Kushanas had come from Central Asia and, therefore they
knew arch making. Afterwards, there is nut a single evidence of truesarches in,India
till the coming of the Muslims. Another form of arch was the corbelled o n e ; in fact, it
was a variant of trabeate construction, that is thc pillar-and-beam technique which ,-

was the most distinguishing feature of prc-Muslim Indian architecture. .

..
,

From mihrab t o gumbad (vaulted roofing or dome) was a natural development s i d e

vaulting o r d o m e was not possible without a k n o w l e d ~ eof how t o make a true arch.
That is why it is observed that a d o m e is a true arch turned 360 degrees. In other
A. > ..---
L- 1 2 - - I L- ---r Kamesh
--A Mechrocks
words, a d o m e was constructed o n the principle of intersecting true arches ( A note o f
... :rL r L - D.. I . I L . . + ..Am.--. \
 *
n Linttl (beam)
- ' -
Corbelling

(9

Arch and its parts

A : v ~ u s s a i r s vorsseirs C : spinging lines
B : kdystone D : abutment
E : crown

I 10. ( a ) IDilIar-and-Iwam
(1)) ( ' o r M k u l
(c) Arch a ~ ni l s ~ w r ( \( a ) V t n n d r c (h) h r y \hm.

- - - -- -- - -- --

22.5 PAPERMAKING AND BOOKBINDING

- -- - - -- - --

t s d i t ' l a s i o ~L)r
Now yoa k ~ r ) wl l o b tllc inlrnipr;~ntM u s l i n ~ silrtccl ;a ; ~ g c ~ l (;I ~ Ilamcaws
tcch~iiclucsi ~ ~ lilr./iclcs
cl 01 tccllnology th;~t hircl clcvcl(~pccl01. cvolvcd i n the lslrlnlic
culture ;Irc;l. l?lldrIn;lking w;~syet i ~ n o l l l c cr o l l l r i h ~ t i ~ ~ .
j

'I'hc writing ~ n i ~ t c r t i i ~n l A
s ~ l c i c ~Ilnt d i i ~wcrc Inirny: stones. coppcr p l i ~ t ~silk
s . iulcl
'
cotton c l o l h ~ ,ancl spccii~llyprepared p i l l m - l c i ~ v c(talptrtl)~ and birch-bi~rk
(burjapatrtl). 'l'hd latter two were cmployccl li)r writing htn,ks.

Paper was f i n t n i ~ ~ n u l i ~ c t u ricnc('liina

l arouncl lhc first ccntury A.1). I t was minlc
from bamboo pulp. 'l'hc Muslim A r i ~ b slearnt p l p c r m i ~ k i n gfrom somc C'hincsc who
wc.rc tirkcn pri.u)~lcrsi n i r I ~ i l l l l ci n A.1). 751. Vcry won the Arabs ck.vclcwd this
craft by r n i ~ k ~ n
flapcr
g from rags i l n d o l d lincn.

The Indiilns pcrhi;tps knew ahout papcr i n r h c 7 t h century A.D.. but thcy Rcvcr w c d
i t as writing matqriill. Whcn thc Chincsc trirvellcr LC'lultt:visited Indi:t, Iw c o t ~ l d1101
find papcr t o ccqy thc Silnskrit manuscripts I'or k i n g taken t o Chimir. Since he had
exhausted his o d n sttxk, he sent a rncssigc t o his f r i c d s in ('hinit t o send P p c r to
-;.I Kamesh Mechrocks
 \

Technology and Crafts

During the Delhi Sultanate, paper was used for many purposes, especially for books.
farmans and numerous commercial and administrative documents. Paper was
available on a large scale so much so that sweetmeat-sellers of Delhi delivered sweets
to the buyers in paper packets called p r y . which is still the practice in India. But it
seems that papermaking centres were few and far between. We know from the 14th
century Chinese navigator, Ma Huan, that Bengal produced paper. However, the
bulk of paper needed was imported from Islamic countries. specially Samarqand and
Syria.

The practice of writing b o o b on paper was accompanied by the craft of bookbinding

which was an innovation in India, because the technique was different from that
followed in India, for putting sheets of writing material together (palm-leaves and
birch-bark).

Check Your Progress 3 . .

1) Discuss thc contrihut.ion ol' thc Turks in the field ol' building consrructio~i
technology.

3 ) Writc fivc lines on papermaking in India.

22.6 MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

In this section, we will deal with three things only:
i) stirrup,
ii) horseshoe, and
iii) gunpowder.*

22.6.1 Stirrup
It is now'an established fact that iron-stirrup (rikab) was unknown in India. For that
matter, there is no Sanskrit word for stirrup. Perhaps surcingle, 'big toe stirrup' and
'suspension hooks' were used in India, but stirrup proper was the contribution of the
Muslims. This stirrup was first used in China around 6th century A.D., and later it
diffused into Persia and other Islamic countries during the next century. A Persian
... r--- :1-A J..2-- Kamesh Mechrocks
.La --:--- C 11. ..*-l..L ---I -... .L- r--- 2,--L
Fxonomy of Delhi Sultanate
(For the military advantages of stirrup, see the passage in the box)

Thc history of thc usc d thc horse in battle is divided into three periods: first, that of the
chariotcer; second. that of the mounted warrior who clings to his steed by pressure of the
knces: and third, that ~f the rider equipped with stirrups. The horse has always given its
master an advantage over the footman in battle, and each improvement in its military use
has been rclatcd to fartrcaching social and cultural changes.
Before the introductioo of the stirrup, the seat of the rider was precarious. Bit and spur
might help him to control his mount; the simple saddle might confirm his seat:
ncvcrthclcss. hc was still much restricted in his methods oifighting. He was primarily a
rapidly mobile bowmad and hurler of javelins. Swordplay was limited becauserwithout
stirrups your slashing hbrseman, taking a good broadhandedswipe at his foe, had only to
miss to find himself on the ground'. As for the spear, before the invention of the stirrup
it was wielded at the end of the arm and the blow was delivered with the strength of
shoulder and biceps. The stirrup made possible -although it did not demand -a vastly
more effective mode of attack: now the rider could lay his lance at rest. held between the
upper arm and the body, and make at his foe, delivering the blow hot with his muscles
but with the combined weight of himself and his charging stallion.
The stirrup, by giving lateral support in addition to the front and back support offered by
pommel and cantle, effectively welded horse and rider into a single fighting unit capable
of a violence without precedent. The fighter's hand no longer delivered the blow: it
merely guided it. The stirrup thus replaced human energy with animal power, and
irnmensely increased the warrior's ability to damage his enemy. Immediately, without
preparatory steps, it made possible mounted shock combat, a revolutionary new way of
doing battlc.

22.6.2 Horseshoe
While.some scholars 04 Medieval India look at the stirrup as a contributory
factor to the series of hilitary successes that the Turks achieved in India--at
least in the initial stage# of their invasions-horseshoe (d) has been treated as
its poor cousin.
Domestication of h o r s ~was not enough. With the view of controlling the horse
for riding, some equipments were called-forth: viz., simple'bridle, bitted bridle,
saddle with pommel and cantle and, of course, the stirrup.
Nailed horseshoe was a late come;. It is interesting o note that horseshoe is the
k
only equestrian accoutrement which does not have irect bearing on controlling
the animal like other autfits. If so, then, why shoeing was needed? The answer
lies in the hoof, the mhst vulnerable part of the equine anatomy: The horse's
hoof is a constantly grdwing horny structure like the human nails, susceptible to
breaking, splitting and shelling. In their original natural habitat horses keep
their feet worn down And, hence, trimming is unnecessary. But tamed and
domesticated horses when in use, require shoeing, specially in moist latitudes.
A horse with footsore will limp and, hence, of little use to the rider. Shoeing
offeq two advantages: first, it gives a better grip on soft ground; and secondly,
the hooves get protection on rough ground. It is in this context that we can
appreciate the worldwide axiom of horsemen: "No foot, no horse". A lame
cavalry horse may oftkn be worse than no horse at all.
Horseshoes have not been reported from any archaeological site excavated in India.
It is now an incontroertible fact that horseshoes were foreign importations, brought
by the Turks when they came to India. The ArabicJPersian word for the shoe is na'l
(the farrier or s h o e s ~ t his na'lband and shoeing is nn'lbandi). Sanskrit literature on
horses (Mihotra) do not mention shoeing(a case similar to stirrup and
spinning-wheel). It is p o accident, then, that shoeing in the past was largely
monopolized by MusHm artisans. At any rate, our sourds yield imformation for
cold-shoeing only - not hot-shoeing as it was practised in Europe.

Kamesh Mechrocks
22.6.3 Gunpowder and Fire-Arms Technology and Crafts

Many decades ago, some scholars, both European and Indian, were keen to prove
that gunpowder and fire-arms were used in Ancient India. Among the Sanskrit
sources; the Sukraniti became the focal point from which support was drawn.
However, sobriety and maturity prevailed when other scholars dismissed their
inferences, especially after careful examination of the Sukraniti. Again, untenable
' attempts were also made to show that the Muskims who came to India following the

invasions of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna used fire-arms.

, *
Gunpowder consists of saltpetre, sulphur and charcoal, and it was first invented in
China. Later, it spread to the Islamic society. The immigrant T,urks brought
gunpowder to India perhaps in late 13th o r early 14th century. But it must be pointed
out that even by the reign of Sultan Feroz Shah Tughluq its only use was for
pyrotechny or fireworks (atashbazi), not for fire-arms o r for propelling cannon-balls.
Fire-arms were used for the first time during the second half of the 15th century in
some regions of India like Gujarat, Malwa and the Deccan. At any rate, the use of
fire-arms on a regular basis was introduced by the Portuguese when they
came to Calicut in A.D. 1498, and by Babur in North India in the early 16th century.

22.7 TINCOATING
Domestic utensils of copper (and brass) are prone to acid poisoning from sour food
k e p t h them. A coating of tin is given t o them frequently, specially inside, to protect
thent-from the chemical action of acid food. This craft came to India along with the
Turks. ~ h e r e ' i sno reference to this technique in Ancient India. Apart from literaiy
sources, the archaeological evidence comes from an excavation site in the South (near
Kolhapur) where a copper container with tincoating both on its interior and exterior
was discovered. Since, this vessel was found in association with the coins of the
Bahmani dynasty (A.D. 1347-1538), it must belong t o that period.
The craftsman who does tincoating is called @a6igar (qalai=tin). Tin (ranga) is a
highly malleable and ductile metal, and its coating over metallic vessels protects the
latter from corrosion and chemical poisoning. The craftsman first cleanse? the utensils
to remove dirt, etc. After-this, the vessels are mildly heated over a small furnace with
charcoal. Small bellows are used to maintain the required degree of heat. The next
process is to apply a mixture of pure tin and salammoniac (nosadar) with a cotton
pad. The salammoniac vapourizes leaving a metallically clean surface. Meanwhile the
tin melts and by constant rubbing of the pad it is evenly distributed over the whole
vessel - outside and inside.
Abul Fazl refers to tincoating in the Ain-i Akbari. He says that copper utensils of the
royal kitchen are tinned twice a month, but those of the princes, etc. once.

22.8 GLASS MANUFACTURE

The earliest use of glass in India has been set somewhere during the first millennium
B.C. But the presence of an object in a society may reveal its possible use but does not
necessarily imply a knowledge of technology also. However, glass was not scarce in
India: perhaps long familiarity with imported glassware must have led to indigenous
manufacture. But Indian glass objects "did not range or go beyond the manufacture
of tit-bits like beads and bangles". With the Muslim advent, pharmaceutical phials,
jars and vessels started coming to India from the Islamic countries. It is not possible to
determine whether the above glassware actually fabricated during the Delhi Sultanate
In imitation of these importations. However, during the period of study, we draw
blank when we look for the manufacture of articles of glass like glass lenses for
Spectacles or lookingglasses (mirrors were made of copper or bronze with polished
ut~rfare) Kamesh Mechrocks
Eronomy of Dclhi
- GeltPnate
-
22.9 SHIPBUILDING
The entire frame of b ~ a t and
s ships were#madeof timber like everywhere in the
world. The planks wefie first joined by the rabbeting or tongue-and-groove method.

d
Then they were sewn ith ropes made from the coconut husk. Sometimes wooden
nails were also used. ut iron nails and clamps to j o i n ~ h eplanks was a later
development under th4 influence of European shipbuilding after A.D. 1498. Anchors
were made of stones: k e r , Europeans introduced iron anchors.

12. Rabetting and the use of iron;%ails to join the planks

For navigation, magnetit compass was a great contribution which the Muslims
diffused in India.

22.10 DISTILLATION
i

There has never been any society that did not produce intoxicating drinking
substances. Soma in the )/edit Age was one such intoxicants. There are two ways to
get wine: fermentation and distillation. The first was widely known in the world.
Wine was procured by fehnenting rice, sugarcane juice, mahuwa flowers, etc.
Distillation was a late comer. Some think that it was first discovered in Italy in the
12th century A.D. For India, there is an opinion that distillation was a contribution of
the Turks.
This view is not acce'ptable. Excavations at Sirkap (Taxila) and Shaikhan Dheri, now
in Pakistan, have yieldedldistillation apparaius like t&e condensers and parts of
still, many of which are nbw lodged in the Taxila Museum. This apparatus belong to
the period from 2nd century B.C. to 2nd century A.D., much before the Turks came
Kamesh Mechrocks
to India. However, we may give credit to the Turks for its eastward diffusion.
 Technology and C r q h

- IT. Reconstruction of distilling apparstus(aRer Marshall, 1953)

Check Your Progress 4
I 1) Define the following:
Stirrup
I

I Horseshoe
I

..........................................................................................................

..........................................................................................................
2) Fill in the blanks:
a) Gunpowder was invented in ..........
b) Fire-arms were first used in India during the ..........
c) Technique of tincoating in India was introduced by the ..........
I
d) To join the planks .......... method was used.
e) Distillation technique was known in India during
II
22.11 LET US SUM UP
You must have learnt from this Unit something about the techniques or methods by
which the people during the Delhi Sultanate fabricated o r produced articles of daily
use. Concerning agriculture now you know about ploughs with iron share, methods of
sowing, irrigational devices, harvesting, threshing and winnowing. In the section on
textile crafts, you have read about ginning, carding, spinning, weaving, dyeing and
printing. As regards building construction, lime mortar, true arches and
doheslvaulted roofings are most important. Papermaking and bookbinding were new
crafts. Similar is the case of military technology with reference to stirrup, horseshoe
and Tincoating, too, was a new technique. Glass te'chno~og~ was on a low
- Kamesh .-
Mechrocks
level in this period. Now you know that iron was not used in shipbuilding prior to the
.-. ....... . .
Economy of k l h i Sul(ainate At the end, let us sum up the new techniques o r crafts brought by the Muslims to
India: saqiya, spinning-wheel, pit-loom, lime mortar, true arches, dome, paper and
bookbinding, stirrup, hdrseshoe, gunpowder, tincoating and mariner's colnposs. The
Indians accepted all these without hesitation or opposition.

22.12 KEY *WORDS

,
Accoutrement : Soldier's equipment othcr than weapons and clothes ,
Alum : W h i s mineral salt usedin dyeing . .

Arch : curved Structure

Axiom : Statemeni that is accepted without argument
Bridle : Part of a horse's harness
Contraption : Devicelapparatus
Equine : Like a horse
Farman : Order of the Sultan - .
Gear .. -set
: Set elf toothed wheels which fit into another . to transmit power
Immersion : Put under the surface of a liquid
Loom : Instrument for weaving cloth
Gelatinous : Like jelly
Glutinous : Sticky protein substance
Pit-loom : Loom worked by the foot
(treadle loom)
Pommel : Rounded part of a saddle
Planks ,: Long flat piece of sawn timber
Pyrotechny : Fire Works
Pulley : Wheel with grooves for ropes
Ramp : Slope
I
Reslnous : Sticky substance specially from fir and pine tree
Slake-lime : Calcium Hydroxide (C,, (OH),: Its formed by the action
of water on Calcium Oxide
Tabby : Cat with grey or brownish fur and dark stripes
Quick I' me - : Calcium Oxide (C,,O)made by heating Calcium Carbonade
(limestone)
Shovel . Tool like a spade with curved edges
Vaulted roof : Archled roof - b

Voussairs : Stones used in making an arch (other than the key stone) '
!

22.m &lWWEWS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

f L ~ ~ R ~ H S ~ ~
- - ,----.
. . - --
--t-- -

1
/ ('heck
\'isst:. I '
1) Set S,,;;->..c.. 2.2.2 4
2) See Sub-sec 71.2.3 ,

, , 3) (I) X (11) V (iii) \'' (iv) x

Check Y w r Progress 2
1) See Sub-sec. 22.3.1
2) See Sub-sec. 22.3.1
1\ C,.- Kamesh Mechrocks
Q..L .--- ?? 1 1
 Check Your Progress 3
1) See Sub-sec. 22.4.1, 22.4.2
2) See Sec. 22.5
t Check Your Progress 4
1) See Sub-sec. 22.6.1, 22.6.2
2) (a) China (b) Second half of the 15th Century
(c) Turks (d) rabbeting (e) 2nd century B.C. to 2nd century A.D.

Kamesh Mechrocks
Economy of DeUli Sultanate APPENDIX*
SOME FOURTEENTH-CENTWRY PASSAGES
Some of the most important passages bearing o n t h e agrarian system of the fourteenth
century are difficult to follow, and extant translations. where any exist, a r e not always
exact. T h e renderings of these passages offered below a r e meant t o be strictly literal,
any departure from the driginal being indicated by brackets; t h e technical expressions
a r e discussed in the not& which follow t h e translations. T h e clauses are set o u t , '
punctuated, and numbered for convenience of reference; the texts a r e continuous,
and as a rule are not punctuated.
1. ALAUDDIN'S REVENUE DECREE

(Text, Barni, 287, Tranglations, Elliot, iii. 182, and J.A.S.B. vol. xxxix. p. 382, the
last with Blochmann!~notes).
1 . Sultan Alauddin deinanded from learned men rules and regulations, s o that the
Hindu(1) should b e g r o u n d down,
2. and property a n d p ~ s s e s s i o n s which
, are the cause of disaffection a n d rebellion,
should not remain in his house;
3. and in the payment of the Demand o n e rule should be made for all alike from
Chief to sweeper(2);
4. and the Demand o n the strong should not fall o n the weak;
5. and s o much should not remain to the Hindu(1) that thby should ride on
horseback, and carry weapons, a n d wear fine cloths, and enjoy themselves;
6. and t p make two regulations(3) in pursuance of the aforesaid object, which is t h e
chief of all objects of government.
7. T h e first [regulation],-that thbse w h o cultivate whether small o r g r e a t , shall ,
cultivate according t o the rule of measurement and the biswa-yield(4),
8. and shall pay half without any deduction;
9. and in this paying tbere should be n o distinction between Chiefs a n d sweepers(2);
10. and not a jot should be left to t h e Chiefs by way of chiefs' perquisites(5).
.J
(The text goes on t o the second regulation, imposing a tax on grazing.)
APPENDIX
NOTES . \ .

1) "Hindu." Barni uses this word in a narrow sense, to denote the-classes above the ordinary
peasants, so that in fact it is almost a synonym for Chiefs and headmen in this context.
2) "From Chief to sweeper." Az khuta wa balahar. Balahar is not a Persian word, and it is
quite safe rh$)~!ow Blochmann In identifying it with the common Hindi name for a
low-caste men&& employed in the village as a general drudge. In the Upper Doab, which
was Barni's '*&try, the balahar is almost always a sweeper by caste, and, since the word is
obviously used to deqote the lowest rank of the rural population, the rendering :'sweeperv
piobably gives what *as in the writer's mind; there is no actual English equivalent.
The word transliterated provisidna~~y as khuta has not been found elsewhere in the
literature, and has to be ~nterpretedfrom the parallel passages, which are fairly numerous
in Barni. It appears indifferently as khut and khuta, and these cannot be distinguished. The
antithesis to balahar ihdicates that the khut must be looked for among the rural aristocracy,
and all the passages wnfirm this. Khut is commonly coupled with the headman or
muqaddam (e.g. 288,291,324,430,479,554),while in two passages (288) he is linked with
the chaudhari, or parlgana headman, as well as with the muqaddam; and his perquisites
were on the same f d t i n g (430) as those of the muqaddam.
Barni does not use thp. word zamindar for a Chief (subject to the King) until nearly the end.
of his book (539, 5890, and it never appears in his discussions of agrarlan policy; we find
khut wherever we should expect to find zamindar, and the only reasonable interpretation is:
that the latter word was coming into use during his lifetime, and gradually superseding
khut, so that the twa are in fact synonymous. If we read zamindar in every passage where
khut pccurs, we get perfectly good sense; if they are not synonyms, then we must hold that ,
the important class af khuts as known to Barni, had become absolutely extinct when the
next chronicler wrotq, and that the equally important class of zamindars had mysteriously
come into existence, a hypothesis as unreasonable as unnecessary. !
The identity of the dord khut is doubtful. Blochmann took it as the rare Arabic word, .
' rendered by Steingas as "a limber twig; a corpulent man, yet handsome and active," but '
did not indicats . .such a word could come to denote a Chief. The MSS. I have seen d~
Kamesh Mechrocks
not show th, ,uzls, and it is possible that the pronunciation was different, and that we are -
 dealing with a word formed indepenhently in India; but, whatever be the origin of the Appendix
word, its meaning in Barni is clearly that of Chief. Blochmann arrived by analysis a t the
correct result, that the phrase indicates the extremes of rural society, but the rendering
"landowners and tenants" which he endorsed involves both a logical non-sequitur and an
historical anachronism. .

The suggestion has been made that the word under discussion is really Indian in origin,
being identical with the Marathi word khot, which is familiar in the Konkan; but the fact
that Barni wrote the word with two Arabic letters (u
and t) makes its derivation from any
L

sanskritic language highly improbable. T h e word khot has not been traced further back
than the sixteenth century kingdom of Bijapur, and a possible explanation of it is that the
, Arabic khM passed into the Deccan at the time of Alauddin's conquest, and became
naturalised there as khot. That there were khots in Gujarat also, before the Mogul
conquest, appears from a document published by Professor Hodivala (Studies in Parsi
History, p. 204), but their position is not explained; it is possible that the Arabic word,
which quickly became obsolete in the North, survived in Gujarat, as in the Konkan, in an
Indianised form, but more documentary evidence is necessary on this point.
3) This clause is ungrammatical as it stands. It would easy t o read awardand for awardan,
putting a fun stop at the end of clause 5. The translation would then be: "And two
regulations were made in pursuance of the aforesaid object," which makes grammar and
, sense. Barni's grammar, however, is not immaculate, and the text may show what he

actually wrote.
4) "The rule of Measurement and the biswa-yield," hukm-i madhat wa wafa-i biswa.
Barni mentions two "hukms" o r rules for assessment, Masahat and HBsil, i.e.
"measurement" and "produce"; he does not describe the methods, but the passage which
follows will make it clear that Masahat involved allowances for crop-fa~lure,which were, ..
not required in Hasil Unless we take these two terms to denote methods which have
become entirely forgotten, we must identify them with the two which I have called
Measurement and Sharing, which, as we have seen, were equally familiar to Hindus and
Moslems at this period, which reappear, though with different names, in the sixteenth
century, and which persisted into the nineteenth. The word Masahat gives place t o jam% or
paimaish in the official records of the Mogul period, but it seems t o have survived in local
use, for as late as 1832 the "native measuring s t a f f was known as the "masahut .
establishment" (Rev. Sel., ii 378). Hasil can be read quite naturally as denoting the process
of sharing the produce,_and, s o far as I can see, it can carry n o other suggestion.
The phrase "wafa-i biswa" does not occur except in Barni, and can be read here merely as
a repetition or duplication of what precedes it, "reliance on the unit of area," "biswa"
denoting the smaller unit, 1120th of the bigha. Passages in the next two chronicles,
however, indicate that the word wafa had acquired the technical meaning of "yield of
crops," and this is probably the meanlng here; "biswa-yield" would then indicate the
standard outtuin per unit of area, which was a necessary datum .for the method of
Measurement. The decisive passage is in T. Mubarak- shahi (Or. 5318, f. 34r.), where, In a
description of the oppression in the River Country under Muhammad Tughlaq, we read
kisht-hi mi-paimudand wa waffi-hfi farmsni mi-bastand; "they used to measure the fields
and fix the yields by ordinance." Here it does not seem possible t o take wafaha in any other
sense. The same sense is required in Afif, 180, where the word occurs twice; and taking
these examples into account, it is permissible to infer that Barni also was familiar with this
technical use of the word. I have not found this use in the Mogul period, and presumably it
became obsolete.

5) "Chiefs' perquisites"; huqiiq-i khiitrln. Ir can be inferred from the passage which follows
that these perquisites consisted of exemption from revenue of a proportion of land, allowed
to the Chiefs in return for the services they rendered; Ghiyasuddin considered that they
should be satisfied with this allowance, so its amount must have been substantial, but there
is no record of the extent of land allowed. The same passage shows that the Chiefs w'ere
suspected of levying revenue for themselves from the peasants: th!s is probably the
implication of Clause 4, that the peasants were in fact paying revenue which ought to fall on
the Chiefs or headmen.

G H I Y A S U D D I N ' S A G R A R I A N POLICY
, a t , B a r n i , 429, c h e c k e d by Or. 2039. Translation, J.A.S.B., vol. XI. p. 229. T h e
vanslation i n Elliot, iii. 230, is very incomplete.)
. applied t o M r . R. P a g e t D e w h u r s t f o r h e l p with this exceedingly c r a b b e d passage,
a n d h e generously furnished m e with t h e following translation. T h e n o t e s m a r k e d [Dl
are also his; t h e o t h e r s are mine.
1. He fixed t h e r e v e n u e o f t h e territories of t h e k i n g d o m e q u ~ t a b l yaccording t o t h e
"rule of t h e produce"(l),
Kamesh Mechrocks
2. a n d relieved t h e ~ e a s a n t s o tf h e territbries a n d t h e kingdom f r d m innovations
Economy of Delhi sdtanato 3. and with regard to the provinces and country of the kingdom he did not listen t o
the tales of spies and the speeches of enhancement-mongers(3) and the bids
(literally, acceptdnces) of revenue-farmers.
4. He also ordered that spies and enhancement-mongers and revenue-farmers and
land-wreckers should not be allowed to hang (literally, wander) round theoffice
of the Ministry,
5. and he instructed~theoffice of the Ministry not to make an increase of more than
one-tenth or oneteleventh on the provinces and country on surmise and
guess-work o r on the reports of spies and the representations of
enhancement-mohgers,
6. and that efforts should be made that cultivation should increase every year and
the revenue be enhanced very gradually,
7. and not in such a way that the country should be ruined all at once by heavy
pressure and the bath of increase closed.
8. Sultan Tughlaq Shah frequently remarked that the revenue should be taken
from the country,in such a way that the peasants of the country should extend
cultivation,
9. and the established cultivation become settled, and every year a small increase
should take place.
10. He used to say that you ought not to take all at once so much that neither the
established cultivation should be maintained nor any extension be made in the
future.
11. When kingdoms bre obviously ruined (literally, are ruined and show themselves
ruined) it is due m the oppressiveness of the revenue and the exces'sive royal
demand,
12. and ruin proceeds from destructive Muqtis and officials.
13. Also with regard to the exaction of revenue from the peasants Sultan Tughlaq
Shah used to give instructions to all the Muqtis and governors of the territories
of the kingdom,
14. that the Hindu should be kept in such a condition that he should not become
blinded and rebellious and refractory from excessive affluence,
15. and that he should not be compelled by poverty and destitution.to abandon
cultivation and tillage.
+ 16. The observing of the standards and principles mentioned in collecting the
revenue can be carried out by typically eminent statesmen and.experts,
17. and the essence af the art of statesmanship in regard to Hindus(4) is the
fulfilment of the aforesaid instruction.
18. Further in regard to the collection of revenue it is related of Sultan Ghiyasuddin
Tughlaq Shah, who was a very experienced, far-sighted, and prudent sovereign,
19, that he urged on the Muqtis and governors investigation and consistency in the
collection of revemue,
20. so that Chiefs and headmen should not impose a separate assessment on the
peasants apart fr4m the king's revenue;
21. and if their own cultivation and pasturage be not brought under assessment,
perhaps their er uisites as Chiefs and headmen, on the supposition that they
P
pay nothing on this, may suffice them and they may make no additional demand.
22. It cannot be denied that abundant responsibilities rest on the neck of Chiefs and
headmen, so that,if they too contribute a share in the same way as the peasants,
the advantage of being Chief or headman would disappear.
23. And as for those among the amirs and maliks (5) whom Sultan Ghiyasuddin
advanced, and t o whom he gave iqtas and provinces,
24. he used not to hald it permissible that they should be brought before the
Ministry just like (ordinary) officials(6)and that the revenue should be
demanded from them as from officials with rudeness and sevetity,
25. but he used to give instructions to them saying,
26. "If you wish to be exempt from the burden of being summoned before the office
of the Ministry aod that you should not be exposed t o pressure and discourtsey,
27.1 and that your c r d i t as an nmir or malik should not be changed to humiliation
f! and discredit,
28. make slender demands on your iqtas,
29. and reserve out df that slender demand something for your own agents,
30. and do not covet the smallest fraction of the pay of the troops.
'21 Kamesh
.,,-... Mechrocks..,-...-,-...,-
\lRatLn- &
.,a ,-.- A,-. -,t .r:.ra'n I:ttI, ,-.E +,-. + L a +-,-.,re wart- ..Ark .,.
32. But if you expect a small portion of what is deducted in the name of the troops,
then the name of amir and malik ought not to be employed by the tongue in
respect of you,
and the amir who devours a portion of the pay of servants had better consume
dust.
But if maliks and amirs expect from their own country and provinces a half-tenth
or half-eleventh and the one-tenth o r one-fifteenth of the revenue,
and take the perquisites of iqta-holding and governors,
no occasion has arisen t o forbid this to them, and t o demand it back and t o exact
It by pressure on the amirs would be altogether deplorable.
Similarly if the agents and deputies(7) of the country and provinces should
appropriate a half or one per cent, in addition to their salary,
they ought not to be disgraced for this amount, and it ought not t o be recovered
from them by beating and torture and imprisonment and fetters.
But if they appropriate considerable sums(8) and write off deductions from the
revenue demand, and carry off large sums by way of mutual sharing from the
provinces and country,
such treacherous persons and thieves should be given disgrace and humiliation
with beating and torture and imprisonment and fetters, and what they have
abstracted should be taken from them together with their family stock."

TEXT-NOTES
CI 3. "Bids." Paz raftanihi in text is clearly a blunder for paziruftanihs [Dl.
4. "Land-wreckers." reading mufiarribin for muhazzibsn. Or. 2039 can be so read.
7. "not in such a way." reading na for tB, as Or. 2039.
26. "If you wish." reading e w i h e d for bwihad, as Or. 2039.
"not to be exposed," reading nayuftad for biyuftad, as Or. 2039.
38. "should appropriate," reading isiibat for isayat, as Or. 2039.
NOTES
1) "Rule of the produce," hukm-i hhil. See note 3 to the preceding passage.
2) "Crop-failure." bud wa nabud-hl. The technical force of this phrase, literally "existence
and non-existences," is fixed by Akbar's assessment rules (Ain, i. 288), in which the clerk
1s d~rectedto deduct the nabud and record the bud, that is, to exclude from the measured
area the area on which the crop had failed. Presumably the word apportionments, qismlt,
refers to the process of classifying the area of failure. The word "nabood" surv~vedinto the
nineteenth century in the wider sense of a deduction from the gross assessment (Rev. Sel.,
i. 305).
3) "Enhaocement-mongers." muwaffiriin. This word, which is not in the dictionaries, may '
safely be referred to the technical sense of taufir as any secret profit derived from land. In
a later passage (574). Barn1 uses the equivalent taufir- ntimiyln, i.e. discloser of secret
profit. It is clearly a bit of office jargon, and Mr. Dewhurst adopted the expression
"enhancement-monger." which I coined as a rough equivalent,
4) "Hindu" in this passage has obviously the same restricted meaning as in that which
precedes it.
5 ) "Amirs and maliks." At this time there were three recognised titles of nobility, Khan,
Amir. and Malik; here the words are best read loosely as denoting "nobles."
6 ) "Officials," %milin,'umm81. The word '%milhad not yet been specialised to denote a
definite post, but meant any executive official.
7) "Agents and deputies." krirkunin wa mutasarrifsn. Karkun is etymologically an agent. I
am not clear whether by this time it had become spec~alisedas "clerk," the meaning it
usually bcars in the sixteenth century; some passages can be read in this way, but others are
doubtful, and perhapsspecialisation was in progress, but was not complete. I have found
no passage to indicate whether or not mutasarrif denoted a particular post; the word occurs
in connection with the local bureaucracy. and may mean either subordinates in general, or
a particular class of subordinates.
8 ) "Considerable sums." mu'tadd-ha. I take this to mean "a considerable sum." literally "a
thing counted," and henceUathing worth counting." [Dl
The words iqta and Muqti, which are prcscrvcd in the translatipn: h ~ been c discussed in
Appcndix B. Thcir preservation is intcndcd to bring out thc fbr'k; of thc rccuraingduplications.
I I I. 1.1 KUZ S I l A t i ' S SLC'OND KEGULA'I'ION
l i .
(Text, Barni. 574; no published translation has come ttr my notice. The chapter
containing this Rqulation. along with several others, is highly fulogistic and
rllctorical, ,and too great weight must not be given to all:thc i\sk&rtic>ns which it
Kamesh Mechrocks
(*ontainc hilt there ic nn rpncnn tn r i i r t r . n n c t tha . I n r f i . . n r .h 1h- ..--..-..I ,-I:-.. ..A--.-A
I ) Second regulation. It was ordered that the revenue-Demand and the poll-tax(1)
shall be collected a+cording t o the "rule of the produce";
2) and "apportionmedts." and "increase o f demands,"and "crop-failures," and
"large demands b a v d o n surmise," were entirely removed from among t h e
peasants(2); I

3) and revenue-farmets and land-wreckers and enhancement-mongers(3) were not

allowed t o infest thk provinces and the kingdom.
4 ) A n d a reduction wds made in the d u l - i mubmahti(4), so that the peasants may
pay willingly withoht difficulty o r severity;
5 ) and n o roughness g r violence was used towards the cultivators, who are t h e
keepers of the trea$ury(5) of Moslems.
I NOTES
1) Thc rcfcrence to the 4011-tax. jiziya, is puzzling. According to Afif (383), this tax in Delhi
was a fixed sum per hflad payable in cash. It is possible that, in the case of peasants, it may
havc been assessed aldng with the revenue, and varied with it; but it is equally possible that
, the phrase is loosc."r~vcnueand poll-tax" being used to describe the liabilities of
non-Moslem subjects in general terms.
2) This clquse must be wad as enumerating the familiar exactions on the peasants.
Apportionments. qisqmat, and crop-failures, nabfidk, occur in the preceding passage.
Mu6tndd& is there taken as exactions of considerable amount, and the addition here of
tasawwuri must mean1 that these exactions were arbitrary,"based on surmise."
3) This clause also is an echo of part of the previous passage, referring to the various pests
that appeared naturally in connection with the revenue-assessment.
4) Mahsul-i mu'amalati. 11 havc not found any parallel passage to indicate the meaning of this
phrase. From the cont/cxt. it appears to denote some impost on the peasants, different from
thc kharaj or revenue, but its nature is a matter for conjecture.
5) .Treasury. bait I
kharaj and other "4
This 1s a precise phrase of Islamic law, d e n ~ t i n gthe wceptacle for
-" sou es of income which were in theory for the benefit of Moslems in
general. though by th/s time in India they were in fact part of the revenue of the State.
IV. F ~ R U Z SHAH'S ~SSESSMENT
(Text. Afif, 94. 1 have k u n d n o translation; only o n e sentence is given in Elliot, ui,
288.) .
1. T h e king. .. settled t h e Demand(1) of the kingdom afresh. A n d for the settlement
of that Demand KNwaja qisamuddin Junid was appointed.

4
2. T h e excellent Khw ja. having spent six years in the kingdom.
3'. (and] having settle the Demand according t o the "rule of inspection,"(2)
4. determined the "a4gregatew(3) of t h e kingdom a t 675 lakhs of tankas in
n
o accordance with the principle of sovereignty.
5. During forty years fluring t h e reign of Firuz Shah t h e "aggregate" o f Delhi was
t h e same.
I
NOTES
I) "Demand," mehsul. Afifoccasiona~~~ uses this word in the sense of revenue Demand, that
is. as a synonym for k e a j , never. so far as I can find. in the other sense of "produce of the
soil." which occurs inlsome later writers.
2) "Rule of inspection."l hukm-i mushahada, occurs. so far as I know. nowhere else in the
literature. Barni tells Cs in the preceding passage that Firuz. at his accession, adopted the
"rule of the produce." Afif s account refers to the same period. for this appointment was
made very soon after the King's first arrival at Delhi; either then one of the writersmade a
mistake, or the two ekpressions mean the same thing. A mistake is improbable. for old
bureaucrats like the Writers do not misuse technical terms: on the other hand. Afif's
.
vocabulary differs froh that of Barni in several cases. such as "khut" or "pargana." so that
verbal divergence neqd not suggest error. The general idea conveyed by mushahsdp 15
"witnessing," "observing"; and in order to reconcile the two statements, all that is
necessary is to take this word as denoting Sharlng-by- estimation, the reference being to
the persons who obsefve or inspect the condition of the growing crop in order to estima~e
the yield. We may sayithen that. while Barni telts us that Sharing wasprescribed, Afif tells

I
us that it was Sharing by Estimation. not actual Division. On :.)is interprctittion thc
disappearance of the erm mushahada can be rcadlly undcrstood. because the official
literature of the MoNI period employs the Hind1 name kankiit I*) denote thc proccss in
question.,
The rcvcnue-~cmandundcr this systcm v;iric?fr(&n season to season with thc itre:; sown,
Kamesh Mechrocks
and the produce reapkd, so that the phrase "to settle." bastan, must not bc rcad in thc
scnsc of fixing beforehand the number of tankas to I,c pitid; I take the mcanirlp to hc ,II;II
the ;Irr:lnormPntr for hrrpcrmcnt r 0 , \ r , . . , ~ ; ~ , ~..$I;.-
U)..~.-S ,4 1h.. ..
,nC..;.- ...I-:..%.I.... I
 Appendix

Tapan Rnychaudhri : The Cambridge Economic History of India, Vol. I .

and lrfan Habib
Prof. Muhammild Habib : An lntroduction to Elliot and Dowson's History of
India as Told by Its O w Historians, Vol. I I .
A.J .Qaisur : Indian Response To European Technology and Culture.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 .UNIT 23 CENTRAL AND EASTERN
INDIA

Objectives
Introduction
Malwa
Jaunpur
Bengal
Assam
23.5.1 Kamata-Kamrup
23.5.2 The Ahoms
Orissa
Let Us s u m UP
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
4

23.0 OBJECTIVES
In the present Unit, we will study about regional states in Central and Eastern India
during the 13-15th centuries. After reading this Unit, you would learn about:
the emergence of regional states in Central and Eastern India,
territorial expansion of these regional kingdoms,
their relations with their neighbours and other regional states, and
1 their relations with the Delhi Sultanate.

23.4 INTRODUCTION
You have already read (in Block 5, Unit 18) that regional kingdoms posed severe
threat to the already weakened Delhi Sultanate and with their emergence began the
process of the physical disintegration of the Sultanate. In this Unit, our focus would
be on the emergence of regional states in Central and Eastern India viz., Malwa,
Jaunpur, Bengal, Assam and Orissa. We will study the polity-establishment,
expansion and disintegration-of the above kingdoms. You would know how they
emerged and succeeded in establishing their hegemony. During the 13th-15th
centuries in Central and Eastern India, there emerged two types of kingdoms:
a) those whose rise and development was independent of the Sultanate (for example : the
kingdoms of Assam and Orissa) and b) Bengal, Malwa and Jaunpur who owed tHeir
existencr ru the Sultanate. All these kingdoms were constantlyat war with each other.
The nobles, ci,' ;s or rajas and local aristocracy played crucial roles in these
confrontations.

23.2 MALWA
The decline of the Sultanate paved the way for the emergence bf the independent
kingdom of Malwa. Dilawar Khan Ghori, (d. A.D. 1406), the Tughluq governor of
Malwa, assumed independence in the year A.D. 1401-2 and declared himself the king
of Malwa. He extended the boundaries of his kingdom by occupying Nimar, Sauyar,
Damoh and Chanderi. Dilawar Khan married his daughter to Ali Sher Khalji, the
son.of Malik Raja Faruqi of Khandesh, and took his (Faruqi ruler's) daughter for his
son Alp Khan. These matrimonial alliances helped him in safeguarding his south-
eastern frontier. B$ maintaining friendly relations with M.uzaffar Spah of Gujarat, he
Kamesh Mechrocks
The R e g l d P o w a : successfully saved Malwa from attacks, But soon after his death in A.D. 1407,
13tbl5th Cedury
m l w a fell a prey to the imperialistic designs of Muzaffar Gujarati. But in 1408,
\
Hoshang Shah (1406-35) succeeded in regaining control over the Malwa throne (for
further details see Unit 24). Very soon he occupied Kherla, and Gagraun. He also
had his eyes over kwalior, but realizing the might of Mubarak Shah, he finally
withdrew in 1423 after causing some damage in the countryside. Hoshang Shah had
entered into matrimonial alliance with the Muslim ruler of Kalpi to use the latter as
buffer between Jaunpur-Malwa and Delhi-Malwa.
Hoshang Shah's successor Muhammad Shah proved incompetent. During his brief
reign bf one year, the court of MalCa became a hotbed of ifitrigues leading to
disastrous results. The chaos,culminated in his murder (1436) by his nobleSMahmud
Khalji. Thus camel the end of the Ghorid rule itself.
At the outset, the position of Mahmud Khalji was threatened by the old Ghorid
nobility. In the beginning, Mahmud followed the policy of appeasement and
1 ,
distributed iqta and high posts to them but he failed to elicit their support. He had
to face a series of revolts of high' ranking nobles. Ultimately, Mahmud Khalji
succeeded in tackling the recalcitrant nobles. After consolidating his internal
position, Mahmud Khalji now had the time to look for further extension.
Mewar was the foremost state to attract his attention. You would read in Unit 24
that Mewar unde6 Rana Kumbha followed an aggressive policy in subduing and

Kamesh Mechrocks
assimilating the bordering Rajput chiefs into Mewar. This posed a direct threat to
the kingdom of Malwa. Mahmud Khalji had to face the mighty Rana as early as
1437. Rana Kumbha promised Umar Khan, son of Hoshang Shah, to install him in
place of Mahmud Khalji. In the baitle of Sarangpur (1437), Mahmud Khalji was
defeated ajnd taken prisoner. Later, Mahmud Khalji took advantage of the confusion
that emerged in Mewar after Ranmal's death : he attacked Mewar in 1442. He
destroyed the temple of Banmata, but he had to retreat without much gains. Since
then, Mihmud Khalji undertook almost yearly campaigns against Rana Kurnbha.
Though Mahmud had occupied Gagraun (1444) and Mandalgarh (1457), Rana
Kumbha was able to keep his territory intact and well-defended. This rivalry
continued unabated. Kalpi was the bone of contention between Malwa and Jaunpur.
Hoshang Shah earlier had helped his nephew Jalal Khan in installing him on the
throne of Kalpi. But after Jalal Khan's death (1442), Nasir Khan Jahan succeeded in
getting hold over Kalpi. However, he was soon expelled by Mahrnud Sharqi. This
increased the hold of Jaunpur over Kalpi which was not to the liking of Mahmud
Khalji. It resulted in a clash between the two (1444). Finally, a treaty was signed.
Mahmud Sharqi agreed to hand over Kalpi to Khan Jahan which resulted in cordial
relationship between the two.

Another important power which Ma!wa rulers had to tackle with was Gujarat. You
will read in Unit 24 that Muzaffar Gujarati once succeeded in imprisoning Hoshang
Shah.

After Ahmad Shah's death (1442), Mahmud Khalji got an opportunity to occupy
Sultanpur and Nandurbar (1451) on account of the weak position of Muhammad
Shah Gujarati. While Mahmud Khalji was still campaigning against Muhammad
Gujarati, the latter died. His successor Sultan Qutbuddin entered into an alliance
with Mahmud Khalji. Both parties agreed to respect each other's territorial
boundaries. An understanding was also reached between the two to have a free hand
in Mewar. However, similar understanding could not be maintained for other areas.
Mahmud Khalji's intervention in Bahmani politics was always severely dealt with by
Mahmud Begarha (for further details see Unit 28).

Ghiyas Shah (1469-1500), the son and successor of ahm mud ~ h a l j i paid
, more
attention to consolidation rather than.conquest. As a result, with the exception of a
brief tussle with the Rana of Mewar (1473), the period was of a long peace.

23.3 JAUNPUR
'Afif informs us that the city of Jaunpur on the banks of ri<er Gomti' was founded
by Feroz Shah Tughluq during his second Bengal campaign (1359-60). 1his city
became a strong power-base, and it soon evolved as a rival to Delhi for some time.

Malik Sarwar, a noble of Feroz Shah Tughluq, took full advantage of the succession
tussle among the sons of Feroz and rose to the high position of wazir under Sultan
' Muhammad Shah (1390-94). Malik Sarwar got the charge of the eastern districts
along with the title of Sultan-us Sharq. The invasion of Timur, which virtually'
shattered the kingdom of Delhi, gave Malik Sarwar a n opportunity to declare his
independence in Jaunpur. He extended his hold over Kol (Aligarh), Sarnbhal and
Rapri (in Mainpuri district). Malik Sarwar's ambitions led to furious armed clashes
, with Delhi, Bengal, Orissa and Malwa. Though he did not succeed against them, he
brought the rulers of Jajnagar and Gwalior under his sway. Mubarak Shah Sharqi
(1399-1401), his son and successor, could hardly get time to consolidate the gains.
However, his younger brother and successor, Ibrahim Shah Sharqi (1401-a),
efficiently expanded the territories of the kingdom. He took Kanauj in 1406 (which
was under Sultan Mahrnud Shah Tughluq). This enhanced his prestige greatly and
paved the way for further achievements. In 1407, Ibrahim aspired to occupy Delhi,
but in spite of initial success, the attempt finally failed. TAough he was able to lay
his hands on Kalpi (1414), its ruler Qadir Khan continued to create problems for
I him. Ibrahim also subdued Ganesh, the ruler of Bengal, in 1414. During the closing

years of his reign (1437), he again turned his attention towards Delhi and captured
Kamesh Mechrocks
some of its neighbouring parganas. The Delhi Sultan Muhammad Shah, ultimately
 had to sue for: peace, ;ie agreed to marry his daughter, Bibi Haji, to Ibrahim's son
Mahmud Khan. ibrdhim's energetic zeal and his successes increased the prestige of
the king1 om of Jaunpur. The latter earned the title Shiroz-i Hind.
During his successorb' reigns, Mahmud Sharqi (1 140-54), Muhammad Sharqi (1457
58) and Husain s h G q i (1458-1505), clash: with the Delhi Sultans were frequent.
Finally, Bahlol Lodi,annexed Jaunpur in 1483-84 and placed it under the charge of
. Mubarak Nohani. Husain Shah did attempt desperately to recover Jaunpur but
failed. Bahlol finally placed his son Barbak Shah on the throne of Jaunpur, thus
ending the era of the Sharqi rulers.

Check Your Progress 1

1) List the achieverhents of Hoshang Shah.

2) LSid the Lodi-SMrqi struggle finally seal the fate of the Sharqi'kingdom?
Examine' in about five lines the decline of the Sharqis in the light of the above
statement. '

3) Which of the following statements are right.Tick off ( d ) the correct answers.
i) Dilawar Khan was the Tughluq governor.
ii) Gagraun seflved as buffer state between Malwa and Sharqi rulers.
iii) Rana Kumbha sided with Umar Khan in his clash with Mahmud Khalji. ,
iv) Ibrahim sharqi earned the title of Shiraz-i Hind.
-

23.4 BENGAL
The geopolitical condiltions of Bengal, especially the long distance from Delhi, met
constraints on its cony01 by the Sultans of Delhi. The governors took fuli advantage

!I
of distance. As the cetltral power weakened or rulers got involved ewhere, the
nobles used to act aldost de facto rulers in the region. Earlier, Iltu mish had to
march in person to asdert his authority (1225) and it too, almost t ree years for
Balban in crushing t M rebellion of Tughril Beg, the govt rnor of Bengal. To assert
Delhi's hold over Bensal, Balban appointed his son Pughra Khan as governor (1281).
But after Balban's death, Bughra Khan decided to sf y in Bengal rather than'contest'
the Delhi throne (1287). Later, we see Ghiyasuddin Tughluq marching towards
Lakhnauti. However, it was during Muhammad Tughluq's reign that more effective
policy was adopted. be latter appointed his trusted nobles,at Lakhnauti, Sonargaon
and Satgaon to establjsh a balance among various powerful factions. It greatly
helped in reducing the power of the local magnates and increased the hold of De1,M.
However, Delhi was challenged at various intervals.
, Ilyas
Shah (1342-57), k h o emerged as a powerful ruler in Bengal, occupied
Kamesh Mechrocks
Lakhnauti, and Sonargaon, and marched as far as Baliaras.
.
Sultan Feroz Tughluq
-
 Again in 1359, Feroz Tughluq marched against Sikandar Shah (1357-89) to break his C m .ad E n t m India
power. After Feroz Toghluq's death (1388). the Sultanate became too weak to
subdue the recalcitrant rulers of Bengal.

Sikandar'Shah's son Ghiyasuddin Azam Shah (1389-1409) was a popular ruler. He

faced the combined attack of the Rajas of Kamata and Ahom and had to surrender
the territory beyond Karatoya river. He established diplomatic ties with the Chinese
rulers when one of their envoys came in 1406.

' 7
HUSAIN SHAH1 BENGAL

MAP 2

After Ghiyasuddin's rllurder (1409), Bengal had to pass t h r o ~ ~

two
n critical phases
of internal chaos and conflicts (1409-1418; 143542). But the matters were set right
with the accession M a s i r u d d i n Abul Muzaffar Mahmud, a descendant of Ilyas
Shah. His son Ruknuddin Barbek (1459-74) embarked upon an expansionist policy.
As a result, his frontier extended to Barner, north of the Ganges and Jessore-Khulna

7
in the south. The militia of the'Abyssinian slaves played a ucial role in the
expansion, but Barbek's policy of patronising them later on proved fatal. In 1487,
the Abyssinian commander Saifuddin Feroz succeeded in occupying the Bengal
thione. But he failed to consolidate his position and, in 1493, Alauddin Hussain
Shah (1493-1519) got power: He not only succeeded in subduing Abyssinian slaves
but also adopted a rigorouk expansionist policy. Under him, the Bengal frontiers
reached to Saran and Bihar in the north-west, Sylhet and Chittagong in the south-
east, Htjo on the northcast and Mandaran on the sobth-west. In 1495, Hussain
Kamesh Mechrocks
Shah had to face SultanSikandar Lodi's wrath as he'had given shelter to the.Sultan
Tbe Redlmd Pmrr : of Jaunpur, Hussain Shah, Later,. a n o n - a m s i o n treaty +wassigned and Hussain
13tblstb C a l m Shah promised not t o give shelter to such fu@tives.
v
Check Your Pro q s 2
'i
I) How far did he geopolitical conditions of Bengal help in maintaining its
, independent chqrctctef?

2) What was the rale of Abyssinian nobles in the politics of late 15th century
Bengal?

3) Match the dates1 and names by drawing arrows :

a) Bakhtiyar Khalji 1281
, b) Bughra K b n 1459-74
c) Ilyas Shah 1357-89
d) Ruknuddin Barbek I205
e) Sikandar Shah 1342 .
'

23.5 ASSAM
GeogrKphically, medieval Assam covers the entire Brahmaputra valley as far as river .
Karatoya in the west, while Mishmi Hills and Patkai Bum formed the northeastern
boundary. The bouMary of the state of Burma parallel t o its east. During the
13th-15th centuries ih Assam, a number of tribal polities-the Chutiya, the Tai-
Ahoms (or Ahoms),lthe Koch. the Dimasa, the Tripuri, the Manipuri, the Khasi and
the Jaintia--existed. Finally, the Chutiya add the Ahom emerged most powerful.'
Besides, there also existed the kingdom of ~ a m a t d ( ~ a m r u p ) .
\

The medieval Kamata kingdom included Brahmaputra valley (excluding Rangpur),

Bhutan, Cooch Bihat, Mymensingh, and the Garo hills. Kamrup (Modern North
Guwahati) was the capital of the Kamata kingdom prior to Rai Sandhya's reign
(1250-70). But ~ a c h d r expansion
i forced Rai Sandhya to shift from Kamrup to
Kamatappr (in moddrn Cooch Bihar district): hence the kingdom is called K a m m p
Kamata. -
'.

We have already r e d how in 1206 Bakhtiyar Khalj~,one of the commanders of

Muhammad Ghori, invaded Kamrup. But the campaign proved disastrous a s his
army was totally destroyed: Syltan Ghiyasuddin Iwaz also attempted to occupy .
Kamrup (1227) but rhet the same fate at the hands of Rai Prithu. Later, however,
kiiutmish'S son NasitOddin Mahmud suckeeded in crushing Rai Prithu's power. In
1255, Malik Y uzbek' ttacked Kamrup and succeeded in occupying Kamrup, but
"h
later he had to face t e same fate as that of Bakhtiyar Khalji. Soon his forces were
overpowered; Malik kuzbek received a severe wound and died soon after (1257).
However, during Sinkhdhvaj's reign (1300-1305), Sultan Shamauddin Feror Shah
.. Kamesh
. . ---- Mechrocks
(1301-22), the Sultan lof Bengal, occupied Mymensingh a d Sylhet across
The Kamrup kingdom always fell a prey to Ahom imperialistic designs The Burmji
literature records the success of the Ahom King Sukapha (1228-1268) against ,

Kamata ruler Sindhu Rai (1260-1285). The latter is reported to have accepted the
suzerainty of Sukapha, but his successor Pratapdhvaj(1300-1305) ceased t o pay tribute
to the Ahom kings: as a result Sukhangpha (1293-1332) again invaded the Kamata
kingdom. After a longdrawn battle and heavy loss, Pratapdhvaj sued for peace and
gave his daughter Rajani in marriage to Sukhangpha.

An important feature of the 14th century Kamata kingdom was the great uprising of
the Bhuyan chiefs who took advantage of the unstable conditions. A war of
succession followed between the twa cousins-Dharma Narain and Durlabh Narain.
In the beginning, Bhuyan chiefs failed in their designs as Durlabh Narain (1330-50)
and Arimatta (1365-85) were more than a match to their power. However, after
Arimatta's death (1385), his successors were too weak to face the Bhuyah onslaught
and around mid-15th century Rai Prithu's line was supplanted by a new Bhuyan
dynasty (Khyan) with Niladhvaj (1440-1460) as ks founder. Nilambar (1480-1498)
was the most powerful king o i the Khyan dynasty who succeeded in extending his
frontier from Karatoya t~ Barnadi. He also took advantage 'of the political turmoil
created in Bengal (Gaur) by the Abyssinians and succeeded in occupying north-
eastern part of Bengal. However, later, Alauddin Hussain Shah (1493-1519) was able
to crush the power of Nilambar. With this came the end of the Khyan dynasty.

23.5.2 The Ahoms

The Ahoms belonged to the Mao-Shan sub-tribe of the Tais of Southeast Asia. In -
A.D. 1228, they migrated from Mogaung, a principality in upper Burma and Yunan
to upper Assam where they finally settled in A.D. 1253 in the Dikhou valley (the
modern Sibsagar division) with its capital at Charaideo (it was later changed to
Chargua in 1397). Sukapha of Mao-Shan tribe was the first ~ h o m King (1228-68)
who subjugated the Chutias. Morans, Borahis, Nagas, Kacharis and the Kamata
kingdom (Kamrup). His son Suteupha (1268-1281) further extended his domain
towards the southern banks of Brahmaputra up to Kalang (modern horth-Cachar
sub-division) by defeating the Kacharis. Under Sukhangpha (1293-1332), the Ahoms
became a paramount power in the whole of the Brahmaputra Valley. However,
Sukhangpha's death created a void that resulted in the establishment of three
interregnums-1364-69, 1376-80 _and 1389-97. At any rate, at Sudangpha's accession
(1397-1407). the situation stabilized. The latter clashed with the Nara and the
Kamata rulers. As a result, the Ahom frontiers reached to Patkai in the north and
river Karatoya in the north-east. The boundary extended during Sudangpha's reign
continued to form the line of control throughout the 15th century. Later, Suhenpha
(1488-93) faced the rebellion of the Nagas and the Kacharis. But the revolts were
suppressed. By the close of the 15th century, Supimpha's (1493-97) nobles like
Buragohain Khenpung rebelled. Though the rebellion was crushed, it reflected the
internal feuds among the nobles that had started since the close of the 15th century.

23.6 ORISSA
I

On the eve of the Turkish invasion, Orissa was under the cotitrol of the Eastern
Ciangas. The Tabaqat-i Nasiri records that Bakhtiyar Khalji had sent two brothers,
Muhammad and Ahmad, to invade Jajnagar (modern Orissa) immediately before his
death (1205). At that time, Rajaraja 111 ( 1197-121 1 ) was the ruler. The next invasion
took place under Ghiyasuddin lwaz soan after Anangbhima Ill's accession (1211-38).
Though the ~ a b a ~ a tNasiri'applauds
-i the success of Iwaz, the Chatesviri .
inscription, however. mentions the success of Anangbhima 111 in the clash. 1't
appears that perhaps Iwaz's invasion was repulsed.

Narasimha 1 (173-64) also had to face lkhtiyaruddin Yuzbek who got success in his J

first two attacks. but his later attacks were foiled by Narasimha I. The latter also
succeeded in extending his frontier to Midnapur, Howrah and Hooghly. However,
by the close of the 13th century (1296). :atgaon fell into the hands o f the Delhi
Sultans. You have already read in Block 4 how during Ghiyasuddin Tughluq's reign
(1320-25). Ulugh Khan (later Muhammad Tughluq) captured Jajnagar and made its
ruler their tributary.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 The Rcgbnrl Powm : From Bhanudeva IlI'q (1352-78 A.D.) reign onwards, the power of the Ganga kings "
13th-15th Ccatw started declining. Taking advantage of thie situation, the neighbouring states invaded
Orissa.

In 1353, Shamsuddin Slyas Shah of Bengal succeeded in penetrating as far as Chilka

lake and took away Huge booty, including elephants. Later, the rulers of Delhi,
Vijaynagar, Jaunpur and also the Bahmani rulers occasionaliy plundered Ori~ss.
Under such disorder qnd confusion, Kapilendra, the minister of Bhanudeva IV (1414-
1435), usurped the thdone in 1435 and laid the foundation of the Gajapati rule in
Orissa. By 1464-65, the extent of his domain reached the south-Arcot district and
eastern part of the Daccan plateau. Kapilendra also inflicted humiliating defeat upon
Humayun Shah Bahmani when the former attacked Devarkonda and Kapilendra
came to the rescue of Devarkonda chief (1459). After that, the Bahmani rulers never
thought o! attacking Telingana so long as Kapilendra remained alive. In 1450,
Kapilendra also succeeded in defeating Nasiruddin of Bengal (144259) and assumed
the title of Gaudesvarb. In 1453, Rajahmundry also became part of his empire. Thus,
by 1462, his frontier extended from Hooghly to Kaveri in the south. However, during
the closing years of his reign, the Vijaynagar ruler Saluva Narasimha expelled the
Oriyas from the Kaveti basin. Soon after Purushottama's accession (1467 A.DJ, the
latter tried to rep tin the Tamil territory but his exploits remained confined to Kanchi
only. Purushottama had to surrender Kondavidu (Kondnir) and Rajahmundry t o the
Bahmani ruler Muha*mad Shah 311 (1463-1482). Saluva Narasimha (later the
Vijavnagar ruler) took advantage of the situation and occupied Udayagiri (1476). So
long ,is Muhammad Shah Ill was alive, Purushottama did not attempt to reoccupy
these territories. But soon after his death (1482 A.D.), Purushottama took
Rajahmundry, K ~ n d d by r 1484, and Udayagiri from Saluva Narasimha (sometime
between 1486-91). Thus, he succeeded in extending the frontiers of his empire from
Bhagirathi in the north to river Pennar in the south. His son Pratapa Rudra (1497-
1540 A.D.), too, like his father, smbarked upon an expansionist policy. Most of his
military exploits are af early 16th century which fall outside the scope of our stuPyS -
Moreover, during his reign, he had to face continuous clashes with the Vijaynaqr
I ruler Krishnadeva Raya and the Bengal ruler Hussain Shah. After his death (1540),
his successors could hardly hold the empire intact, and the end of Suryavamsi \

(Gajapati) dynasty came soon after (1542).

. --
Check Your Progress 3

1) Examine the relations of Bengal rulers with the kingdom of i(amrup.

2) Who were Tai-Ahoms? Lht the achievements of Sukhangpha.

3) Discuss Kapilendta's relations with-the rulers of Vijaynagar, Bahmani and

Bengal.

Kamesh Mechrocks
I ................................................................................................................................ , Central and Eastern India
\,

................................................................................................................................

4) Fill in the blanks :

a) Kamata was the capital of .................
b) Rai Prithui defeated the forces of ............... and ...................
c) Assamese literature is called .................
d) Foundation of Khyan dynasty was laid down by .................... tribe..
e) The Ahoms belonged to ................... tribe.
f) Purushottama surrendered Kondavidu and Rajahmundry to .........................

L
23.7 LET U S S U M U P
In this Unit, you have studied the emergence of independent kingdoms of Malwa,.
Jaunpur and Bengal. These kingdoms emerged as a result of the decline of the Delhi
Sultanate. We have also studied the territorial expansion of each state and their
relations with the Sultanate and the neighbouring state. Apart from these kingdoms,
we have also d.iscussed the kingdoms of Assam and Orissa. Their development was
independent of the Sultanate. In Assam there existed two kingdoms, the
Kamatit-Kamrup and the Ahoms. The latter was still in the process of state
formation and was mainly based on tribal organisation.

1 . 23.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

I EXERCISES
I
1 ,. Check Your Progress 1
I ) See Sec. 23.2
2) See Sec. 23.3
3 ) .See Sec. 23.2; 23.3

Check Your Progress 2

I ) See Sec. 23.4
2) See Sec. 23.4
3) a) 1205 b) 1281 c) 1342 d) 1459-74 e) 1357-89
Check Your prbgress 3
1 ) See Sub-sec. 23.5.1 -
2) See Sub-sec. 23.5.2
3) See Sec. 23,6
4) To answer thcse questions (a-f) read Sub-sec. 23.5.1 and Sec. 23.6

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 24 NORTHERN AND WESTERN

Structure
24.0 Objectives
24.1 Introduction
24.2 Kashmir
24.3 North-West Rai~utana
24.3.1 The O u i b and the S i i
24.3 2 The Gubilols of Vagad
24.3.3 The Rarhors of Marwar
24.3.4 M ~ n o itajput
r Principalities
24.4 Gujarat
24.4.1 Relatioqs with Malwa
24.4.2 Relations with Rajputana
24.4.3 Relatl* wlth Bahmeni end Khandah
24.5 Sind - .,
24.6 Let Us Sum1Up
24.7 Key Words I
24.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

24.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this bnit you will know about :
the regional powers that emerged in Northern and Western India.
the territorial eNpansion of these kingdoms,
. their reiationship.with neighbours and other regional powers, and
iheir relations with the Delhi Sultanate.

24.1 . INTRODUCTION
In the preceding Unit (23) you have seen how regional powers emerged in Central
and Eastern India. In this Unit, our focus would be on the emergence of regional
powers in Northern and Western India. We will discuss in this Unit the territorial
expansion of the qgional kingdoms of Kashmir. ' ~ a j ~ u t a n Sind
a . and Gujarat.
Some of these regi~nalpowers were the result of the decline of the Delhi Sultanate
while others' devebpment was independent. Kashmir developed independently of the
Sultanate while Gqarat was the outcome of its decline. Sind and Rajputana, though
all the time were fallling prey. to the Sultanate and at times even formed part of it,
succeeded in retaining their regional features.

,
24.2 KASHMIR
Geographically, Kaphmir valley is surounded by Pir Panjal ranges in the south and
south-west, KiShtwbr valley in ihe south-eask'and the wrth, and north-ast and
. north-west region i$ covered by the mighty central and north-westem Himalaian
ranges. The Kashmir valley mainly consists of, on the one hand, alluvial plaiqs of
Jhelum and its tributaries and, on the other, of plaieaus. While the alluvial plains arc

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Northern and Western lndia
fertile and extensively cultivated, elevated plateaus arc less fertile and either laid
waste, or if cultivated yield poor crop. Since the Kashmir valley is surrounded by .
mountain terrain, passes (Zojila, Banihal, Budil, Pir Panjal and Toshamaidan)
occupy great importance and they had great impact on the development of political
and socio-economic processes. However, the southern passes remain inaccessible till .
the time of the Lodis; the northern ?nd western passes (Baramulla, Pakhli and Swat)
were always accessible.

I The 13th-century Kashmir saw a n independent but weak Hindu kingdom of

Jagadeva (I 198-12 12). During his reign, the Damras, a turbulent feudal community,
rebelled but were successfully suppressed. But his successors ~ a j a d e v a(1212-35),
Samgramdeva (1235-52) and Ramdeva (1252-56) could not assert their power. After
b
the latter's death, the Damra lord, Simhadeva (1286-1301), got the opportunity to
usurp the throne. But his dynasty, too, could not continue for long. Interestingly, in
spite of the Muslim inroads in India, Kashmir remained for long outside the Muslim
• sway for about two centuries. Mahmud Ghaznavi 'made two attempts in 1015 and
1021, but the mlghty Himalaya and Hindukush wasted his designs. The myth of the
invincibility of Kashmir could only be shattered in 1320 when the commander
Dulacha succeeded in ransacking Kashmir and amassed huge booty. But a severe
snow storm dug his grave a t Banihal pass itself.

The invasion had its long lasting impact. It paved the way for the establishment of
Muslim rule in Kashmir. The way Raja Sahadeva tackled the Mongol problem, and
the large-scale destruction and devastation struck by the Mongols, created great
dissatisfaction ainong his subjects. This was exploited well by Rinchan, a Bhautta
Prince of Laddakh, to usurp the throne in 1320. Soon after he accepted Islam and
assumed the title of Sultan Sadruddin. His subsequent murder was followed by a
long period of internal strifes. Later, Shahabuddin (1356-74) tried to put the state on
strong footing. When Timur (Timurlane) invaded lndia in 1398, he sent his envoy
Faulad Bahadur and Zainuddin to Sultan Sikandar of Kashmir and asked for a huge
sum. This resulted in large-scale anarchy till Zainul Abedin ascended the throne in
1420. He ruled the country with utmost vigour for 50 years (d. 1470). He extended
his frontiers up to Western Tibet and occupied Ladakh and Shel. But his deeds were
soon undone by his successors. His death created internal feuds. Finally, the
-. Saiyyids
succeeded in assuming power in the beginning of the 16th century.

No clashes seem to have occurred between the Delhi Sultans and Kashmir rulers till
the Saiyyid rule. But strained relations between the two appeared during the reign of
Bahlol Lodi. The Tabaqat-i Akbari reports that during the war of succession that
' followed after Haider Shah's death (1470-72). Tatar Khan, the governor of Punjab,
a t the instruction of Bahlol Lodi, sided with Bahram Khan, the uncle of Sultan
Hasan. Sultan Hasan succeeded in killing Bahram. Tatar Khan's act t o help Bahram
antagonised Sultan Hasan. He sent Malik Tazi Bhatt to invade Punjab. Tazi Bhatt
not only succeeded in defeating Tatar Khan, but he also occupied Sialkot. Following
Sultan Hasan's death (1484) at the call of Saiyyid Muhammad, the son of Saiyyid
Hasan, Tatar Khan again mobili~edforces against Kashmir. This time again Tatar
Khan had to face defeat a t the hands of the united force of the rulers of Jammu and
Kashmir.
I -
Check Your Progress 1
1 ) Analyse the role of geography in the emergence of Kashmir a s a n independent
Kingdom.
t

I
.................................................................................................................................
2) Who was Zainul Abedin?
................................................................................................................................
....... .......................................................................................................................
1
Kamesh Mechrocks
24.3 NORTH-WEST : RAJPUTANA
The present ~ o r t h k e s region
t of India comprises Rajasthan and a p r t of Gujarat
and Punjab. From+he geographical point of view, this region consists of a vast Thar
desert in which Bibner, Jaisalmer and Barmer lie. In the South-wet region are the
Kutch plains in wtd<h Nagar Parkar state flourished. The states of Mewar,
Dungarpur, Banswara, Chittor and Ranthambhor flourished at the foot-hills of the
Aravalli ranges.
Before the rise of tribal monarchies of the Rajputs, there were local tpbes, namely,
Bhils, ~ e e n a s Mers
, and Jats. These tribes spread over different regions. For
instance, the Bhils were dominant in Mewar, Dungarpur and Banswara states while
Meenas, Mers and Jats were dominant in Jaipur, Jodhpur and Bikaner respectively.
These'local tribes, however, could not succeed in establishing monarchies as
subsequently foundkd by other Rajput tribes who came from the north-west part of
India.
The ~ h a i i sof ~aisalmkrcame from the vicinity of the Sutlej river in Punjab and the
Sisodias from the Marmada in South India. The Kachhawahas moved from Central'
India (Narwar), a d the Rathors of Jodhpur and Bikaner had their links with
Kannauj region. he immigration of the Rajputs indicates some interesting points.
Initially, they settled around the banks of rivers where they had access to water and
rich soil for agricultural purposes. When the population grew and disputes over
succession or on other matters took place, the weaker section moved to the regions
which were spar_sely populated and had no political authority to resist the settlement
of newcomers in .thdir regions. The newcomers were advanced in warfare technology
and political organisation compared to the aboriginal tribes. Since the newcomers
were few in numbers, they adopted two-pronged measures to control the local tribe!
one was the use of force, and the other was socio-religious measures.
In the coercive method, first they strengthened their position by erecting forts to -
show their military prowess. The second one is significant from socio-religious poin
of view. The migradt clans established a practice of putting tika on the forehead of
every succeeding chief by a local tribal. For instance, the Bhils of Mewar,.the
Godara Jats of Bihner and the Meenas of Jaipur used to put tika on the forehead
of the succeeding chiefs of these regions. Without performing this ritual, the
succeeding chief was not considered as legal head of the region and its people. Even
after the acceptance of the Mughal suzerainty by the Rajput clans in the 16th-17th
century, this social function of marking tika by a local tribal continued. However, at
the political level, the Mughal emperoi exercised this privilege of bestowing
succession rights on one of the family members of the ruling clan. But at the local
level, the social rituil of putting tika by a local tribal was carried out. It was
symbolic in the sense that while the real power rested with the aboriginal tribe, they
had delegated this power to a chief whose duty was to protect the region and its
people from external aggression and also to look after the welfare of the people. In
the beginning, this sbcial custom was followed to assuage the feelings of the local
tribes, but with the passage of time it simply became a ritual. Gradually, the Rajputs
became defacto and dc jure chiefs of the regions and the local tribes simply became
peasants. Further, the chiefs in order to maintain'soldiers and also themselves
extracted surplus frbm the peasants. A religious colour was given to this act: the
surplus was taken a$ bhog. The word bhog signified religious sanctity: the offering
rnade to a deity was also called 'bhog'. Moreover, the king was considered a
representative of God. Therefore, it-was the religious duty of the peasants to make
offerings (bhog) to the chief and his officials. It further strengthened the authority of
the chit,& and the chances of revolt of the local people were minimised. It became
obligatory for a chid to protect his political authority from outside aggression. Thus,
Kamesh Mechrocks
 the suzerain power enjoyed chief within a certain territory gave birth to the N o r t h and Watcm Indd
' tribal-cum-territorial

24.3.1 The Cuhilas and the Sisodias

The most powerful state which emerged in the north-west &as the state of Mewar.
During the 13th century, Jaitra Singh (1213-61) consolidated the Guhila power but
failed to face the Turkish menace. Alauddin Khalji succeeded in defeating Rana
Ratan Singh and occupied Mewar in A.D. 1303. During the 14th century. internal
feuds flared up in Mewar that resulted in the victory of Raja Hamir of Sisodia clan.
Thus was laid the foundation of the ~i$odiarule in Mewar. Hamir's successors
extended the domain which included Ajmer, Jahazpur, Mandalgarh, Chhapen,
Bundi, Nagor, Jalor and Sambhar. But it was under Rana Kumbha (1433-68) that
the Sisodia power reached its peak. An interesting development during the early
years of Rana Kumbha's reign was the increasing influence of the Rathor clan over
the Sisodias. At any rate, the Rana was able to smother the Rathor's hold.
/
Rana Kumbha expanded his territories far and wide. Almost the whole of ~ikjasthan
was brought under his sway. He occupied Kota, Bundi, Amber, Narwar, Durgapur,
Sambhar, Nagor, Ranthambhor, and Ajmer. Many times he repulsed the invasions
of the Sultans of Malwa and Gujarat (the details of these clashes would be dealt
with in separate sections on Malwa and Gujarat). Rana Kumbha was assassinated by
his son Uda who occupied the throne in 1468. During the reign of Uda (1468-73) and
his successor Raimal (1473-1508). struggle for power continued unabated till Rana
Sanga ascended the throne in 1508.

24.3.2 The Guhilots of Vagad

The Guhilots of Mewar did not confine themselves to ~ e d a only.
r During the first
half of the 12th century, Samant Singh of Mewar went to Vagad (modern
Dungarpur and Banswara) to establish his own principality. But he could not control
the region for a long time because of the intervention of Gujarat. When Gujarat's
control over Vagad weakened, Jagat Singh, a descendant of Samant, re-established
his suzerainty in the region in the beginning of the 13th century. The Guhila hold
was consolidated in Vagad during 14th-15th century. They used to have frequent -
clashes with the Sultans of Gujarat. The rulers of Malwa were also t ~ e i traditional
r
enemies.
Another branch of the Guhilots led by Rana Mokal's second son, Khem Singh, and
his descendant Suraj Ma1 (1473-1528). shifted to Pratapgarh where an independant
state arose towards the end of the 15th century.

24.33 The Rathors of Marwar

The Rathors of Marwar migrated from the region of Kannauj to Pali during the
,inid-thirteenth century. Siha, the Rathor chief, helped the Brahmans of Pali in
freeing the region from the incursions of the Mers and tbe Meenas. ~ h u s he
,
established his suzerainty over that region around 1243. Asthan and the subsequent
Rathor chiefs succeeded in extending their sway over ldar. Mallani, Mandsor,
Jaisalmer, Barmer, Umarkot and Bhinmal. But the Rathor power reached its climax
during the reign of Rao Chunda (1384-1423) and Rao Jodha (1438-89).
Rao Chunda received Mandor (Mandsor) in dowry$1395). Later, he extended his
sway over Khatu, Didwana, Sambhar, Nagaur and Ajmer which were under Delhi
Sultan's hegemony. To challenge the rising power of Chunda, a coalition was formed
by the Bhatis, the Sankhalas and the governor of Multan. They invaded Nagaur and
succeeded in killing Chunda in 1423. Under Rao Jodha, the Rathors emerged as a
formidable power. He further extended his domain by occupying Merta, Phalodi,
Pokharan, Bhadrajun, Sojat, Jaitaran, Siwana, parts of Godwad and Nagaur. Later,
during Rao Suja's reign (1492-15 1 3 , the Rathot power started showing signs of
disintegration. Biran Deo was the first to declare independence. Soon after, the
chiefs of Pokarana and Bahadmer also severed their ties with the Rathors.
The Rathor power did not remain confined to the Marwar region only: it extended
further towards Jangla (modern Bikaner) under the leadership of Bika, the son of
Rao Jodha (1438-89). Bika migrated to Jangla sometime around 1465. He
strengthened his position by establishing matrimonial tie with Rao Shekha of Pungal
- -
-
Kamesh Mechrocks
ÿ he, ~ e ~ i o ' n . 1Powers : who gave him his dau hter in marriage. The Jats of that region also surrendered to
13th-15th Century j
him. In 1488, he foun ed the city of Bikaner which, since then, became a centre of
power. Bika, after his father's death, strived unsuccessfully to occupy the ancestral
~ a d d of
i Jodhpur, although he was able to conquer a part of Punjab. At the time of
his death in 1504, a latge territory was under his control.

24.3.4 Minor Rajflut Principalities

1

Besides the above mekioned Rajput principalities, there arose a number of small
'chiefdoms' in R a j p u t h a during the 13-15th century. Foremost were the Bhatis of
Jaisalmer who migrate/d from Punjab t o the Thar desert in the beginning of the 1 Ith
century. Throughout tbe 14-15th century, Jaisalmer rulers had frequent clashes with
the rulers of Mewar, Multan, Umarkot and Bikaner.

Next came the Kachhwahas who migrated t o Dhundhar from central India. They
were the feudatories o t the Gurjara-Pratihara rulers. During the-1 l t h century, the
Kachhwaha chief ~ u l $ hRai migrated from ~ a r w a r t oEastern Rajasthan where he
subdued the ~ a r ~ u j a r s l a nlaid
d the foundation of the ~ h u n d h a state
r (Amber,
modern Jaipur). The gachhwahas controlled Amber, Med, Bairat and Shaikhawati
region during the 15th century. However, they rose t o prominence during the
I
Mughal period.

We have already seen in Unit 9 that the Chauhans were the main power t o reckon
with when the Turks tbme t o India. But after Prithviraj's defeat at the hands of the
Turks (1 192: second bbttle of Tarain) the Chauhan power declined. There emerged a
number of petty powed-centres at Jalor, Ranthambhor, Nadol, Sirohi and Haroti
which a t one point of time formed part of the Sultanate (see Unit 14) or were too
weak t o face the onslabght of Mewar and Marwar.

Sometime around mid 13th century, the Hadas succeeded in establishing a

principality in the Buntii-Kota region. They were the feudatories of the Rana of
Mewar. Samar Singh had defended his territory from the incursion of Balban in
1253-54, but he could hot face the might of Alauddin Khalji. He died fighting. His
son, Napuj, also faced the same fate at the hands of Alauddin in 1304, A.D. During
the 15th century, the Hadas kere frequently confronted by Mewar, Gujarat and
Malwa. In fact, during 13-15th century the Bundi state existed in name only.

The Yadavas of Karavqi and Sodhas of Umarkot add Barmer also rose to
prominence during t h e 13-15th century. However, they could not play a prominent
role in the 13-15th century regional power formations. .
\

'I
- Check Your Progress 2
1) How did the Rajput tribes succeed in establishing their monkrchies in north-west
India?

2) Who were the Rathors?

..................................................................................................................................
. ,

3) Discuss briefly the emergence of Rana Kumbha's power.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 lern and Western India

, 24.4 GUJARAT
1 You have already read (in lock 3, Unit 9) about the emergence of the Chalukya
state in Gujarat during 8-12th century. The Chalukya hold continued over Gujarat
P throughout the 13th century in spite of the establishment of the Sultanate. You have
also seen (Block 4, Unit 15) how in 1299 Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan, laudd din
Khalji's generals, succeeded in overthrowing Raja Karna Baghella, the Chalukya
b ruler and thus laid the foundation of the Sultanate rule in Gujarat. The Delhi
Sultans enjoyed subremacy over Gujarat throughout the 14th century. However,
symptoms of decline became evident from Feroz Shah's reign onwards who entrusted
the governorship of Gujarat to Shamsuddin Damghani. Timur's invasion (1398)
provided the much sought for opportunity to the governors to break away with the
centre. Soon after, in 1407, Zafar khan (who later assumed the title of Muzaffar
Shah), the then Governor of Gujarat, established a n independent kingdom i n
Gujarat.
The Kingdom of Gujarat since its incep~ionhad been constantly clashing with its
neighbouring territories-Malwa, Rajputana, Khandesh and the Bahmarii kingdoms.
I
24.4.1 Relations with ~ a l w a '
The Malwa rulers were their traditional enemies. In 1408, Muzaffar Shah attacked
Malwa and made its ruler Hoshang Shah captive. Though Hoshang Shah had to
accept the suzerainty of Muzaffar Shah, he was jealous of the rising power of
Gujarat. To undermine its power, the rulers of Malwa used to join hands with the
enemies of Gujarat. But Ahmad Shah of Gujarat sdcceeded in crushing Hoshang
Shah's power. Later during Qutbuddin Ahmad Shah 11's reigh (1451-59), ~ a h k u d
Khalji of Malwa attacked Qujarat but he was repulsed. Later, Mahmud Khalji allied
with Qutbuddin Ahmad Shah I1 to confront Rana Kumbha of Mewar. But this
move was purely a diplomatic one as Mahmud Khalji never left any opportunity to
undermine the prestige of the rulers of Gujarat.

i 24.4.21 Relations with Rajputana

I
Another formidable power with which the rulers of Gujarat had been constantly at
I war was Rajputana. The first Rajput kingdom to form part of Gujarat was Idar
L
(1426). Soon, Ahmad Shah overran Dungarpur (1433).'Later, Qutbuddin (1451-59)
ahd Mahmud Begarha (1459-151 1) had to face Rana Kumbha, the ruler of Mewar.
Rana Kumbha, as we have already seen, had occupied Siroti, Abu and Nagaur, the
I latter being ruled by Ahmad Shah's uncle, fieroz Khan. As a result, Rana Kumbha '
had to cope with the combined attack of Gujarat, Sirohi and ~ a g a u rThe
. final
I outcome was that the Rana had to sue for peace by paying huge indemnity. But .
Rana Kumbha retained his capital, Kumbhalgarh ih spite of its being besieged two
times.
The Rajput state of Champaner also constantly clashed with Gujarat. But finally it
was annexed to the Gujarat kingdom by Mahmud Begarha in 1483-84 who reriamed
rit Muhammadabad and made it his second capital. By Mahmud Begarha's reign
other small Rajput kingdoms of Junagarh, Sorath, Kutch and Dwarka were also
.
subjugated and the boundary of the Muzaffar Shahi domain reached the remotest
corners of the Kathiawar peninsula.

1 24.4.3 Relations with Bahmani and Khandesh

I The Bahmani ruler Feroz Shah maintained cordial relations with the Gujarati rulers. .
But after his death (1397-1422), radical change came about with the accession of
Ahmad Bahmani (1422-1436) who formed matrimonial alliance with the ruler of
Kamesh Mechrocks
Khandesh. When-Rai Kanha of Jhalawar fled (1429), Khandesh and Bahmani rulers
gave asylum to him. Thia infuriated Ahmad Shah Gujarati and he had to use force
against them. He subjected them to a crushing defeat and occupied Mahim. k
However, during M a h m d B&uha*s reign cordialitia revived. When Mahmud
Khalji of Malwa'attacked the Bahmani kingdom, Mahmud Begarha came twice to ita
rescue.
Mahmud Begarha also mbihtained friendly relatiodwith the Khandesh rulers, bUt
Adil Khan I1 ceased to pay tribute and joined hands with Ahmadqgar and Berar. As
a result, Mahmud Begarhp a t F W Khandesh and.finally Adil Khan was compelled
to a m p t suzerainty of MBhmud Begarha. But the latter did not annex either
Kiunde~h~or Daubtabad; instead, he confirmed their rulers on payment of tribute.
Mahmud Begarha also had close ties with the Jam Nizamuddin of Sind. Since he
was Mahmud's maternal grandfather, Begarha rushed to support him when the tribal
of Sind rebelled aminst the Jam.
I

Mahmud Begarha also slzicceeded ir! suppming the rising Portuguese Mwcn in
Indian waiers. He receivad help from the rulers of Egypt and the Ottoman who sent
their generals Amir ~ u s $ i nirnd Sulaiman Rais. The combined force at fmt
sucaeded in defeating thq Portuguese flotilla at 'Chaul in 1508 but, lateh-c509,
Kamesh Mechrocks
Albuquerque cornpletdy.bushed them. _ a result, in 1510 Mahmud Begarb
...- --. As
entered into an alliance with the' Pony'guese and extracted assurance for the safety of u o r t b a a d Watcra
the Gujarati ships in the Arabian sea.

In 1508, the Delhi Sultan Sikandar Lodi sent an embassy to Gujarat. The embassies
of Sikandar Lodi and that of Ismail Safavi of Iran greatly increased the pre&ige of
the Gujarati ruler. It also suggests the important place Mahmud ~ e ~ a r occupied
ha in
the contemporary national and international scene.

24.5 SIND
Sind was another independent state on the western border of India. The history of.
the foundation of Muslim powe-r in Sind goes back to A.D. 71.2, when ~ u h a m m a d
bin Qasim attacked Sind. The Sumirahs seem to have established their power
sometime in the 10th century in Sind. We do not have 'much information regarding
their rule and their relation with the neighbouring states. But stray references suggest
that their influence extended as far a's bebal and Makran Coast. They also had parts
of Kutch under their control. Acpording to the Tarikh-i Jahangusha, the
Khwarizmian ruler Jalauddin Mangbarni defeated Chanesar, the Sumirah prince, in
1224 and occupied Debal and Damrilah. During Iltutmish's region, Nizam-ul Mulk,
Jlinaidi, the wazir of Iltutmish, occupied it in 1228 and its ruler Chanesar was sent
to the court of Iltutmish. Later, Muhammad Tughluq attacked Thatta in 1350-51 in
pursuit of Taghi, the rebel noble.

I
MAP 4
Kamesh Mechrocks
e . .
 anal Powers : Later, the Sammahs succeeded in overthrowing the Sumirah in 1351. They ruled for
.h Century 175 years. The Chachnama mentions Sammahs as residents of Sind even before the
conquest of Muhammad bin Qasim. They originally belonged to the Yadava branch
of Rajputs and were later converted to Islam. They were mainly agriculturists and
held land under the Siumirahs. When Feroz Shah Tughluq in 136061, and again in 1362,
attacked Jam Jauna and Banbaniya of Thatta, the Jam had to sbrrender. But soon.
after the death of Feroz Shah Tughluq (1388), the Sammahs threw off the Sultanate
yoke and became independent under Jam Tughluq. The Jam rulers of Sind
maintained cordial relations with the rulers of Gujarat. Jam Nizamuddin had married
his two daughters to-the Gujarat ruler, and Mahmud Begarha was the son of his
second daughter, Bibi Mughli. We have already seen how Mahmud Begarha came all
out in 1472, to the help of Jam Nizamuddin when the tribal pirates threatened the
latter's authority. Jqm Nizamuddin (1460-1508), the greatest of the Jams of Sind.
also had close ties with Sultan Husain of Multan. During the closing years of his
reign (1493), the Arghuns who were the descendants of the Khans of Persia.
threatened Jam's pqwer. But s I long as Jam Nizamuddin was alive, the Arghuns'
attacks were not successful. After his death (1508), the Arghuns succeeded in
t +ablishing their Mwer in Sind in the 16th century.
&

Your ~ r o ~ r c 3b s
i
1) ~liiicallyexamine relations of Gujarat with Malwa rulers.

2) Who were the ~ammahk?

24.6 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit, we have discussed the emergence of regional powers in Northern and
Western India &ring 13-15th century. We have seen that Kashmir as an independent
state develop-d outside the Sultanate. The relations of Kashmir Sultans with thC
Delhi Sultanate thrcoughout the 13-15th century remained cordial except during
Bahlol Lodi's re@. In Rajputana, there e m e ~ e da dumber of small principalities
based on clan-organisation, of which the Guhilas, Sisodias and Rathors were more
prominent. Gujarat became independent as a result of Sultanate's decline. By early
15th century, it attained a complete independent status. Gujarat was constantly at
war with its neighbours-Malwa, Rajputana and Bahmanis. During this period, in
the extreme ,west, Sind under the Sumirah and Sammah rulers was trying to throw
off the Sultanate yoke. It could succeed in its designs only after Feroz Tughluq's
death.

24.7 KEY WORDS ,

Bhog : land revenue; offering to a deity.

Gaddi : throne
Jam : title assumed by the Sammah rulers of Sind.
Arghun :descendabts of the Y :.-ins of Persia.
Kamesh Mechrocks
24.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK l ' O ~ _ ' R
PROGRESS
EXERCISES --- - -- - -
- - --
. --

Check Your Progress 1

I ) See Sec. 24.2
2) See Scc. 24.2

Chpck Your Progress 2

I ) .See Sec. 24.3
2) See Sub-sec. 24.3.1, 24.3:2
3) Sce Sub-sec. 24.3.3

Check Y :)ur Progress 3

I ) See Sub-sec. 23.4.1
2) See Scc. 24.5

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 25 STATE, ADMINISTRATION AND
ElCONOMY IN NORTH INDIA

Structure
25.0 Objectives
25.1 Introduction
25.2 Characteristic Features of the Regional States in North In&
25.3 North Indian Kingdoms as Successof States
25.4 Succession Issue
25.5 Legitimization
25.6 Administratiw Structure
25.7 Revenue Administration.
25.8 Nobles and Landed Aristdcracy
25.9 Economy: Gaeral Remarks
25.10 Let Us Sum Up
25.1 1 Key Words
25.12 ~ n s w e r sto Check Your Progress Exercises

25.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, we will discuss the state, administration, and economy in the Northern
States. After reading this Unit, you should be able to learn:
the characteristic features of the regional states,
how the succession issue was decided,
the ways in which the regional kings legitimized their powers,
about the adkinistrative machinery, and
what role did the nobles and landed aristocracy in the regional polity play in the
revenue and economic set-up.

25.1 INTRODUCTION
'

In the present Unit, khe term North India is used to denote the entire region north of
the Vindhyan ranges, i.e. Kashmir in the north; coming down to North-West-the
Rnjputana, Sind, Multan and Gujarat; the aminland-Malwa and Jaunpur; further
in the East-Orissa, Bengal, K a a t a and Ahom regions of Assarn. Since our focal
point is to discuss regional powers, Delhi and its environs, which geographically
form very much a part of North India, fall outside the purview, of our discussion. In
this Unit, an attemgt is made to analyse the characteristic features of the regional
kingdoms, their adniinistrative structure and the role of nobility in the regional
politics.

25.2 CHARYCTERISTIC FEATURES 'OF THE

REGIONAL STATES IN NORTH INDIA
It is generally held t b t the 'antipathy' that existed during the Sultanate .period ,
Kamesh Mechrocks
between the ,Hindu and the Muslim states heightened the conflicts and c l a s h durinp
 . ,

the 13-15th century. But, as Schwartzberg has rightly p'ointcd out. wt find more
frequent and fierce stnrggk between the Muslim-Muslim and Hindu-Hindu rulers
rather than between Hindu-Muslim rulers. For example,?Gujarat*straditional
enemies were Muslim rulers of Malwa and J a u n p u ~there was continuous warfare
between Kamata and Ahom rulers; Orissa rulers contin~ouslyfaced the might of the
Vijaynagr rulers and in Rajputana quarrels took inter-clan character. They never
showed unity even in dire needs. In fact. in framing political alliances, the need of
the time and circumstances played more crucial role rather than religion. Mahmud
Khalji I of Mrlwa sided with Ganga Das, the ruler of Champann, against Mahmud
Shah Gujarati in 1450-51; later. Mahmud Khalji joined hands with the Gujarati ruler
Qutbuddin-against Rana Kumbha of Mewar realizing the latter's strength.

The foremost feature of the 1515th century polity. was 'vertical' penetration rather
than the 'horizontal' one, i.e. horizontally the area under their control was smaller
compared to the Sultanite but within iheir area of influence they 'vertically* '

penetrated deep into the rural areas (for further detaiis see Units 23 and 24).
I
Under regional rulers, the maximum area lay outside their effective control; even
where they exercised a good measure of control, there, too; they often faced some
difficulty. On this basis, we can divide their domain into three kinds:

i) Where land revenue was extracted from the peasants directly through revenue
officials, the state's influence and control.was of a high order.
ti) Aeas where revenue was collected through lbcal chiefs, the state's control was
still good enough.
iii) T& states that were satisfied with the tribute only. the degm of control was
minimal. This relationship had direct bearing on regional rulers' relations with
the nobles, tributary chiefs or rajas and local aristocracy (the so-called
umindirs. muqaddams, etc.). We would take up this aspect in greater detail
while dealing with the nature of the ruling.class under various regional
kingdoms.

25.3 NORTH INDIAN KINGDOMS A S SUCCESSOR

STATES
Generally, the regional kingdoms are considered as 'successor' states of the Sultanate.
An argument has been presented that the founders of the regional kingdoms at one
point of time were either governors of t k Sultanate or had served under them in
'some* capacity. You would'read in the next units that this wasXrue in some cases
but cannot be applied invariably. For example, Zal'ar Khan, Dilawar Khan and
Malik Sarwar, the founders of the regional kingdoms ofH&jarat, Malwa and
Jaunpur respectively, served as governors under theTughluq Sultans. Besides, kngal
mlers also had direct and continous links with the Sultanate. But the Rajputana
.- states, though always a prey to the Sultanate onslaught. never accefited the complete
hegemony of the Sultans. As and w-kn the opportunity arose. they threw off the
9ultanate yoke and succeeded in maintaining heir clannish character. Similar was
'the cast with Sind. Under the Sultanate pressure, the Sir&?-ulcn accepted the
suzerainty of Iltutmish; Muhammad Tughluq and Fcro~Tughluq, but Tor all
practical purposes Sumirah and Sammah rulers ruled independently. As concerned.'
their development was entirely independent of the Sultanate (Tor further details see
Units 23 and 24).
Since some regional powers emerged on the ruins of the Sultanate, it is generally
thought, that structurally their polity bore striking resemblance to th'r Sultanate. Let
us find out to what extent this view is correct.

25.4 SUCCESSON ISSUE

You have already read in Unit 16 about the.nature of the Sultana* socio-political
sytern. We have seen thqt Islam has not providgd any rules for suc-,.ession. As a

Kamesh Mechrocks
The Regional Powem : result, principles of election, nomination and hereditary succession coex~steu.l n
13th-15th Century fact, 'force' was the main arbiter. Thus, ample opportunity for manoeuvring was
available.
Like the Sultanate, in,the regional states as \-fell,whether ruled by a Hindu or a
Muslim, there were no set rules of succession. Hence, there were always conspiracies
and intrigues among various groups in which sometimes women also played a
significant role. In Malwa, the principle of nomination took precedence over law of ,
primogeniture. In Jaunpur, 'force' was the deciding factor. Husain Shah Sharqi
usurped the throne iq 1458 after killing his elder brother Muhammad Shah Sharqi.
Similarly, in Gujarat,. accession of Ahmad Shah was contested by his uncle Maudud ,
Sultan (Feroz Khan). In Bengal, the role of nobles was more important and they .
acted as kingmakers. $hamsuddin'~hmadShah was killed by his slaves Shadi Khan
and Nasir Khan (1435). They, in turn, were killed by their rivals (1442). By 1487, the
power of Abyssinian p b l e s reached its peak when, Malik Andil, an Abyssinian
noble killed Jalaluddin Fath Shah, and usurped the throne.

In Rajputana, too, the law of primogeniture was not strictly adhered to. In the case
of the Guhilas and Sisodias, we find that after Rana Lakha's death, instead of
Chunda (the eldest son of the Rana), the throne passed into the hands of his minor
son Rana Mokal. Similarly, Uda usurped the throne by killing his father Rana
Kumbha. Paimal's accession was also nor smooth. He was challenged by Uda's sons
Sahasmal and Surajwl.

In Kashmir, too, no succession rules could develop. As early as 1323, Shah Mir,
usurped power following his master's death. His eldest son Jamshed's accession
(1342), too, was followed by a long-drawn war of succession. Zainul Abedin himself,
assumed power after killing his elder brother Ali Shah in 1420.

In Ahom, the 'council df great nobles- Bar Gohaih and Burah Gohain played an
important role in appointing and nominating kings. In fact, no one could becbme th
king without their appoval. It was only'in the kingdom of Orissa where succession
rules were respected uqder the Ganga rulers. But, later, when the power was
transferred from the Gdnga rulers to the Gajapati rulers, there seems to have
emerged some lapses: we find that after Kapilendra's death, his younger son
Purushottama usurped the throne by setting aside the claims of his elder brother
Hamir.

The King was at the helm of affairs, and he was the final authority in all matters.
But, as you have already read, in the Islamic world there was no legal sanction for
the Sultan's authority and it was-the Caliph who was the political head of the
Muslims. The Delhi Sultans used to recite khutba in Caliph's name and inscribe his
name on their coins to get legal sanction for their authority. For the regional states,
the need for legitimization, not only in the eyes of the masses but also their
competitors, became more important, for every accession was usually preceded by
clashes and wars. For those regional states which were situated too far away to get
the legal sanction from the Caliph at Baghdad, the ulema and the sufis were more
potential legitimizers.

To pacify the orthodox Muslim opinion, the rulers of Malwa, Gujarat, Bengal and
Jaunpur always showed their eagerness to get the support of the ulema and SUE,by
offering them lucrative ~ f f i c eand
s revenue-free land grants (madad-i-maash). T4.-
also used to pay frequent visits to the hhanqahs of the Muslim saints. The legal
authority of the C a N h pas explicitly recognized by the Bengal rulers Iwaz Khalji,
Mughisuddin, Ruknbddln Kaikaus, Shamsuddin Feroz, etc. who all engraved the
Abbasid Caliph's name On their coins. Under Ibrahim Sharqi's patronage flourished
famous Muslim mystics Makhdum Asaduddin Aftab-i Hind, Makhudum Sadruddin
Chirgh-i Hind, Saiyyid Alaul Haqq of Pandua, etc. The Malwa ruler Hoshang Shah
made special efforts to encourage the ulema and mashaikhs to come and settle in
Malwa. Hoshang Shah had profound respect for .Makhdum Qazi Burhanuddin and
, '
Kamesh Mechrocks , \ *
 ,e became his disciple (murid). Mahmud Khalji received khilat from the Abbasid State, Adminbtrrtlon and
Economy In North India
Caliph at Egypt. It helped greatly in enhancing the prestige of the Malwa ruler. The
famous sufi Saiyyid Usman, the disciple of Burhanuddin, was greatly respected by
the Gujarati ruler Mahmud Begarha. He built a mosque and rauza (tomb) in his
memory at Ahmedabad immediately after his death in 1459. Burhanuddin's son Shah
Alam also enjoyed great prestige and patronage of the Gujarati rulers, Qutbuddin .
And Mahmud Begarha. In Kashmir, too, the sufis enjoyed great honour and favour
of the Kashmiri rulers. In Rajputana, the rulers lavishly distributed revenue-free
land to the Brahmans to win their favour to justify their various political acts. You
have already read in Unit 9 that this was the prevalent trend during the 8th-12th
century. The same trend continued during 13-15th century as well.

I In Orissa, Lord Jagannath was believed to be the real ruler. Therefore, the Brahmans
gained great political influence: They legitimized the usurpation of the Ganga throne
by Kapilendra Deva (1435 A.D.), and the accession of Purusottama Deva to the
exclusion of Harnir.

I
-Check Your Progress 1
I) What do you understand by 'horizontal' and 'vertical' penetration under the
regional states?

..................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
)

..................................................................................................................................
..................................................................................................................................
2) Can the regional states may truly be called the successor states of the Sultanate?
Comment.
..................................................................................................................................

25.6 ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE

Since most of the regional statek emerged as a result of the disintegrqtion of the
Delhi Sultanate, they copied the administrative model of their parent state. Though
the states of Kashrnir developed independently, there, too, the working was by and
large along the Sultanate administrative set-up. In Rajputarla and Orissa, however,
we find certain changes in nomenclature. The Ahorn kingdom also went through an
t entirely dffferent set-up, primarily because of its tribal nature.
. .
In Malwa, Gujarat, Bengal, Jaunpur and Kashmir, the central machinery was headed
by wazir followed by ariz-i mumalik, shaikh-ul Islam and qazi. Besides, there were
hajib, dabir (department of correspondence), amir-i dar (master of ceremonies), amir-
i-akhur (chief of royal stable; in Kashmii he was known as mahasvasala), etc. For
the maintenance of royal household (haram), there was a separate administrative
' machinery. Kingdoms were divided into a number of provinces. In Bengal, provinces
' were called iqlim, arsa and diyar. The provincial governors were called sar-i lashka;
wa wazir (i.e. in them combined the military and financial powers); while in Kashmir
and other regiqnal states-they were known as hakim: In Kashmir, these hlkims were ,
generally recruited from the royal family.
1 Provinces were further subdivided into shiqs (in Bengal), and paraganas with villages
forming t h smallest
~ unit. Like the centre, in the prpvinces also qazis dispensed
justice, muhtasibs looked after morals, kotwal was for the maintenance of law and
Kamesh Mechrocks
 he Regional Powers : order in the towns. while shiqdar was the overall incharge of the prmincc. At the
13th-15th Century ,
village level, there 4 r e village headmen (muqaddams) and accountant (patwari).
I

f'
As for their army oq nisation, the rulers maintained standing army but they largely
depended for the su ply of armed personnel on their provincial governors and
'chiefs'. Infantry an4,cavalry was the main fighting force, but elephants. too, had
their own role. Them were constant efforts on the part of the rulers of Malwa and
Jaunpur to maintain;regula~supply of elephants. In Bengal 'and Gujarat, navy also
formed a n important wing of the army.

In Orissa. at the centlre there were rajaguru (royal priest). mahapradhani (prime
minister), mahasandt/ivigrahi (secretary for peace and war), mahasenapati
(commander-in-chief](. mulabhandaramuna mudrahasta (chancellor of the privy
purse), mahadandadsi (inspector-general of police), mahnmandalika (governor-
general) and mahapabra, etc. The kirigdom was divided into mahamandahs, which
were sub-divided into mandalas and mandalas into nadus or visayas or bhogas. The
lowest unit was the dillage. These divisions were headed by maharanaka, mnaka,
visayapati and gramika respectively. To assist the gramika. there were karana
(accountant), purohqa, dandapasi (policeman), uritavali (village watchman) and
gramabhata (village ~ervant).Towns were headed by puravari. He was assisted by
dandanayaka (magisrlrate) and dandapasi (police inspector). T o administer the affairs
of the capital, there +as a separate official called kalinganagaraadhyaksha.
C

As for the Oriya milikary organisation, the members of all castes and communities
were asked to render military service at the time of emergency, though the Brahmans
seem to have been e ~ e m p t e dfrom compulsory military service. But there were some
exceptions, too. The Chatesvara inscription mentions Vishnu, the Brahman minister
of Anangabhima 111 (121 1-38), who led an expedition against the Kalachuris. The
majority of the soldiers were cultivators who used to cultivate their land during
3 .

peace time.

The Ahom polity wab quasi-feudal with a tribal base. The king was the tribal chief
who shared powet with his two-member council (patra-mantri). Both were supposed ,
t o keep check over each other. The counsellors elected the king and, he, in turn, used ,
to nominate the courisellors. Generally, hereditaty rule prevailed in civil
appointments, though other persons of knowledge and repute could-also be
appointed. The male adults of each family had to perform periodic service to the
king (state). Howeveq, it was difficult for the king to exploit his subjecis.

The Ahoms had devaloped a unique system of militia brganisation. The militia was
known as paiks. Tholentire male population between the 1540 age group was
organised in gots (umlts). Each got consisted of four adult males. The members of
*each got used to repdrt on duty by rotation. They were supposed to perform at least
one man-year of service. An important aspect'worth mentioning here is that their.
\
services were not coNfined to military only. For example, ohe of their important
functions was to build and maintain the infrastructure for the wet rice economy.
Besides, they also helped in reclaiming cultivable lands from forests and swamps.

25.7 REVENUE ADMINISTRATION

Land-revenue was the major source of income of the state. In Kashmir, Malwa,
Gujarat, Jaunpur a d Bengal, land-tax was known as kharaj. We d g not know the
exact magnitude of ifate demand under the regional kingdams. During contingency,
b
relaxation in taxatiarp was granted.. When during Zainul Abedin's reign, famine
struck the kingdom,djhe revenue demand was reduced to I /4th,.and*in some cases to
I I 7th. The fixation Qlf tevenue demand was done taking into consideration the
quality of the soil.14 Kashmir, collection was in kind: the grain was.first stored in ,
the state granaries arid then sold at fixed prices. This helped greatly in reducing the
prices of grain. Besides, in times of scarcity regular supply could also bc ensured.'

'Ibu Battuta (14th c.) informs us that land-tax in Bengal was 112 of the produce. But
the Chinese travellerlWang-ta Yum, writing about the same time. mentions that the
Kamesh Mechrocks I
 State,A
state demand was 115th. Generally, in Bengal, crop-estimation was followed and Ecoamry b N d hh
measurement was not insisted upon. Peasants used to pay directly to the state in
(instalments) eight months. In Bengal, there was also a class of majmuadars
(revenue-farmers) who used to pay fixed amount of land-revenue to the state after
collecting it from the peasants. Tributary chiefs used to pay lump sum to the state.
They appointed their own machinery to extract the land-revenue. All the religiou~
endowments were free from the payment of land,-revenue and other taxes.

In Orissa, the revenue-demand was 116th of the produce.-The entire territory was
divided into numerous circles known as bisi and khanda. Each division was placed
,under bisi and khanda-adhipati. The latter, besides revenue collection and keeping
1 fhe accounts, also possessed police powers. They were assisted by khandait and
boimul, the latter being the accountant. Besides.these officers, the~ewere high-
i ranking military officers (mahanayak, bhupati, bhuyan, etc.) who were hereditary
chiefs. There were also civil qnd religious officers like purohit, rajaguru,-etc. who
were granted extensive unassesed lands as their emoluments. An interesting feature
in Orissa and Gujarat was the hereditary religious grants known as
bhurni~hhidra~idhanyaya. The whole'village along with craftsmen, workers, etc. were
given to the donees. Thus, the artisans and peasants had become semi-serfs. The
purohit class generally enjoyed privileges of free lands; only in contingency a tax
(tanki) used to be imposed on them. In Orissa, the ownership of land vested in the ' .
state.: Besides land-tax there were other tar *sas well.
The ownershipof land, under the'Ahoms, vested with the statelclan. The land used
to be: divided into plots (based on the size of the family) and were distributed
amongst individual householders (paiks) in lieu of their services. It was subject'to
redistribution after their death.
' C k k Your Progress 2
I ) Do you think that theadministrativestructure of regional states wassimilarto that of
the Delhi aultanate? Write.in 60 words.
...............................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................
( 2) Write five lines on Ahom militia organization.
......................................... >...... ................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................
......................................................................................... :.....: .....................',....: .....
a.......... ................................................... :.......................................................
2

3) Define the follow~ng:

Majmuadar ...............;................................................:................................................. :.

Kharaj ......................................:..............................................................:..................:.

Bisi ............................................................................................i .................................

. .

Bhumichhidrapidhanyaya ..............................................................................................

25.8 NOBLES AND LANDED ARISTOCRACY

Nobles
The nobels played a very crucial role in the 13-15th century regional politics. They
hailed from heterogeneous elements, including both the Hindus as well as the
Kamesh Mechrocks
Muslims. he^ used to receive high sounding titles like khan-i-rrum,. khan-i-
- . . -
 r
~ h Redonrl
c Powem : form of iqta (revenue assignment in lieu of salary); in turn, they maintained law and
13tbl?th Century , order,. helped in revdnue extraction and in times of need 'supplied armed personnel to
the king. Theoreticdlly, their position was not hereditary and they owed their power
and position to the king's favour, but gradually their assignments assumed hereditary.
character. HoweverjIRajputana was an exception where they owed their position
primarily to their being the member of the clan: the king's favour was only
secondary. You h a d already seen that these nobles had the'tendency to rebel and
they used to side wNh one group or other during the war of succession. On account
j
of their military strebgth, the king had to depend on them. The power of some of the
nobles was such tha! they became kingmakers, and the kings beeme tools in their
hands (for further &tails see supra).

Landed Aristocracy ,
You have already studied in Block 6 about the role played by the landed aristocracy
in revenue collectiola' and maintenance of law and order under the Sultanate. In
regional kingdoms also there existed such a class. Geopolitically, 'we ca'n divide them
into two categories: [i) landed aristocracy located in the peripheral (frontier) area. In
this<ategory come the 'chiefs' or 'rajas'-the so-called intermediary zamindars;
(ii) landed class who' lived within the mainland-the s o a l l e d primary zamindara.
I

The.first category W s composed of the most refractory elements. They kept on

switching over their.,Bllegiancefrom one state to another.
Landed aristocracy that lived in the mainland was generally under greaer pressure
and more closer scrqtiny. The bharacteristic feature of the regional state was that
mostly the rulers weie considered as aliens; they did not have local base. Their prime
need was to create diloyal class of rural aristocracy to counterbalance the existing
class. Their success ih this task would have been the real achievement of the regional
powers. Muslim invasions and clan rivalries within the Rajputana kingdoms resulted
in l a r g e - w t i p n of the Rajputs towards Malwa and Gujarat. By 13th.century,
we find that mostbf-tblanded magnates in these states were Rajputs, The rulers of
Malwa and Gujarat thus had to face stiff resistance in this process. In Gujarat,
drastic changes werg/brought about by Sultan Ahmad Shah 1 by introducing the
wanta system.
In Bengal, Bakhtiyab Khalji at the outset had distributed all the land among his
military commanders and made them muqti. The suils and ulema were aIso
encouraged to settle down in rural areas to establish muslim hold for which lavish
grants (madad-i-marsh) were made to them.

- 25.9 ECONOMY : GENERAL REMARKS

Agriculture was the backbone of the regional states. Bengal, Assam, Kashmir and
Orissa were predominantly rice producing areas while wheat formed the staple crop it .
Rajputana, Malwa, Gujarat anU Jaunpur. Malwa, with rich and fertile soil, produced
good quality wheat, paddy, gram, peas, pulses, cotton, excellent betal-leaves,
mangoes, etc. These products were supplied to the Delhi Sultanate.
In the medieval economy of Kashmir, Bengal, Assam, Gujarat and Orissa,.t+de
played a very crucial role. The Kashmiri merchants maintained their trade relations
with Patna, Banara$ Lhasa, Kathmandu and Peking. Kashmir's trade with Punjab
was through the Pir Panjal ranges. Kashn~irwas connected with Leh thiough Zoji-la
pass. Salt (from ~ur?jab) and shawl (from Ladakh and ~ a r ~ a i were
d ) the major
imports. Kashmir exported shawls, musk, crystals, silks, saffrbn and dry fruits.
Zainul Abedin took ~pecialefforts to encourage silk industry in Kashmir by
introducing better techniques and designs. Silk-worms were reared on mlberry .
. leaves. The credii fd introducing paper industry in Kashmir'also goes to Zainul
, Abedin. Trade in Behgal was conducted through, both the land and the sea-
routes, the latter more significant. There were two important sea-routes: south-
easterly route connedting East Indies and China, and south-westerly mute connecting
;
Orissa, oro om an deli 3nd ~ i l a b a to
r Arabia and Abyssinia. Textiles, rice, wheat,
silk, sugar, etc. wereithe chief items of export. Ibn Battuta mentions that eunuch and
30 Kamesh Mechrocks
 'I State, A-ba Md
slave trade was also conducted in 14th century Bengal. During the Sena rule, trade Economy Jn N u t b Jdb
was in a state of decline. Minhaj Siraj noticed the cirdulation of sea-sffells (kauri)
and the absence of metallic currency in the 13th a n t u r y kngal. With the
establ~shmcntof the Sultanate rule. important ports like Satgaon. Sonargaon and
Chittagong began to come into existence. Rcsidcs, there emerged a number of mint
towns like Lakhnauti, Sonargaon, Fathabad, Muhammadabad etc. Thus the Muslim
rule crkated conditions of urbanization in Bengal. The Arab and Persian merchants
, had complete control over the eastern seas. anbthe Bengali merchants played a
, secondary role. mostly ,as middle~men.Gujarat with a fine sea-coast enjoyed
flourishing trade with the Arabian and Persian countries via Red Sea and Persian
Gulf. Cambay (Khambayat). Patan. Somnath and Broach were the most important
ports. We hear of as much as 84 ports along the Gujarat Coast in the contemporary
, accounts. Barbosa gives the names of 12 important sea-ports of Gujarat. Varthema,
who visited Gujarat in 1506, tells us that about 300 ships of various nations used to
come annually to Bengal and supplied Persia, Turkey, Syria and Barbary with silk
and cotton stuffs. In Gujarat, both the Hindu and Muslim merchants played
important role. Trade formed the chief source of revenue in Gujarat economy. Barter
was the main form of exchange in the Ahom economy. Even the bureaucracy
received land with a quota of paiks to serve. The villages were self-sufficient but they
had to depend for certain items on other regions, e.g. salt. Rice was the staple crop.
The Tai-Ahoms had developed excellent technique of wet-rice cultivation which
made them distinctly superior to their local counterparts:'

Check Your Progress 3

I ) . Writea note on the natureand structureofthe ruling classes under the regional states.

2) Name the major trade-routes in North India in the 13-15th century.

25.10 LET U S S U M UP
In this Unit, we have discussed the characteristic features of north lndian regional
rtates. They penetrated 'vertically' deep into the rural areas, though 'horizontally' the
area under their control was not very large as compared to the Sultanate. Regional
states are represented as 'successor states' of the Sultanate. But it is not true in its
strict sense. In their administrative structure, most of the Sultanate features
continued to work in the regional kingdoms with some adjustments according to .
their own needs and circumstances. Local variations and the influence of local
culture is evident. Regional States economically and culturally do not present a
dismal picture as it is generally projected. We would deal with the cultural
devel~pmentof these kingdoms in Block 8.

25.11 KEY W O R D S
Arm :province
Bar Cohain and Burah Cohain :originally it was the name of two great officers
Kamesh Mechrocks
The R e g b d Powm : appointed by Sukaphi, who exercised powen second only to t h o s e 4 the king
13tblStb Century himself. Gradually thqjr office assumed hereditary character and the council came to
be known after them.
D i y u :a s m a
Gots : a uni4'of four adult males
Hakim : provincial gqernors
iqlim :as arsa I

P a i b : ahom militia1 Hbuseholdes~

Paba-mantri : councilj bomprises Bar and Burah G o h i m
Rauza :tomb ,
Tanki : nominal tax eqracted from the purohits in contingency.

25.12 ANSWEQS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCI~ES
I

Check Your Progress 1 I

I
1) See Sec. 25.2
2 ) See Sec. 25.3

Check Your Progress 4

I ) See Sec. 25.6
2) See Sec. 25.6
3) See Sec. 25.7 I

Check Your Progress 3

1) See Sec. 25.8
2 ) See Sec. 25.9

Kamesh Mechrocks
 - --- .-

UNIT 26 REGIONAL POWERS IN SOUTH

INDIA AND DECCAN

Structure
0bjectives
Introduction
Tbe Four Kingdoms
26.2.1 The Yadavas and the Kakatiyas
26.2.2 The Pandyas and the Hoysalas
26.2.3 Conflict between the Four Kingdoms
Southern ~ i n ~ d o m
and
s Delhi Sultanate .
26.3.1 First Phase: Alauddin Khalji's Ingasion of South
26.3.2 Second Phase
Administration and Economy
26.4.1 Administration
26.4.2 Economy
Rise of Independent Kingdoms
Let Us Sum U p
Key Words
Answers t o Check Your Progress Exercises

26.0 OBJECTIVES
- .

This unit deals with the polity of South lndia from the 13th century t o mid-14th
century. After reading this unit you would learn about:
the political set-up in Scuth India,
the,conflicts among the Sauthern kingdoms,
the relations of the Southern kingdoms with the Delhi Sultanate,
their administration and economy, and
the emergence of new independent kingdoms in the South.

26.1 INTRODUCTION
In Block 3, we have already discussed the polity. society and economy of the Indian
subcontinent till the beginning of thirteenth century. Now we would discuss the
history of the region in the subsequent period. For our purpose, South India
includes the region to the south of the Vindhyas which includes the Deccan and
peninsular south. In Units 1.l and 12, we have already discussed the physical
geography of the region in general.

The h~sroryof South India from the 13th to the 15th centuries presents two distinct
phases :
i) The beginning of the 13th century is marked by the disintegration of the'chola
and the Chalukya empires. On their ruins emerged four independent kingdoms
in this region. There were the Pandyas and the Hoysalas in the south, the
Kakatiyas and the Yadavas in the north of this region. These kingdoms lasted
for more than a century.
ii) 'In the >econd phase, beginning from the 2nd quarter of the 14th century, there
emerged two powerful states: the Bahmani and the Vijaynagar. These two
controlled almost the whole of South lndia for about two hundred years.

Our discussions for the first phase will centre on the history of the four kingdoms;
tt.eir relationship with each other; their polity, society and economy. In the 2nd
pilase, we will discuss their relations with the Delhi Sultanate.
Kamesh Mechrocks
TheRegldPowcrr: .
13tblSth C
- 26;2 THE FOUR KINGDOMS
The decline of the Chola and the Chalukya empires gave rise to a number of smaller
kingdoms and princi~litiesin the South. The f+r important ones were:
i) the Yadavas
ii) the Kakatiyas .. 1

iii) ' the Pandyas

I, iv) the Hoysalas ,

26.2.1 he Y adavas and the Kakatiyas

'

During the 14th centuty, the Yadavas and the Kakatiyas succeeded in establishing
their hegemony over ah area almost equal to the modern kndhra Pradesh and the
Deccan.
The Yadavas
The history of the Yabva dynasty may be traced to the 9th century.. For around 300
years, they ruled as t w feudatories of the Rashtrakutas and the Chalukyas. With the
decline of the latter, t k y emerged as independent rulers with a big territory under
their control.
'\
BhilIama V, the feudatbry of the Chalukya ruler, Somesvara IV, acquired
independent status in A.D. 1187 and laid the foundation of the Yadava rule. During
Simhana's reign (121046), the Yadava boundaries extended to southern Gujarat;
Western Madhva Pradesh and Berar; parts of Maharashtra, Karnataka, the Western
half of Hydera, d State and the northern districts of Mysore. Krishna (1246dOA.D.)
and Ram Chandra (1271-131 1 A.D.) were other important d e r s of the Yadava
dynasty. With the latter's death came the end of the ~ a d a v apower itself
(1311-12 A.D.).
The Kakatiyrs .
Q e Kakatiyas were the feudatories of the Chalukyas of Kalyani. Kakati Rudradew
(Prataprudra I), the founder of the Kakatiya state, succeeded in overpowering the
Chalukya ruler, Tailapa:111, during the w n d half of the 12th century (c. 1162AD.). He
also succeeded in capturing Kurnool district from the Velananti chiefs sometime
around 1185. Ganapatl (I 199-1262), Rudrambe (126296) end Prataprudra I1 (1295-
1326) were other impottant rulers of the dynasty. Their rule extended over most of
the Andhra region up to Godavari, Kanchi, Kurnool and Cudappah districts. Uugh
Khan (later Muhammad Tughluq) overran the whole of Telingana in 1322 and thus
sealed the fate of the Nakatiya rule.

26.2.2 The Pandyw and the Hoysalas

These two kingdoms cbntrolled the region beyond the Deccan arid almost the whole
of Southern peninsula.
The H o y s a b
The Hoysalas ruled over parts of the present Karnataka arld most of the Tamil
region. The first independent ruler of the kingdom was Ballala 11 (A.D. 1173-1220).
The kingdom achieved independent statui by-the close of the 12th century but its
end came at the beginning of the 14th century. The Hoysala rulers Narasimha 11,
(1234-63), Narasimha fII (1263-91) and Ballala 111 (1291-1342), had to defend
themselves against the aggressive designs of Pandya and Yadava rulers.
-. -1

The Pandyas I ,

The Pandya kingdom bcluded parts of modern Tamil Nadu and almost the whole of
the present Kerala. Th$ kingdom enjoyed the independent status around the,fiAt
quarter of the 13th cedkury and came to an end by the first quarter of the (4th
. century. The first independent king was Maravaraman Sundara Pandya (1216-1238).
Other important rulers of the dynasty were Maravaraman Sundara Pandya I1 (1238-
51), Jatavprarnan S u n h r a Pandya 1 (1251-68), Maravaraman Kulsekhara Pandya
3i (1268-131fJ) and jtavribm Sundara Pandya 11 and Jatavaraman Vir Rndya 11.
Kamesh Mechrocks .
 Regiaaal Pmar b
f 26.2.3 Conflicts between the Four Kingdoms South Indh and.-
During this period, all the four kingdoms were at war with one or the other. We will
not go into the details of these conflicts. Here we would mention in brief the nature
of these struggles.
.e The main conflict was between the ~ a k a t i ~ aHoysalas
s, and the Pandyas for
supremacy over the Chola territories.
The Yadavas were constantly a t war with the ~ a k a t i ~ a ' In
s . these struggles none
1
could completely overwhelm the other. Similar was the case with the Yadavas and
the Hoysalas, and also with the Kakatiyas and the Pandyas.
Apart from the conflicts between these kingdoms, there were other wars also. The
most prominent expeditions across the south were undertaken by the Yadavas and
the Pandyas. The founder of the Yadava dynasty, Bhillama V, led expeditions to

I Malwa and Gujarat. The Yadava king'simhana and Ram Chandra also waged
wars against Malwa (R.D. 1215). and Gujarat without any decisive victories.
The Pandya king Maravaraman Kulasekhara sent expeditions to Ceylon (1283-
1302). King Parakramabaha I11 (A.D. 1302-1310) of Ceylon submitted to the
Pandya king and the relations between the two remained peaceful thereafter.

26.3 SOUTHERN KINGDOMS AND DELHI

SULTANATE
After consolidating their hold over North 1 n d i a . b ~
the end of the thirteenth centtlry,
the Delhi Sultans turned their attention towards the South from the first half of the
14th century.

You have already read in detail in Unit 15 about the Sultanate's expansion under the
Khaljis and the Tughluqs in the Deccan and the deep south. Here our emphasis will
be on the main features of the expansionist policy of the E l h i Sultans and its impact
on the Deccan pnlit. . d e will discuss the relations of southern kingdoms with the
Sultanate in two phases:

i) During Alauddin Khalji's reign, and

ii) After Alauddin's death to the end of Muhammad Tughluq's reign.

26.3.1 First Phase: Alauddin Khalji's Invasion of South

During the reign of Jalaluddin Khalji (1290-96). his nephew Alauddin undertook the
first Muslim expedition to Deogir (Devagiri) the capital of the Yadava kingdom. The
Yadava ruler was defeated and large booty was collected by Alauddin. The Yadava
king, Ram Chandra, promised to pay an annual tribute also. Thereafter, for almost a
decade, no invasion took plaee. After the accession of Alauddin. Khalji, a definite
policy to subjugate South was planned. From 1306 to 1312, in a series of
campaigns, all fhe four kingdoms of south were subjugated.

'i) Devagiri
Alauddin depllted his trusted commander Malik Kafur to invade South in 1306-07'
since the Yadava king had ceased to pay tribute. Malik Kafllr defeated Raja Ram
Chandra. After collecting a large booty, he returned to Delhi with the Raja as
captive. The Raja was later reinstated as king on the promise of paying regular
tribute to the Sultan.

ii) Warangal
,In 1309, Malik Kafur. invaded the Kakatiya kingdom. The purpose of the campaign
was just to subjugate the king as is clear from Alauddin's instructions to Kafur as
described by Barani :
''You are going to a far off land; do not remain there long. You must put in all our
efforts to capture Warangal and overthrow Rai Rudradeva. If the Rai giver$ his
treasures, elephants and horses, and promises a tribute for the future, accept this
. arrangement." ' . .

The ruler sent his trpasures to'the Delhi and promised a reglilar tribute.
Kamesh Mechrocks
7
iii) Dwarsamudra
The next target of attaqk was Dwanfamudra, the Hoysala kingdom (1310-1 1). The
ruler Ballala Deva submitted without much resistance and arrangement was made on
the lines of the two o t k r southern kingdoms.
iv) Madura I

A conflict between two1 brothers---Vir Pandya and Sundar Pandya-who were .

claimants to the Pandyg kingdom provided an opportunity to Malik Kafur to invade ,'

it. Vir Pandya after caB@uringthe throne had expelled Sunder Pandya. The latter
sought the help of Ala ddin Khalji. After devastating the Hoysala kingdom, Malik
Kafur marched to Ma&a and inflicted a defeat on Vir Pandya and collected-heavy
booty. ' I
-
In 1312, Malik Kafur dttacked the Yadava kingdom. Once again, since Ram Deva's
death, his son Sankar Deva ceased to pay tribute. Sankar Deva was defeated and
almost the whole of the1 territory between the Krishna and the Tungabhadra was
captured by Kafur. When Alauddin called Kafur hack tn Delhi, he handed over the
charge to Ainu1 Mulk.
11

Let us look at the chamcteristic features of Alauddin's Deccan policy :

*. Almost the whole of south was conquered without much resistance.
Alauddin was not in kavour of annexing the Southern kingdoms because it was
difficult to administer it from distant Delhi. After their defeat, the Southern
kingdoms were asked to accept the suzerainty of the Delhi Sultan and to pay
regular tribute. The thling dynasties were not daplaced.
i
Financially, the Delhi Sultanate gained inlmensely from the southern campaigns. .,

26.3.2 Second ~ h & e

After the death of p lad din Khalji, the southern kingdoms rehsed to accept the
subordinate position a# stopped paying tribute. This gave rise to fresh attacks from
Delhi Sultanate and a definite shift in policy towards the South emerged.

Alauddin during his last years had given the charge of the Dc can kingdoms to
Malik Kafur. Alauddinb successor Mubarak Shah Khalji (1316-20) took an
expedition to Devagiri annexed major portions. The Sultan appointed his
officers there and gave territories (iqta) to them. These officers were called
sadah amirs or ' c o m m a ~ e r sof 100'. These amirs were asked to collect land revenue
and maintain law and d d e r in their territories. Besides, he also ordered them to
invade Warangal. ~ f t e'{he
r defeat of the.Raja Prataprudrai Deva, some portions of
his kingdom were annexed.

After the death of Mubarak Khalji, the tribute from Warangal was again stopped.
~ a large army under the command of his son Ulugh
Sultan Ghiyasuddin ~ u g h l usent
Khan (Muhammad Tughluq) to conquer the region of Telingana. After some
setbacks, Ulugh Khan dqfeated the king of Warangal, Prataprudra Deva. Now the
whole of Telingana was Annexed to the Delhi .Sultanate. Ulugh Khan divided the
region into several administrative units and placed them under Sadah amirs who
were under the direct coatrol or the Sultanate. Ma'bar was also conquered i? 1323,
and Sharif Jalaluddin ~BCsanwas appointed its governor with Madura as the
headquarters. When M q a m m a d Tughluq became Sultan, he realised that the
soufhern portions of his kingdom were not being managed efficiently. He, therefore,
decided to develop Deyqgiri as second administrative centre of ihe Sultanate on the
lines of Delhi (1327-28). bevagiri was named Daulatabad and large number of
nobles, merchants, learn& men and other sections of the popularinn were
encouraged to settle the .
T
The Deccan policy of M hammad Tughluq was distinct from Alauddin Khalji. He
annexed large portions the Deccan and set-up the Sultanate land revenue and
administrative system.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Check Your Progress 1
I) Name the kingdoms and their regions that emerged on the debris of the Chola
and the Chalukya empires.

I
...............................................................................................................................
,

2) Mark right (d ) or wrong (X) against the following :

i) The Yadavas were the feudatories of the Pandyas.
ii) Prataprudra I was the founder of the Kakatiya kingdom.
iii) The Pandya kingdom comprised modem Andhra Pradesh.

I'
3) What was the major shift brought about by the Tughluqs in Alauddin Khalji's
Deccan policy? Discuss in five lines.

26.4 ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY

We have already discussed the administrative set-up and the economic structure of
the region till the 13th century in Units I I and 12 of Block 3. Most of the
administrative institutions and economic activities of the earlier period continued.
Major changes developed after the establishment of the Bahmani and the Vijaynagar
empire. We will study about these in Units 27 and 28. Here, we will very briefly
discuss ,he minor changes introduced during the period of the four kingdoms.

26.4.1 Administration
Monarchy was the usual politicaI institution of these kingdoms. Along with this, the
practice of feudatories, too,'was a common feature.*In the Deccan region (the
Yadavas and the Kakatiyas), the provincial heads were selected from the successful
mhitary chiefs called nayakas. They generally controlled the feudal chiefs bf lower
status, collected iand revenue and maintained iaw and order. According to one
source, the king assigned only small villages to the samantas or the nnyakas. The big
ones were kept aside to maintain the army. The Kakatiyas were always apprehensive
about the growing powers of the nayakas. They, therefore, did not allow the'nayakas
t o remain at one place for long and strike local roots. It seems that the nayankara
system, which became very prominent under Vijaynagar, had come into existence
during this time.
There were a number of ministers to look after the various departments of the
kingdom. The smallest unit of administration was viliage which was run by the
village panchayat under a headman. Groups of villages were at-0 7rganised into
administrative divisions (called sthala under the Kakatiya, and groups of sthala were
called nadu). All these administrative units and administrative heads were. called by
different name: in different kingdoms. The brahmadeya system still continued and
the temples also played some role in administration and economy.

26.4.2 Economy
The tax on agricultural produce continued to be the main source of state income.
Efforts were made by the state to bring more land ? ~ ~ c icultivation.
kr Tanks (called
Kamesh Mechrocks
samudrams in the Kalqatiya kingdom) and dams were constructed for irrigation.
There is no definite information available on the magnitude of land revenue demand.
with the establishmend of the Sultanate's control over Daulatabad, a number ofcnew
practices were i n f r o d u d in the l a ~ drevenue system (for details see Unit 28). The
state also claimed ownership of pastures, forests and mines and taxes were collected.
from them. Customs and taxes on merchandise were other sources of state income
(called sunkams under the Kakatiyas). Under the Kakatiyas, taxes were imposed on
possession of certain goods such as carriages (bandi), slaves (bani-) and horses. The
Pandya kingdom"was famous for its pearl-fisheries which is testified by Marco Polo.
Pearl divers had to p410 per cent of the finds as royalty to the king. With the
coming of the Arab merchants and later the Europeans, trading activity in many
parts of south lndia was accelerated. The income from these trading activities
contributed to the richhess of the southern kingdoms in a big way. The merchant
guilds played an impomant role: they helped the state in deciding the policies on
taxation and related nihtters. The Chettis were the most important group of
merchants in the whole of southern region.

26.5 RISE OF INDEPENDENT KINGDOMS

As referred'earlier, during the second quarter of the 14th century three independent
kingdoms were established in the South: I

i) The Ma'bar
ii) The Bahrnani
i i i ) ' ~ h eVijaynagar
These kingdoms emeraad after a long period of instability and conflicts. The contact
of the Delhi Sultanate With the south played a significant role in their rise. In this
section, we will discuss'the process of the emergence of the kingdom of Ma'bar while
the emergence of the ~bhm2r.iand the Vijaynagar kingdoms would be discussed in
the subsequent Unit? 21 and 28.

3 Ma'bar
As you know, Ma'bar +as conquered in 1323 and was placed under Sharif
Jalaluddin Ahsan as Gbvernor. For some years, Jalaluddin remained loyal to the
Delhi Sultans. Taking advantage of the distance and poor communication network,
he declared himself indipendentby 1333-34 and assumed the title of Jalaluddin
Ahsan Shah. Because of the fughluq Sultans' problems with othqr parts of kingdon
no serious effort was made by the Tughluq Sultans to recapture it. The indephdent
kingdom survived for d o r e than four decades and was finally conquered by
Vijaynagar in 1378.

Check Your Progress 2 ,

1) Discuss the role of lthe nayakas in the southern kingdoms.

2) What were the ma* characteristic'features of the economy of the southern

kingdoms?

Kamesh Mechrocks
- -

-26.6 LET US SUM U P

In this unit, we have discussed the political set-up.that emerged in South lndia and
the Deccan aftcr the fall of the ~ h o i and
a the Chalukya empires. The region
witnessed the emergence of four independent kingdoms. vir. the Yadavas, the
Kakatiyas, the Pandyas and the Haysalas. After enjoying independent status for
about hundred years. these kingdoms were subjugated by the Delhi Sultanate. 'The
main architect of Sultanate's victory was Alauddin Khalji's commander Malik Kafur.
But, during this period. these kingdoms continued to enjoy autonomy.
During Muhammad 'Tughluq's reign, almost the whole Deccan and solnr: portions of
the peninsular south wsre annexed to lhe Dellti Sttktrmte. The important town of
Devagiri was made the second capital city. This situation did not last lone. During
Muhammad Tughluq's rule, new political forces surfaced giving rise to threc new
independent kingdoms. viz. the Ma'bar, the Bahmani and the Vijaynapr. The last
two lasting bng and became the main arena of political activity in this part of the
subcontinent.

26.7 KEY WORDS

Bnbmdtyr: Religious grants to thc Brahmms (see also Block I)

Chetti: A merchant community in South India.

26.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
~bcct~qhoq;r1
I) Subrec.26.2.1, 26.2.2
2) (i)- x (ii) J (iii) x
3) Set S u W . 26.3. I , 26.3.2

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 27 THE VIJAYNAGAR EMPIRE
$ I
I

Structure !
27.0 Objectives
27.1 Introduction
27.2 Establishment &d Consolidation
27.2.1 Early Phase, 1336-1509
27.2.2 Krishnadcva eaya, 1509-29
27.2.3 Period of InatBbility, 152942
27.2.4 The PortuguMe
27.2.5
27.2.6 3
Vijaynapr's elations with the Deep South
The Dcccan ushm States
27.3 Religion and Pqlitics
27.3.1 Ritual KingsS/p
27.3.2 Political Rolt of the Brahmans
27.3.3 Relationship between Kings, Sects and Templea
27.4 Local Administation
27.4.1 The Nay- System .
-27.4.2 The A p g u
27.5 Economy
27.5.1 Land and lno$ne Rights
27.5.2 Economic R0)b of Templea
27.5.3 Foreign Triad61
27.5.4 Internal Tradtl and Urban Life
27.6 Society
fi.7 Let Us Sum Up
27.8 Key Words
27.9 Answers to Cheqk Your Progress Exercises
4

27.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will know about:
the emergence of the Vijaynagar kingdom,
the expansion of Vijbnagar power during 14-16th century,
Vijaynagar's relatiods with the Bahmani rulers and deep south, . ,
thk process of consalidation and decline, and
the administrative set-up, economy and society'with special reference to naflnknra
and ayagnr system.

27.1 INTRODUCTION
-

In the present Unit, we bill discuss the process of the emergence, expansion and
consolidation of the Vijbynagar power over the South lndian macro-region as well as
its disintegration. In thk previous Untt, you have read about the process of the
emergence of four kingdoms in the South Indian macro-region on the ruins of the
Chalukya Hnd Chola empires. In the South the Pandya and the Hoysala whereas in
the north the Kakatiya and the Yadava kingdoms rose to prominence. The invasion
of the Deccan and Soutb India by the Delhi Sultans weakened the power of these
kingdoms and made t h t p subservient to the Delhi Sultanate. yhis was followed by
the emergence and expshsion of the Bahrnani and the Vijaynagar kingdoms in the
second quarter of the fdbrteenth century. Harihara and Bukka, the sons of Sangama
(the last Yadava king), bad been in the service of the Kakatiyas of Warangal. After
the fall of Warangal at the hands of the Delhi Sultans, they shifted to Kampili. Aftel
the'conquest of Kampilj, the two brothers were taken to Delhi where they embraced
Islam and became favoukites of the Sultan. Soon the Hoysalas attacked Kampili with
Kamesh Mechrocks
the support of the locrl,people and defeated the governor of Delhi. The Sultan at .
 7

I1
'this pdint sent Harihara and Bukka to govern that region. They started t& Tbe V b y n a p r Em+
restoiatioq of Sultan's power but came in contact with Vidyaranya who converted
them back to the Hindu fold. They declared their independence and founded the
state of Vijaynagar with Harihara as its king in 1336. Soon this state developed into
a powerful Vijaynagar empire.

27.2 ESTABLISHMENT AND CONSOLIDATION

Yop have already readoin sub-section 8.2.4 of Unit 8 that geographical configurations
played an important role in determining the course of political events in south India.
The focus of struggle among the local powers was the Krishna Godavari delta,
Kaveri basin, the Tungabhadra doab and the Konkan region, the latter known for its
fertility and access to high sdas. During the 8-13th century, the stniggle was between
the Rashtrakutas and the Pallavas while the following centuries saw Vijaynagar and
Bahmani kingdoms locking horns. The Bahmanis compelled the Vijaynagar rulers to
expand laterally westward and eastward across the peninsula from the main centre of
their power on the Tungabhadra. The Vijaynagar rulers also found it difficult to
crush the Bahmani power in Raichur and Tungabhadra doab because of latter's
alliance with the Velamas of Rajakonda in Warangal. These circumstances prevented
Vijaynagar from advancing towards the north and forced it to expand laterally
eastward and westward across the peninsula and southwards into the Tamil country.
Later however this alliance broke up which enabled Vijaynagar to expand at the cost
of Bahmanis.;.

1 27.2-.# Early Phase, 1336-1509

I
.Rivalries in this period ensued among Vijaynagar, Bahmanis, the Reddis of
Kondavidu (in the reaches of upper Krishna-Godavari delta), the Velamas of
Rajakonda (in the lower reaches of Krishna-Godavari delta), the Telugu-Chodas
(between Krishna-Godavari region) and the Gajapatis of 0nssa over the control of
the Krishna-Godavari delta, Tungabhadra doab and Marathwada (specially

i Konkan).

I
On account of constant clashes, the Vija;nagar boaqdaries kept on changing.
Between 1336-1422, major conflicts took place between Vijaynagar and the Bahmanis
with Telugu-Choda chiefs siding with the latter while the Velamas of Rajakonda and
the Reddis of Rajahmugdry joined hands with Vijaynagar. This tilted the balance
largely in favour of the latter.

During 1422-46, clash uver the annexation of Raichur doab started between the
Vijaynagar and the Bahmani rulers which resulted in Vijaynagar defeat. This greatly
exposed the weaknesses of the Vijayimgar arms. It forced its rulers to reorganise the
army by enlisting Muslim archers and engaging better quality horses. The muslim
archers were given revenue assignments. During this period the entire Kondavidu
region was annexed to the Vijaynagar empire. ,

Between 1465-1509 again, the Raichur doab became the cockpit of clashes. In the
beginning, Vijaynagar had to surrender the western ports, i.e. Goa, Chaul and
Dabhol to the Bahmanis. But, around 1490, internal disintegration'of the Bahmani
kingdom began with the establishment of Bijapur under Yusuf Adil Khan. Taking
advantage of the situation, Vijaynagar succeeded in occupying Tungabhadra region
(Adoni and Kurnool). Earlier, the loss of western ports had completely dislocated
horse trade with the Arabs on which Vijaynagar army depended for its cavalry.
'
However, occupation of Honavar, Bhatkal, Bakanur and Mangalore ports led to the
revival of horse trade. This ensured the regular supply which sustained the efficiency
of the Vijaynagar army.
The Gajapatis of Orissa were an important power in-the eastern region. They had in
their possession areas like K~ndavidu,Udayagiri and Masulipatam. The Vijaynagar
rulers succeeded in expelling the Gajapatis as far as Godavari and occupied
Kondavidu, Udayagiri and Masulipatam. But soon'r in 1481, Masulipatam was lost
to the Bahmanis. Vijaynagar had a!so to contend Lwith the constant rebellions of the
Kamesh Mechrocks
chieftains of Udsvaairi. Ummatur (near Mvsore) and Scrimamtam.
27.2.2 Krishnaderra Raya, 1509-29
This phase is markedlby the achievements of VijaynaGrls greatest ruler Krishrladeva
Raya (1 509-29). Duribg this period; the power of the Bahmanis declined, leading to
the emergence of five kingdoms: the Nizam-Shahis of Ahmadnagar; tbe Adil Shahis
of Bijapur; the Imad, Shahis of Berar, the Qutb Shahis of Golconda and the Barid
Shahis of Bidar on thle ruins of the Bahmani empire. This helped Krishnadeva Raya
greatly in capturing Kovilkonda and Raichw from the Adil Shahis of Bijapur and
Gulbarga and Bidar ftom the Bahrnanis. Krishnadeva Raya also recovered Udayagiri,
Kondavidu (south of fiver Krishna), Nalgonda (in Andhra Pradesh) Telingana and
Warangal were taken ,from the Gajapatis.
By 1510, the Portugdse also emerged as a strong power to reckon with in lndian
waters. Occupation of Goa and sack of Danda Rajouri and Dabhol provided them
monopoly in horse trdde since Goa had been the entrepot of the Deccan states for
horse trade. Krishnadeva Rayanmaintained friendly relations with the Portuguese. On
Albuquerque's requeai, Krishnadeva Raya permitted the construction of a fort at
Bhatkal. Similarly, tHk Portuguese soldiers played a reasonable role in Krishnadeva
Raya's success again& lsmail Adil Khan of Bijapur.

MAP 5

Kamesh Mechrocks
 The Vijaympr Em*
27.2.3 Period of Instability : 1529-42
Krishnadeva Raya's death generated internal strifes and attracted external invasions.
Taking advantage of the internal situation, lsmail Adil Khan of Bijapur seired
Raichur and Mudgal. The Gajapati and Golconda kings also, though unsuccessfully.
attempted to occupy Kondavidu. During this turbulence, Krishnadeva Raya's brother
Achyut Raya (152942) succeeded in usurping the Vijaynagar throne. But the latter's
death once again led to the war of succession between Achyut Raya's son and
Sadasiva, the nephew of Achyut Raya. Finally, Sadasiva ascended the throne
(1542),.but the real power remained in the hands of Rama Raya, the son-~n-lawof
Krishnadeva Raya.
He followed the policy of admitting Muslims in 'the army and conferred important'
offices on them which greatly enhanced the efficiency of the army.

27.2.4 The Portuguese

Rama Raya's relations with the Portuguese were not very cordial. Martin Alfonso de
Souza, who became the governor of Goa in. 1542 plundered Bhatkal. Later, Rama
Raya succeeded in concluding a treaty with Alfonso de Souza's successor, Joao de
Castro, in 1547, by which Rama Raya secured a monopoly of the horse trade. Rama
Raya tried to curb Portuguese influence in San Thome on the Coromandel.

27.2.5 Vijaynagar's Relations with the Deep South

By 1512, Vijaynagar rulers succeeded in bringing almost the whole southern
peninsula under their control. The small Hindu chiefdop of Rajagambirarajyan
(Tondai ~ a n d a l a ) the
; Zamorin of Calicut and the ruler of Quilon (Kerala) accepted
suzerainty of Vijaynagar. By 1496, almost the whole deep south up to the Cape
Carnorin including local Chola and Chera rulers, Tanjore and Pudukottai and
Manabhusha of Madura were subjugated. However, the Pandya ruler (chief of
Tuticorin and Kayattar) was allowed to rule as a tributary.
An interesting feature of the occupation of the Tamil country was that after the
conquests the Telugu soldiers settled down permanently in remote and sparsely
populated areas. These migrants exploited the black soil which later led to the
emergence of the Reddis as an important cultivating group. Besides, the efnergence
of the nayakas as intermediaries in the Tamil country was also the result of
expansion into that region.
The Vijaynagar state was a massive political system which included within its domain
diverse people, i.e. the Tamils, Kannadas and the Telugu-speaking cominunity.

The Vijaynagar rulers exercised direct territorial sovereignty over the Tungabhadra
region. In other parts, the Vijaynagar rulers exercised ritual sovereignty (overlordsip)
through the Telugu warriors (nayakas) and the local chiefs who had metamorphosed
into nayakas and also through the sectarian groups, i.e. the Va~shnavas(You will
read about their political role in the next section).

27.2.6 The Deccan Muslim States

I
I You have already read that by 1538 the Bahmani kingdom split up into five states-
I
Bijapur, Golconda, Ahmadnagar, Bidar and Berar. Bijapur and Ahmadnagar came
to a mutual understanding in 1542-43 which gave Bijapur a free hand against ,
Vijaynagar, whereas Ahmadnagar was to expand at the cost of Bidar. With this
understanding, Ibrahim Adil Shah attacked Vijaynagar which was repulsed. But the
understanding did not remain for long. Ahmadnagar received Rama Raya's help to
capture the fort of Kalyani from Bidar. Rama Kaya's relations with the Deccan
states were quite complex: he helped Ahmadnagar against Bidar but, when
Ahmadnagar attacked Gulbarga (Bijapuri territory), Rama Raya came to the help of
1 the Bijapur ruler. Moreover, Rama Raya succeeded in bridging about a collective
security plan between the Vijaynagar and the Deccani Muslim states. It was agreed
that aggression by any one of them would bring forth armed intervention by the '

rest of the parties against the aggressor.

!
In utter violation of the agreement, Ahmadnagar invaded Bijapur in 1560. Rama
Raya secured Golconda's help against Ahmadnagar but this alliance, too, proved

Kamesh Mechrocks
 6

TLc R- ?sum shortlived. Ahmaanabr was defeated a~ruralyani had to bc surrendered to Bijapur
13tbIstb Cmmy Aroung this time, h m a Raya also violated the security agreement by attacking .
Bidar. The ruler ofod30kgndajoined hands with A h r n a d ~ m and
r attacked Kalyani. '
Rama R ~ y senta hls forces against Golconda for recapturing the fortress of Kalyani:
On the other hand. Vijaynagar and Bijapur joined hands (which was again e
transitory alliance) &gainst the aggksion of Ahmadnagar.and Golconda. Finally,
Ahmadnagar had t61 surrender the forts of Kovilkonda. Ganpura and Pangal. During
this phase, R a m Riya's policy was of playing off one Muslim state against the
other to secure a balance of power in favour of vijaynag&. Later, Golconda,
Ahmadhagar. Bidar and Bijapur rallied together against Vijaynagar. The final
showdown was at Talikota (1565). a town located near Krishna river. It spelt utter
doom for Vijaynagar which was sacked. Rama Raya was killed. Though the
Vijaynagar kingdom continued to exist for almost hundred more years. its size
decreased andihe Rayas no longer remained important in the politics of South
India.
v >
Check Your Progrtss 1
I) Discuss the cohflict bciween the Vijaynagar and Bahmani kingdoms for the
control over K'rishna-Godavari delta, Tungabbdra doab and Konkan.

................................................................................................................................
2) Write in 50 words relations of the Portuguese with the Vijnynagar .rukrs;
.................................................................................................................................

3) The struggle with the Deccan Muslim states finally scaled the fate of thc
Vijaynagar ruk. Comment.

2 7 3 RELIGION AND POLITICS '

-.
Religion and religious classes played an important role in the political, social md
economic life of the Viiaynagar empire.

27.3.1 Ritual Kingship

It is generally emphasised that the principle of strict adherence ta d h a m w,as the
chief constituent and :disiinguishing feature of the Vijaynagar state. But very often it
'
were the Hindu rdlers agalnst whom the Vijaynagar rulers had to fight, e.g. the
Gajapatis of Orissa. The most strategically placed contingents of the Vijaynagar
army were under the /charge of Muslim commanders. The Muslim archers were

Kamesh Mechrocks
 employed by King Deva Raya 11. These Muslim contingents played a n important role Tbe Vljayruyr L18p.e
in the victory of Vijaynagar against its Hindu riyals.

The successful military deeds of the Vijaynagar rulers led them to assume the title of
digvijayans. Vijaynagar kingship was symbolic in the sense that the Vijaynagar rulers
exercised their control through their overlords over a region beyond the prime centre
of their authority. This symbolism was manifested through the instrument of religion
which was used to ensure loyalty fromthe people. For example, ritual kingship is
best exemplified in the mahanavami festival. This was an annual toyal ceremony
lasting for nine days between 15 September and 15 October. It culminated in the
dusserah festival on the tenth day. Important personages (e.g., military commanders)
from the peripheral parts participated in the festival. Through this festival,
recognition of the sovereignty of Vijaynagar rulers by peripheral parts of the
empire was strengthened. Though the Brahmans participated in the festival, their role
was not predominant/ The ritual rites of the festival were largely performed by the
king himself.

27.3.2 Political Role of the Brahmans

A distinct feature of the Vijaynagar state was the importance of the Brahmans as
politipil and secular personnel rather than ritual leaders. Most of the durga dannaiks
(incgarge of forts) were Brahmans. Literary sources substantiate the theory that
fortresses were significant during this p e r i d and were placed under the control of
the Brahmans, especially of Telugu origins.
During this period, the majority of educated Brahmans desired to become
government servants as administrators and accountants which offered them good
career prospects. The Imperial Secretariat was totally manned by the Brahmans.
These Brahmans were different from the other Brahmans: they belonged to a
subcaste called the Telugu niyogis. They were not very orthodox in performing
religious rites. They also worked as potential legitimizers. The Brahman Vidyaranya
and his kinsmen were the ministers of the Sangarna brothers : they provided
legitimacy to their rule by accepting them back into the Hindu fold.
The Brahmans also played an importaht role as military commanders in the
Vijaynagar army. For example, under Krishnadeva Raya Brahman Tircma received
economic support as he was an integral part of the political system. ~ h u Brahmans
s
constructed and commanded fortresses in different parts of the empire for which they
were assig.ied revenue of some crown villages, bhandaravada. Differentiation was .
made between crown villages and anuuam villages (whose income was under the
'charge of the local mwtary chiefs).

27.3.3 Relationship between Kings, Sects and Temples

To establish effective control over the distant Tamil region, the Vijaynagar filer . '

sought the help of the Vaishnava sectarian leaders who hailed from the Tamil
country. For legitimising their power in this region, it was necessary for the rulers,
who were aliens in the Tamil region, to establish contacts with the basic Tamil
religious organisation-the temples.

The relationship between kings, sects and temples can be explained in terms of four
assertions :
' I ) Temples were basic for sustaining kingship.
2) Sectarian leaders were the connecting links between kings and temples.
1 3) Though the routine supervision of the temples was done by local sectarian
groups, the task of solving disputes concerning temples was in the hands of the
king.
4) he intervention of the king in the above matter was administrative, not
legislative.
During 1350-1650, numerous temples sprang up in south India. Through grants or
gifts to the temples in the .form of material resources (a part of the agricultural
produce of specified villages), a particular type of agrarian economy evolved under
the Vijaynagar rule. (This will be discussed in the section on Economy.)
I - Kamesh Mechrocks
The Region8l Powur : The rulers of the early Sangama dynasty were Saivas who made additions to the Sri
13thlSth Century Virupaksha ( P a m p a ~ a ~temple
i) of Vijaynagar. The Saluvas were basically
Vaishnavas who gave patronage to both the Siva and Vishnu temples. Krishnadeva
Raya (the Tuluva'ruler) constructed the Krishnaswami temple (Vaishnava shrine)
and also gave grants to Siva temples. The ~ r a v i d ukings also gave gifts to Vaishnava
temples.

27.4 LOCAL ADMINISTRATION

You have alreddy read, in Block 3 about the locai institutions of the earlier period
(e.g., sabha, nadu and lur). The powers of the territorial assembly (nadu) as well as
the village assemblies $abha and ur) were weakened during the time of the later
Cholas. During the Vijaynagar period, these institutions did not completely
disappear when the nagaka and ayagar systems came into prominence.

27.4.1 The Nayankara System

The nayankara system was an important characteristic of the Vijaynagar political
organisation. The military chiefs or warriors held the title of nayaka or
amaranayaka. It is diffCcultto classify these wamors on the basis of definite office,
ethnic identity, set of duties or rights.and privileges.

The institution of nayaka was studied in detail by two Portuguese-Fernao Nuniz

and Domingo Paes, who.visited India during the reigns of Krishnadeva Raya and
Achyut Raya of Tuluva dynasty during the sixteenth century. Thev regard the
nayakas simply as ageats of Rayas (central government). The evidence of Nuniz for
the payments made bylthe nayakns to the Rayas brings up the question of feudal
obligations. The Vijaydagar inscriptions and the later Mackenzie manuscripts refer to
the nayakas as territoriQ1 magnates with political aspirations which at times
conflicted with the a i m of the rulers. N.K. Sastri (in 1946) drew a distinction
between the nayakas &fore 1565 and those after 1565. The former were totally
dependent upon the rulers while the latter were semi-independent. However, later he
modified his views by pointing out that the nayakas before 1565 were military
leaden holding military fiefs. I n ' a m r e recent work (Source!@of Indian History), he
views the Vijaynagar empire as a military confederacy of many chieftains co-
operating under the leadership of the biggest among them. He emphasized that the
growing threat from Islam led the Vijaynagar rulers to adopt a military and religious
stance. Krishnaswami bonsiders the naya'a system as feudal.' But Venkataramanayya
feels that important feqtures of European feudalism such as fealty. homage and sub- ,

-
infeudation were absent in the nayaka system. D.C. Sircar similar!.^ refutes the
feudal theory; instead he explains it as a kind of landlordism, a .riant of feudalism
in which land was allmed to the amaranayrrkas for military st=-- ces rendered by
them to the king.

Thus, D.C. Sircar, and T.V. Mahalingam consider the nayakas of Vijaynagar as
wamors holding an office (kara) bestowed on them by the central government on
condition of rendering bilitary service. Amarenayankan was a designation. conferred
on a military officer o r chief (nayakal who had under his control a specified number
of troops. These n a y a m possessed revenue rights over land or territory called
amaram (amaramakara or amaramahali). In the Tamil country and also in the
Vijaynagar empire, the area of land thus alienated under this tenure was about
314th. The obligations 8nd activities of the nayakas were among others, giving gifts
to temples, repair and building of tanks, reclamation of wasteland and collection of
dues from temples The Tamil inscription*, however, do not refer to dues given to
the king or his officials by the nayakas. .
Krishnaswami, on the bksis of Mackenzie manuscripts, bpines that the comriianders
of Vijaynagar army (formerly under Krishnadeva Raya). later established independent
nayaka kingdoms. T o gpard against such dangers, the Vijaynagar kings tried to
establish greater control over coastal markets dealing in horse trade. They attempted
to monopolise the purchase of horses of good quality by paying a high price for
them. They also built strong garrisons fortified with trustworthy soldiers. Thus, on
Kamesh Mechrocks
1 the one halid, the Telugu nayaks were a source of strength for the Vijaynagar empire The Vijaynagar Emplre
and, on the other, they became jts rivals.

27.4.2 The Ayagar System

It has already been pointed out that during the Vijaynagar period, autonomous local
institutions, especially in the Tamil country, suffered a set-back. In pre-Vijaynagar
days in Karnataka and Andhra local institutions possessed lesser autonomy as
compared to Tamil country. During Vijaynagar period in Karnataka too local
territorial divisions underwent a change but the ayagar system continued and became
widely prevalent throughout the macro-region. It spread in the Tamil country during
15-16th century as a result of the declining power of nadu and nattar. The ayagars
were village servants or functionaries and constituted of groups of families. These
were headmen (reddi or gauda, maniyam), accountant (karnam senabhova) and
watchmen (talaiyari). They were given a portion of or plot in a village. Sometimes
they had to pay a fixed rent, but generally these plots were manya or tax-free as no
regular customary tax was imposed on their agricultural income. In exceptional
cases, direct payments in kind were made for services performed by village
functionaries. Other village servants who performed essential services and skills for
the village community were also paid by assigning plots of land (like washerman and
priest). The village servants who provided ordinary goods and services were leather
workers whose products included leather bag used in lift-irrigation devices (kiapila or
mohte), potter, blacksmith, carpenter,. waterman (niranikkar: who looked after the
maintenance of irrigation channels and supervised bankers and money-lenders). The
distinguishing feature of the ayagar system is that special allocation of income from
land and specific cash payments were for the first time provided to village servants
holding a particular office.
- 3
) Check your Progress 2
1) Write in about ten lines the role and functions of Brahmans in the Vijaynagar
empire.

I
...................................................................w...............,...........................................
) Define the following.
Amaram .
....................................................................................................

Bhandaravada ...........................................................!........................................
....................................................................................................
Durga Dannaiks ....................................................................................................
...................
................................................................................ J

Ayagan ....................................................................................................
....................................................................................................

I 3) ~ i s c u s the
i .nayankara system in ten lines.
................................................................................................................................
Kamesh Mechrocks
Tbe RigbMl F m a r :
13tblStb C
- .

ECONOMY
In this section, we will discuss the various land and income rights and the economic
role of temples. We *ill also take into account aspects related to foreign and internal
trade a'nd urban life.

27.5.1 Land and Income Rights

Rice was the staple mop. Both black and white'variety of rice was produced from
Coromandel to Puliyt. Besides, cereals like gram and .pulses were also cultivated.
Spices (specially black pepper) coconut and betel-nuts were other important items of -

production. Land-reuenue was the major source of state's income. Rate of revenue
demand varied in difierent parts of the empire and in the same locality itself
according to the fertility and regional location of the land. It was generally 116th of
the produce, but in some cases it was even more ranging up to 114th. But on
Brahmans and temples it was 1/ 20th to 1/ 30th respectively. It was payable both in
cash and kind. We find references to three major categories of land tenure: amara,
bhandaravada and nianya. These indicate the way in which the village income was
distributed. The bhmndarvada was a crown village comp1;ising the smallest category.
4 part of its income was utilised to maintain the Vijaynagar.forts. Income from the
manya (tax-free) villages was used to maintain the Brahmans, temples, and mathas.
The largest category was of the amara villages given by the Vijaynagar rulers to the
amaranayakas. Their holders did not possess proprietary rights in land but enjoyed
-privileges ever its i ~ b m only.
e The amara tenure was primarily residual in the sense
that its income was distributed after deductions had been made for support of the
Brahmans and forts. Threequarters of all the villages came under this category. The
term amaramakni is iconsidered by most historians as refemng to an 'estate' or a
'fief,.but it literally means one-sixteenth share (makani). Thus, it points to the fact
that the amaranayabs could claim only a'limited share of village income. The
mpnya rights underwent a transformation during this period. Land tenures continued
.
" t6'be given by the state to individual (ekabhogan) Brahmans and groups ~f -
Brahmans as well as to mathrs including the non- Brahman Saiva Slddhantfand '
Vaishnava gurus. Bllt theie was a great increase in devadana grants (conferred o n. "
temples) made by the state as compared to other grants.
Besides land-tax, many phfessional taxes a h were imposed. These were on
shopkeepers, farm-qrvants, shepherds, washermen, potters, shoemakers, musicians
etc. There was also tlax on property. Grazing and house taxes were also imposed.
Villageis .were also sbpposed to pay for the mainteynce of the village officers.
Besides, sthala dayaln, marpdayam and manula dayam were three major transit
dues.

Another citegory of eland right through which income was derived was a result of
investment in irrigation. ft was called dasavanda in Tamil,country; and Kathr-
Kodage in Andhra aind Karnataka. This kind of agrarian activity concerning
irrigation was undertaken in semi-dry areas where hydrographic and topographic
features Cere condubive for canying out developmental projects. The dasrvanda or
Kattu-Kodage was a share in the increased productivity of the land earned by the
person who undertabk such developmental work (e.g. construction of a tank o r
channel). This right Lo income was person%l and transferable..A portion of income
Kamesh Mechrocks
 accruing from the increased productivity also went to the cultiv~torsof the villa;
where the developmentail work'was undertaken.

27.5.2 Economic Role.of Temples

&ring the Vijaynagar period, temples emerged as important landholders. Hu 7. *ds
of villages were granted to the deities which were worshipped in the large temple-.
T h p l e officers managed the devadana villages to ensure that the grant was utilised
properly. The income from devadana villages provided sustenance to the ritual
*
functionaries, It was alsorutilised to provide food offerings or to purchase goods
(mostly aromatic substances 'and cloth) essential for carrying out the ritual rites.
Cash,endowments were also made by the state to the temples for providing ritual
service.
Temples took up irrigational work also. Large temples holding devadana lands had
under them irrigation department for prdperly channelising money grants made to
the temples. Those who gave cash grants to temples also received a share of the food
offering (prasadam) derived from (he increased productivity.
I In fact, temples in Sputh India were important centres of economic activity. They
I
were not only great landholders'but they also carried on banking activyes. They
employed a number of persons. Mahalingam refers to an inscription which mentions
a temple which employed 3 7 y r v a n t s . Temples purchased local goods for
performance of ritual services. They gave loans to individuals and village assemblies
for economic purposes. The loam were given against lands whose income went to the
temples. Cash endowments made by the state to the Tirupati temple were ploughed
back in irrigation. The income thus attained was used to carry out ahd maintain
ritual services. At Srirangam Temple, cash grants were used to advance commercial
loans to business firms in Trichnopoly. Temples had their trusts which utilised its
funds for various purposes. Thus, the temples functioned almost as an independent
economic system encompassing persons and institutions that were bound together by
economic links.

27.5.3 Foreign Trade

i We get information abbut foreign trade from the Amuktamalyada of Krishnadeva

Raya, Domingo Paes and Nuniz. They'give vivid description of hone trade. The role
of the Indians in the overseas. carrying trade was minimal. Barboaa mentions that
Indian overseas trade was cqmpletely controlled by Muslim merchants. They used to
get special treatment from the rulers. He says that on returning from the Red Sea
the king assigned them a nnyrr bodyguard, a Cheffl accountant and a broker for
help in local transactions. Such was their status that, at Kayal, even royal monopoly
i
I
of pearl-fisheries was given to a Muslim merchant. The Arabsband later the
Portuguese cpntrolled horse trade. Horses were Brought from Arabia, Syria and
Turkey to the west-coast ports. Goa supplied horses to Vijaynagar as well as the
Deccani Sultanates. Importation of horses was of great military importance' for the
southern states as good horses were not bred in India. Besides, Vijaynagar's conflict
with the northern Deccan Muslim states restricted the supply of horses from north
India that were imported from .Central Asia. Besides horses, ivory, pearls, spices,
precious stones, coconuts, palm-sugar, salt, etc. weSe alsq imported. Pearls were
brbught from the Persian Gulf and Ceylon and precious stones from Pegu. velvet
was imported from Mecca and satin, silk, damask and brocade from China. White
rice, Sugarcane (other than palm-sugarcane) and iron were the major exports.
Diamonds were exported from Vijaynagar. Nuniz states that k s diamond mines were
the richest in the world. The principal mines were on t h e H o f the Krishna river
aqd in Kurnool and Anantapur. This led to the development of a great industry for
cutting and polishing precious stones like diamonds, sapphires and rubies in
~ i j a ~ n a gand
a r Malabar.
27.5.4 Internal Trade and Urban Life
\

The contemporary foreign accounis show that local and long distance trade increased
t under the Vijaynagar rulers. Roads and roadside-facilities for travellers between
iowns were excellent. Carts were used for the transport of grains over short
distancd. Riverine shipping especially the backwater-system on the west-coast has
also been referred to. Pack-animals were used for long distance transport. In some
Kamesh Mechrocks
?he ~tglond
Powar : places armed guards for long distance transport were employed. Local magnates
13th15th Century realised the importance of trade and gave encouragement to town based trade and
auxiliary trade in regular and periodic fairs. Regular and periodic fairs took place
along the main roads leading to big temples during festival times. These fairs were
conducted by trade associations of a nearby town and under the-supervision of the
leader of trade assoQiation called pattamswami. Fairs which gavr impetus to urban
trade were also held at the orders of the local magnates, e.g. gaud. or chief of a
nadu. The literary afid inscriptional evidences of the 14th to 16ttrcenturies reveal the
existence of 80 majar trade centres. Some towns were religious; others were
commercial and adntinistrative centres. Inside these towns were many bazars where
business was carried on by merchants. They paid rents to the towns. There were
separate markets for particular commodities. Markets for agricultural and non-
agricultural products were separate in accordance with the left and right hand caste
affiliations. Trade in consecrated food for pilgrims and the sale of the right of ritual
functions and officd were important aspects of temple-related urban commerce.
The merchants and artisan organisations in Andhra got identitled with &rtain cities,
e,g. the Te1.ugu oil-pressers and merchants were associated with the city of Berwada
(in Krishna district). In these towns, the transit duties, shop and house-rents
provided income to.the towns. The temple-records refer to the prosperity and
prestige of merchant^ and artisans. The Vijaynagar state possessed an urban quality
which is not witnessed in any other South Indian state of the time. The capital city
integrated within its precincts markets, palaces, temples, mosques, etc. This urban
quality was, however, completely destroyed by the middle-16th century.
,
27.6 SOCIETY

The social structure of the South Indian macro-region (Vijaynagar empire) is a

unique variant of the Indian society. The uniqueness of the social structure was .
three-fold :
secular functions of the South Indian Brahmans
dual division of iower social groups
territorial segmentation of the society.

The Brahmans livei in localities where they controlled land, and their prestige and
power was also derived from their control over those dependent on land. They also ,
enjoyed prestige due to their sacral functions as a priestly class. The emergence of a
large number of Vedic temples endowed with villages (devadanas) gave the Brahmans
as temple functionaries the power to exercise ritual control over all other castes and
religious institutions. As managers of these religious centres, the Brahmans enjoyed
great secular authority.
Territorial segmentation of society ipplies that social groups in the Tamil country.
were divided on the basis of natural sub-region and occupational patterns associated
with them. Social groups in South India had less interaction with groups a t some
distance from their locality. They gave preference to cross-cousin and maternal
uncle-niece marriages.
Another characteristic of the social structure was the dual division of lower castes
referred to by the ri&ht and left-hand designations (Vaishnavas corresponding t o t h b
right hand division and the Saivites corresponding to the left hand castes). In most
cases, the right-hand'castes were involved primarily in Agricultural production and
local trade in agricultural commodities whereas left-hand castes were engaged in
mobile artisan production and extensive trade in non-agricultural products.

During the V i j a y n a ~ rperiod, the peasant was the basis of the social order,on whom
all other sections of the society depended. The satkams, the Tamil poetic genre,
regard the leading .pcpeasantry as pure sat-sudras. They claimed ritual purity and
respectable secular raink for them.
Temples played an important role in delineati.ng or determining spcial space of
groupings who were the participants in the worship of a paiticular deity. An
Kamesh Mechrocks
important characteristic of lineage in the South Indian kingship is marked by the The Vi]aynagar,Emplre
common devotion to the lineage tutelary. The non-Brahman priests of the peasants'
tutelary shrines (e.g. amman) also participated in the management of great shrines'of
Siva and Yishnu where the Brahman priests predominated. The matha the seat of
sectarian organisation located at great shrines, consisted of persons of both the
Brahman and non-Brahman orders. Thus, the social organisation of this period
comprised of the Brahmans, the left and right-hand castes which included respectable
agricultural castes, namely vellals and lower castes like the weavers.

Check Your Progress 3

1) Write a note on the nature of land tenures in Vijaynagar empire.
............................................................................................................ :. ........a.

................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................

2) Describe the development of trade and commerce under the Vijaynaga! rulers
with special reference to foreign trade.

3) Define the left-hand and the right-hand castes.

................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................

27.7 LET US SUM UP

The present study of Vijaynagar state shows:
the major conflict was between the Vijaynagar and the Bahmanis,
r in the ensuing strukgle cockpit being the Krishna-Godavari delta, Kaveri basin,
the Tungabhadra doab and the Konkan regions,
Vijaynagar kingship in peripheral parts was a symbolic one; the rulers exercised
control through their overlords,
Brahmans were more of a political and secular personnel rather than ritual
leaders,
the two major political institutions the nayankara and ayagar system were the
backbone of the Vijaynagar power,
temples were not 'only the religious centres but also important centres of economic
activity: they pgrformed banking activities and used to undertake irrigational
works etc.,
trade and commerce was in a flourishing state. But, the role of the Indian
merchants in the overseas trade was minimal instead Muslim mefchants enjoyed
the 'monopoly.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 27.8 KEY WORDS
, \'

Amaram: villages;gssigned tu the local military chiefs

Bhmndamvada: crown village
Devadanas: villages assigned to the temples
Dasavanda and KYttu-Wodage: income from irrigational investments
Manya: ex-free land given to the village functionaries, Brahmans, temples and
mathas
Nadu: see Block 3
Sabha : see Block 3
Ur: see Block 3

27.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

. EXERCISES
I
Check Your Progress 1
I) See Sub-see. 27.2.1
2). See sub-seh. 27.2.2, 27.2.4
3) See Sub-sec. 27.2.6

Cheek Yolir Promess 2

I ) See Sub-sec. 27.3.2
2) See Sub-sec. 27.3.2, 27.4.2
3) See Sub-sec. 27.4.1

Check Your Progress 3

I) See Sub-sec. 27.5J
2) See Sub-sec. 27.5.3. 27.5.4
3) See sec. 27.6

Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 28 THE BAHMANIS:

Structure
28.0 Objectives
28.1 Introduction
-28.2 Rise"of the Bahmani Power
28.3 Conquests and Consolidation
28.3.1 First Phase, 1347-1422
28.3.2 Second Phase, 1422-1538
28.4 Conflict between the Afaqis and the Dakhnis and their Relations with the
King
28.5 Central and Provincial Administration
28.6 Army Organization
28.7 Economy
28.8 Society and Culture
28.9 Let Us Sum Up
28.10 Key Words
18.11 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

28.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will learn about :
the emergence of the Bahmani kingdom, .
the conflict between the old Dakhni nobility and the newcomers (the Afaqis) and
how it ultimately led to the decline of the Bahmani Sultanate, and
the administrative structure, society, economy and other cultural aspects.

28.1 INTRODUCTION

You have seen that the Delhi Sultanate first intruded into the South during the time
of Alauddin Khalji. I t was during Muhammad Tughluq's reign that significant
conquest of the South was effected. In this Unit, we will trace the story of the end of
the Tughluq rule in the Deccan and its replacement by the Bahmani Sultanate. It
will also take into account the conquests, consolidation, administrative system and.
the culture of the period.

- - -

28.2 RISE OF THE BAHMANI POWER

Let us review the political situation in the Deccan immediately prior to the
establishment of the Bahmani kingdpm. Most parts of the Deccan were conquered
and annexed to the Delhi Sultanate during Muhcmmad Tughluq's reign. He made
- elaborate administrative arrangements for the Deccaqregion. Ulugh Khan was
appointed as the superior governor or "viceroy" of the region. The whole region was
' divided into 23 iqlims or provinces. The most important of these were Jajnagar
(Orissa), Marhat (Maharashtra). Telingana, Bidar, Kampili and Dwarsamudra.
Subsequently, Malwa was also placed under the governor of the Deccan. Each iqlim
was divided 'into a number of rural districts (shiq). E a c shiq
~ was divided into
hazaris (one thousand) and sadis (one hundred) for collection of revenue. The main
officers were shiqdars, wali,.amiran-i hazarah and amiran-i sadah. The revenue
Kamesh Mechrocks
'officials were called mutsnrrifs, karkuns, chaudhrls, etc.
The Re&~ndPowers : In this set-up, the most powerful person-was the 'viceroy' of the Deccan who was
13th-15th Century virtually the master of it large region with as many as 23 provinces. Another
important functionary++vithwide powers was amiran-i sadah 1.e. the chief of 100
villages.
In spite of this elaborate administrative set-up, the real control of 'the Sultan was
weak mainly because of:
the distance from a t l h i
difficult geographical terrain
wide powers enjoyed1 by the 'viceroy' and other officers.
In this situation, any dissatisfaction of the officers (posted in the Deccan) with the
centre could lead to tha snapping of ties with Delhi.
Beginning of Trouble
The role of the amirami sadah in making the Deccan independent of the Tughluq
rule is relevant. These officers of noble lineage performed the twin functions as
military officers and revenue collectors. They had direct connection with the people
of their territory. When a series of rebellions broke out in the South, Muhammad
Tughluq attributed thedn to the massive power exercised by these amirs; as a result,
!
I

he embarked upon a pr)licy of suppressing them which in turn sounded the death-
knell of the Tughluq rdle in the Deccan. We will briefly take note of the various
rebellions which broke out during this period and how they contributed to the rise of
a new kingdom and a flew dynasfy.
The earliest ~eccan'rebellionagainst the centre took place in 1227 at Sagar in
Gulbarga. It was headed by Bahauddin Gurshasp and supported by local chiefs and
amirs. The revolt was crushed but it paved the way for the need to establish the
capital at a place more centrally located than Delhi from where the southern
provinces could also be kept in check. Muhammad Tughluq, thus, made Deogir the
second capital of the empire in 1328. But the scheme failed as the very nobles who
were sent to stabilise tht Tughluq rule in the Deccan weakened the control of Delhi.
The first major successhl rebellion occurred in Ma'bar. The governor of Ma'bar :
alliance with certain ndbles of Daulatabad raised the banner of revolt..In 1336-37,
the governor of Bidar 3 s o rebelled but was suppressed.
Muhammad Tughluq fdlt that the danger to the Tughluq rule in the Deccan was
from the scions of the old nobility whom he had sent to the South from Delhi. He,
therefore, adopted the I)olicy of replacing them with a new breed of nobles who
would be loyal to him. but this was not of much help due to the recalcitrant
behaviour of the amirM-i sadah who ultimately carved out an independent kingdom
in the Deccan.
Around 1344, the amount of revenue due from the Deccan had fallen sharply.
Muhammad Tughluq divided the Deccan into 4 shiqs and placed them under the
charge of neo-Muslims whom Barani calls 'upstarts'. This was not liked by the -

amiran-i sadah. In 1345, the nobles posted in Gujarat conspired and rebelled against
Delhi. Muhammad TugJ~luqsuspected the cpmpilcity of the amiran-i sadah in the
Gujarat insurrection. Q e viceroy of the Deccan was ordered by Muhammad
Tughluq to summon t& amirs of Raichur. Gulbarga, Bijapur, etc. to Broach. The
amiran-i sadah, fearing drastic punishment at the hands of Muhammad Tughluq,
decided to strike a blow at the Tughluq rule in the Deccan and declared themselves
independent at Daulatabad by'electing Nasiruddin Ismail Shah, the senior amir of
Deogir: as their SultanclGulbarga was the first region to be taken after the
establishinent of their file in Daulatabad. Those opposing the Delhi Sultanate
consisted of the R a j p u ~ Deccanis,
, Mongols, Gujarati amirs and the troops sent by
the +ja of Tanjore. They emerged victorious in the end. But Ismail Shah abdicated
i!
v
in favour of Hasan Ka u Alauddin Hasan Bahman Shah) and, thus, was laid the
.(
foundation of the Bahqanl kingdom in the Deccan in 1347. The new kingdom ,
I

comprised the entire redion of the Deccan. For the next 150 years, this kingdom
dominated the political! pctivities in the South.

28.3 CONQUEISTS A N D CONSOLIDATION

1/
The political developm$pts of the Bahmani kingdom can be divided into two phases:
In the first phase (1347-1422), the centre of activities was Gulbarga while in the
Kamesh Mechrocks
 second phase (1422-1538) the capital shifted to Bidar which was more centrally The ~ a h h a n l s
located and fertile. During this phase, we find conflicts between the Afaqis and the
Dakhnis touching its peak.

28.3.1 First Phase, 1347-1422

In the period between 1347-1422, major conquests were effected. Kotgir in Andhra
Pradesh, Qandahar in Maharashtra, Kalyani in Karnataka, Bhongir
in Telingana, Sagar, Khembhavi, Malkher and Seram in Gulbarga (Karnataka),
, Manram, Akkalkot and Mahendri in Maharashtra and Mandu in Malwa (Madhya

Pradesh) were subjugated. The Bahmani rule covered Mandu in the north to Raichur
in the south and from Bhongir in the east to Dabhol and Goa in the west.
* The Raya of Telingana and Raya of Vijaynagar were the main rivals of the

i Bahmanis in this period. In one engagement with the Raya of Telingana Golconda
was handed over to the Bahmanis. However, war with Vijaynagar did not prove to
be decisive and the Tungabhadra Doab continued to be shared between the two
powers.
Very soon the Bahmanis lost Goa to Vijaynagar in the late 14th century. In one
campaign launched by the Bahmanis against the Raja of Kherla ( ~ a h a r a s h t i a )who.
,
was being encouraged by the rulers of Vijaynagar, Malwa and Khandesh to rebel
against ah man is, he was forced to submit. In Telingana, two rivals-Vema (of
Rajahmundry) and Velama (of Telingana) (Andhra factions) -were supported by
Vijaynagar and Bahmanis respectively. The Bahmanis tried t o intrude into Telingana
but were repulsed by the Vemas. The Bahmanis continued t o side with one Andhra
faction against the other for territorial gains. An important factdr for the Bahmani
lpsses in the campaign against Vijaynagar in the early 15th century was the fact that
the Velamas who had earlier supported the Bahmanis had shifted their allegiance to
\' Vijay nagar.

28.3.2 Second Phase, 1422-1538

The period between 1422-1538 was marked by the shift of capital from Gulbarga to
Bidar. It was centrally and strategically located. The three linguistic areas (Marathi,
Kannad and Telugu) converged o n this point. The struggle for supremacy between the
Vijaynagar and the Bahmanis continued in this period as well. Warangal was
annexed .to the Bahmani kingdom in this period. The independent kingdoms of
Malwa and Gujarat (see Units 23, 24) also had t o bear the brunt of the Bahmani
power. While Malwa proved to be weak, the Sultanate of Gujarat, in spite of two
major.campaigns, did not give way to the Bahmanis. An important consequence of
the latter confrontation was the formation of alliance between the Sultanate of
Khandesh and Bahmanis to counter the threat from Gujarat.

Between 1436-1444, two clashes occurred between the Vijaynagar and the Bahmanis.
In the first one, the Bahmanis had to face defeat. However, the second one,
according to Ferishta, ultimately proved to be advantageous for the Bahmanis. The
Rajas of Sangameshwar and Khandesh were subjugated. In the Gujarat campaign, :
the major cause of the defeat of the Bahrnanis was the internal strife betwken the two
factions of the nobles, the Deccanis and the Afaqis (you will read about this in the
subsequent section). The Deccanis had betrayed the Bahmani cause. Therefore, in the
campaign against Khandesh, the Deccanis were excluded which brought serious
repercussions. In 1446, t o suppress the Raja of Kherla and Sangameshwar (Konkan),
the Deccanis and the Afaqis were sent. The exped~tionended in disaster forsthe
Bahmanis. The Deccanis blamed the Afaqis who were consequently punished. bm
the Afaqis pleaded their case and regained ascendancy In the court. These strifes
proved harmful for the empire. This was the period when Mahmud Gawan came
into prominence a s the Bahmani minister. The ruler of Orissa in alliance with the
.king of Telingana attacked the Bahmanis but they were repulsed by Mahmud
Gawan. The ruler of Malwa also made a bid t o conquer the Bahmani territories
(e.g., Bidar). However, he had to retreat when Gujarat came to the rescue of the
Bahmanis. Another attempt of Malwa also failed. Mahmud Gawan conquered Hubli,
Belgaum and Bagalkot. The Bombay-Kafnatak zone came under the Bahmani sway. '

Under Gawa's able guidance, the empire extended from 0 r E s a to Goa (Konkan).
Finally, Mahmud Gawan, a n Afaqi, became a victim of group rivalry and was
Kamesh Mechrocks
The Regional Powm :
13th-15th.Centwy

BAHMANI KINGDOM

--
Approximate boundary- --.-

murdered a t the hands of the Deccani party. After this, the kingdom rolled down the
path of disintegrat~on.Wars undertaken against Vijaynagar ended in disaster and
ultimately,by 1538 the oahmani dynasty came to an end and the kingdom broke up
into 5 states-Berar, Bidar, Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Golconda.
..- .
Check Your Progress
I) is cuss the role of the amiran-i sadah in making the Deccan independent of the
Tughluq rule. Answer in about eight lines.

2) Fill in the blanks:

i) Amiran-i sidah were the ................................................
ii) .............................. rebellion took place in 1327 at Ciulbarga.
iii) ................ ............. was the cockpit betweedthe bahmani and the
Vijaynagar rulers.
iv) The Vembd were the rulers of .............................
3) The history of tw Deccan during the 14-15th century was one of struggle for
supremacy betwqqn the Bahmani and the Vijaynagar rulers. Comment in 80
words.

Kamesh Mechrocks
 .................................................................................................................................. Tbe BA
................................................................................................................................
.....=. ................................................................................................................. .:A .< .
: ,-

28.4 CONFLICT BETWEEN. THE'AFAQIS AND THE

DAKHNIS AND THEIR RELATIONS WITH THE
KING

We have seen in Block 5 that nobles played a crucial role not only a; consotidators
but also as kingmakers in the Sultanate. Every Sultan's interest was to win the
loyalty of his nobles. The same tradition continued in the Bahmani kingdom as well.
. i s early as Alauddin Bahman Shah's reign we see as many as three factions: one
which helped Alauddin Bahman Shah in establishing an independent kingdom in the
Deccan; the other was the Tughluq faction and the third faction comprised of local
chiefs and vassals who had personal interests.

From Alauddin Mujahid's reign (1375-78) onwards, a new factor was introduced in
the composition of the nobility, i.e. the Afaqis. This word means 'universal'-persons
who were uprooted and hence did not belong to any region. They were also called
gharibud diyar, that is, 'strangers'. These Afaqis had migrated from Iran,
Ttansoxiana and Iraq. But it was during Ghiyasuddin Tahamtan's reign, in 1397,
that the real clash between the Dakhnis and the Afaqis h e ~ a nwhen the Sultan
appointed many Afaqis to higher posts: for example, Salabat Khan was appointed
the governor of Berar, Muhammad Khan sar-i naubat and Ahmad Beg Qazwini as
peshwa. Appointment of the Afaqis to such high posts which were earlier held by the
Dakhnis greatly raised dissatisfaction among the old nobility and the Turkish faction
under the leadership of Taghalchin. ~ a ~ h a l c h succeeded
ih in reducing their influence
as early as 1397 wRen he successfully conspired the murder of Ghiyasuddin and
placed Shamsuddin Dawud ll (1397) as a.puppet king and assured for himself the ,
post of Malik Naib and Mir Jumla. It was Ahmad 1 (1422-36) who for the first time
appointed Khalaf Hasan Basri, an Afaqi (with whose help he got the throne), to the
highest office of wakil-i Sultanat and conferred on him the highest title of malik-ut
tujjar (prince of merchants). This phenomenal rise was the result of the continuous
expression of loyalty shown by the Afaqis compared to the Dakhnis. It was the
Afaqi Syed Hussain Badakhohi and others who helped Ahmad 1 in his escape during
his Vijaynagar campaign in the early years of his reign. As a result, Ahmad 1
recruited a special force of the Afaqi archers. Similar other favours were also
showered on them. This policy created great resentment among the Dakhnis. Clashes
between these two groups can be seen during Ahmad's Gujarat campaign when, on
account of the n~n-cooperationof the Dakhnis, the Bahmani arms had to face defeat
urider the leadership of Malik-ut.tu&r. This gulf'widened further during Ahmad 11's
reign. At the time of the attacks of Khandesh army on account of the non-
cooperatiod of the Dakhnis, only the Afaqir could be despatched under Khalaf
Hasan Basri. Humayun Shah (1458-1461) t r . 4 to maintain equilibrium between the
two factions. During Ahmad Ill's reign (1461-b5 A.D.), the Dakhnis felt that much
power was concentrated into the hands of the Afaqis with Khwaja-i Jahan Turk,
Malik-ut tujjar and Mahmud Gawan at the helm of affairs. On the other hand, the
Afaqis were dissatisfied because the power which they enjoyed under Ahmad 11's
reign was greatly reduced under the latter's successor. Mahmud Gawan, the chief
minister of Muhammad I11 (1463-1482), also tried to maintain the equilibrium
between the two. As a result, he appointed Malik Hasan as sar-i lashkar of
Telingana and Fathullah as sar-i lashkar of Berar. But Mahmud Gawan himself fell
prey to the conspiracy of Zarif-ul Mulk Dakhni and Miftah Habshi. Once the
equilibrium was disturbed, the successive weak kings became puppets in the hands of
Kamesh Mechrocks
 - - \

The Regional Powem : During Shihabuddin Mahmud's reign (1482-Ma), the clash reached its climax.
13th-15th century While the king showed his distinct inclination for the-@aqis, the Dakhrlis joined
hands with the H a ~ b h (Abyssinian)
i faction. The latter, in 1487, in a-desperate bid
attempted to kill the king but failed. It resulted in a large-scale massacre of the
Dakhnis which continued for three days. All these factional fights weakened the*
centre. Shihabuddin" reign itself was marred by continuous rebellions and intrigues
of Qasim Barid, Malik Ahmad Nizamul Mulk, Bahadur Gilani, etc. Shihabuddin's
death (1518) providhd these nobles almost a free hand in their provinces. in ally,
lbrahim Adil Shah df Bijapur was thefirst to claim his independence in 1537. Thus
began the'physical d~isintegrationof the Bahmani Sultanate.

.28.5 CENTRAL AND PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION

The Bahmanis seem t o have copied the administrative structure of the Delhi Sultans.
The king was at the \helm of affairs, followed by wakil, wazir, bakhshi and qazi.
Besides, there were pabir (secretary), mufti (interpreter of law), kotwal, muhtasib
(censor of public mgrals). Munihians (spy) were appointed not only in every corner
of their kingdom, bqt we are told that during Muhammad's reign, munihians were
posted at Delhi, too,

During Mutiammad 1's reign, the Bahmani kingdom was divided into four atraf or
provinces, i.e. Daulgltabad, Berar, Bidar and Gulbarga each ruled by a tarafdar.
Since Gulbarga was the most important province, only the most trusted nobles were
appointed who werd,called mir naib (viceroy)-distinct from the governois
of other provinces. hater on, as the boundaries of the kingdom expanded, M hmud )
Gawan divided the empire into eight provinces. Certain parts of the empire were put
Yar
-
-
under the direct control of the Sultan (khassrr-i Sultani).

The amir-ul umara yas the commander of the army. The army mainly consisted of
, soldieis and cavalry. Elephants were also employed. The rulers maintained a large
number of bodyguaaqls known a s khassakhel. Muhammad I is stated to have had four
thousand bodyguardq. Besides, there were silahdars who were incharge of the
'personal armoury of the king. In times of need, barbardan were asked to mobilize
troops. Another characteristic feature of the Bahmani army was the use of
gunpowder that gave them military advantage.

Niccolo Conti, a n ltdian traveller, who visited lndia in the 15th century, writes that
their army used javelins, swords, arm-pieces, round-shields, bows and arrows. He
adds that they used 'Iballistae and bombarding machines as well as siege-pieces'.
Duarte Barbosa wha'visited lndia during 1500-17 also made similar remarks that
they used maces, badle-axes, bows and arrows. He adds: "they [Mgorish] ride on
high-pommelled saddle.. .. fight tied to their saddles..... The gentios .... the larger part
of them fight on foot, but some on horseback ..." Mahmud Gawan streamlined the
military administration as well. Earlier,'the tarafdars had absolute authority to
appoint the qiladars bf the forts. Gawan placed one fort under one tarafdar's
jurisdiction, the rest f the forts within a province were placed under the central
1
command. To check i orruptio?, he made a rule that every officer should be paid a t ,
a fixed rate for ever41500 troopers maintained by him. When he was given revenue
,

assignments in lieu OK cash, the amount incurred by the officer in the collection of
revenue was to be PT;hto him separately. If he failed to maintain the stipulated
- soldiers, he had to rdund the proportionate amount to the exchequer. P

Check Your ProgresJ 2

I) How can we say (that conflict between the Afaqis and the Dakhnis ultimately
sealed the fate oflIthe Bahmani kingdom? Write in ten lines.
I

Kamesh Mechrocks
 .................................... ............................................................................................

2) ~ e f i n ethe following:
a) Afaqi ............................................ .................................................................
.........................................................................................................................

.........................................................................................................................
c) Malik-ut tujjar .................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................................
d) Munihians ......................................................................................................

.3) What were the major changes brought about by Mahmud Gawan in
i
, administration and army organization? Write in 60 words.
.................................................................................................................................

28.7 ECONOMY
Mahmud Gawan ordered for systematic measurement of land fixing the boundaries
of the villages and towns. Thus, in this regard he was the forerunner of Raja Todar
Mal. All this greatly helped the exchequer. First, the income of the empire was
ensured and became known in advance; secondly, it also curbed the corruption of
the nobles to the minimum, thereby increasing the state*$income.
1n"the Bahmani kingdom, trade and commerce was in a flourishing state. Nikitin, a
Russian traveller, who was in the Deccan during 1469-74, provides ample
information regarding the commercial activities of Bidar. He says that horses, cloth,
silk, and pepper were the chief merchandise. He adds that at Shikhbaludin Peratyr
and a t kladinand bazar people assembled in large numbers where trade continued
for ienldays. & also'iii^entionsthe Bahmani seaport Mustafabad-Dabul as a centre
of:commercial activity. Dabul was wellconnected not only with the Indian but also
with the African ports. Horses were imported from Arabia,,Khurasan and
Turkestan. Trade and commerce was mostly in the hands of the Hindu merchants.
Musk and fur'were imported from China. ,~''-+.--.,, Mechrocks
Kamesh
28.8 SOCIETY AND CULTURE

The social structure df the Bahmanis was cosmopolitan in character. There were
M uslifns, Hindus, 1anians, Transoxonians, l raqis and Abyssinians (Habshis). The
Portuguese came during the early 16th century. This heterogeneous character
becomes more prominent if we'look at its linguistic pattern: Persian, Marathi,
Dakhni (proto-UrdlES;, Kannada and Telugu languages were widely spoken in various
parts of the kingdom.
Broadly, two classes existed in the society. According to Nikitin, there were poor,
and <he nobles who were "extremely opulentn. He says that "the nobles were carried
on their Silver beds, preceded by twenty horses caparisoned in gold and followed by
three hundred mkn ah horseback and five hundred on foot along with ten
torchbearers." Nikitin also gives a graphic account of the grandeur of the Bahmani
wazir, ~ a h m & jGawan. He mentions that everyday along with him 500 men used
to dine. For the ,safetk of his house alone, everyday 100 armed personnel kept
vigilance. In contrast, the general population was poor. Though Nikitin mentions
only two classes, the% was yet another class-the merchants (the so-called middk
class).
The sufis were great& venerated by the Bahmani rulers. Initially, they migrated to
the Deccan as religiaus auxiliaries of the Khaljis and the Tughluqs. The infant
Bahmani kingdom rqiluired the support of the sufm for popular legitimization of
their authority. The sufis who migrated to the Bahmani kingdom were chiefly of the
Chishti, Qadiri and Shattari orders. Bidar emerged as one of the most important
centres of the Qadiri order. Shaikh Sirajuddin Junaidi was the first smfi to receive
the royal favour. The Chishti saints enjoyed the greatest honour. Syed Muhammad
Gesu Daraz, the famous Chishti saint of Delhi, migrated to Gulbarga in 1402-3.
Sultan Feroz granteq la number of villages as innm for the upkeep of his khmqab.
But during the later pieriod of his reign dissensions between the two developed on
account of the sufi's.slpport for the Sultan's brother Ahmad as his successor. It
finally led to the expulsion of Gesu Daraz from Gulbarp.
With the large influxabf the Afaqis in the Bahmani kingdom, the Shias also found
their place under Fadullah's influence. Ahmad 1's act of sending 30,000 silver tankas
for distribution among the Saiyyids of Karbala in Iraq shows his inclination for the
Shia doctrine. The mbst influential wazir of Ahmad 111 was also a Shia.
Hindu traditions and p l t u r e also influenced the Bahmani court. Sultan Feroz's
(1397-1422) marriage with a daughter of the royal family of Vijaynagar helped
greatly in the Hindu-Muslims cultural harmony. There is a. legend that Feroz even
once went to Vijaynagar in the guise of a Hindu faqir. Even in the most important
ceremony like the celebration of urs, Hindu influences are to be seen. During the
urs celebrations, the Janprn (the head of the Lingayats of Madhyal in Gulbarga
district) would perfom the ceremony in typical Hindu fashion-conch-blowing,
flower offerings, etc. What is interesting is that the Jangarn wore Muslim apparel
with the usual cap th&t the Muslim danvesh (hermit) used.
You will read about Other cultural aspects like architecture, education etc. in
Block 8.

Cheek Your Progress:$

1) Write a note on Made and commerce under the Bahmani rule.
...........................!:................................................................................................... *

...........................f,....,.........,....
................................................................................

...............................................................................................................................
II
iI

Kamesh Mechrocks
2) Mark right ( ) or wrong (X) against the following statements :
i) Nikitin was an Italian traveller who visited India during the 15th century.
ii) Under Mahmud Gawan, systematic measurement of the land was done.
iii) Gesu Daraz was a famous Suhrawardi saint.
3) Discuss Nikitin's observation on the Bahmani sokiety.

28.9 LET US S U M UP
T o sum up we saw how the amiran-i sndah gradually succeeded in carving out an
independent Bahmani kingdom. In their formative phase, they were constantly at
war with the Vijaynagar; Malwa and Telingana rulers. We have also seen how the
clashes between the Afaqis and the Dakhnis ultimately led to the decline of the
Bahmani Sultanate. As for the administrative structute, we do not find it much
different from that of the Delhi Sultanate with the exception of designations and
nomenclatures and Mahmud Gawan's reforms concerning the measurement of land.

28.10 KEY W O R D S
Afaqi: (literally 'Universal'; from afaq); Newcomers (from Iran, Iraq and
Transoxiana)
Amiran Hamrah: nobles of one thousand
Chaudhri: see Block 5
Dakhni: old Deccani nobility
Darwesh: muslim hermit; saint
Iqllm : provinces
Inam: revenue free grants
Jangam: head of the Lingayat sect
Karkun: see Block 5
Khanqah: Muslim m o n a s t h
Khassakhel: bodyguards of the Sultan
Mank-ut tujislr :prince of merchants
Mir naib: viceroy
Moorish : Muslim
Mutasnrrif: see block 5
Shiq: administrative unit similar to that of a district
S hlqdar : holder of shiq
Silahdar: incharge of the armour
rarafdar: provincial governors,
' Wakil : see block 5
I

Wali : provincial governor; Iqta hdder Kamesh Mechrocks

28411 ANSWPRS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES /

Check Your PI'Ogre$S1 ti

1) See Sec. 28.2
2) (i) revenue coll&ors and military cornitlanders (ii) Bahauddin Gurshasp
(iii) Tungabhad* Doab (iv) Rajahmundry
3) See Sub-sec. 283.1, 28.3.2

Check Your Progress 2

1) See Sec. 28.4
2) See Sec. 28.4, 28.5
3) See Sec. 28.5, 281.6

Check Your Progres$,a

1) See Sec. 28.7
2) (i) J,X,:(ii) d (hi) ' X
3) See Sec. 28.8

Kamesh Mechrocks
!( ( EMERGENCE OF REGIONAL POWERS: THEORIES 1
Social scientists differ greatly over the reasons for the emergence of regional-powers.
Joseph E. Schwartzberg highlighted certain geopolitical and ecological factors behind
the instability that marred the Sultanate period.

According to Schwartzberg :
. .
: . . ..
"The key to this progressive decline'in the average size and duration of major
powers appears to lie in the secularly increasing degree of d o l l s competition
which major powers had to face from other major of comparable strength. ,
Hence there was a long range tendency towards a rise in the Bequeney and
intensity of n u s between or-among major powers throughout the Sultanate
I
per~od.This would have resulted in increasing instability within the power system
as a whole and seriously inhibited the growth potential of all states within the ,

system."
/
By medieval period, in fact, settlement over the best av&lableagricultural land seems to have
almost been completed; this led t o intensive agriculture; that in turn gave way to greater
intensity of settlement vis-a-vis population growth and population pressure. The latta two
factors helped greatly in increasing the strengh of thearmy in both ways-the fighting power
as well as resistance power. Thus, according to Schwartzberg, geographical features made the
conflicts inevitable and contributed t o the emergence of regional states.

Richard G. Fox, Bernard Cohn and K.N. Singh have interpreted the emergence of
regional powers in socio-political-anthropologicalmodel where kinship, clan and
'lineages were the main organising factors. For Richard Fox, such groups, though served
as guarantor or the preserver of the political authority, were also prone to frequen~
rebellions which led t o fragmentation and weakening of the central authority specially
when the central control seems to be in doldrums. The Rajput clan-organisation is a
glaring example. In Rajputana, these chiefs or njrs,o r p i s e d on the basis of clan, used
to wntrol small principalities of the same lineages. You have already read in Unit 9 how
closely the Rajput social organisation was knitted through clan, caste and lineages.
Their area of influence wuld be through matrimony and migration of disgruntled sub-
lineages. These 'unilineal kin-organisations' performed many political and military
functions relating to revenudpllection and maintenance of law and order. They used to
get 'legitimization' by the state. The 'mandate' of the state was the 'mandate' of the kin
allegiance. On account of this 'internalcohesion' and 'external recognition', their
position became so stfong at the local level that neither the state nor the clan members
could throw them off.

After Timur's invasion, the political vacuum created at the centre provided these chiefs
or njm opportunity to strike deep r o o F the local level. Thus started internecine
warfare throughout the 1345th century between power centres trying to exploit the
situation t o their respective interests.

Nature of the Vijaynagar State

We'have already discussed in Block 3 Section 8.3 various aoproaches-feudal, segmentq
and integrative-with respect to the lndian pol~tydunng 8~13thc6ntury. Let us analyse
the nature of the Vijaynagar polity within this model.

1 I Segmentary State
Burton Stein regards the Vijaynagar state as a stzmentary state (for its characteristic
features see Sub-sec. 8.3.2). For him, in the Vijaynagar state, absolute political
sovereignty rested with the centre, but in the periphery 'ritual sovereignty' (symbolic
control) was in the hands of the nayakas and the Brahman commanders. The
relationship of these subordinate units-segments-in relation t o the central authority
was pyramidally arranged. The more far removed a segment was from the centre, the
1 greater its capacity to change loyalty from one power pyramid t o another.

1 .) Feudal Model .

II
Some scholars try to explain the character of the Vijaynagar state in the backdrop of
feudal structure. They argue that the practice of giving fresh land grants to Brahmans

Kamesh Mechrocks
 was an Importarw racror which led, t o the rise of feudal segments. The frequency of such
land grants enhaaced the position of the Brahmans. As a result, they enjoyed a large
measure of autowmy, possessed administrative powers and controlled revenue resources
within their settlments. Scholars filrther argue that since the rulers of Vijaynagar

I pfoposed to ~ r & c t Hindu dharma, it led to the emergence of new Brahman

settl~ments. I
g
Further, the mill ry need to expand into l'amil region created feudal territories under
the control of A1 aranayakas (warriors) and other high officials. Amaranayakas were
hereditary hold?$s of land. They paid tribute and rendered military service to the king
(like the samangls of north India).

The vassals in t#n started giving land grants to their slbordinates, thus giving way to
sub-infeudation, T h e large extent of the empire and the absence of adequate means of 1
Itransport and cbknmunication made it necessary for ihe rulers to entrust power to these
feudal segmentslbr the governance of the empire. In the process of conquest and 1
Iconsolidation, r b l c i t r a n t chieftains were subdued and their territory distributed among
new chiefs. Nevertheless, some old chiefs were also permitted to continue in the new I
k
scheme. I

ther 1nterl)retations
N.K. Shastri s& the Vijaynagar state in the light of essentially a Hindu kingdom
performing the ideological (religiopolitical) role of the defender of Hindu culture against
the Muslims of be Bahmani kingdom and its successor states. From this stems the
i
theory of the m $taristic character of the Vijaynagu state. For him, the Vijaynagar state
was a war state.,
1

W h y these kingHoms remained confined to 'secondary' status and could not assume the
'Imperial' one?.'bn Schwartzberg's terms, why they remained 'Supra-regional powers'
a n d could not &ch to the status of 'Pan-Indian powers? There were certain
geopolitical, stdctural and circumstantial factors behind this. Foremost is their
Iperipheral locadbn, States of Kashmir, Gujarat, Rajpytana, Sind, Orissa, Assam and
Bengal d o not lie in the heartland of the empire to aksume the central status.
Mountaneous tkrrain also obstructed their smooth expansion. Kashmir's expansion was
mainly obstructwd by the inaccessible mountains. Similarly, the iocreasing aridity of the
great Indian destrt in the north-west obsthcted the growth of Sind and Rajputana
kingdomq. ThoMh Malwa and Jaunpur were situated in the core and the most fertile
plain$. they had~'anw-frontie~-klrrollndedby hostile states. Each state attempted to
get control ovetl their rich resources, so constant waifare was the main feature of the
regional syndrd$e which hampered expansion.

Another problap was the paucity of revenue-resources which prevented them to

maintain large grmies to extend and consolidate their gain&.They had very small area
undyr their direct control whose revenue came directly to the starc. They had to depend
largely o n 'intermediaries' or 'chiefs' for their income and supply of armed retainers. T o
add to this, the revenue collectors (intermediaries) had the tendency to evade taxatipe.
'Tributary chiefb also exploited every opportunity to rebel. You have already seen that
the tributary chiefs residing o n the peripheral area between Malwa and Gujarat

frequently chaqeed sides-sometimes with Malwa, and sometimes with Gujarat as the
opportunity arbse. Increasing feuds of the Rajputs among their clan members was the
main reason why the Rajput state could not assume the 'Pan-India' status. T o add t o
this, unlike Gujarat and Bengal, other regions being land-locked (specially Jaunpur and
Malwa), did ndt have opportunity to develop Jverseas trade and commerce which
further curtail& their income and provided little ,cope for 'extra' resources required for
expansiori ,

Kamesh Mechrocks
 The B.hm.nk
SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK
Muhammad Habib and K.A. ~ i z a m :i Delhi Sultanate.
A.B. Pandey: Early Medieval India and Later Medieval India.
Ishwari Prasad : Medieval India.
T.V. Mahalingam: Administration and Society under Viiqvnagar.
Nilakanta Sastri : A History of South India.

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT 29 SOCIO-RELIGIOUS
MOVEMENT: BHAKTI
MOVEMENT
Structure
29.0 Objectives
29.1 Introduction
29.2 Background : Bhakti Movement in South India
29.3 Bhakti Movement in North India
29.4 Emergence of Bhakti' Movement
29.4.1 Political Factors for the Rise ofthe Bhaktt Movement
29.4.2 Socio-Economic Factors
29.5 Main Popular Movements and their Characteristics
29.5.1 Monotheistic Movements of North lndia
29.5.2 Common Characteristic Features
29.5.3 Vnbhmva BhakU Movement 'in North lndia
29.5.4 Vaishmva BhakU Movement in Bengal
29.5.5 BhakU Movement in Maharashtra
29.5.6 BhakU Movement in Other Regions
29.6 Influence of Other Traditions and Movemerits
29.6.1 Popular Monotheistic Saints and Mmananda
29.6.2 Influence of the N.tbpntM Movement on Monotheistic Saints
29.6.3 Influence of Islamic Ideas and the Role of Sufism
29.6.4 'Ibeory of Islamic Challenge to Hinduism
29.7 Let Us Sum U p
29.8 Key Words
29.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises.

29.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you would be able to :
understand the background of thebhakti movement,
identify the main political and socio-economic
.. factors for the rise of bhakti
.movement in North India,
list the main popular branches and the saints of this movement,
know the main characteristic features of the bhrrkti movement, and
learn about the influence of other traditions and Islam on this'movement.

Bhakti as a religious concept means devotional surrenaer t o a personally conceived

Supreme God for attaining salvation. The origin of this dogrine has been traced to
both the Brahmanical and Buddhist traditions of ancient India and to variolis
scriptures such as the Gita. But it was for the first time in South India between the
seventh and tenth century that bbakti grew from a mere religious doctrine into a
popular movement based on religious equality and broad-based social participation.
The movement which was led by popular saint-poets reached its climax in the tenth
century after which it began to decline. But it was revived as a philosophical and
ideological movement by a series of wandering scholars or acharyas, beginning with
Ramanuja in the eleventh century. The establishment of the Delhi Sultanate in early
thirteenth century witnessed great outburst of inany diverse and widespread
socio-religious movements in various parts of the country drawing upon fhe'concepts
of bhaktiieThese movements have been seen as continuation or revival of the oiber
South Indian bhakti movement. But each one o i the later movements which grew in
the Sultanate period had a.historica1 context of its own and its own peculiarities.
Moreover, one of them, namely, the non-conformist monotheistic movement which
Kamesh Mechrocks
is associated with Kabir and other "low-caste" saints bears onlv suverficial
 -.
reSemblance to the variants of the movement. Its social roots, its ideology, social
composition of its legdership and even its concept of bhakti and God set it
fundamentally apart,from the older bhakti movement of South India as well as from
the rest of the later dhakti movements. In view of these wide and a t l m e s even basic [ *
differences among various bhakti movements, they must be discussed individually inl
order to clearly bring out the characteristics of each one of them and also to discover
I
elements of unity and diversity among them.

29.2 BACKOWUND : BHAKTI MOVEMENT IN /

. SOUTH INDIA

The sai- Nayanar saints and vaishnava .Alvar saints of South India spread the
'
doctrine of bhakti among different sections of the society irrespestive of caste and
sex during the period between the syventh and the tenth century. Some of these
saints came from the "lower" castes and some were women. The saint-poets
preached bhakti. 'in an intense emotional manner and promoted religious
egalitarianism. They dispensed with rituals and traversed the region several times
singing, dan~ingand advocating bhakti. The Alvar and Nayanar saints used the
Tamil language and not Sanskrit for preaching and composing devotional songs. All
these features gave the movement a popular character. For the first time bhakti
acquired a popular base. The South Indian bhaktil saints were critical of Buddhists
and Jains who enjoyed a privileged status at the courts of South Indian kings at that
time. They won over many adherents of Buddhism and Jainism both of which by
now had become Ejgid and formal religions. At the same time, however, these
poet-saints resisted the authority of the orthodox Brahmans by making bbaktl
accessible to all without any caste and sex discrimination. But the South Indian
bhakti movement had its limitations as well. It never consciously opposed
Brahmanismor the varna'and caste systems at the social level. It was integrated with
the caste system an8 the "lower" castes continued to suffer from various soeial
disabilities. There Was no elimination of Brahmanical rituals such as worship of
idols, recitation of the Vedic mantras and pilgrimages to sacred placesin spite of the
ovemding emphasis on bhakti as the superior mode of worship. The Bbddhists and
Jains were its main targets, not the Brahmans. This perhaps was also the reason why
the Brahman dominated temples played an important role in the growth of South
Indian bhakti movement. Since the ideological and social foundations of caste
system were not qllrbstioned by the South Indian saint-poets, the bhakti :movement
of the South in the long run strengthened it rather than weakening it. Ultimately,
after the movemeno reached its climax in the tenth century, it was gradually
assimilated into the conventional Brahmanical religion. But despite these
limitations, the Sodth Indian bhakti movement in its heyday succeeded in
championing the cause of religious equality and, consequently, the Brahmans had to
accept the right of the "low-caste" to preach, to have access to bhakti as a mode of
worship and io have access even to the Vedas

Bhakti and the Sorlth Indian Acharyas

When the populari,rjv of the bhakti movement in South India was on the wane, the
doctrine of bhakti tyas defcnded at the philosophical level by a series of brilliant
vaishnava Brahamap scholars (acharyas). Ramanuja (1 lth century) was first among
them. He gave phibsophical justification for bhakti. He tried to establish a careful
balance between orthodox Brahmanism and popular bhakti which was open to all.
Though he did not qupport the idea of the "lower" castes having access to the
Vedas, he advocated bhakti as a mode of worship accessible to all including the
Sudras and even thq outcastes. While propagating bhakti, he did not observe caste
distinctions and evep tried to eradicate untouchability. Nimbarka, a Telugu
Brahman, is believsd to havc hoen a younger contemporarv of Ramanuja. He spent
most of his time in Vrindavan near Mathura in North India He believed In total
devotlon to Krishnq and Raana. Another South lndlan val\h~lav~te bhaktl
philosopher was Madhava who belonged to the th~rtccnthcentury. Like Ramanuja.
he did not dispute orthodox Brahmanical restnctlon of the Vedic study by the
SudraS He belle\rd thz? hhakti provided alterna:e avenile bf worship to the Sudras.
HISph~losophicalsystem Has based on the Bhagvar Furana. He is also believed to
Kamesh Mechrocks
havc toured NorthlIndla. The last two prominent vaishnava acharyas w: :c
 -

Ramananda (late 14thpnd early 15th century) and Vallabha (late 15tb and early
16th century). Since both of them lived mostly in North India during.the Sultanate
period and gave new orientation to the vaishnava bhakti, they will be discussed in
the section dealirig with North India.

29.3 BHAKTI MOVEMENT IN NORTH INDIA .

There arose during he Sultanate period (13th-15th century) many popular
socio-religious movements in North and East India, and Maharashtra. Emphasis on
bhakti and religious equality were two common features of these movements: As
has been pointed oat, these two were also the features of the South Indian bhaliti
movements. Almost all the bhakti movements of the Sultarlate period have been
related to one South Indian vaishnava acharya or the other. For these reasons, many
scholars believe that the bhakti movements of the Sultanate period were a
continuation or-resurgence of thealder bhakti rhovement. They argue that there
existed philosophical and ideological links between the two either due to contact or
diffusion. Thus, Kabir and other leaders of non-conformist monotheistic movements
in North India are believed to have been the disciples of Ramananda who, in turn, is
believed to have been connected with Ramanuja's philosophical order. Similar
claims have been made that Chaitanya, the most significant figure of the vaishnava
movement in Bengal, belonged to the philosophical school of Madhava. This
movement is also believed to have been connected with Nimbarka's school because
of its emphasis on 'Krishna' bhakti.
There are undoubtedly striking similarities between the older bhakti tradition of
South India and various bhakti-movements that flcprished in the Sultanate and
Mughal periods. If we exclude the popular monotheistic movements of Kabir,
Nanak and other4'low" caste saints, the two sets of movements can be shown to
have possessed many more common features. For example, like the South Indian
bhakti movement, the vaishnava bhakti movements of North and Eastern India and
Maharashtra, though egalitarian in the religious sphere, never denounced the caste
system, the authority of Brahmanical scriptures and the Brahmanical privileges as
such.
Consequently, like the South Indian bhakti, most of the vaishnava movements of
the later period were ultimately assimilated into the Brahmanical religion, though in
the process of interaction, the latter itself underwent many changes. However, the
similarities endhere. Bhakti movement was never a single qovement except in the
broad doctrinal sense of a movement which laid emphasis on bhakti and.religjous
equality. The bhakti movements of medieval India differed in many significant
respects not only from the older South Indian bhakti tradition hut also among
themselves. Each one of them had its own regional identity ahd socio-historical drfd
cultural contexts. Thus, the non-confq.rmist movements based on popular
monotheistic bhakti cdntained features that were essentially different from various
vaishnava bhakti movements, Kabir's notion of bhakti was not the same as that of
the medieval vaishnavm saints such as Chaitanya or Mirabai. Within the v-va
movement, the historical context of Maharashtra bhakti was different from that of
the Bengal vaishnavism or North Indian bhakh movement of Ramanand, vallabna.
Surdas and Tulsidas. During the later period, when tfie vaishnava bbakti movement
crystallised into sects, there arose frequent disputes between them which sometimes
even turned violent. Among all the bhakti movements of the period between the .
14th and 17th century, the popular monotheistic movements of Kabir, Nanak,
Raidas and other "lower" caste saints stand out fundamentally different.
,Popular Monotheistic Movement and Vaishnava Bhakti Mov~ment
both these movements arose in Northern India at the same time, that is, in the
centuries following the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate and advent of Islam in
that part of the country. For:this reason, the rise of both the movements is quite
often attributed to certain common causes such as the influence of Islam on
Hinduism. However, the causes and sources of the two movements and the factors
exerting influence on them were quite diverse. It will behme clear from the
following discussion that a cause which explains one mdxement may not do so in the
case of the other. This is so because the popular monotheistic movements arose and
Kamesh Mechrocks
 reached their peak ih the Sultanate period, while the valshnava. movements began in
the Sultanate period but reached their climax during the Mughal period.

Check Your Progress 1

1) Give the salierlt features of the bhaktl movement.
'

2) Write two lines on each of the following :

Ramanuja .........,;................................................................................
........................r ...........................

Nimbarka ...........................................................................................
.........................................................................................................
Vallabha ...........,...............................................................................

Chaitanya ..........: I ,................................................................................

.........................................................................................................
b
Madhava ...........1 ....;............ . .......................................................
...
..........................................................................................................

29.4 EMERGENCE OF THE BHAKTI MOWMENT

The bhakti movemMt which influenced large number of people during 14th-17th
centuries in North h d i a emerged due to a number of political, socio-economic and ;
religious factors. Wkt will discuss all these in this section.

29.4.1 Political Factors for the Rise of the Bhakti Movement

It has been pointed out that as the popular bhakti movementcould not take root in
Northern India befote the Turkish conquest because the socio-religious milieu.was
dominated by the RBjput-Brahman alliance which was hostile to any heterodox
movement. The Tutkisli conquests brought the supremacy of this alliance to an end.
The advent of Islam with the Turkish conquest also caused a setback to the power
and prestige commilhded by the Brahmans: Thus, the way was paved for the growth
of non-conformist movements, with anti-caste and anti-Brahmanical ideology. The
Brahmans had always made the people believe that the images and idols in the
temples were not jutit the symbols of God but were gods themselves who possessed
divine power and who could be influenced by them (i.e. the Brahmans). The Turks
deprived the Brahnlans of their temple wealth and state patronage. Thus the
Brahmans suffered Both materially and ideologically. The non-conformist sect of the
nathpanthis was pethaps the first to gain from the declining power of the
Rajput-Brahman alliance. This sect seems to have reached its peak i n the beginning
of the Sultanate period. The loss of power and influence by theBrahmans and the
new political situation ultimately created conditions for the rise of the popular
monotheistic moveMents and other bhakti movements in Northern India.

29.4.2 Socio-Economic Factors

It has been argued that the bhak3 movements of medieval India represented
sentiments of the cchmon people against febdal oppression. According to this
8 Kamesh Mechrocks
 viewpoint, elements of revolutionary opposition to feudalism can be found in the
poetry of the bhakti saints ranglng from Kabir and Nanak to Chaitanya and
Tulsidas. It is in this serise that sometimes the medieval bhakti.movements are a n
as Indian counterpart of the Protestant Reformation in Europe. However, there is
nothing in the poetry of the bhakti,saints to suggest that they represented the class
interestsof the peasantry against the surplus-extracting feudal state. The vaishnava
bbakti saints broke away from orthodox Brahmanical order only to the extent tbat
they believed in bhakti and religious equality. Normally, they continued to
subscribe to many basic principles of orthodox Brahmanism. The more radical
monatheistic saints rejected orthodox Brahmanical religion altogether but even they
didaot call for the overthrow of the state and the ruling class: For this reason, the
bhakti movements cannot be regarded as Indian variant of European Protestant
Reformation which was a far greater social upheaval linked to the decline of
feudalism and the rise of capitalism.
This, however, does not mean that the bhakti saints were indifferent to the living
canditions of the people. They used images of daily life and always tried to identify
themselves in one way or another with the sufferings of the common people.
Economic and Social Changes
The widespread popularity of the monotheistic movement of Kabir, Nanak, ;
Dhanna, Pipa etc. can be explained fully only in the c0ntex.t of certain significant
socio-economic changes in the period following the Turkish conquest of Ndrthern
India. The Turkish ruling class, unlike the Rajputs, lived in towns. The extraction of
large agricultural surplus led to enormous concentration of resources in the hands of
the ruling class. The demands of this resource-wielding class for manufactured
goods, luxuries and other necessaries led to the introduction of many new
techniques and crafts on a large scale. This, in turn, led to the expansion of the class
of urban artisans in the 0 t h and 14th centuries.
The growing classes of urban artisans were attracted towards the monotheistic
movement because of its egalitarian ideas as they were now not satisfied with the
low status accorded to them in traditional Btahmanical hierarchy. It fias been
pointed out that some groups of traders like the Khatris in the Punjab, who
benefited directly from the growth of towns, urban crafts protluction and expansion
of markets, were also drawn into the movement for the same reason. The popularity
of the monotheistic movement was the result of the support it obtained from one or
mpre of these different classes of the society. It is one or more of these sections
I
which constituted the social base of the movement in different parts of Northern
India. In Punjab, the popularity of the movement did not remain confined to urban
classes: it acquired a broader base by the incorporation of the Jat peasants in its
ranks. The support extended by the Jats of the Punjab to Guru Nanak's movement
ultimately contributed to the development of Sikhism as a mass religion. '

I
29.5 MAIN POPULAR MOVEMENTS AND THEIR
CHARACTERISTICS
In this section, we will discuss some of the main monotheistic and vaishnava
, movements in North India, including Maharashtra and Bengal quring the period
under review.

29.5.1 Monotheistic Movements of North India

Kabir (c.. 1440-1518) was the earliest and undoubtedly the most powerful f i b r e of
the monotheistic movements that began in the fifteenth century. He belonged to a
family .of weavers (Julaha who were indigenous converts to 1slam:~e spent greater
part of his life in Banaras (Kashi). The monotheistic saints who succeeded him
either claimed to be his disciples or respectfully mention him. His verses were
included in the Sikh scripture, the Adi Granth in large numbers than those of other
monotheists. All this indicate his pre-eminent position among the monotheists.
Raidas (or Ravidas) most probably belonged to the generation next to Kabir's. He
was a tanner by caste. He also lived in Banaras and was influenced by Kabir's ideas.
Dhanna was a fifteenth century Jat peasant from Rajasthan. Uther prominent salnts
Kamesh Mechrocks
of the same peViod were Sen (a barber) and Pipa.
a o t y and culture :IW to 15tb Guru Nanak (1469-1539) preached his ideas much in the same way as Kabir and
Century
other monotheists, but due to various developments later his teachings led to the
e-ence of a mads religion, Sikhism. The basic similarity of his teachings with
those of Kabir and kbther saints and the basic ideological agreement between them
makes him an integlqal part of the monotheistic movement. He belonged to a caste of
traders called KhaM and was born in a village in punjab' now known as Nankana
Sahib. In his later life he-travelled widely to preach his ideas. Eventually he settled
in a place in Punjab now known as Dera Baba Nanak. There he attracted large
number.of discipleg. The hymns composed by him were incorporated in the Adl
Granth .by the fifth Sikh Guru Arjan in 1604.

29.5.2 Common ; Characteristic Features

The teachings of all;the saints who are associated with the monotheistic movement
have certain'commqp features which give the movement its basic unity :
1) Most of the mdnotheists belonged to the "low" castes and were aware that .
there existed ailrnity of ideas among themselves. Most of them were aware of
each other's teachings and influences. In their verses they mention each other
and their predecessors in such a way as to suggest a harmonious ideological
affinity among:them. Thus, Kabir speaks of Raidas as "saint among saints".
Raidas, in his ium, respectfully mentjons the names of Kabir, Namdev,
Trilochan, ~ h k h n aSen
, and Pipa. 6hanna takes pride in speaking of the fame
and popularity'bf Ngmdev, Kabir, Raidas and Sen and admits that he devoted
himself to bhaktiafter hearing their fime. Kabir's influence on Nanak also is
beyond dispute. It is, therefore, not surprising that the later traditions link
Kabir, aida as,: Dhanna, Pipa, Sen, etc. together as disciples of Ramananda.
The ideologicab affinity among the monotheists is also clear from the inciusion
of the hymns d Kabir, Raidas. et'c. along with those of Nanak by,the fifth Sikh
Guru Arjan in4he Adi Granth.
ii) All the monotpleists were influenced in one way or another and in varying
degrees by the~lraishnavaconcept of bhakti, the nathpantRi movement and the
Sufism. The mdnotheistic movement represents the synthesis of elements from
these three traflitions. But more often than riot they did not accept the element
of these traditibns in their original form and made many innovations and
a4aptations which gave new meanings to old concepts.
iii) For the monotheists, there was only one way of establishing communion with
God : it was tty way of personally experienced bhrdrti. This was aiso the way of
the vaishnava hhakti saints, but there was one fundamental difference of
perceptions :f i e y all have been called monotheists because they
uncompromisi~glybelieved in only on6 God. Then, God of ~ a i a kwas ,
non-incarnate hnd formless (nirankar), eternal (akal) and ineffable (alnkh).
The monotheistic bhakti, therefore, was nirguna bhakti and not saguna -which
was the case with the vaishnavites who believed in various human incarnations
of God. 'The monotheists adopted the notion of bhakti from the vaishnava
- bhakti tradition but gave it a nirguna orientation. Quite often Kabir-called God '
by the name, Ram. For this reason he has been called Ram-bhakta.'But Kabir
himself made ik clear in his utterances that the Ram he was devoted to was not
the one who whs born as an incarnation in the house of king Dashratha of
Ayodhya or who had killed Ravana, but a formless, non-incarnate God. In
addition to thd loneness of God and nirguna bhakti, the monotheists also
emphasised the crucial importance of repetition of divine name, spiritual guru, -
community sidging of devotional songs (kirtan) and companionship of saints
(mt-g).
iv) The monothei~tsfollowed a path which was independent of both dominant
religions of the time-Hinduism and Islam. They denied their allegiance to

wy
either of themland criticised the superstitions and orthodox elements of both
the religions. launched a vigorous ideological assault bn caste system and
idolatry. They rejected the authority of the Brahmans and their religious
scriptures. Kabr, in his harsh and abrasive stylq uses ridicule as a powerful
method for debouncing orthodox Brahmanism.
v) The mvnvthcists composed their poems in popular la&uages. Some of them
4
used a langua t Ghich was a mixture of different dialects spoken in various
parts of North India. The monotheistic saints preferred this common language
Kamesh Mechrocks
 to their own native dialects because they considered it fit for the propagation of
their non-conformist ideas among the masses in various regions. The use
common language is a striking feature of the movement considering that t e
saints belonged to different parts of North India and spoke different dialects.
IP
The monotheists also made use of popular symbols and images to propagate
their teachings. Their utterances are expressed in short verses which could be
e a d y remembered. Thus, for instance, Kabir's poetry is unpolished and has a
rustic, colloquial quality but it is essentially a poetry of the people.
vi) Most of the monotheistic saints were not ascetics. They led worldly life and
were married. They lived and preached among the people. They had aversion
to and disdain for professional ascetics.-They frequently refer to professional
caste groups in their verses which would suggest that they continued to pursue
their family professions. They were also not like the medieval European
Christian saints who were recognised as "holy" by the Church. The
expression which has been used for them and by which they themselves
referred to each other is sant or bhagat. In the adi Granth, ~abi;, Raidas,
Dhanna, Pipa, Namdev, etc. have been listed as bhagat.
vii) m e monotheistic saints travelled widely to propagate their beliefs. Namdev, a
14th-century saint from Maharashtra travelled as far as Punjab where his
teachings became so popular that they were later absorbed in the Adi-Granth.
Kabir, Raidas and other saints are also believed to have travelled widely.
viii) The ideas of Kabir and other monotheists spread to Larious regions and
became popular among the "lower" classes. The popularity of the monotheists
broke territorial barriers. This is clear from the high position accorded to Kabir
in the Sikh tradition and in the Dadu panthi tradition of Rajasthan. Their
continuing popularity even almost twohundred years after their time and in a
distant region is clear from the way a mid-17th century Maharashtrian saint
Tukaram looks upon himself as an admirer and follower of Kabir, Raidas, Sen,
Gora, etc. A 17th century Persian work on comparative religion
Dabiitan-i Mazahib testifies to the continuing popularity of Kabir among the
people of North India.
ix) Despite the widespread popularity that the teachings of monotheists enjoyed
among the masses, the followers of each one of the major figures in the
monotheistic movement like Kabir, Raidas and Nanak gradually organized
themselves into exclusive sectarian orders called panths such as Kabir panth,
Raidasi panth, Nanak panth, etc. Of all these panths, the Nanak panth alone
eventually crystallised into a mass religion while most of the others continue to
survive till today but with a vastly reduced following and a narrow sectarian
base.

Check Your Progress 2

1) Discuss the factors that led to the rise of the bhakti movement.

2) Writethree li&s on each of the following :

Kabir .......................................................................
: ........................

..................................................................... r . . . . . . ........................
...................................................................................................
Guru Nanak ..:................................................................................
...................................................................................................
Kamesh Mechrocks
...................................................................................................
- t y culture : ~ j t b
~ ~ d c.ad to 15th
' 3) What are the characteristic features of monotheistic bhakti move~~lent?
thenames af three saints belonging to this'movement.

........................................................................... .
i..?.....................

29.5.3 Vaishnava Bhakti Movement in North India

Ramananda was the most prominent scholar saint of the vaishnava bhakti in
Northern India during this period. Some of his ideas have already been mentioned in
Section 29.3. He belonged to the late 14th and early 15th c'entury. He lived in South
India in the early parrt of his life but later settled in Banaras. He is considered to be
the link between thesouth Indian bhakti tradition and North Indian vaishnhva
bhakti. However, hq deviated from the ideology and practice of.the earlier South
Indian atharyas in thtee important respects :
i) he looks upon Ram and not Vishnu as object of bhakti. To him, Ram was the.
supremk God who is to be adored with Sita. In this sense he came to be
regarded as the 'Pounder of the Ram cult in North Ind~awithin the framework of
vaishnava bhakti'tradition.
ii) he preached in etle language of the common people. and not in Sanskrit, to
propagate the Ram cult.
iii) the most significtint contribution to vaishnava bhakti, was that he made bhakti
accessible to all irrespective of caste. He greatly relaxed the caste rules in
respect of religibus and social matters. Though himself a Brahman, he took
food with his "Cow" caste vaishnava follow:rs.
It is perhaps for the last mentioned point that some later vaishnava traditions link
Kabir and some other monotheists to him as his disciples. The innovations were
probably due to the influence of Islamic ideas. It has also been suggested that he
made these innovations in order to counter the growing popularity of the heterodox
nathpanthl, the "lower" classes of the society. His followers are called Ramanandis.
A hymn attributed t& him was incorporated in the Adi Cranth.
Another prominent ~aishnavapreacher in t h i Sultanate period was Vallabhacharya,
a Telugu brahman of the late 15th and early 16th century. He, too, was born in
Banaras. He was the founder of Pushtimarga (way of grace). It also came to be
known as Vallabha sempradaya (Vallabha Sect). He advocated Krishna bhakti.
Famous Krishna bhaetti saint-poet, Surdas (1483-1563) and seven other Krishna
bhakti poets belongihg to the ashtachhap were believed to have been the disciples of
Vallabha. The sect later became popular in Gujarat.
In North India, howqver, the vaishnava bhakti ,cult acquired a more pophlarpase.
only in the Mughal p r i o d . Tulsidas (1532-1623) championed the cause of Rama
b h k t i while Surdas (1483-1563), Mira Bai (1503-73) and many others popularised .
~rishna'bhakti.
?

29.5.4 Vaishnava Bhakti Movement in Bengal

In many significant ways the vaishnava bhakti in Bengal was different from its North
Indian and the oldet South Indian bhakti. The sources which influenced it can be
traced to two different traditions-the vaishnava bhakti tradition of the Bhagavata
Purana, with its glodtication of Krishnalila on the one hand, and Sahajiya Buddhist
and nathpanthi traditions on the other. Thc vaishnava influence was transmitted by
various bhakti poet4 beginning with~ayadevain the 12th century. Jayadeva's Cita
Govinda was compased in Sanskrit. He also wrote songs in Maithili dialect which
were later absorbed in the ~ e n ~ a l i i a i s h n a vbhakti
a tradition. He highlighted the
erotic-mystical dimetision of the love with reference to Krishna and Radha. Various
non-vaishdava cults kuch as those of Sahajiya Buddhists and nathpanthis that
Kamesh Mechrocks
rtmrvi~edin Renoal ahd Hihar infl~lenredt h orrlwth
~ nf hhakti m n v ~ m ~ in
n iR ~ n o a l
 These cults preached an easy and natural religion focussing on esoteric and Sdo-Religious Movement :
Bhakll Movement
emotional elements. Vaishnava bhakti poets such as Chandidas (14th century) and
Vidyapati (14th to 15th centuries) came under the influence of these non-vaishnava
cults, though tlie Bhagavata tradition was always the major source of influence. The
songs of Chandidas who was the first Bengali bhakti poet and those of Vidyapati
who wrote in Maithili, highlighted the Krishna-Radha relationship. These songs '
became part of the growing vaishnava movement in Bengal. Chaitanya himself did
not come under the direct influence of Sahajiya doctrine. It is, however, possible
that elements of esoteric cults entered into his mqvement through the influence of
Chandidas and Vidyapati. But the most important source of inspiration was the
Bhagavata Purana.
Chaitanya (1486-1533) was the most prominent vaishnava saint of Bengal. He
popularized Krishna-bhakti in many parts of Eastern India. His popularity as a
rel~giouspersonality was so great that he was looked upon as an avatara
(incarnation) of Krishna even in his life. The advent of Chaitanya marks the shiftlng
of tbe focus of the Bengal vaishnava bhakti from devotional literary compositions to'
a fpll-fledged reform movement with a broad social base.
I

Chaitanya disregarded all distinctions of caste, creed arld scx to give a popular bdse
to Krishna-bhakti. His followers belonged to all castes and communities. One of his
most favourite disciples was Haridas who was a Muslim. He popularized the practice
of sankirtan or group devotional singing accompanied by ecstatic dancing.
However, chaitanyi did not givk up traditional Brahamanical values altogether. He
did not question the authority of the Brahmans and scripturcs. He upheld the caste
prejudices of his Brahman disciples against the "lower" caste disciples. Six
Sanskrit-knowing Brahman Goswamins who were sent by him to Vrindavan near
Mathura established a religious order which recognized caste restrictions in its
I devotional practices and rituals. These Goswamins gradually distanced themselves
from Chaitanya's teachings and from the popular movement that had grown around
him in Bengal.
I

I But Chaitanya's movement had a great impact on Bengali society. His disregard for
-caste distinctions in the sphere of devotional singing promoted a sense of equality in
I
Bengali life. In Bengal and in Puri in Orissa, his movement remained popular. In
these places, his followers were not always scholarly Brahmans but included,
I
common people. They wrote in Bengali, propagated his bhakti and looked upon
1 Chaitanya as the living Krishna or as Radha and Krishna in one body.

29.5.5 Bhakti Movement in Maharashtra

I Like other vaishnara bhakti movements, the Maharashtra bhakti tradition drew its
t basic inspiration &om that of the Bhagavata Purana. In addition, however, it w&
i also influenced by the saiva nat,hpanthi who were quite popular in the "lower"
I classes of the Maharashtrian society during the I Ith and 12th centuries and who
I composed their verses in Marathi. Jnaneswar (1275-1296) was the pioneer bhakti
saint of Maharashtra. He wrote an extensive commentary on the Bhagavad Gita
popularly called Jnanesvari. This was one of the earliest works of Marathi literature
. and served as the foundation of bhakti,fdeology in Maharashtra. H e was the author
of many hymns called abhangs. He taught that the onl) way to attain God was
bhakti a n d in bhakti there was ho place for caste disttnctions.
Namdev (1270-1350) helong~dto tailor caste. He is considered to be the link
between the Maharashtrian bhakti movement and North Indian monotheistic
movement. He lived in Pandharpur but travelled to North India including the
Punjab. His bhakti songs have also been included in the Adi Granth. In
Maharashtra. Namdev is considered to be a part of the varkari tradition (vaishnava
dcvotional tradition), but in the North Indian monotheistic tradition he is
remembered as a nirgunasaint, Other prominent bhakti saints of Maharashtra were
Eknath (1533-99) and Tukaram (1598- 1650).

29.5.6 Bhakti Movements in Other Regions

Saiva bhakti flourished in Kashrnir in the 14th century. Most prominent of the saiva
bhakti saints was a woman, La1 Ded. In Gujarat, bhakti was preached by the
Kamesh Mechrocks
vallabha sect of Vallabhacharya and another important saint, Narsimha hiehta
(14141481, o r 15001t580). H e knew of Jayadeva and Kabir and was followed by a
number of poet-sairJlls. The frallabha sect became popular among mefchants and
landowners of Gujamt. In Karnataka, the saiva bbPktf cult of the Kannad spaking
virasaivas developed during the 12th and 13th centuries. They preached a strongly
radical and heterodqbr concept of bhakti by incorporating social criticism in their
religious outlook. \

In Assam, sankaradtva (1449-1568) introduced hbPkt5 both in the Brahmputra

valley as well as in Gwh-Behar. H e was born in the family of non-Brahman
Bhuyan chiefs. He @&camean ascetic during the later part of his life and is believed
to have visited many places of pilgrimage in North and South India. H e preached
absolnle devotion to Vishnu or his incarnation, Krishna. He had to face persecution
at the I ands of orthodox Brahmanical priesthood of the Ahom kingdom and took
shelter in the territocies of the neighbouring Cooch-Behar where its king gave him
the freedom to preqch bhakd. Monotheistic ideas influenced his concept of b U t i
which came to be known as the eka-sarana-dharma('religion of seeking refuge in
one'). He denounced the caste system and preached his ideas to the people in their
language (an ~ s s a m b s form
e of Brajaboli). H e made some significant innovations in
the ilevotional practike such as inclusion of dance-drama-music form in the
preaching of bhakti. He also founded the institution of satra which means a sitting
during which people of all classes assembled for religious as well as social purposes.
Later the satras grew into full-fledged monasteries. His sect is called mahakrashiya
dharma.

Check Your Progres8 3

1). Writea note on: ~aishnavitebhakti movement.
.............." .....................................................................................

2) Write five lines dn each of the following :

, a) Bhakti movement in Bengal

b) Bl.akti movdtnent in Maharashtra

29.6 INFLUEACE OF OTHER TRADITIONS AND

It is clear that the b u t i movement of the Sultanate period cannot be linked in any
Kamesh Mechrocks
way with the older sdbth Indian bhakti. But they were influen'ced in one way or
 another by certain existing traditions and movements whose history goes back to the
'pre-Sukanate peripd. These i,ncluded the bhakti tradition of the Bhagavat Purana,
religious ideas and activities of scholar-saints such as Ramananda, andsuch
heterodox movements as that of the nathpanthis.
' h e doctrine/ of bhakti is fully developed in the most famous of the PurPhas--the
dhaga~atPurana, a Vaishnavite work composed around the 9th century. Its most
"k;lportant feature is its emphasis on the bhakti of Vishnu in his various incarnations,
especially in the form of Krishna. The Bhagavata accepts the orthodox Brahmanical
theory of the origin of the v m a system but does not accept the superiority of the
Brahmans simply on the basis of their status or birth. For it, bhakti 4s. the main
.c;riteria. I t has been pointed out that Bhagavata Purana is the link between various,
vaishnava bhakti movements of the medieval period. However, the influence of thk
Bhagavata tradition on monotheistic saints such as Kabir and Nanak was not exerted
in a direct manner. Most of these saints were illiterate and did not have any direct .
access to the Bhagavata and other scriptures. Kabir's concept of bhakti is
characteristically different from thatzof the Bbagavata. Kabir and other
non-conformist saints did not believe in incarnations either and rejected the
Brahmanical and scriptural authority altogether.
I

29.6.1 Popular Monotheistic Saints and Ramananda

Ramadandaysteachings are considered to be the source of popular mbnotheistic
movement of Kabir, Raidas and others. As we shall discuss later, Ramanauda was
.strongly opp6sed to caste restrictions and opened the path of bhakti to ah. He also
preached his ideas in popular dia!ect. But, on the whole, his ideas and his cqncept of
bhakti were essentially a part of jhevaishnava bhallti. On the other hand, Kabir and
other monotheists went many stkps further than even the most liberal vaishnava
bhaktas like Ramanand and denounced the Brahmanical religion in its entirety. In
fwt, none of the monotheists, who are claimed to have been Ramanand's disciples,
make any mentionof him or any other human puru in their utterances. .

29.6.2 Influence of'the Nathpanthi Movement on' Monotheistic Saints

h !&me of the ideas of Kabir and other monotheists can be traced to the influence of
\
heterodox movements likathat of the nathpanthi. A large number of nathpanthi
preachers called siddhas belonged.to the "lower" c a s t e s d o m a , chamara,
(tanners), washerman, oilman, tailor, fisherman, w o d t u t t e r , cobbler etc. y i t h the
establishment of Turkish rule in northern India: the popularity of the nathpanthi
movement reached its peak during the 13th and 14th centuries. Anybody could be
' [qitiated into the sect of the nathpanthi yogis irrespective of caste.
I

I
Nathpanthi influence on Kabir is clearly seen in his non-conformist attitudes, in his
independent thinking, in the harsh style of his utteran&*s;in his "upside-down"
language (called ulatbasi containing,paradoxes and enigmas) and partly in his
mystical symbolism, However, Kabir and other monotheists, in their
, characteristically critical and innovative manner adopted the ndpanthi ideas on a
selective basis only and everl when they did so,they adapted these i'yleas to their own
purpose. Kabir rejected their asceticism and esoteric practices and also their
physical methods such as breath control. Thus, the influence of the nathpanthis on
the monotheistic saints of medieval period can be seen more in their heterodox'
P attitudes towards the established Brahmanical religion than in their pactices.

29.6.3 Influence of Islamic 1de& A d the Role of sufksrn

Many scholars have argued that all the variants of the bhakti movement and the
doctrine of bhakti itself came into being as a result of Islamic influence bothbefore"
and after the 12th century. This claim has been made on the basis of many
%similaritiesbetween Islam and the bhakti cults,. On the other hand, it is pointed out
that bhakti and bhakti movements had indigenous orighs. It has been noted above
that bhakti as a religious cohcept had .developed in the religious ttaditvns of ancient . .
Kamesh Mechrocks
India. The older South Indian bhakti movemmt also c k n o t be explained in terms
 in South 1ndia~&cmceptus?ly,a movement based on thg idea of devotio,~or grace is
not peculiar to any $articular religion but could grow independently in different
religions at differen1rimes depending on the concrete historical conditions. It would
be more appropriate to understand the bbakti movements of medieval India in their
immediate historical Icontext rather than searching fox far-fetched sources of

It
inspiration in any pa icular religion. However, Islam did influence the bhakti cults
and, in particular, t popular monotheistic movements in other ways.
Non-conformist saibs such as Kabir and Nanak picked up some of their ideas from
Islam. These includM their noncompromising faith in one God, thkir rejection of
incarnation, their cdhception of nirguna bhakti and their attack on idolatry and the

1
caste system. But ky did not uncritically borrow from Islam and rejected many
elements of orthod k Islam. The vaishnava bhakti movements, on the other hand,
cannot be interpret& in terms of ouch an influence of Islam as they neither
denounced idolatryilnd the caste system nor the theory of incarnation. They
believed in saguna 4hakti. The relationship between monotheistic bhakti movement
and Islam seems to have been one of mutual influence and sufism p~ovidedthe
common meeting gtbund. Sufi concepts of pir and mystic uniop with the "beloved"
(God) coincided in hany respects with the non-conformist saints' con'cepts of guru . *
and devcltional sudnder to God. Kabir is even believed to have had affiliations
with Chiihti sufi saipts, though concrete historical evidence is lacking. Guru Nanak's
encounters with sufis are described in the janam-sakhis. Though the sufism and the
monotheistic moveteenf were historically independent of ea& other, t h ~ r ewas
remarkable simila* in many of their basic ideas, including their common rejection
of Hindu and Musllin orthodoxies. The interactiori between them, however indirect,
must have given impetus to both of them.

29.6.4 Theory & Islamic Challenge to Hinduism

One modem view@int, associated with communal interpretation of Indian history,
tends to attribute t*/e rise of the medieval bhakti movements to alleged persecution .
of the Hindus undd 'Muslim' rule and to the challenge that Islam is suppbsed to .
have posed to Hindpism through its doctrines of "Unity of God", equality and
brotherhood. ~ d d i n ~ 'this t otheory, the bhakti movements were a two-pronged
defensive mechanisp to save the Hindu religion by purging it of such evils as caste
system and idolatry and at the same time defending its basic tenets by popularising
it. The former task is believed to have been undertaken by Kabir, Nanak, etc., and
the latter project was accomplished by Tulsidas in the late 16th and early 17th
'
centuries. Such a &tion of the medieval bhakti movement is not borne out by
evidence.
i) This theory oftimagined Islamic threat to Hinduism is in essence a projection of-
modern comrdunal prejudices into the past. By the time lslam rehched India;
the Islamic dactrine of "brotherhood" had lost much of its appeal and social,
economic and racial inequalities had crept into the Muslim society. The
Turkish mlin@class possessed a strong sense of racial superiority and looked
upon "lowcaqle" Indian converts to Islam as low-born and not fit for high
offices. I

' ii) The Hindu pkpulation continued to observe their religious practices and to
celebrate theji religious festivals. In fact, the overwhelming majority of
population rdbrained Hindu even in the vicinity of Delhi, the capital of the
Sultanate.
iii) - The monothdbtic saints denounced the aspects of both orthodox ~rahmaniim
- and orthodox lslam and their ritualistic practices.
iv) To assume thlt all mondtheistic and vaishnava bhnkti saints were reacting on
+
behalf of the Hindus to Islamic threat is not convincing because kabir and
other "low cdte" saints hardly saw any unity of purpose with the saints
belonging to !be vsishnava bhakti cults.
and the teachings of the vaishnava'bhakti-dant;or dl the-
not concerned with Islamic influence or at b4st show
regard. In fact, it has been pointed out that Hindus and
Muslims both stoo&ide by side among Chaitanya's disciples, as they had done
Kamesh
~ ~ n d ~ r Mechrocks
KahirfNanal narlll
~ i r n a ~ n c l nr navnl
 Check Your Progress 4
1) In what way the bhakti saints were influenced by the oathpanthi doctrine?

2) Do you agree that the bhnkti movement'was the result of Islamic

influence? Comment.

29.7 LET US SUM UP

The bhakti movement of the Sultanate period represented themost widespread

constellation - both interwoven and variegated - o f socio-religious movements in
Indian history after the rise of heterodox movements of the 6th century B.C. They -
I
influenced the whole country at different times by propounding new socio-religious
ideas and practices. Many of the current practices of popular Hinduism such as
repetition of divine names, emphasis on the company of saints and community
devotional singing can be traced to medieval bhakti movements. They also
I
. contributed to the growth of modem vernacular languages, emergence of organized
religious communities like the Sikhs and evolution of various sects or panths.
3

. In this Unit, we have.studied the :

.
background of bhakti movement in South India which emerged in Tdifferent
form in North India,
main political and socio-economic factors for the rise of bhakti movement,
..
two main streams of bhakti movement-the monotheistic and the v ~ i s h k v a ,
main popular movements and saints of two streams of North India including
Maharashtra and Bengal,
influekes of various sects and beliefs on North Indian bhakti movement, and
influence of Islam on bhakti movement.

29.8 KEY WORDS

Acharya : scholar-saint who propounded new religious and philosophical ideas
the most important sacred scripture of the Sikhs compiled by the' fifth
Sikh Guru Arjan in 1604. Later came to be called Gum Gmnth Sahib
-,. Bhagat : colloquial expression for bhakta, a devotee
:Julaha : member of a Muslim weaver caste
Kirtan community singing of hymns .
*
kmga path; a devotional order such as Rama m r g or Krishna m k g
Mukti salvation
Nam the divine name
Nirsnksr - without form Kamesh Mechrocks
.-$
soa*dC.lbr;:")~wl* a Nirguna : ' without attributes, unqualified
CcotPrg , ,;. ,I'Y
1 ;' Panth : path, seq; th,e community of the followers of a mopotheistik
saint e.$. , Kabirpanth, Nanakpanth, Dadupanth , etc.
Parampara : lineage, tradition,
~abada : the divipe word, the divine self-communication '
Saguna : having qualities or atfpbutes - -
Samprrulaya: tradition, school of religious thought and practice
Vaishnava . : worshipper of Vhhnu
Varlfari : vaishnava devotional tradition
I

29.9 ANSWEIRi's TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

. EXERCI$ES
r
Cheek Your Progress $
1) :See~ed.29.1,28.2
2) See Sec. 29.2
Check Your Progress 3
1) See Sec. 29.4
2) See Subsec. 29.9.1
3) See Sub-sec. 29i5.1.29.5.2
.chi& your m e s s3
. 1 ~ = Slib-sec.
e 293.3
2) See Sub-sec. 29,5.4, 29.5.5
Cheek' Your Progress 4
1) See Sub-sec. 2916.2
2) See Sub-sec. 29,6.3

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Y MOVEMENT : SUFI
4"

? Structure
.
"0.0 Objedtives
30.1 Introduction
30.2 Salient Features of Sufism
r 30.3 Growth of Sufi Movement in Islamic World
30.3.1 The Formative Stage (Upto 10th Century)
30.3.2 Growth of Organised Sun Movement (10th-12th Century)
L,
30.3.3 Formation of Sufi Orders or Sibilah (late 12th and 13th Centuries)
- 30.4 Growth of Sufism in India
I
30.5 Sufi orders in 1ndia During the Sultanate Period '
30.5.1 The Subrnwardi ~~
30.5.2 The Chisbtl SUsikb
30.5.3 Other Sull Orders
30.6 The Causes of Chishti Popularity
30.7 Social Role of The Sufis
30.7.1 The.Sulls and the State
+ 30.7.2 The S w and ~ the Ulema
:
; 30.7.3 The Sufla and Conversions
s
-
.
30.7.4 Material Life in Su6 ~b.aq.hs'
30.8 The Impact of Contemporary MysSicIdeas of Islamic Countries on
Indian Sufism
30.9 The Sufi and the Bhakti Movements and Cultural 'Svnthesis
30.10 Let Us Sum U p
30.11 Key Words
30.12 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

30.0 O~JECTIVES
I

In this Unit, we will discuss sufi movement and ideas in medieval India. After going
through this unit, you would be' able to learn about :
' the salient features of Sufism, e
-3 the growth of Sufism in the Islamic World,
0,. its development in India during the period of Delhi Sultanate
: the main sub sllsilahs that flourished in India during the period,
the reasons for the popularity of Chish dlsilah in India, and ,
m ,

the impact of Sufism on the contemporary Indian d t y . -

',
'> ,
' , i -*,

.t 30.1 INTRODUCTION . q,\,

1

Sufism or tasawwuf 'is the name f ~ i ~ v a r i o umystical

s tendencies &d movements in
Islam. It aims at establishing direct communion between God and man through
perSUhal expe{ence of mystery which lies within Islam. Every religion gives rise to
mystical tendencies in its fold at a particular stage of its evoluiion. In this sense,'
sufism was a natural development within Islam based on the spirit of Q~Prurie~picty.
The sufis while accepting the Shariat did not confine tfieir,religious pra&& to
formal adherence and stressed cultivation of religious experierice aimed at direct
perception of c o d .
In this Unit, we will discuss the main features of sufism, its growth in Islamic world
, Kamesh Mechrocks
a@ its spread i? India. You will study wut:arious popular sufl sects in India.
-. -. .
Wq
,-
30.2 SALIENT'FEATURES OF SUFISM
There developed a nudnber of sufi orders Or sildah in and outside India. All these d
orders had their speci$k characteristics. Howeuer, therc were a number of features
which are common to &I1sun orders Here we will discuss such features.
i) Sufism as it devebped in the Islamic world came to stress the importance of
traversing the su& path (tariqa) as a method of establishing direct communion
with divine reality (haqiqat).
ii) According to tbessuR beliefs, the novice has to pass tnrough a succession of
"stations" or "stages"(maqamat) and changing psychological conditions or
"states" (hal) to axperience God.
iii) The sufi path codd be traversed only under the strict supervision of a spiritual
director (shaikl;, {piror murshid) who had himself successfully traversed it and
consequently established direct communion with God.
iv) The disciple (mutld) progressed through the "stages" and "states" by
practising such spiritual exercises as self mortification, recollection of God's
name to attain concentration (zikr) and contemplation. :
v) The d i s organhied impassioned musical iecital ( m a ) . The practice of m a '
was intended to induce a mystical state of ecstasy. However, some sufi orders did
not approve of cdi-tain forms of sama' and the &ma were particularly hostile to
thSs prahice.
vi) Yet another featme of sufism is the organisation of the sufb into various orders
(silsilrrh). Each of these silsilah e.g. suhrawardi, Qadiri, Chishti, etc. were
founded by a leading figure who lent his name to it. A silsilah consisted of
persons who had become disciples of a particular sufi.
vii) The hospice (khanqah) was the centre of the activities of a sufi order. It was the
place where the imparted spiritual training to his disciples. The popularity
of the khanqc~hatld its capacity to attract disciples depended on the reputation
of the pir. The lQlanqahs were supported by endowment and charity.

30.3 GROWTH OF SUFI MOVEMENT IN ISLAMIC

WORLD
By the time the variols sufl orders began their activities in India from the beginning
of the 13th century, sQtfismhad already grown into a full-fledged movement in
different parts of the Islamic world. Sufism acquired distinct characteristic. in the
Indian environment M t its growth in India, particularly in the initial phase, was
linked in many ways with the developments that occurred in wfi beliefs and practice I
in the Islamic World @ring the period between 7th and 13th centuries. The growth
of sufism in the central lands of Islam during this period can be divided into three
broad phases.

30.3.1 The Formiitive Stage (Upto 10th Century)

Early Sufi applied ali'esoteric meaning to verses in the Qurian which stressed on
such virtues as repentpnce (tauba), abstinence, renunciation, poverty, trust in God
Gmwakkd) etc. Mecca, Medina, Basra and Kufa were the earliest centres of sufism.
'l'he su&, .most of wbbm belonged to the 8th century, have been called 'Quietists'
because t h y were mdre concerned with experiencing than with popularizing their
ideas through mass cohtact. They believed more in guiding than in teaching. Sufism
at Basra reached its height during the time of the woman mystic Rabia (d. 801).
Other regions of the Islamic world where sufism spread early were Iran, Khurasan,
Transoxiana, Egypt, 8yria and Baghdad. As Sufism spread to Iranian regions, it
tended to express gr4ter individualism, divergent tendencies, and heterodox
dootrines and practidb under Persian influence. The most famous of the early sufis *
in the Iranian regions/Was Bayazid Bistami (d. 874) from Khurasan. He gave a new
turn to sufism by intrtiducing in it the element<of ecstasy and mystic doctrine of "all
is in God". He was a l b the first sufi.to employ the concept of "fana" (annihilation
of the self) which exepised influence on later sufls.
Kamesh Mechrocks
In Baghdad, the capiihl of the Abbasid caliphate, Al Junaid was the most well
 - ---
orthodoxy and represented controlled and disciplined side of Sufism and, therefore,
those sufis who followed his line are regarded as sober. Both Junaid and Bistami
exercised profound Influence on their contemporary and later sufis. Two contrasting
tendencies initiated by them came to be distinguished as Junaidi and Bistami, or
Iraqi and Khurasani.
Another prominent early sufi from Baghdad was Mansur al-Hallaj (d. 922) who
started his career as a pupil qf A1 Junaid but later developed the method of Bayazid
Bistami. His mystical formula "1 am God" played an important role in the evolution
of sufi ideas in Iran and then in India. The Ulema considered him a blasphemer and
denounced him for claiming mystical union with God. He-was condemned,
imprisoned and finally hanged. His ideas provided the basis for the development of
the doctrine of 'insan-i-kamil' (the perfect Man).
F Early sufi groups were loose and mobile assoc~ations,quite unlike the later sufi
orders. Members of a group travelled widely in search of master. In Arab regions,
the wandering sufis were attached to.frontier-posts or hosteis called ribat while in
- the Iranian regions they were associated with'hospices (khanqah). There were
separate convents for women sufis. .

30.3.2 Growth of Organized Sufi Movement (10th-12th

Century)
Sufism began to acquire the form of an organized movement with the establishment
of the Turkish rule under the Ghaznawis and then under the Seljuqs in variohs parts
k of Central Asia and Iran in the later 10th and 1lth centuries. The period marks the
1 development of two parallel institutions in the Islamic world -(a) the madrasa system
f (seminary, higher religious school) in its new form as an officiai institution of
orthodox 1slam0iclearning and (b) the khanqah system as an-organized, endowed
i and permanent centre of sufi activities.

i
Khanqah was no longer a loose organization of individual.sufis but a more effective
and institutionalized centre of sufi teaching. However, the bond between the master
and his disciples was still purely personal and had not yet acquired a ritualistic and

1 esoteric character. Moreover, sufi orders had not yet begun t a take concrete form.
But khanqi~hshad now developed from mere hostels for s u f i into popular and
well-established centres of organized sufi teaching and practice with their own
spiritual masters and circles of disciples.
The ulema continued to show their suspicion of sufism in general and were
particularly hostile to such non-conformist practices as sama'to.inducegcstasy.
However, certain sufis, with their background of orthodox Islamic learning, tried to
effect a compromise between the ulema land the sufls. Most prominent of such sufi
scholars was Abu amid al-Ghazzali (A.D. 1058-1111). He was an Alim
(theologian) but later led the life of a sufi. He stressed on the observance of extemal
and formal aspects of Islamic law in sufi practice. However, orthodox and'sufi
tendencies in Islam continued to follow separate and divergent paths.
This stage is also characterized by the appearance of sun literary texts which argued
and codified the sufi ideas and doctrines. Al-Ghazzali was the most outstanding sufi .
author. One of the most authentic and celebrated manual of sufism was Kashful
Mahjub written by al-Hujwiri (d. c. 1088).

II
Another salient feature of sufism during this period was the emergence of sufi
poetry in Persian. While Arabic literature on mysticism is in prose, Persian
. literature is in poetry. Sufi poetry in Persian in the form of narra'tive poems
(masnavis) reached its peak during the 12th and 13th centuries. Two of its greatest
exponents were Fariduddin-Attar (d. 1220) and Jalaluddin Rumi (d. 1273).

30.3.3 Formation of Sufi Orders or Silsilah (Late 12th and 13th

Centuries)

I i) A few decades before sufism began to exercise influence on Indian society and
religious life, organized sufi movement reached its peak in the Islamic world in
the form of various tariqa (paths) or sufi orders. These orders began to
crystallize when from the end of the 12th century each one of the sufi centres
i
Kamesh Mechrocks
 began to perpqtuate the name of one particular master end his spiritual j.
amxstq and facussed on its own tariga consisting of-gieculiarpractice~~and '.
rituals. A sdi+order (sllsilah) developed as a lineage system or continuo&
chain through which suciessivemiritual.heirs (Kbafila! traced their spiritual
inheritance to 4he found& of the order.
ii) The relationsw between the spiritual head of a sllsilah and his hisciples ,
because the disciplef were now linked to.the
initiatory rituals and vow of allegiance. Each one of
institutional rules to regulate the day-to-day life of the
The spiritual director (murshkl) now came to be ,
regarded as prQtegeof God (wali). The murid (disciple) was obliged to
surrender himlklf completely to the murshid. The mumhid, in turn, bestowed
'the tariqa, its Secret wird (a phrase of patterned devotion), formulae, and
symbols on hisirnurid. I

iii) The founders df various silsllabs accepted the Islamic law and iitual practices
of Islam. The Ppk &tween orthodox Islam and siisilah founders is also clear
from the fact t b t many of the latter were professional jurists. However, they
gave an esoteria ~rientation~to orthodox Islamic rituals and introduced many
innovations, pqticularly in their religious practices, which were not always in
consonance with the orthodox outlook. Though the silsilah founders laid
emphasis on sMct adherence to'Jslamic law, many silsilahs later did develop
many heteroddx beliefs and prackices.
The sllsilahs which became popular in Iran, Central Asia and Baghdad ana
played signifidnt role in'the growth of sufism in various parts of the Islamic
wor& included!the Suhrawardi founded by Shaikh Shahabuddin Suhrawardi
(d. 1234); the oM&i formed by Shaikh Abdul Qadir Jilani (d. 1166); the'
Chbhti of Muimddin Chishti (d. 1236) and the Naqshbandi first known as
Khawajagan, but later came to be associated with the name of Bahauddin
Naqshbandi (d, 13981. The sutls who had teceived their training in these
silsilabs began to establish their branches in their countries or in new countries
such as India. Gradually these branches became independent sufi schools wilh
their own characteristics
and tendencies.
As sufism grew'through these three broad stages in different parts of the
Islamic world, Iran, Khurasan, Transoxiana and India, etc. it came under the
influence of v a k u s mystic tendencies in other religions and philosophies slich
as Christianity,,Neoplatonism,Buddhism and Hinduism. These influences
were assimilated within the Islamic framework of the movement.

Check Your Progress 1

.1) What do you understand by sufi siisilah?
....................................................................................................
\ '

......................................................................................................
.t 2) W h s the c o . t of p ind , prid:.in
:< . . sufi terminology?
, '
a ',

...................................
-., r............................................................'..
- .
%
r . J \

...................................................................................................
3) W r i t e w lines on each of.the following;--
i) - Khanqah 'I
' ........:.......:,.... ..................... .......................................................
\
i:
i
;

......... ...........'ic..............................................................
\,\

< ?..........?..
, .
Kamesh Mechrocks
 4.) Write three lines on each of She following early suile.
-: i) Al-Junaid

........................... .........................................................................
i
/
'X

. .
ii) Mansur ~al-Hallaj
...................................................................................................
a
...................................
.
.
..
.
..
.
..
.
.
..
.
..
.
..
.
.
..
.
..
.
..
.
.
..
.
..
.
.
..
.
..
.
..
.
.
..
.
..
.
..
.
.
..
.
...

....................................................................................................

30.4 GROWTH OF SUFISM IN INDIA

A1 Hujwiri d.c. A.D. 1088) was the earliest st15 of eminence to have settled in India.
His tomb is in Lahore. As we have already mentioned above, he was the author of
1 Kashf-ul Mawub, a famous Qersianpeatise on Sufism. However, various sutl orders
, were introduced in India onty after theestablishment of the Delhi Sultanate in @e
1 beginning of the 13th century. India not only provided a dew pasture ground for the
propagation of sufi ideas but also became the new home of the sdb who along with *
1 mani othkr refugees fled from those parts of the.dslamic world ,which had been
1 conquered by the-Mongols in the thirteenth century. During the 13th and 14th
1 centuries, khaaqahs sprang up in various parts of India. The suile introduced various
j 'orcJers in India from the Islamic world, built up their own organizations and
1: .@a%lished themselves in their respective areaspf influence. By the middle of the
1 'l*century, the entire country from Multan to Bengal and from Punjab to Deogiri
; had come under the sphere of their activity. According to the observation of an early
14th century traveller, there were two thousand sufi hospices and khurgrrhs in Delhi
and its neighbourhood.
la
Sufism in India originally stemmed from the sufl thought and practice as it
developed in various parts of the Islamic world, especially in Iran and Central Asia. 1
However, its subsequent developynent was influenced more by Indian environment
than by non-Indian variants of sufism. Once the sue orders took rbot in different
parts of India, they followed their own phases of growth, stagnation and revival.
These were determined largely by indigenous circumstances, though the influence
of developments in sufism outside lndia cannot altogether be discounted.
1

30.5 SUFI OBDERS IN INDIA DURING THE

SULTANATE PERIOD
A number of sufl silsiiah became popular in lndia during the ~ultanate.period.Here
we will discuss the important ones.
-
30.5.1 The Suhrawardi Sllsilah
The Suhrawardi silsilah was a major order of the Sultanate period. Its founder in .
lndia wa_sShaikh Bahauddin Zakariya (1182-1262). He was a Khurasami and was a
?
disciple of S h a ~ !$hahabuddinSuhrawardi who had initiated the silsilah in
Baghdad and was directed by the latter to proceed to lndia. He made Multan and
Sind the centres of his activity. Thus, one af the oldest khanqahs in India was .
e.2 15lisbedby him at Multan. Iltutmish was the Sultan of Delhi at that time, but
iltan was'under the control of his rival. Qubacha. Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya
as.critical of Qubacha's administration and openly sided with Ilt~nmishin his .
- 3 \

Kamesh Mechrocks
s-dm :lrntom oonflict against the Mwtan ruler's overthrow. Bahauddin Zakariya received from
Cabrl lltutmish the title of Sbaikh-ul Islam (Leader of Islam) and endowment. Contrary to
the chishti0si+ntsof time, he followed a worldly policy and built up a large
fortune, He accepted-Statepatronage and maintained links with the ruling cl~sses.
However, during the later period many independent sutt lines stemmed from him
and some of them came to be known as 'beshara' (illegitimate orders).
In addition to Shaikh Bahuddin-Zdcariya, many other Khalifas were designated by
Shaikh Shahabuddin quhrawardi to spread the Sulirawakdi sllsilab in India. One of
them was Shaikh Jalalpddin Tabrizi. After his initial stay in Delhi, where he failed to
establish his suprtmaey, he went to Bengal. He established his k h a q a h there and
made many disciples. tqe attached a langar (centre for the distribution of free meals)
to his khanqah. He is said to .have played an important role in the process of
Islamization in Bengd.
During the Sultanate period, Punjab, Sind and Bengal became three important
centres of the Suhrawiqrdi activity. Scholars are generally of the opinion that the
Suhrawardi sut5s converted Hindus to Islam and in this task they were helped by
their affluence and connections with the ruling class. In this connection, a sharp
contrast is drawn between their attitude and that of the Chishti sufls whose teachings
did not aim at conversbn.

b
30.5.2 The Chishti;Silsilah '
The growth of the Chi&ti order in India during the Sultanate period took place in
two phases. The first phase ended with the death of Shaikh Nasiruddin (Chiragh-i-
Delhi) in 1356. The seldond phase is marked by its initial decline during the later part
of the 14th century foljbwed by revival and expansion in various pans of the'country
during the 15th and ldth centuries.
First Phase
The Chishti order whiuh later became the most influential and popular sufi order in
India, originated in H k a t and was introduced in India by Khwaja Muinuddin
Chishti (d. 1236) who Was born in Sijisian in c. 1141. He came to India at the time of
the Ghori conquest. finally settled in Ajmer about 1206 and won the respect of
. authentic record of his activities is available. .
both Muslims and n o n ~ u s l i m s No
During the later period, qany legends projected him as an ardent evangelist.
However, he was not actively involved in conversions and his attitude towards
non-Muslims was one af tolerance. His tomb in Ajmer became a famous centre of
pilgrimage in later centpries.
The successor of Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti in Delhi was Khwaja Qutbuddin
Bakhtiyar Kaki (d. 1235). Shaikh Hamidduddin Nagauri (d. 1274), another Khalifa
of Shaikh Muinuddin (Chishti, made Nagaur in Rajasthan centre of his activity.
Shaikh' Hamiduddin NtJgauri established the silsilah in Nagau! where he lived like
an ordinary Rajasthani peasant and dissociated himself from those in authoriv. He
was a strict vegetarian. He and his successors trans!ated many Persian sufi verses in
the local language called Hindavi : these are earliest examples of translations of this.
kind. II

Khwaja Qutbuddin Balchtiyar Kaki was succeeded in Delhi by his Khalifa, Khwaja
Fariduddin Masud (1175-1265) known as Ganjshakar and more popularly as Baba
Farid. Baba Farid left Oelhi 'for Ajodhan in Punjab and lived in his khanqah'there.
He despised associatiom with the ruling class and rich persons. Nathpanthi yogis also
visited his khanqah and discussed with him the nature of mysticism. His popularity
in Punjab is clear fromsghe fact that more than three hundred years after his death,
verses ascribed to him Were included in the Adi Granth compiled by the fifth Sikh
Guru, Arjun, in 1604. Yis tomb at Pakpatan soon developed into a centre of
pilgrimage.
The most celebrated ditciple of Baba Farid and the greatest sufi saint of the 14th
century was Shaikh Ni&muddin Auliya (1236-1325). He made Delhi the most
famous centre of the C#shti order. Two historians Ziauddin Barani and Amir
Khusrau, who were hisltontemporaries, testify to his eminent position in the social
and religious life of ~ o t t h e r nIndia during the late 13th and early 14th centuries.
Later. his successors spkad the Chishti order in various parts of the country. His
Kamesh Mechrocks
teachings and conversations (malfuzat) are recorded in Fawaid-ul Fuwad written by
Amir Hasan Sijzi. This work serves more as a guide to practical aspects of Sufism
than as a treatise on its metaphysical and theosophical aspects.
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya saw the reigns of seven successive Sultans of Delhi. But
he always avoided the company of the kings and nobles and never visited the court.
The langar (an alms-house for the distribution of free food) of his khanqah was open
to Hindus and Muslims alike. In his khanqah, he had many conversations with the
Nathpanthi yogi visitors. He adopted many yoga.breathing exercises and was called
a sidh (perfect) by the yogis. Amir Khusrau (1253-1325) was a aevoted disciple of
Shaikh Mizamuddin Auliya.
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya had many spiritual successors or Khdifas. One of them
was Shaikh Burhanuddin Gharib (d. 1340) who was one of those sutis who were
forced by Sultan ~ u h a m m e d~ u ~ h l to
u qmigrate to the Deccan. He made
Daulatabad centre of his activities and introduced the Chishti order there.
The most famous of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya's Khalifas and his successor in Delhi
was Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud (d. 1356) who came to be ki~ownas Chiragh-i Delhi
(Lamp of Delhi). He andsome pf his disciples discontinued some of those practices
of early Chishtis which could clash with Islamic orthodoxy and, in turn; persuaded
the ulema to soften their attitude towards the Chishti. practice of sama.

Decline of the Chishti Order in Delhi During the Later Tughluq and Saiyyid Periods
Some scholars hold the view that the decline of Delhi as a centre of the Chishti order
was due to the attitudes and policies of Sultan Muhammad Tughluq. However, it
must be pointed out that the Sultan was not opposed to the sufis per se. Some sufio,
including Shaikh Nasiruddin Chirag-i Delhi, remained in Delhi though the'y were
compelled by the Sultan to accept state service. Moreover, sufi activities in many
khanqahs were restored after the death of Muhammad Tughluq when his successor
Feroz Shah Tughluq showered gifts on them. However, Delhi was left with no
commanding Cbishti figure after the death of Shaikh Nasiruddin in 1356. He died
without appointing a sp~ritualsuccessor. One of his chief.disciples, Gesudaraz left
-
Delhi for a safer place in the Deccan at the time of Timur's invasion (A.D. 1398). As
the Delhi Sultanate began to decline and disintegrate, the sufis dispersed to the
more stable provincial kingdoms and established their khanqahs there. This
dispersal of the Chishti order in different parts of the country during the later 14th
and 15th centuries was accompanied by significant changes in the attitudes and
practices of the Chishti sufis.
Second Phase
The second phase in the history of theChishti dsilah during the Sultanate period
began with its decline in Delhi following thk death of Shaikh Nasiruddin and its
subsequent dispersal in various regional kingdoms. Though the sufis had begun to
arrive in the Deccan from the late 13th century, it was Shaikh Burhanuddin Gharib
who introduced the Chishti order there during the reign of Muhammad Tughluq.
Later, several Chishti sufs migrated to Gulbarga, the capital of the Bahmani
kingdom (1347-1538). In Gulbarga, these sufs developed close relations with the
court and accepted state patronage, thus causing a change in the attitude of the
Chishti order towards the state. The Bahmani kings, on their part, purchased the
political loyalty of these sufw and gave land grants to them. The most prominent of
these Chishtis was Muhammad Banda Nawaz, Gesudaraz (c. 1321-1422).He left for
the Deccan and received land grant of four villages from Bahmani Sultan, Feroz
Shah Bahmani (1397-1422). He was an orthodox sufi and declared the supremacy of
lslamic law (Sbariat) over all sufi stages. Gisudaraz discontinued many practices of
early Chishtis which clashed with the attitudes of orthodox ulema. Unlike the early
Chishti masters, he was a voluminous writer on tasawwuf. After his death, the
Bahmani Sultans continued the land grants in favour of his fanlily descendants. His
tomb or dargahin Gulbarga later developed into a popular place of pilgrimage in
the Deccan. But the transformation of his descendants into a landed elite and their
indifference towards Chishti teachings led to the decline of living Chishti tradition in
Gulbarga. The change of Bahmani capital from Gulbarga to Bidar in 1422 also
contributed to the decline of the Chishti order in Gulbarga. It has been pointed out
that the Bahamani Court at Bidar, owing to its pro-foreigner and anti-Deccani bias,
encouraged the immigration of foreign sufis' and did not patronise the Chishtis who
Kamesh Mechrocks
- .-7

SaWACdd'
-

were considered "iqo Indian". However. the Chishti tradition begw to thrive again
in the Deccan from4 the end of the 15th century and it continued to grow during thk
16th and 17th centuries. Its new centre was a place popularly known as Shahpur
Hillock, just outsidel the city of Bijapur-the capital city of the Adil Shahi Sultans.
The Chishti traditibp of Shahpur Hillock was different from most of the later CMehtl
traditions such as thht of Gulbarga in that it maintained distance from the court and
the ulema and dred its inspiration from local influences. The Ch&ti~aints df
Shahpur Hillock wdte thus much closer 3x1 their attitudes to the early Chlshtl sufb of
Delhi, though it mdst be pointed out that the Shahpur Hillock Chishti tradition
developed indepen&nt of both the Delhi and Gulbarga traditions.
I

In Northern India, lhe resurgence of the Chiahti order took place during the later
15th and early 16th Identury. T h e , ~ l h t h is* be'longed to three different branches
of the Chishtl order4- Nagaurlya (after the name of Shaikh Hamiduddin Nagauri),
Sabiriya (after the b&me of Shaikh Alauddin Kaliyari).and N i d y a Yafter the rl-
of Shaikh ~ i z a m m d d i nAuliya). Another important Chishti centre in Northern
India during the i a J r half of the 15th century and in the beginning of the 16th
century was ~ a u n ~ uthe d . capital of the Sharqi Sultans. From the beginning of the
15th century, a C
(in modem Uttar 3 centre flourished in Rudauli near Lucknow. Later, Bahraich
I

desh) emerged as another centre during the Lodi period.

Gangoh in Saharanpbr district of Uttar Pradesh became an important centre of the
s W i under ~haikblAbdul Quddus Gangohi (1456-1537). He wrote many books on;
sufi thought and prqpice and also on metaphysical subjects. He also translated
Chandayrth, a romahtic poem in Hindawi written by Maulana Daud in Persian.
During the second base, the Chishti centre@also flolirished in Malwa and Bcngal.
Many ~ h i s h t saints
i laf the second phase wrote commentaries on Arabic and Persian
classics ahd also tran$lated Sanskrit works on mysticism into Persian. Like the early
\ sadis of Delhi, the laifler Chlshti s& made followers fro? all classes of society but,
unlike heir 'spirituai~redecessors,most of them accepted state patronage.
i
30.5.3 Other Sud Orders
In addition to the Chishti and the Suhrawardi.orders, there were others such as the
Firdausi, 'the Qadiri, , the Shattari, Qalandari etc. which were introduced in India
during this period. f i e Firdausi order was a bianch of the 8obnwudi which
established itself at Rpjgir in Bihar towards the end of the 14th centuryyThe most,
prominent suff beloqng to this sUsilaN in India ms Shaikh ~ h a r f u c ) d ~ n * ~ n h b
Maneri (d. 1380).
The Qadidwas' the iqportant suff order in the Central Islamic cowtries and was
fdundd i n ~ a ~ h d by
a dAbdul ~ a d iJilani
r (d. 1166). It was introduced in India in .
the late 14th century a/nd established itself in the Punjab, Sind and the Decian. The
Qadiri had an ortho*x orientation and its doctrinal positions were similar to those
of the orthodox ulemq. f i e Qadiri sutis had close relations &th the ruling classes of
varipus provincial ~dtanates,and accepted state charity. The order was
urban-based and attehpted t o reform the religious life of Indian Muslims of what it
considkred yn-Islami$ influences.
/ I

The Shattnri drder wkch was introdu?d in India in the 15th century,by Shaikh
- Abdull* Shattari, w#b also an orthodox order. The Shattari centres here \-

established in Bengal, Jaunpur and the Deccan. Like the Qadiris, the Thattari adtp
. hwai'close tieswith thd court and accepted state patronage. 2-

h e ~ a i a n d a r iordericovered a wide range of wandering dervishes who violated

frequ-y P
normal social behavi r. They were considered reprehensible a@ above the
law. 'They had no rec nized spiritual master and organization. Many

-7 .cp
visited& &(i khanqahs andbecame absorbed into the
q d b d a r s had with the Nathpahhi yogis,and adopted
cu tomyand practices ch as earpiercing.
' I
The RIshi order-if suf/$mflourished in Kashmir during \he 15th and 16th centurieti.
~ e f o r ethe emergend bf this order; a religioui preacher from Hamadan, Mir
Saiyyid Ali Hamadanif[1314-1385) had entered Kashmir with a groupof followep tc
II

spread Islam. The mis$ionary zeal of Hamadani, his sons and disciples made little
impact on the people 4f Kashmir. The RisN order, on the other y
\

d,was an
!
Kamesh Mechrocks
1 indigenous one eszblished by Shaikh Nuruddin Wali (d. 1430). It prospered in the
rural environment of Kashmir and influenced the religious life of the people during ,
~ ~ M 0 r C y . t :
SdM.nrclll
L
the 15th and 16th centuries. The popularity of the ~ i s horder
i was due to the tact
and it drew inspirafion from the popular Shaivite bhakti tradition of Kashmir and
was rooted in tkq wcio-cultural milieu of the region.
t

, i Check Your Progrerrs 2

I

b 1) List the main characteristics of Suhrawardi silsilah.

...................................................................................................
t
2) *(a) List the names of five sufis of Chishti silsilah.
I ....................................................................................................

(b) Name five sufis orders that flourished in India

....................................................................................................

3) Write five lines on Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya.

...................................................................................................
,
1
4) Write a brief note on the Chishti saints who settled outside Delhi.

30.6 THE CAUSES OF CHISHTI POPULARITY

All the sufi orders of the Sultanate period believed in achieving the basic sufi goal of
.establishing direct communion with God by traversing the sufi' path under the .
supervision of a spiritual guide. However, different suti' orders observed distinct
rituals and customs of their own and differed in their attitudes to state and society.
Of all the orders of this period, the Chishti,emerged as the most popular, and it was
also widespread. ~ $ Chishti
e rituals, attitudes and practices made it an essentially
Indian silsilah.The -causes of its popularity are as follows :
i) Many practices of early Chlshtis bore close resemblance to the attributes of
Kamesh Mechrocks
.. some of the alreadv existine non-conformist relinious orders in India such as
SobbdCmho: U(L(.ISIL asceticism, Wwing before the master, shaving the head of a new entrant into
Crbl the order and prganizipg spiritual musical recital. In this sense, the Chishtis
came to be replarded as patieof an established tradition in India.
ii) The Chishtis #opted an attitude of religious tolerance towards the non-Muslim
population od lndia and adjusted themselves to the needs of a predominantly
non-Muslim dhvironment. They made use of popular imagery and popular
idiom to conuey their ideas LO their Indian followers and adopted many of their
customs and tituals. Many of the Chishti saints made Hindawi the vehicle tor
spreading their teachings.
iii) The egalitarign atmosphere of the Chishti kbpnqabs attracted large number of
people from lbwer sections of Indian society. The Chishti attitude towards
religion was dharacterised by sympathy towards the deprived sections of the
society. Caste distinctions of the Brahmanical socia order were meaningless in
the Chishti khanqabs.. Merchants, artisans, peasants and even sweepers
became the fdllowers of the Chishti order. Nor did they accept, the two-fold
racial division of the people by the Turkish ruling class into noble-Bofn and
low-born.
iv) The inspired pleadership of the early Chishti masters, their aloofness from the
court and their unwillingness to accept state patronage, their rejection of the
orthodoxy aqd externalist attitudes of the ulema,.and, finally, the combining of
the simple Hecepts of Islam with the sufl teachings contributed to the
popularity od the Chishti order.
v) The popularity of the early Chishtis rose after their life time as the cult of saints-
k g a n to dedelop in the later centuries around their shrines (dargahs).Later,
legend-makars and writers of hagiographic literature sometimes attributed the
popularity of the early Chishti sufls to their ability to perform miracles. In the
subsequent aenturies, traditions were invented to repre'sent the early Chi&&
as being actiMely involved in the conversion of the non-Muslims who were
believed to have been drawn to them due to their alleged miracle-performing
powers. However, the early Chishti sufb disapproved of the dispiay of , ,
miraculous pbwers, though they did tielieve in the possibility of miracles. They
did not consider the miracles of primary importance in sufl teaching and
practice. Nevertheless, the miracle stories about the early ChbPhtis played an
important rale in enhancing the popularity of the Chishti shrines and the
posthumous~popularityof the sufis themselves.

30.7 SOCIm ROLE OF THE SUFIS

Sufis played an ir&ortant role in society and at times in polity. Here we will discuss
their role in djffetedt spheres.

30.7.1 The Suftis and the S-tate

It has already bedn mentioned above that with the exception of the early Chishti
sulis and the Chisstis of the Shahpur Hillockin the Bijapur Kingdom, the sufis ,
be onging to most,of the other silsilah, including the later Chislytis, were involved in
$he affairs of the &ate and accepted state endowments. There are instances of
expression of disagreement by Clishti sufOs over the policies pursued by individual
Sultans as during the reign of Muhammad ~ u g h l uWhile
~ . the suns belonging to
otheqsufl groups'$erved the state machinery by becoming an integral part of it, the
early Chiihtis'heQed the state by creating a milieu in which people belonging to
different ciasses ahd religious communities could live in harmony.
The sufls, includ/bg the great Chishti masters of the early period, never queshoned
the existing politj$al system and the class structure. At the moSi, they advised the
state officials to bow leniency in collecting land revenue from the peasants. O n the
1
other hand, they did not forbid their ordinary followers from seeking state favours
and involvementlin the affairs of the court. It was perhaps due to these limitations of
the otherwise raqpal sufi order that the later transition within the Chishti silsilah to
Kamesh Mechrocks
the acceptance of,state patronage and involvement in courb politics was a smooth
30.7.2 Sufis and the Ulema
We have already noted that the ulema continued to show t h e ~ disapproval
r of the
sufls.despite various attempts made by al-Ghazzali to effect a reconciliation
between the two. The attitude of mutual distrust between the two continued during
the Sultanate period, though orthodox sufi orders such as the Subrawardi, the
Qadiri, etc. pandered to the ulema. The ulema were in particular hostile to the early
Chishti s u b and their practices. he^ pronounced against the Chiihti practice of
-a and objected to the Chlshti quest for religious synthesis. However, Chiihti
,
sufissuch as Shaikh Nasiruddin (Chiragh-i Delhi) and Gesudaraz gave an orthodox
orientation to the Chishti order to mitigate the hostility of the ulema towards the
Chishti practices. It appears that as the Chishtis began to involve themselves in court
politics and accept state endowments, they adopted doctrinal attitudes similar to
those of the ulema.

30.7.3 Sufs and Conversions

The sufis of the Sultanate period have been generally considered as propagators of
Islam in India. Several traditions and legends of the later medieval period also
represented the sufis as active missionaries. The later h'dgiographic accounts of the
life of Shaikh Muinuddin Chishti showed him as being actively involved in the
conversion of non-Muslims to Islam. Similarly, the first sufis who entered the
Deccan in the late 13th century and early 14th century have been portrayed in the
later legends as militant champions of Islam who waged a jihad (war against
non-Muslims). There were certain active evangelists among the Suhrawardi'sufb.
Mir Saiyyid Ali Hamadani and his followers who entered Kashmir in the 14th
century were also imbued with proselytizing zeal though they did not achieve mu'ch
success in their mission. However, it must be pointed out that conversion of
non-Muslims to Islam was not a part of the activities of all the sulk. Shaikh
Muinuddin Chishti was not an evangelist and was not actively involved in
conversions. His attitude and that of his spiritual successors towards non-Muslims
was one of tolerance. Shaikh Nizamuddin Aulia on one occasion observed that
many Hindus considered Islam a true religion but did not accept it. He was also of
the view that every religious community had its own path and faith and its own way
of worship. Also, there is little historical evidence to show that the early s u f s in the
Deccan were warriors fighting for the expansion of Islam.
Howqver, large number of non-Muslims, especially from the low castes, were
attracted to the sufis and later to their dargahs where they belonged to the wider
circle of devotees. There they gradually came under the influence of Islamic
pre'cepts which eventually led to their Islamization. Later, the descendants of many
groups which were Islamized claimed that their ancestors were converted to Islam
by one or another medieval sufi. Such a claim seems to have been motivated by their
desire to establish their long association with the dargah of thesufi and their long
standing in Islam.

30.7.4 Material Life in Sufi Khanqahs

We have seen above that there are instances of prosperous khanqahs supported by
,staie endowments, of sufis forging links with the state and finally of the
transformation of some sufis into landed elites. Ideally, however, the sufis such as
the early Chishtis .lived in khanqahs which remained in physical separation frofn !he
court and social hierarchy, and where life was based on egaliiarian principles. We
have pointed out that the early Chishtis'accepted the logic of the existing class
structure a t t h e broader social and political level and did riot see any alternative to it. .
Nevertheless, life in their own khanqahs was characterized by a lack of hierarchy
and structure. The khanqah was a place where both its inhabitants and the pilgrims
experienced equa1ity:For their necessarv expensds such khanqahs depended not on
state patronage but on futuh (unsolicited charity).
The Chishti khanqahs were open to all sections of the society and to all
communities. The qalandars and jogis made' frequent visits to the khanqahe where
they were provided accommodation. The khanqahs also contributed to economic
life in various ways. Some of them undertook the cultivation of waste lands. O t h e ~ s
Kamesh Mechrocks
were involved in the construction of buildings both of religious character and public
 -
utility and planted gatdens. The institution of the &an@ played gn important
role in the process of !wanization. The annual urs (the fedval commemorating the
death of a spiritual mg(ster) gave impetus to trade, commetce'and production of local
handicrafts.

30.8 THE IM1E)IACT OF CONTEMPORARY MYSTIC

IDEAS O@ISLAMIC COUNTRIES ON INDIAN
SUFISM - - -

Although the growth ~ n expansion

d of the sufl movement in India was primarily
determined by the Indian environment, it continued to be influenced by various ',
a

developments in sufistn in the Islamic world. The d thought of great masters sudh '
as al-Ghazzali continued .to influence successive generations of Indian suils k*
belonging to various dldahs.The ideas and poetic imagery of the Persian mhs like
Faiduddin.Attar (d. Q20) and Jalaluddin Rumi (d. 1273) also inspired Indian suUa
of the Sultanateperiq. The Chishtb of this period are'generally believed to have
been influenced by t k work of the Spanish-born mystic,.ibribArabi(d. 1240) who
propounded the docttCne of wPbdatsl wujud (unity of the phenomenal and
noumenal world) whiflh w q opposed by the uiema andorthodox sufts. However, it
should be noted that Most of the sufls, including the ~bishtiji,did not consider
doctrines such as w-t-a1 wUjud of primary importance in the sufi way of life. For
them, sufism was not so much a doctrine but a practical activie of traversing the ad
path.
The ideas of Alauddaihla Simnani (1261-1336), an Iranian who opposed Ibn Arabi's
doctrine; also influenced some Indian mfEs.Gesudaraz came under the influence of
Simnani's orthodox ideas and denounced the views of Ibn Arabi and Jalaluddin
Runii.
..
30.9 THE SWI AND THE BHAKTI MOVEMENTS AND/i
CULTUWL SYNTHESIS
The impact of Islam and sufism on the monotheistic bhakti movement has been
discussed in Unit 29. The interaction between the two is clear from the remarkable
similarities between the two. These similarities included emphasis on monotheism,
on the role of the spiltiitual guide (pir or guru), and on mystical uniop with God.
Moreover, both the makti saints and many ad orders were critical of the orthodox
elements in Hind~ism~and Islam respectively. o n e prominent example of the
influence of the bhaktt movement on sufism is offered by'the Rlehi .order of the wltls
in Kashmir. Here, the non-conformist ideas of the famous 14th century women ,
bhakti-preacher, La1 P e d , exercised profound influence on the founder of the order
Shaikh Nuruddin Wdi.
The interaction between the Chishti sufls and the nathpanthi y@ during the
Sultanate period is a .*ell established fact. The movement of the n a b j k t h i s had
attained considerable' popularity in Northern India, in particular among the hwer
sections of the society, during the 13th and 14th centuries. The nathpanthi y q h
frequently visited theikhaoqahs of the leading C e S h a i b and had discussions
with them on the nature of mysticism. The translation af the Y - treatise
~
Amrit-kund into Perjian from Sanskrit even before the advent 01sufism in India led
to the adoption df m a y meditativepractices by the sulls.'3"he 6kly Chishtis'
approved some of thd ethical values of the nathpanthi yogis and their'corpratpway,
of life. Like the Chishtis, the nathpanthis had opened their doors to all sections of '
society, ir;respZctive df caste distinctions. The common outlook of the two popular
moyeqeim provided*a basis for mutual understanding bemeen Muslims and
noiiMuslims. .I

Tbe adaptability of tde Caishtis in the non-I&uslirn environment of India released

syncretic forces and ldd to cultural synthesis. Many early CW&He spoke i i Hindawi
and composed versed in it. Many khnnQilbs inspired the composition of mystical
Kamesh Mechrocks
wetrv in renionat lantua~es.Some earlv Hindi works such as Chrmd.yyanby Mulla
Daud (second half of the 14th century) combined mysticism with Hihdu mythology
and philosophy. The sufi folk literature of the later times was a mix of the simplest
precepts of Islam and sun terminology and the existing popular imagery and idiom
and, thus, contributed to the growth of eclectic religious life, particularly in the rural
areas. The Chkhti practice of sama provided the basis for a syncretic musical tradition
such as the repertoire of religious songs called qawwali which is said to have begun
with Amir Khusrau. I

Check Ywr Progress 3

1) What were the factors for the popularity of the CBishd order in India?
Write five lines.

2) What role did the dis. play in the state affairs?

3) What do you understand by wahadat-a1 wujud?

...................................................................................................
...................................................................................................
...................................................................................................
. .
...................................................................................................
....................................................................................................

4) Write a note on the interaction between sufism and the bhakti movement.

...................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
....#....................................................................,.....*,..................
......................................................................................................
..........................)..........................................................................

30.10 LET US SVM'UP

Early sufi saints came to India even before the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate.
The basic features of sufisin in India continued to be the same as they were in the
Islamic~World.In the Islamic world it developed into.an organised movement
during 10th-12th ceMuries. During 12th and 13th centuries there developed a
number of sufi orders or silsilahs. Like in the Islamic w m . a number of s d orders
became popular in India during ihe Sultanate period. Of t h e s d d d a v b a i and
Chishii orders were more prominent. In India, the Chishti order became most
popularamong the masses.
4 Kamesh Mechrocks
~ J ~ C E M ljtbtolstb
U ~ ~ : Sufis played a very important role in the social life of the period. In general they did
c-Y not get involved with the affairs of the state but we come across a number of cases
where sufis accepted state patronage and got involved with the affairs of the state.
/
Throughout this periqd we witness an attitudeof distrust between sufis and ulema.
The latt'kr disapprovqd of a number of practices popular with sufis.
The khanqahs were the centre of activity of sufls and their disciples. Sufis in India
contiriued to be affect&d by the developments of mystic ideas in the contemporary
Islamic world. In India there was a regular interaction between sufi and bhakti
movement. This interaction had positive effect on the social and cultural l i b during
the Sultanate period, This interaction also resulted in a cultural synthesis in the
areas of art, music and1 literature.

Beshara : be=without, shara=Shariat i.e. those who do not strictly adhere to the
Shariat (Itdamic law)
Dargah : sufi shrindtomb
Futuh : income received gratuitously
Khanqah : place w h a e sufi saints lived
M d i i w t : sufl literature
Qalandar : Muslim mpndicant who abandon everything and takes to a wandering life
Ribat : frontier pbsts
Sama : a sufi gathering- where music is played and songs are recited.

30.12 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) SUsila means sufi.order. See Sec. 30.2 and Sub-sec. 30.3.3.
2) Piris a teacher add murid a disciple. See Sec. 30.2.
3) i) SeeSec. 30.2dnd Sub-sec. 30.3.2.
ii) See Sec. 30.2.
4) See Sub-sec. 30.3.1.
Chedt Your Progress 2 -J
1) See Sub-sec. 30.5.1.
2) a) See Sub-sec. @.5.2.
b) See Sub-sec. N.5.3.
3) Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya was one of the most prominent SSsaints
I .
of Cbishti order. Qee Sub-sec. 30.5.2.
4) Shaikh Burhanuddin Sharif in Gulbarga, Shaikh Hamiduddin Nagauri in
Nagaur etc. See Sub-sec. 30.5.2.
Check Your Progress 3
1) See Sec. 30.6
2) See Sub-sec. 30.7.1
3) See Sec. 30.8
4) SeeSec. 30.9

Kamesh Mechrocks
1 I UNIT 31 ART AND ARCHITECTURE
OF DELHI SULTANATE

i
31.0 Objectives
31.1 Introduction
31.2 Architecture
31.2.1 New Struaural Forms

i
31.2.2 StyliQc Evolution
31.2.3 Public Buildings and Public Works
31.3 Painting
31.3.1 Literary Evidence for Murals
31.3.2 The Qumaic Calligraphy
31.3.3 Manuscript Illustration
31.4 Music
31.5 Let Us Sum Up
31.6 Key Words
31.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

In Unit 14, you read about the establishment and consolidation of the ruledf the
~urkishSultans in India. The new rulers established a regime thatwas in some'
profound respects different from the old. India now witnessed the emergence of a
culture which combined elements of both indigenous and Islamic traditions. The
most effedve and distinct manifestation of this synthetic culture is to be seen in the
art and architecture of this period.
After going through this Unit, you should be able to :
distinguish between the pre-Islamic and Indo-Islamic styles of building,
identify major architectural styles of the period,
R r i w the traditions of painting prevalent in the Delhi Sultanate, and
learn the major developments in qusic during this period.

31.1 INTRODUCTION
Art and architecture are true manifestations of the culture of a period as they reflect
the mind and approach of that society. It is here that the ideas aql techniques of a
society find visual expression. The adient of the Turkish rule in India is significant in
more than one respect;xWhile it gave rise to a new socio-political system which you
read about in Units 29 and 30, it also marked the beginning of a new expression in
art. The style of architecture that evolved during this time is called Indo-Islamic.
Unlike architecture, the art of painting as practised in the Delhi Sultanate is not
properly documented. We know that calligraphy and book-illumination in the
Islamic world had achieved supreme heights by the close of the 12th century; there
also existed a developed tradition of figural murals in the Ghaznavi kingdom.
Possibly the same tradition was camed to Delhi by the early Turkish Sultans where
it flourished in the 13th and 14th centuries.

31.2 ARCHITECTURE
The most important source 'for the study of architecture is the surviving remains of
buildings themselves. Thdugh these enable us to grasp architectural techniques and
Kamesh Mechrocks
styles peculiar to our period, it offers little help in understanding other related
aspects of architecture such as the role of the architects and the drawings and
estimates and accomts ~f the buildings.

31.2.1 New StruOYural Forms

i) Arch and Dome :Do a careful reading of the reports prepared by General
llexander Cunningbam of archaeological sites and remains (Reports of the
\rchaeological Survey-ofIndia, vols. I-XXIII, Simla, Calcutta, 1865-77) in Northern
I ndip, we observe that the incidence of masonry building-including civilian
housing in towns-increases significantly after the 13th century. This was primarily
possible due to the use of lime-mortar as the basic cementing material about which
you have already read in Unit 22. The building of true arch required stones or bricks
to be laid as voussoir$ in the shape of a curve and bound .ogether firmly by a good
binding material. TW binding material was lime-mortar. (figure 1 gives the
diagram of an arch .)

The result of the intioduction of the new technique was that the pre-Turkish forms;'
lintel and beam and norbelling, were replaced by true arches and vaults and the
spired roofs (shikhad) by domes. Arches are made in a variety of shapes, but in India
the pointed form of the Islamic world was directly inherited. And sometime in
second quarter of the 14th century, another variant of the pointed form, the
four-centred arch, was introduced by the Tughluqs in their buildings.'lt remained in
vogue till the end of Ihe Sultanate. (These forms have been illustrated in figure 2.)

Kamesh Mechrocks
 +
~sd~mwedumaf
The pointed arch was adopted in the Islamic world quite early due to its durability Delhi Sultanate
and ease of construction. The usual method of raising apointed arch was to erect a
light centering and place one layer of bricks over it. This layer supported another
thin layer of flat bricks over wtiich radiating voussoirs of the arch were fixed in
mortar. These two bottom layers of brick-work would, if needed, act as permanent
shuttering for the arch (as shown in Figure 3). It may be noted here that the
employment of bricks instead of an all-wood centring was a feature typical of regions
deficient in reserves of wood such as West Asia and even India.
But the construction of dome demanded especial techniques. The problem was to
find a suitable method for converting the square or rectangular top of the walls of
the room into a circular base for raising a spherical dome. The best way to overcome
this problem was to convert the square plan into a polygon by the use of squinches
across the corners (shown in figure 3). Later, in the fifteenth century, stalactite
pendentives came to be used for the same purpose. (Shown in photo 1 : Bara Fig. 3
Gumbad Mosque, New Delhi.)

Photo 1
Fig. 5

ii) Building Material :It is a curious fact that there are very few instances of early
Turkish buildings in India where newly quarried material has been employed by the
architects. The fashion was t o use richly carved capitals, columns, shafts and lintels
from pre,-Turkish buildings. In India, towards the beginning of the 14th century
when the supply of such matetial had exhausted, buildings were raised by using
1 originally quanied or manufactured material.
t
In the masonry work, stone has been used abundantly. The foundations are-mostly
of rough and small rubble or, wherever it is available, of river boulders, while the
superstructure is of dressed stone or roughly shaped coarsed stonework. However,
.in either case, the buildings were plastered all over. Percy Brown (Indian
Architecture : Islamic Period,Bombay, 1968) has noted that in the buildings of the
Khalji period a new method of stone masonry was used. This consisted of laying
stones in two different courses, that is headers and stretchers. This system was

-
retained in subsequent buildings and became a characteristic of the building
technique of the Mughals.
The material commonly used for plastering buildings was gypsum. Apparently
lime-plaster was reserved for places that needed to be secured against the leakage of
water, such as roofs, indigo-vats, canals, drains, etc. In the later period, i.e. around
15th century, when highly finished stucco work became common, gypsum mortar
was preferred for plaster work on the walls and the ceiling (as shown in photo 2
below). Kamesh Mechrocks
 uildings served the purpose of
revealing it. Since the depiction
of living beings was b;bnerally frowned upon, the elements of decoration were, in
most cases, limited t ~ :
a) calligraphy, b) B e b e t r y , and c) foliation.
It was by their manid lation that a rich and sumptuous effect was obtained in the
'
Sultanate buildings. Ikut characteristically enough no one type of decoration was
reserved for a particalar type of building; on the contrary, these pan-Islamic
decorative principle8 were used for all kinds of buildings in the Delhi Sultanate.
Calligraphy is an imI)ortant element of the decorative art in the buildings of this
period. The Qurania sayings are inscribed on buildings in an angular, sober and
monumental script, Yeown as kufi.They may be found in any part gf the
building-frames of the doors, ceilings, wall panels, niches etc., and invariety of
materials-tone, stdcco and painting (See the photos 3 & 4 for suetifftens of stone
and stucco calligraptjf respectively).
I

Kamesh Mechrocks
Geometric shapes in abrstract form are used in these buildings in a bewildering Art and Architecture of
Dclhi Sultanale
variety of combinations. The motifs indicate incorporation of visual principles :
repetition, symmetry, and generation of continuous patterns. It has been suggested
5y Dalu Jones (Architecture of the Islamic World,ed. George Michell, London,
1978) that the generating source of these geometric designs is the circle, which could
be developed into a square, a triangle or a polygon. These forms are then elaborated
by multiplication and subdivision, by rotation and by symmetrical arrangements
(see, for example, photo 2 supra).
Of the foliations, the dominant form of decoration employed in Sultanate buildings,
is the arabesque. It is characterised by a continuous stem which splits regularly,
producing a series of leafy secondary stems which can in turn split again or
reintegrate into the main stem. The repetition of this pattern produces a beautifully
halanced design with a three dimensional effect (see figure 4 and photo 5).

..
Pig. 6

Check Your Progress 1

1) What was the main reason for a significant increase in masonry buildings after
the 13th Century?

...................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
Identify the problem to make a dome.
...................................................................................................
.............................................:.....................................................
.....................................................*............................................
...................................................................................................
............................................................................................ ?.......

Kamesh Mechrocks
3) What were the *in elements of decoration in the Sultanate architecture? \

31.2.2 Stylistic Evolution

The purpose of the dikussion here is to provide you with a general outline of the
evolution of the Indojlslamic architectural style under the Sultans of Delhi and to
highlight the features that characterise its more prominent phases.

1
The history of Indo-I larnic architecture proper commences with the occupation of
Delhi by the Turks in A D . 1192. The Tomar citadel of Lal Kot with its Chauhan
extension, cailed Qil pai Pithora, was captured by Qutbuddin Aibak. Here he
began the constructio of a Jami Masjid which was completed in 1198. According to
an inscription on the osque it was known as Quwwatul Islam and was built from
the wreckage Of twen -seven Hindu and Jain temples demolished by the
conquerors, Again, iq 1199, an expansive screen with lofty arches was raised across
the entire front of thel$anctuaxy of the.mosque. In both these constructions, the
hand of the local architect is quite evident. The lintels, carved-columns and slabs,
have been used liberally by only turning their carved sides inwards or using them
upside down. The arches of the screen have been built by employing the method of
corbelling. And the obamentation of the screen, is emphatically Hindu in
conception (see photd 16 below).

However, the borroW4$d elements of Hindu architecture were soon discarded and
relatively little was retained by the maturing Indo-Islamic style. In later buildings of
this phase, such as Qgtab Minar (built 1199-1235), Arhai Din Ka Jhoupra (built c.
1200) and Iltutmish's tomb (completed 1233-4), though corbelling'could not be
replaced as the princi#al structural technique, decoration became almost fully
Islamic in detail. In this connection, the principles employed in the constructioq of
the domical roof of I1 tmish's tomb (built 1233-4, not extant now) are also of great
?
interest. Though the ,bme was raised with the help of corbelled courses it was
supported on squinch&$bullt at the corners of the square chamber (sbown in phbto
Kamesh Mechrocks
7 ) U P T Pn ~ r h a n cis th# pnrlipct attpmnt
P ~ r r vRrnwn CRVC n f crllvino t h n~r n h l ~ mn f
 Photo 7

The culmination of the architectural style designated by us as the Early Form was
the mausoleum of Balban built around 1287-88. It is in ruins now but occupies an
important place in the development of Indo-Islamic architecture, as it is here that we
notice the earliest true arch. (Eastern arch shown in Photo 8).
ii) The Khaljis
With their architecture, as revealed in Alai Darwaza (built 1305) at the Qutub
complex, and the Jamat Khana Masjid (built 1325) at Nizamuddin, a marked change
.
ig, style appears. In the evolution of Indo-Islamic architecture, this phase occupies a
key position as it exhibits a distinct influence of the Seljuq architectural traditions (a
Turkish tribe ruling- over Central Asia and Asia Minor in 11-13 centurv) ., as also
certain salient features of composition which were adopted in the succeeding styles. photo 8
The characteristic features of'this phase may be listed below :
a) Employment of true arch, pointed horse-shoe in shape (photo 9).
1
I
b) Emergence of true dome with recessed arche? under the squinch (photo 10).

I Photo 9 Kamesh Mechrocks Photo 10

 ud Cdhve :13th B 15th
Sofk(~
c) Use of red sandstohe and.decorative marble reliefs as new building materials
Qnlurg (photo 11).
d) Appearance of '104~s-bud'fringe on the underside of the arch - a Seljuq feature

e) Emergence of new fnasoq-faclng, consisting of a narrow course of headers -

alternating with a qluch wider course of stretchers (see 31.2.1Fagain a Seljuq
feature.
In addition, the decoradke features characterised by calligraphy, geometryand
7
arabesque now became @uch bolder and profuse.
iii) The Tughluqs
A new architectural stylb came into vogue in the buildings of this period. Judging
from the remains, only q e first three rulers of this house appear to have been
interested in the art ofbpilding. However, the architecture of this period can be
divided into two main gtbups. To the first group belong the constructionq of
Ghiyasuddin and Muhahimad Tughluq, and the other to those of Feroz Taghluq.
The general features of the Tughluq style of architecture are listed~below:
I

a) Stone rubble is the /principal building material and the walls are in most cases
plastered.
b) The walls and bastens are invariably battered, the effect being most marked at
the comers (see pqfto - 13).

Kamesh Mechrocks
 c) A hesitant and possibly experimental use of a new shape of arch- the four
centered arch-necessitating its reinforcement with a supporting beam. (see
'
photo 14). This arch-beam combination is a hall-mark of the Tughluq style.
The pointed horse-shoe arch of the preceding style was abandoned because of
its narrow compass and therefore the inability to span wider spaces.

Photo 14
. -
' d) Emergence of a pointed dome with clearly visible neck in c o ~ t r a swith
t rather
stifled dome of the preceding style. (see photo 13 suhra).

e) Introduction of epcaustic tlles as an element of decoration in the panels of the

buildings.

f) Emergence, in the tombs of this period, an octagonal plan which came to be

copied and perfected by the Mughals in the 16th-17th century.
- An aaditiona~reature was the element of reduced ornament, confined mostly to
inscribed borders and medallions in spandrels executed in plaster or stucco.
iv) The Final phase
Within a decade of the death of Feroz Shah Tughluq (1388), the Sultanate became
politically unstable, and in 1398 was sacked and plundered by Timur. However,
some .semblance of central authority remained with the two succeeding dynasties of
the Saiyyids and ~ o d i s although
; they ruled over a greatly Shrunken Sultanate of
Delhi between 1414 and 1526. A large number of tombs were built in and around
Delhi so mdch so that over a period of time the area around Delhi looked like a
sprawling qabristan (graveyard). \

Yet some of these structures are important from architectural point of view and can
be considered as heralding a distinct style. The more important of these
tomb-buildings took two separate forms, the distinguishing features of which are
given below :
a) Mausoleums designed on an octagonal plan incorporating the following .
elements :
-main tomb-chamber surrounded by an arched verandah.
. --one storey high.
-verandah with projecting eaves supported on brackets

b) The other type was built on square.plan. These were characterised by the
following elements :
-absence of verandah around the main tomb-chamber.
-exterior comprised ot two, and sometimes three storeys.
-absence of eaves and supporting brackets Fig. 8

rhere is an original treatment of wloured tile decoration in these buildings. It is set

Kamesh Mechrocks
sparin& in friezes. In addition, there are intricately incised surfaces of plaster.
 ' u*llr
mdkare The end of the DelM Sultanate came in 1526 with the d&at of last of th= Lodi
-,
Sultans at the hands of {be Mughal invader, Babur. ~his'alsosiballed an end of the
Sultanate style of archiecture, which had begun showing signs f stagnation in the
15th century.
j,
31.2.3 Public Buildbgs and Public Work
You must have noticed fiat in our discussion of the development of the Sultanate

f
architecture in the pre ding two Sub-sections, 31.2.1 dfid 31.2.2, we made
references mostly to ro bl structures like palace-citadels, tombs or mosques. This,
hoyever, is not to suggqst that other kinds of buildings were non-existent or thai
they were insignificant. j '
Contrary to the populad &nion that the number of structures other than royal
buildings was abysmal, we in fact notice that such structures far outnumber royal
buildings. The majorityibf these buildings comprised sarai, bridges, irrigation-tanks,
wells and baoli, dams, lfschehri (atlministrative buildings), prison-houses, k d w d
(police-stations), dak-c$buki (post-stations), hammam (public baths), and katra
(market places), etc. Silyce almost all these types were intended for public and civic
purposes, we group them collectively under public buildings and public works. They
were available to the g&eral public regardless of their religious affiliations.
1
S d is perhaps the mojt conspicuous of these public buildings. It was introduced in
India by the Turks in thH 13th century. The earliest mentipn of the existence of sarai
is from Balban's time ($66). Among late rulers both ~ n h a m m a dTughluq and .
Feroz Tughluq are known to have built a large number ocsarais in Delhi as d s o
along the major land-routes of the Sultanate. The main features of these sarais may
be listedrhus :
Square or rectangulat disposition, enclosed on all four sides by masonry walls, with
entry through one of sometimes two gateways.
Series of rooms f r o n t h by small vaulted spaces along all the four sides inside the
enclosure. Wareho.u*s in the corners of the enclosure.
Existence of a small &osque and one or more wells in the open courtyard within
the enclosure. (These; features may be seen ih figure 5 and in the plan of a sard
of Sher Shah's time),

Fig. 9
I
B3dges were anotherimkrtant category of public buildings. However, only small
and medium sized rivers were provided with masonry bridges. Major rivers such as
the Ganga and the Yamjna were provided with bridges mada of boats. We are
Kamesh Mechrocks
fortunate in having at leagt two masonrv bridees made of boats. We are fortunate in
having at least two masonry bridges of this period surviving even today. One is ~ u d ~ m u e ~ t r e d
located at Chittorgarh over the Gambheri river (shown in photo 15 below). The mh~mblb.rc

other was built over Sahibi, a tributary of Yamuna, at Wazirabad Delhi (shown in
photo 16).

.-
Pbooo 16

Sarais and bridges are only the two most cotnmon specimens from a rather rich and
,miscellaneous order of public buildings of the Sultanate period. Weirs and
step-wells, too, are a part of the Delhi Sultanate architectwe. For example, gandhak
ki baoli built by Iltutmish at Mehrauli (DeJhi) is one of the step-wells.

Check Your Progress 2

1) Mark ( d )or ( x ) :
i) The arches in the screen of Quwwatul Islam Masjid are corbelled.
ii) Dome in Iltutmish's tkmb was raised by placing crossbeams at the
comers of the tomb-chamber.
iii) Openings in Balban's tomb are corbelled.
2)- List three main features of the Khalji architecture.

3) Answer each of the following in one line.

i) Why was pointed hotse-shoe arch abandoned in the Tughluq period?

ii) How are the walls and bastions of Tughluq period different from
the preceding structure's?

iii) What difference do you notice in the building material of the

\
Tughluq buildings?
Kamesh Mechrocks
4) Write a note on the lqlistinctive features of the Saiyyid and Lodi. mausoleums. I,

........................i;.................................'.....

........................1L ..........................................................................
j
5) Define a public bui{bing and list some of the important public buildings
of the Delhi Sultan$te.
I:

................................................................................................... "

........................I1 ':
. .
L'............................................................................

The history of paintinglin the Sultanate period is obscure compared with its
architecture. This is d u primarily
~ to the non-availability of any surviving specimens
for at least the first huddlred years of the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate.
Equally surprising is thk! absence of illuminated books, an art carried to supreme
height in the Islamic world by 1200. However, the researches during the last 20-25
years have unearthed rlew and some crucial evidence, forcing the scholars to change
their opinion radically. We now know that not only book illumination but murals
too were executed durifig the Sultanate period. The art of painting may thus be
divided into the following three categories each of which will be discussed separately.
I

31.3.1 Literary EvEdence 'for Murals

The closest view tKat one may have of the murals as a flourishing art formduring the
rule of the Delhi Sultarl6 is through a large number of literary references occurring in
tbe chronides of this W i o d . These have been compiled and analysed by Simon
Digby ('The Literary Elvidence for Painting in the Delhi Sultanate', Bulletin of the
American Academy of @enam,Vol. I; 1967,47-58).

The-earliest reference id, murals-in the Sultanate period is in a qasida ( T w a t - i

Nasiri) in praise of Iltuttnish, on the occasion of the gift of Khila't from the Caliph in
1228. The verses in thi$ composition make it clear that human o r animal figures were
depicted upon the spanalrels of the main arch raised to welcome the envoy of the
Caliph. i

'The most important sidgle reference to painting in the Delhi Sultanate occurs in the

P
context of un-Islamic o servances of earlier rulers inviting a ban by Feroz Tughluq
(Tarikh-i Ferozshrhi b I Afif). It indicates the existence of a continuous tradition of
figural painting on the Falls of the palaces of Delhi, which was sought to be banned
by Feroz Tughluq. 1 . _ -
Kamesh Mechrocks
This tradition of painting was not confined to the murals alone. In a reference hull SPltrutc
relating to the entertainment parties thrown by Qutbuddirl Mubarak Khalji .
(1316-20), mentio; is made of a profusely painted open-sided tent: The decorations
would therefore appear to be on painted cloth (Nuh Siphr by Amir Khusrau).
In contrast, there did survive a tradition of wall painting in the houses of the
common people, especially the non-muslims. It is testified by :
a stanza from a 14th century Hindi poem Chandayan written by Maulana Daud in
1379-80, which describes the painted decoration of the upper rooms ,of the house
were Chanda, the leading lady of this poem, sleeps with her female companions.
an actual painting from one of the illustrated manuscripts of this poem belonging
to tbe 15th century and showing the bedchamber of Chanda, on the walls of which
are painted scenes from the Ramayana (see photo 17).

. .

31.3.2 The ~ u r a i Calligraphy

c
Calligraphy was the most revered art in the Islamic world,and was used as a
'decorative feature both on stone and on paper. In the hierarchy of craftsmen, a
calligrapher was placed above the illuminator and painter. However, the calligraphy
of the Quran became one of the foremost forms of book art, where copies of Quran.
were produced on a majestic and expansive scale.
earliest
'I% & known copy of the Quran is dated 1399. It was calligraphed at Gwalior,
and has a variety of ornamental motifs,'derived both from Iranian and Indian
sources. (Two pages of this manuscript are shown in photo 18). The geometrical
frontispiece of this manuscript seems to be in the Sultanate style and suggests the
folloving as prominent features of the Delhi ateliers in the 14th century :
The work produced here isin line with the i rani an tradition.
The script used in the headings and inscriptional panels of the Quran is inva'riably,
kuti.
The illumination of geometrical frontispieces was the speciality of this school.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Photo 18 I

The state of book-art in the 15th century, under the Saiyyid and Lodi dynasties,
remained a sad shadow of its former self as it became incapable of supporting artistic
endeavour on a large scale. The initiative seems to have been wrested by provincial
dynasties.
!

31.3.3 ~anuscri&Illustration .
Manuscript illustration in the Sultanate peridd is a hotly debated and disputed
subject. There is very little concurrence among scholars on terminology and
provenance. Thus, deciding the traits of Sultanate manuscript illustrations is a
cumbersome job. On the contrary, though a good number af illustrated manuscripts
in Persian and Awadhi from the period between 1400 and the advent of the Mugt als.
are now known, some of these manuscripts appear to have been produced at -
provincial courts. However, there is a distinct, althopgh small, group of manuscripts
which was probably not connected with any court. They seem to have been
produced for patrons, presumably independent but located somewhere in the
Sultanate. They have sometimes been termed as representing a 'bourgeois' group
and are attributable to the period 1450-4500. Given below are brief notes on two of
these manuscripts forming t t e 'bourgeois' group.
Hamzanama (Berlin)
This manuscript is dafed to about 1450'and depicts the legendry exploits of Amir
Hamza, one of the cothpanions of the prophet (one leaf shown in phato 19).

Kamesh Mechrocks
Chandayan (Berlin)
I t is datable to 1450-70 and illustrates the romance of two lovers Laur and Chanda.
It was composed in the Awadhi dialect of Hindi by Maulana Daud of Dalmau near
Rai Bareilly in Uttar Pradesh in'1389 (one leaf shown in photo 20).

Photo 20
-

31.4 MUSIC
The development of music as an art form in Delhi Sultanate took a back seat
compared with the growth of architecture and painting. Moreover. the history of
music during this period suffers from a serious handicap- the lack of
documentation. Historical references are scattered and scanty and most of the
modern day writings are speculative rather than historically substantive. They are
replete with fables and legends about music in the Sultanate period.
The 14th century is perhapsthe most important period in the histoy of the Delhi
Sultanate from the point of view of music, That music in some form was practised in
the courts of the early Sultans is, however, not improbable. Kaiqubad had built for
himself a magnificent palace at Kilugarhi. The courtly 'revels included dancing and
singing of Persian and Hindi songs by beautiful girls. But it was Amir Khusrau who
has left an enduring mark on the music not only of the Sultanqte but of India as a
whole. Amir Khusrau was the disciple of the great sun saint Shaikh Nizamuddin
Aulia of Delhi. He was also the court poet of Alauddin Khalji who was himself very
fond of music. The genius of Amir Khusrau in the sphere of music was mainly
utilised in innovating new compositions as well as in assimilating different forms of
music prevalent in his time. He is credited with having introduced :
the qawwali mode of singing into the countryside for the first time.
several of our modem rags like Zilaph, Sazgiri and Sarparda, etc., produced by
combining Persian and Indian tunes.
Khayal form of singing by abandoning the traditional dhrupad.
a new musical instrument called sitar by combining the old Indian vina and the
Iranian tambura.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 modifications in the onventional percussion instrument mridang t o bifurcate it
7
into two and call t h e p tabla.
1 I

The changes introduceiby Amir Khusrau had far-reaching social consequences in

br~ngingtogether peoplti of two divergent creeds.
4

Check Your Progress 3 '

1) ~ e s c n b ethe source!for the tradition of wall-painting in the Delhi Sultanate.

.........................7 ........................................................................
"

2) When and where wab the earliesiknown copy of Quran made?

3) Define 'bourgeois' g q u p of paintings.

....................
C.....)...... .........................................-..........................

4) Give a list of some of Amir.Khusrau's major musical achievements.

.......................... !.......................................................................
i'

O n the basis of the feature ' discussed above, it is evident that the development of art
&li
and architecture in the D e Sultanate followed an uneven pattern. While growth of
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Art ud Arcbltecturc d
architecture occupied t#fe paramount position, other art forms like painting and Ddhl Sultanate
music did not get equal attention. Individual initiative, a full-blooded support for
their growth is found missing. Much of the artistic impulse came to be expressed in
architecture enriching it both structurally and stylistically. It also gave rise to a rich
heritage of civic buildings-the public buildings and public works. Informed interest
in these constructions is relatively recent, but they must claim a place in any
comprehensive survey of Indo-Islamic architecture.

Much of this architecture appears within the urban setting, the main building types
being mosques (masjid), tombs (maqbara), palace-citadels as well as structures of
public utility, such as sarais, bridges, step-wells, and water reservoirs.
There are no specific architectural forms for specific functions. Most can be
adopted for a variety of purposes. A s an illustration of this feature one could think
of the four-cloistered courtyard structure which served equally well as palace,
mosque, sarai and madrasa.
An important element of this architecture is the emphasis on the enclosed space
generally defined by walls, arcades and vault.
The decoration in-the architecture is mostly of a kind which suggests spaces existing
beyond the decorative frames-atectonic in nature. Its chief elements are
arabesque, geometry and foliation, the depiction of animate forms was popularly
thought of having been prescribed under Islam. But there is nothing in the Quran
t o support this popular view.

A lively tradition of wall-painting deriving inspiration from the Ghazanavid

kingdom survived in Delhi Sultanate upto at least 1350. It had a wide repertory, the
subjects depicted ranging from the themes of the Mahabhara and Ramayana down to
popula? folkltales. Another important tiadsion that grew during thispec0.d was of
illuminated manuscripts. But it was independent of court patronage and for that
reason the manuscripts have been termed as 'bourgeois'. Manuscript illustration and
the art of writing the Quran flourished only till Timur's invasion. The influence of
Iranian School was quite prominent. This tradition died soon after 1398-the year of
the sack of Delhi. But it sprouted and flourished in the provincial courts.
A tradition of figural painting in the form of murals and painted cloth during the
13th and 14th centuries derived mainly from the Ghaznavi kingdom.
A sidiultaneous tradition of the Quranic calligraphy in Kufi script which lasted
upto 13-till Timur's sack of Delhi. This kind of painting developed with the
introduction of paper in India.
Another t~aditionwas that of'illustrated Persian and Awadhi manuscripts
originating probably ai the beginning of the 15th century and growing
independently of the imperial court.

The history of music in the Delhi Sultanate suffers from lack of reliable evidence.
The only definite information relates to the musical genius of Amir Khusrau and a
list of some prominent musical instruments given by Ibn Battuta.

31.6 KEY WORDS

Arcade : a r a n g e of arches carrying a roof o r other superstructure
Ashlar ' : masonry walling formed of dressed stones
Batter : a slight inward inclination of a wall from its base upwards
Buttress : a vertical mass of masonry projecting at intervals from the external face
of wall
Centering : a temporary support facilitating the construction of an arch
Eaves
Mural : painting on a well
.
: the lower edge of a sloping roof, overhanging the face of the wall

Parapet : a low wall around the roof

Kamesh Mechrocks
Spandrel : space b m e e n two adjacent arches
Stucco : designinb in plaster.

31.7 ANSWEeS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

Cbeck Y olir Progress 1

1) Introduction of abuate technique and lime-mortar. See Sub-sec. 31.2.1
':
2) SeeSub-sec. 31.2.1
i) Cross-beams kt the corners
?1
ii) Squinches 1
iii) Pendentives '
1
3) Arabesque, geoqetrical designs, and foliation. See Sub-sec. 31.2.1
Check Your Progress 2
1) i) V
ii) x
iii) x
2) See Sub-sec. 31.4.2 ii
3) i) Because of it$ inability to cover wide areas.
ii) They are battered.
iii) They use stoqe-rubble and plaster to cover the surfaces.
4) See Sub-sec. 31.2i2 iv
5) See Sub-sec. 31.2!3
Check Your Progress L)
1) See Sub-sec. 31.3il
2) In 1399 at Gwaliqt
3) See Sub-sec. 31.3.3
4) See Sec. 31.4

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Art and Archltectwe d
Delhl Sdtnnate

4. Gandhak-ki ~ a o l iIlltutmish's
, reign (1210-36), New Delhi

2. .Qutub Minar, A.D.'1199, New Delhi

5. Balban's Tomb, C. 1280 A.D., New Delhi

3. Illtutmish's Tomb, c. 1235 A.D.. New Delhi !

Kamesh Mechrocks 51
I . - 6. W h a r m , A.D. 1305, New Delhl
I 9. Khirki Masjid, c. 1375 A.D., New Delhi.

1 7. Sdpdm, Mphmmsd Tnghluq'r reign (A.D. 1325-51),

New DrBi

I .,
11. Moth Ki Masjid, A.D., 1505, New Dtlhi.
I
Kamesh Mechrocks
 UNIT 32 ART AND ARCHITECTURE
OF REGIONAL STATES
Structure
32.0 Objectives
32.1 Introduction
32.2 Architecture
32.2.1 Eastern India
32.2.2 Western lndia
32.2.3 Central India
32.2.4' Deccan
32.2.5 Vijaynagar
I 32.3 Painting
32.3.1 Western Indian Style
3z.3.2 Caurnpaneaaika Style
32.3.3 Provincial Developments
32.3.4 The Deccani Painting
32.4 Music
32.5 Let Us Sum Up
32.6 Key Words
I 32.7 Answers to Check y o u r Progress Exercises

32.0 OBJECTIVES
The present Unit oversteps the political boundaries of the Delhi Sultanate and
attempts a study of the development in art and architecture in regions outside the
Sultanate. Its purpose is to :
emphasize the character and development of architectural styles in the buildings
in the regional states,
highlight the traditions and forms of painting, mainly of manuscript illumination,
outside of the realm of the Delhi Sultanate, and
account for some of the major developments in the musical forms in North and
South-Indian styles.

32.1 INTRODUCTION .
The development of art and architecture in the regional states follows diverse
course. While architectuie adheres mainly to the technological principles evolved
under the Indo-Islamic style, painting, particularly manuscript illumination, scales
new heights due mainly to the substitution of paper for palm-leaf as the writing
material. Music adopts a syncretic'approach. It must be understood that this
multiplicity of form does not conforni to any set geographical pattern, but
sometimes, as in the case of painting, takes cross-regional course.
The different sections of this Unit take into account the developments in
architecture, painting and music in Eastern, Western and Central India, the Deccan
and the Vijaynagar kingdom.

52.2 ARCHITECTURE
'The regional styles of architecture came into vogue usually after these states had
thrown off the allegiance to Delhi and proceeded to develop a form suiting their
individual requirements. They were distinct from the Indo-Islamic style practiced at
Delhi and often displayed definitely original qualities. In the areas which had a .
stron$ indigenous tradition of workmanship in masonry, regional styles of Islamic
architecture produced the most elegant structures. On the other hand where these
traditions were not so pronounced, the buildings constructed for the regional states
were less distinctive. In some cases totally novel tendencies, independent of both the
Kamesh Mechrocks
indigenous and the imperial Sultanae traditions. are also visible.
~ a c ~jtbtotsth
~ ~ ~ Eastern
32.2.1 : Indb
c--J 'I
, It is interesting that theideve~o~mentoffhe earliest regional stvle in architecture
should have taken plactl at the other end of the subcontinent, in eastern ~ n d i a In.
fact there did emerge two major strands of architectural style in this region viz., in
Bengal and in Jaunpur, both of which witnessed the rise of regional states.
a) Bengal :The establishment of an independent Muslim power in Bengal rook place
within a gap of five yeaT since the capture of Delhi by the Turks. But an
independent building style, distinct from the one prevalent at Delhi, developed at
the beginning of the forneenth century and lasted for a period of nearly 250 years.
Bengal style spread in all parts of the region, but most of the prominent buildings
were located within therboundary of the Malda district which had been the strategic
centre of the region due, to the confluence of the two rivers, the Ganga and the
Mahananda. Here lie the remains of the two principal cities - Gaur and Pandua -
which, in turn, enjoyed nhe status of the capital seat of the regional ruling power. In
our effort to understand the distinctive features of the architectural style of this
region we have to depelbd mostly on the buildings extant in these two cities and a few
important examples elstwhere.
The building art of Benbal is generally divided into the following three phases of
which the first two are donsidered preliminary stages and the third its ultimate
develbpment into a specific style.
The first phase is fratn A.D. 1200-1340 (During most of this time Gaur was the
capital seat. Only in later years it was shifted to Pandua).
The second extendeh from A.D. 1340 to 1430, and
The .third phase f r o 7 A.D. 1442 to 1576 when the Mughals captured the province.
During this phase t+ capital was shifted back to Gaur.
The data in the form ofkxtant buildings forthe first phase is scanty. Even where tSJo
or three structures survive they are in a badly ruined state. It is, nonetheless, evident
that the buildings raised during this period were wholesale conversions of the
existing Hindu structures.
Similarly, the second pHase is also deficient in data as it is represented by a solitary
example. But this b u i l b g -
Adina Masjid .at Pandua (built 1364) - surpasses all .
other Islamic structures) in Bengal in size. It introduces two new features in the
architectural style : .

the "drop" arch, haying ;span greater than its radii, and centres at the import
level, and
' the method of raisini the roof in a system of arched-bays whQe small domes
supported by bri~k-~&ndentives in over-sailing courses were raised over each bay.
The bricks in these pqndentives were set diagonally in each alternate course in such
a manner that their homers project and help in the transition from a square to a
circular base (figured 1 & 2 show Adina Masjid).

54 Fig. 1 KameshI Mechrocks Fig. 2

I The third phase is the most remarkable as it depicts the emergence of a
semi-indigenous style in tune with the peculiar environment and local condition in
. Bengal. The result was to translate the native bamboo'structures into brick. In the
course of time this special form of curved roof became a fixed convention (see
figures 3). In most of these buildings, moreover, an indigenous form of decoration.
i.e. terracotta tiles, was adopted.
A r t M d ~ w e d
R e -

Fig. 3

. _It thus becomes ckar that nowhere in lndia did climate and local conditions as well
as indigenous building styles affect the development of architecture as profoundly as
in Bengal. Its merit lies in its dynamic ability to transform itself by adoption and
adaptation.
b) Jaunpur : The Sharqi kingdom of Jaunpur was founded by Malik Sarwar, a noble
of Feroz ShahtTughluq,in 1394. In the wake of Timur's invasion and sack of Delhi,
Jaunpur took over from the capital as a centre for scholars and writers. The
surviving architecture of Jaunpur consists exclusively of mosques. Moreover, all the
surviving buildings produced under the Sharqis are located in the capital city
Jaun~ur.
I The Sharqi architecture of Jaunpur carries a distinct impact of the Tughluq style, the
I battering effect of its bastions and minarets and the use of arch-and-beam
I combination in the openings being the two most prominent features. However, the
r
most striking feature of the Jaunpur style is the design of the facade of the mosques.
1 It is composed of lofty propylons with sloping sides raised in the centre of the
sanctuary screen. The propylons consist of a huge recessed arch framed by tapering
I square minars, of exceptional bulk and solidity, divided into registers (see figure 4)
The best examples can be seen in the Atala Masjid (buit in 1408) and the Jami
Masjid.

Fig. 4
Evidently, the propylon was the keynote of ~ a u ~style
~ u and
r occurs in no other
' manifestation of lndo-lslamic architecture.

32.2.2 Western India

The regional style of architecture that came into being in Western lndia towards the
beginning of the 14th century is almost exclusively confinedto Gujarat.
Kamesh Mechrocks
-
-&-: rJcLm'Sch Gujarat :This regiondl style flourished for a period of some two hundred and fifty
years beginning early ll.1 the 14th century. The founders of Gujarat style of
Indo-Islamic architectbre were in fact the governors of the Khalji Sultans of Delhi.
There were three diffatent phases of the G u j a r ~style
t :
The first phase lasting for the first half of the 14th'century marked by the
demolition of the Hindu temples and their reconversion into ~ u s l i mbuildings.
The second phase ptevailing mostly during the first half of the 15th century and
showing signs of heirlitant maturity of a distinctive style.
Finally, the pha* *ginning in the latter half of the 15th centurywhen Gujarat
style emerges in itsiown magnificent form. Most of the typical examples relate to
this period'of ~ u j a i style.
~t '
Here it is important tolremember that the Gujarat style of architecture is the most
indigkous in charactet. In some of the finer examples of this style considerable
portions of the buildinbs are in fact adaptations from either Hindu or Jain temples.
The essence of Gujarat style will be easily understood if you envisage a scheme of
construction where thd btructure of a temple is fitted into the sanctuary of the
mosque in the form of $ central compartment. Almost all the mosques from the
second and third phase are composed in this manner (see figures 5 and 6.)

m3.5 Fig. 6

. 32.2.3 Central India

In Central India, the development of Indo-Islamic architecture remained confined
within the Malwa regiop which became an independent kingdom at the turn of the
15th century. But, unlikk other regions, the Muslim rulers of Malwa did not inherit
any strong tradition of $sual art. The result was that, to carry out their building
projects skilled and exprerienced artisans were summorfed from as distant a place as
Delhi who incorporated various styles prevalent at Delhi. It was only in the later
period that original elements of architecture were developed and decorative motifs
of their own were adopted in the buildings of the Malwa rulers which gave them a
distinctive appearance.
Malwrr-Dhar and an& : The regional manifestations of Indo-Islamic architecture
in Malwa are located eskntially within the confines of two cities, Dhar and Mandu,
though some buildings may also be seen at Chanderi. The Sultans o f ' ~ h a and
r
Mandu have left a rich iirchitectural legacy, the main buildings.being mosques, .
tombs and palaces.
The buildings at Dhar and Mandu derive many features from the Tughluq
architecture such as the battered walls, fringed arch and the arch-beam
.
combination. But soon *e also notice the emergence of distinctive features which
give Malwa style of arcwecture a character of its own. Somelof the mQre prominent
features are described bblow :
Perhaps the most i m h r t a n t is an innovative technique by which the two separate
structural systems ofi the arch and the lintel have been combined in Malwa
Kamesh Mechrocks
 architecture. (see figure 7). In no other early type of architecture has this problem Art .admhitectore d
RenioDslStates
of using arch and beam as structural elements been more artistically solved.
Another notable feature of the Malwa buildings is the construction of stately flights
of steps of considerable length leading to their entrances. This became necessary
due to the use of unusually high plinths on which most of the important buildings
are raised. (see figure 8)

Fig. 8
I
1 The most striking impressions conveyed by Malwa style are not structural but t$e
result of decorative properties. In these buildings, the element of colour assumes
a significant role. We noti,= the use of two separate methods for obtaining this
colour effect. The first is the use of various.coloured stones and marble, and the
second is by means of encaustic tiles.
This architectural impulse died in 1531 with the defeat of the last Malwa ruler
Mahmud I1 at the hands of Bahadur Shah of Gujarat. Malwa was temporarily
brought under the Mughals by Humayun in 1535 and was finally conquered by
Akbar in 1564.

32.2.4 Deccan
The Indo-Islamic architecture that developed in the Deccan from 14th century
onwards under the Bahmanis acquired a definitely regional character quite early in
its growth. But this architecture followed a different pattern in evolution than other
regional styles. As opposed to the growth of regional styles in Northern India,
architecture in the Deccan seems to have ignored to a very large extent the
pre-Islamic art traditibns of the region.
In practice, the Deccan style of architecture consisted basically of the fusion of :
a) the architectural system in vogue at Delhi under the Sultans, particularly the
Tughluq form, and
b) an entirely eqtraneous source that is, the architecture of Persia.
The architectural developments in the Deccan may be divided broadly into three
phases corresponding on each occasion to a change in the seat of the government.
The first phase begins in 1347 at the capital city of Gulbarga. Second phase begins in
1425 when the seat of power is transferred to the city of Bidar. And finally, with the
change of capital again in 1512 to the city of Golconda, begins the third phase lasting
till 1687, the year of Mughal conquest.
a) Gulbarga : Gulbarga became the seat of an independent kingdom in 1347 under
Alauddin Bahman. With this began the first phase of architectural development in
the Deccan. The early structures, however, did not as yet represent a distinctive
style of the Deccan Islamic architecture. For the most part they followed the
I
contemporary Tughluq architecture of the North. The Jami Masjid (1367) inside the
I Gulbarga fort was, howeyer, different and unique. This structure was conceived and
designed by an ingenious 14th century architect named Rafi. He was a ~ a t i v of
e
I
Qazvin in Northern Persia and had taken to service under the Bahmani ruler of
I
Gulbarga. The central designing idea lay in reversing all the architectural principles
of mosques with a courtyard. Thus, in the Jami Masjid of Gulbarga the conventional
clesign of the courtyard was filled with small cupolas supported by arches placed
I Kamesh Mechrocks
Socie(~.adc.lluc:rmtots(b close together (see figure 9 & 10). But this design was never repeated. Possibly the
Century
I unorthoctox plan of this mosque did not find favour with the traditionalists.

Fig. 9 Fig.10

b) Bidar : The ~ a h m a ncapital

l was transferred to Bidar, a fortress town, in 1425 by
ruler Ahmad Shah (142;d-36). Soon the new capital saw a flurry of building activity
as within its walls spranfl up palaces with large audience halls and hammams,
mosques, a madrasa, abd royal tombs. Moreover, this change of capital largely
' eliminated the architecbral influence of Delhi. The new buildings show a strong
contemporary Iranian influence. The substantive style of architecture was now
composed of forms very'largely borrowed from Iran, but modified and adopted to
suit local conditions. TYey did not, of course, abandon the Indo-Islamic traditions
altogether. Some impoRant features of Bidar style may thus be listed below :
Since colour was the kharacteristic feature of Iranian architecture, palaces at Bidar
show a brilliant schebe of the use of coloured.tiles and the mural painting. The
glazed tiles which ccfmed the exteriors were imported by sea from Iran.
There is a distinctive /change in the shape of some of the domes in the buildings at
Bidar. They are constricted in the lower contour and thus become the
fore-runners of bulbous domes of the Mughals. The drums of these
project the domes in full view.

1
The fall of the Bahmani Sultanate towards the beginning of the 16th century brought
the first phase of the D can style to a close. Soon, however, under the Adil Shahi
kingdom of Bijapur, a d w phase of architectural activity was to take over from
where the Bahmanis hadl left. But this style developed contemporaneously with the
Mughal style and thus forms the subject of study in a separate course.

Vijaynagar has an extraoidinary history. It was born out of the incursions into the
Deccan and even furthef south of the Delhi Sultanate. The capital., the famous
Vijaynagar, was founded in about 1336 on the banks of the river Tungabhadra.
i
Vijaynagar, now desert*, is one of the most important historical and architectural
sites as it is the only Hingu city from the pre-modern period of which extensive
remains still exist above~$round.The Vijaynagar style of architecture was
distributed throughout iouth India, but the finest and most characteristic group of
buildings is to be seen in the city of Vijaynagar itself. This city, in fact, had a great
advantage as a site for lwge scale building activity in that it.abounds in granite and a
dark green chlorite stony, both used extensively as building material. The use of
monolithic multiple pierb~in the temple at Vijaynagar testify this fact.
The expanse of the city ~f Vijaynagar at the height of its glory meayured some 26 sq.
km., and it was enclosediwith a stone wall. Besides palaces and temples, the city had
extensive waterworks andl many secular buildings such as elephaht stables and the
Lotus Mahal. The basic dements of Vijaynagar style are listed thus :
The use of pillars for larchitectural as well as decorative purpose is on an
unprecedented scale.
Numerous cornpositi&s are used in raising the pillars, but the most striking and
also the most frequent is one in which the shaft becomes a central core with which
Kamesh Mechrocks
 ~ud~raeched
is attached an unpraised animal of a supernatural kind resembling a horse or a w-
hippogryph (see figure 11).
Another distinguishing feature is the use of huge reverse-curve eaves at the
cornice. This feature has been borrowed into the style from the Deccan and gives
the pavillions a dignified appearance. (see figure 12).
As noted above, pillars form an integral part of Vijaynagar architecture, almost
all of which have ornamental brackets as their capitals. Usually this bracket is a
pendant known as bodegai in local parlance. This pendant, in Vijaynagar style, is
elaborated into the volute teminating in an inverted lotus band. The occurrence of
this pendant is a index reliable of the building in the Vijaynagar group. (see
Figure 13).

!
Fig. 11
-

Fig. 12 Pi.13

The glory of the Vijaynagar empire ended in A.D. 1565 at the battle of Talikota
when the combined army of the Sultans of the Deccan inflicted a crushing defeat on
the Vijaynagar ruler Ram Raya.

Check Your Progress 1

1) How many major architectural styles developed after the decline of the
Delhi Sultanate?

I! 2) What is the connection between the development of a regional style of

architecture and the existence of a masonry tradition in that region?
...................................................................................................
....................................................................................................

I
3) In which region foreign architectural influence is evident on the bnildings,
I and what was this influence?

Kamesh Mechrocks
The age-old traditionbf painting in India continued in the regional states in the
medieval period despite having suffered a setback in its growth in the Delhi
Sultanate. Larger do4mentary material in the form of paintings survives for the
regional states. HoweMer, these paintings defy geographical classification;they are
best understood in te+s of the stylistic evolution they follow. The following
Sub-sections are therefore arranged according to various styles of painting that came
in vogue in different +gions.
32.3.1 Western Inhian Style
a) Jain Painting :The kestem Indian style is generally considered to have
originated in the 12th dentury since the earliest surviving illustrated manukripts in
this style date from the1 parly period of this century. They were discovered in Jain
bhandars (libraries) p&cipally in Gujarat and Rajasthan. It is, however, important to
note that by no peans ill the tern are Jain, or even religiau in nature, nor is this
style isolated and regional in character. It has come to be designated Western Indian
style as most of the maduscripts are discovered in Gujarat and parts of Rajasthan
and Malwa. The Jains, however, were not confined to Western India; we also get
some splendid illustrateb manuscripts from as far a place as Jaunpur and Idar. I
The early specimens of the Western Indian style are palm-leaf manuscripts. They
follow the pothi format with two or three columns df text depending on the wfdth of
the leaf and the numberibf necessary stringholes to hold the leaves together. In the
13th century, the materib1 was gradually changed from palm-leaf to paper. This
opened up great possibilFties of illumination in the margins. The format of the new
paper manuscripts was at'first kept to the proportions of the palm-leaf, before
gradually increasing the height of the folio. No attempt was made, however, to
abandon the pothi format.
The Western Indian style was fully formed by the end of the 14th century. Paper
manuscripts begin to appear regularly from the middle of the 14th centdry, though
palm-leaf as writing m a t q a l was not abandoned altogether. Some commonly
identifiable traits of this style are given below i
Painting in these manacripts is in a single plane, contained within a sometimes
brilliant but always brittle line. The figures have been drawn on a red or
ultramarine background.
Paper is seen as a surfad to be decorated with colours in patterns, yielding in the
best examples a brilliarlt jewel-like surface. The number of pigments used has
increased- costly pigmnts such as ultramarine, crimson, iold and silver are used
in increasing quantities.
Architectural elements b e reduced to essentials. The hieratic litrle figures, and
sometimes animals as wqll as household furniture, are little more than pictograms
occupyinmg boxes b a leometrical composition.
Mannerisms include the'extension of the further eye, the swelling torso, and a
particularly tortuous arrangement of legs in seated figures. Men and women are
often practically indistinguishable (see figure 14).

Kamesh Mechrocks
 Art nnd ArnhltecNre of
A careful study of the illustrated manuscripts in the Western Indian style makes it Regional Sfates
evident that they were apparently mass produced at thk great Jain centres of Pattan
and Ahmadabad and are only superficially rich. Much Mrer and far more beautiful
are maiiuscripts individually created by professional artists fer discerning patrons
(se& figure 15).
There are very few of these manuscripts which give us information about their
.
artists. In most cases, there are indications that the scribe and the artists were
distinct identities. There are notes by the scribes in the manuscripts to instruct the
illustrator about the subject to be painted in the blank space.
b) Hindu Painting :The style of a typically Jain manuscript with its projecting .
bodily distortions, and flat colour planes is also that used for certain Hindu
-
manuscri~tsdating from the 15th century, and also in two instances for Buddhist
manuscripts. Clearly, then, this sectarian nomenclature is inaccurate. In the Fig. 15
absence, however, of an alternative we retain this erroneous name;keeping in mind
that Jain painting was quite frequently the work of the Hindus.
We do not find any illustrated Hindu manuscripts on palm-leaf from the early
centuries of Muslim rule over Northern India. But the existence of such manuscripts
in Nepal argues that they must have been produced in India also.

32.3.2 Caurapancasika Style

The Caurapancasika is a manuscript written by a Kashmiri poet Bilhana who,
awaiting execution for having been the lover of the king's daughter, sings of his
uhrepentant passion in lyrical stanzas. Paintings designated as Caurapancasika are
only occasionally directly related to the text.
The emergence of Caurapancasika style is not quite certain though it is considered
to have emerged in a group of 15th and 16th century paintings in a less purely
decorative and anecdotic vein. The manuscripts illustrated in this style are nqt
usually Jain, and where and when they were painted is a matter of debate. It seems
Caurapancasika group of manuscripts can only have developed stylistically after it
had been found pbssible to turn the human head around into strict profile and drop
the further projecting eye.
The distinctive features of Caurapancasika style may be described as below :
Almost all the paintings in this style are in an oblong format with the text written
on the reverse. They are, in fact, successors to the pothi format of the Western
- Indian style.
The protruding further eye of the Western Indian style gives way to an
uncompromising side view and a single very large eyk. (see figure 16).
The paintings are still in a single plane, with backgrounds in brilliant primary
colours.
The Caurapancasika style is known for its beauty of expressions and its dramatic use
of colour and the richness of the painters' fancy. On occasion a human being is
caught in action (see figure 17), an achievement rare in Indian paintings. Few
Indian paintings can rival the vitality of the best of them.

Fig. 16 Fig. 17

Kamesh Mechrocks
C d W
:IMtLtoa 32.3.3 Provincial Development
a) C~igraphy , ,
i) Jaunpur :The Jaqfipur School of Calligraphy flourished in the latter part of the
15th and first part of the 16rh century. The manuscripts of the Quran calligraphed
under this school use :
a script knowri as dlhari,
crimson colour in the frames for the text rather heavily.
much bolder desig* of arabesque and creeper, with more inventive medallions in
their illuminative cbntent.
ii) Ahmedabad : Tbeikhmedabad School owes its origin to Sultan Mahmad Begarha
a
of Gujarat; it lasted fot about half century (c: 1425-75). The scnpt used for writing
the Quran in this school is known as suluth. It was a serpentine, static script, used
mostly in the Middle %st for writing chapter-headings and inscriptions. When it
came to be adopted in India in the early 15th century, it assumed the form of tall
slanting uprights and qnward-sweeping sub-linear curves and flourishes.
b) Manuscript IUumik?ation :The illumination of manuscripts practiced as an art of
painting flourished in lkan in the 13th-i5th centuries under royal patronage.
The most important gtoup of these manuscripts of suggested Indian provenance
with Irani influence a m dated during the period 1420-50. The most likely place of
their origin seems to be Bengal since Delhi may be ruled out as a provenance and
there is no evidence of the provincial Sultans patronizing artists until later in the
century. The picture, b w e v e r , becomes much clearer by 1500. A group of
~nanuscriptsdated c. 1490-1510 is known from Mandu in which the direct influence
of the Irani' style is visible. (see figure 18 a, b, c.) The Khalji Sultans of Malwa would
seem t o have imported artists ind pokibly manuscripts from Iran, and had the style
copied by their.own ahsts.
I

6 -
18b ' i Fig. I8c

The basic features of!j ~inatsdmanuscripts with'miniatures suggest :

a horizontal forma! across the page, or sometimes squares in shape,
text columns on ei&er side, towards the bottom of the page, and
a lifting of the norphal viewpoint, thus affording tosthe painter a new world 01
landscape and of spatial relationships between figurts.

32.3.4 The ~ e c c a &Painting

A distinct style of paiding in the Deccan emerges in the kingdoms of Ahmadnagar,
Bijapur and Golcondq in the late 15th and early 16th centuries. It certainly predated
the Mughal painting and is, in fact, known to have influenced its beginnings. The use
of daring colours--puple and yellow, pink and green, brown and blue - the
sophistication and artqtry of their compositions, and the traditional Deccani
costume argue by themselves a pre-existence for the style.
Kamesh Mechrocks
 - -

The Deccani style drew on many sources including the Irani tradition. This is clearly '

reflected when we identify their distiriguishing features :

The faces in thisstyle are.comrnonfy painted in three-quarters.

6 The grounds are shown as sprigged, i.e. sprayed with flowers or similar motifs.
Another Deccani feature is the reduction of buildings to totally flat screen-like
panels. (see figure 19 a, b.)
A typically Irani influence in some paintings is the golden sky.
And suggestive of the Chinese influence in some paintings are pink and green
flowering plants, lotus and chrysanthemum.
.-

\
Check Your Progreao 2 Fig. 1%

1) Where are the repositories of the Western Indian style of painting

.
located?

2) What is the major difference between the Western 1ndian style and
Caurapaxcasika style?

3) Indicate two important foreign elements in the paintings of

Cauradancasika style.

4) Describe the three most important features of manuscript illumination

as practiced under the provincial dynasties.

5) Justify a pre-Islamic tradition of painting in the Deccan from the

surviving paintings.

Kamesh Mechrocks
ÿ red^: ljtLtOlMJ --
C&=Y * 32.4 MUSIC j!
I

Music is the least dodumented of all the fine arts of medieval India. Whatever little
information we get about the music and its development jn the Delhi Sultanate is
from the works of ~ & i Khusru.
r There is not much change in this situation in
respect of provincial p g d o m s . Historical information is scanty and at times it
becomes difficult to $kt history from legend. We shall, however, prepare a narratk L
account on the basis &piecemeal
I(
records handed down to us by history.
The earliest known tdjetise on music in the n~edievalperiod is Sangeet Ratnakar.
The text has not beenilost and is referred to by the practitioners of music even today.
It was composed by Qharangdev sometime between 1210-47 at the court of the
Yadav ruler of.Devagiti. Besides being a treatise on tqusic - vocal as well as
instrument - Sang@ Ratnakar also delves into the details of the contemporary
dance forms. It describes as many as 264 ragas classified into major and minor
categories, though thd basic of this classification remains obscure. The chief merit of
this text lies in its bein# the first systematic exposition of the various elements of
music From the courq iof Vijaynagar, we get a Sanskrit commentary on
Sharangdev's Sangeet Ratnakar written by Kallinath, a courtier under king
Mallikarjun (1446-65), There are two other Sanskrit commentaries of the same
kind, by Keshav and & Singhbhoopal, but it is not known as to when and where
they were written.
In the 15th century wd (come across two interesting musical treatises from ~ u j a r a t..
The first one is called @ngeet Sudhakar, and is attributed to HaripalDev, the ruler
of Saurashtra. It is herb for the first time that the Indian musical form is divided into

k
the Hindustani and th 'Karnatak styles. The other text is a Persian work kalled
Ghunyat-ul Munya, rn ning literally 'pleasure of desire'. Unfortunately, the '
manuscript copy of thib text is incomplete with its first folio and the last four
Sub-sectlons missing. a u s the name o i the author, if atall was given in the missing
portions, is lost foreveq. We, however, know that the text was compiled at the
instance of Malik Shamsuddin Abu Raja, the governor of the province of Gujarat
under Feroz Tughluq. Ohunyat, as its author claims, aimed at being a compendium
on the art of sangeet inJndia, for the avowed purpose of educating the taste of the
elite of the time and al& tocater to the demands of the Mu'tabiran (the authorities)
and Na'rif (the adept).i (Ghunyat-ul Munya : The earliest known Persian work on
Indian Music, ed. ShabCb Sarmadee, Asia Publishing House, New elh hi, 1978.)
This text has been of g q a t value in several respects. It is the earliest treatise and
commentary in Persian ,on music and some of the Sanskrit texts on music
respectively. Besides tMt, Ghunyat extensively uses some such Sanskrit works on
music which have become extinct now.
In the 15th century, weicome across a text called Raag Tarangini ascribed p o p u k l y
to Lochan Kavi. It contains illustrations from both Jaidev (of Geet Govind) and
Vidyapati, and may thdq be safely placed in the 15th c e n t q . R a w Tarangini is
important for having iniiiated an alternative system of the division of ras-the that
-system. All the variobs forms of music described here are practiced today.
Music got an impetus under the Sharqi rulers of Jaunpur in the second half of the
15tWentury. A connoiaeur and an expert in his own right, Sultan Hussain Sharqi +
(1458-99) promoted v o q l music by introducing a variant form of rendering khayal
th Kalawanti khayal. Ik is also credited with some new rag, such as Jaunpuri
bd
T i, Sindhu Bhairavi, ~$induraand Rasuli Todi,
I

We have noted earlier thht the court at Vijaynagar had become a centre of music
under its more promine& rulers. The most significant treatise on the South Indian
style is the Swarmel ~ a l d h i d h iwritten
, by Ramamatya, the foremost of the
exponents of the South Ihdian style. It is considered as the most authentic treatise of
its kind and is frequently keferred to by the music lovers today.
It iS evident from the dejpription given above that music in the 13th-15th centuries
had grown even if its devplopment seemed located in specific places and Jtas not
indicative o f any coordin)lted attempt to bring all the various forms at one place.
The development of mus{$ had attained the take-off stage when Mughals intervened
and gave it greaterrheights.
Kamesh ' Mechrocks I
 Check Your h g r e k 3- .

1) Where was the Karnatak style identified as a distinct branch of music

for the first time?

2) Who invented rag Sindura and Sindhu Bhairavi?

......................................... ..........................................................
...........................................$.........................................................
....................................................................................................

3) Why is Ghunyat-ul Munya known to music lovers as an important text

on contemporary music?.

32.5 LET US SUM UP

A notable fact about the regional architectural style is that their most interesting
structures are to be found in areas previously known for a thriving building activity,
and where indigenous masonry traditions were strongest. Although buildings in the
regional states were subsidiary to the main Indo-Islamic style, very few of them
imitated the forms in use at Delhi. Quite often they possessed original qualities and
showed remarkable beauty in compositions. Some of the important factors
characterising regional styles are listed below :
In the provinces associated for a long duration with the Delhi Sultanate, the effect
of the Sultanate style is more pronounced. Lesser the association, less noticeable
this influence.
Different kinds of building material generalli introduced technical differences in
arqhitectural styles in different regions.
The unusual climatic conditions in certain parts of the country necessitated special
treatment for the corresponding regional styles. 0
Influence of Irani elements on the architecture was pronounced in the Deccas. But
, other regional varieties adopted local forms and material rather succinctly.
Unlike Delhi Sultanate, painting did not take a back seat. Architecture and painting
developed at alomost the same pace. In the realm of painting, a notable event is the '
development of paper manuscripts in the Western India and the development of
illumination and made possible by the use of new material. Jain tradition of book
writing and library keeping gave a tremendous impetus to a very pronounced form
of painting known as Western Indian Style. Another distinct group of paintings like
Caurapancasika developed across regional boundaries. Moreover, we also observe
the growth of calligraphic art in the form of the Quranic illustration and in a few cases
the emergence of manuscript illumination in provincial kingdoms.
Kamesh Mechrocks
-
mW-: m,in our study of thq art and architecture in the regional states, the following
aspects deserve consided~tion:
Structural variants ariOl the development of regional styles,
New forms of manus@ipt illumination, and
Growth of North and South Indian styles.
In the field of music, t h e e are two remarkable contributions, by the work d
Sharangdev in North Indian style and by Rarnamatya in South rndian style. Besides,
the Sharqi rulers of JaurQur also contributed richly to the growth of music.

32.6 KEY WORPS .

The key words for this Uhit will remain the same as for Unit No. 31.

32.7 ANSWERS $0 CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) SeeSub-see.32.2.1,32.2.2,32.2.3,32.2.4,32.2.5
2) In the regions which have a strong tradition of masonry development
of regional Indo-Islamic form has been easy. See Sec. 32.2
3) See Sub-sec. 32.2.4.-
Check Your Progress 2 *
1) In the Jain bhandars in Gujarat and in Pajasthan pirimarily.
2) See Sub-sec. 32.3.2
3) Sprigged gtound, lous and chrysanthemum flowers.
4) See Sub-sec. 32.3.3.b
5) See Sub-sec. 32.3.4
a Check Your Progress 3
1) In Sangeet Sudhakar
2) Sultan Hussain Sharqi
3) See Sec. 32.4

Kamesh Mechrocks
 -- -

. UNIT 33 . LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

' 33.0 Objectives
33.1 Introduction
33.2 Sanskrit Literature
33.3 . Arabic Literature
33.4 Persian Literature
33.4.1 Early Phase
33.4.2 Contribution of Amir Khusrau
33.4.3 Other Persian Po&
33.4.4 Historical Worh in Persian
33.4.5 Slln Literature in Persian
33.4.6 Sanskrit Translatiom in Persian
33.5 Literature in Rzgional Languages
33.6 Social Background of the Detelopment of Regional Languages
33.7 *Literature in the Regional &anguages of North India
33.7.1 The Development of Hindi Literature
33.7.2 The Origin and Growth of Urdu Language
33.7.3 Punjabi Literature
33.7.4 Bengali Literature
33.7.5 Assamese Lite~ture
33.7.6 Oriya Literature
33.7.7 Marathi Literature
33.7.8 Gujarati Literature
33.8 Literature in the Languages of South India
33.8.1 Tamil Literature
- 33.8.2 Telegu Literature
33.8.3 Kannada Literature
33.8.4 Malaydam Literature
33.9 Let Us Sum Up
33.10 Key Words
33.11 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

33.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you should be able to know:
.'that decadence had crept into the quality of Sanskrit works produced during the
period under review,
?bout the introduction and growth of Persian language and literature in India,
0 , about theorigin and growth of Urdu language,

thesfactors responsible for the growth of regional languages and literature, and
about the nature of cultural and literary synthesis achieved in this period.

r 33.1 INTRODUCTION
The Sultanate witnessed the flowering of a rich corpus of literature, This was a
period when new languages were introduced with a remarkable growth in the sphere
of culture and literature. This cultural and literary synthesis is manifested in the
origin and growth of a synthetic language like Urdu and in the interchange between'
Persian and Sanskrit. The regional languages and literature which were considerably
'
influertced by Sanskrit and Persian mirrored the religious, social and popular
, attitudes of the period under study. The Hindi works of M u s h writers like Amir
Khusrau and Jayasi as well as the Bengali Vaishnavite poems composed by Bengali
:lk#uslimsalso highlight the process of cultural synthesis operative during this period.
- P
' 33.2. SANSKRT LITERATURE
Itsisgenerally believed that the loss of official patronage caused the decline of
Sanskrit literature during the Sultanate period. While it is true that Persian replaced
Kamesh Mechrocks
 I
I

Sanskrit as the official lwguage, there was no quantitative decline in the production
of Sanskrit literary workb as such. The period is remarkable for the immense
production of literary wprks in different branches of Sanskrit hterature - b v y a
(poetical narrative), redgion and photosophy, giammar, drama, stories, medicine,
astronomy, commentaries and digests on the Law Rooks (Dharamasbastras) and
other classical Sanskrit Forks. Nor was the loss of official patronage to Sanskrit
absent for there were sf111many kings who patronized Sanskrit poets--especially in
South India and RajastqBn. ~ u t w h i l e~anskdtworks continued to be produced in
large number, there see@s to be a marked decline in the quality of these works. This
decline had set in befor# the establishment of the Sultanate and became more
pronounced during the flultanate period. There was not much originality in most of
the Sanskrit works that bppeared during this period. Much of the Sanskrit writing
was wearisomely repetitive, artificial and forced. Sanskrit works on religious themes
were often characterisefl by metaphysical speculations. Biographical works were
mainly in the form of heroic ballads which contained hagiographical details and
stories of romance. Stinkkrit lost the patronage of the new Persian speaking ruling -
class but the Sultanate 4 d not interfere with the independent production of Sanskrit
literary works. In fact, the introduction of paper during the Sultanate period gave an
impetus to the literary qctivity of reproduction and dissemination of already existing
Sanskrit texts such as tlje Ramayana and the Mahabbarata.
South India, Bengal, W l a and Western India played the leading role in the
production of Sanskrit 'literary works. The Vijaynagar kings patronised Sanskrit
poets. The Jain scholar$in Western India also contributed to the growth of Sanskrit
literatwe. The most famous Jain scholars of Sanskrit literature in Western India was
Hemachandra Suri whd belonged to the 12th century. Mithila in northern Bihar
developed into yet ano&er centre of Sanskrit. Later, towards the end of the
Sultanate period and d ~ t i n gthe Mughal period, the Chaitanya movement in Bengal
and Orissa contributed b the production of Sanskrit works in several fields -
drama, champu (a mixed form of verse and prose), grammar, etc.
Many Rajput rulers pawonised Sanskrit poets. These poets wrote the family
histories of their patrons in the classical form of a Sanskrit eulogy. The writings of
these family histories fallowed a set formtila and became an established trend during '
this period. Some of thbe Sanskrit works such as Brithvirqjavijaya and
Hammirmahakavya are well known. A number of historical poems are on Muslim
rulers, e.g., Rajavlnoda a biography of Sultan Mahmud Begarha of Gujarat
I--

written by his court p d t , Udayaraja. Kalhan's Rajatarangini (12th century), which

presents the history of Kashrnir kings, was followed in the Sultanate period by a
second Rajatwanghi b Jonaraja who wrote the history of Kashmir kings from
p;
Jayasimha to2Sultan Z 'nu1 Abedin (1420- 1470). A third Rqiatarangini was
written by Srivara who p o k the history of Kashmir down to A.D. 1486. All these
works present eologistil: accounts of their patrons but they contain useful historical

+
material, too. In additjon to these historical kavyas, a large number of
semi-historical texts w d prabandhas were also written. 'Ihe prabandhas are
replete with legendary d hagiogaphi~almaterial but, some of them, such as
Merutunga's Oraban ha Chintamani and Rajashekhar's htbadmkosba
contain material of his rical significance. On the whole, however, it must be
pointed out that despite voluminous production, the Sanskrit literature of the
Sultanate period had lqst much of its original vitality and creativity, and the bulk of
this literature remained unaffected by the intellectual developments of the age.
i

33.3 ARABIC &ITERATURE

Arabic was the dominkt language of the Islamic World in the first few centuries
after the rise of Islam. !It was the language of the Prophet as well as that of the
Islamic religion and thwlogy. Although attention was paid to the cultivation of the
Arabic language in India after the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate, the Turkish
rulers were more influhced by the Persian language which had developed as the
dominant language in the Islamic kingdoms of Central Asia from the 10th century
onwards. As a consequence, the production of literary works in Arabic was
restricted to a small citcle of Islamic scholars and philosophers. During the reign of
Iltutmish several scholars sought reGge at Delhi after the sack of Bukhara by
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Changez Khan. Sultan Feroz Shah Tughluq (1351-1388) patronised many Arabic
scholars and it was under his patronage that the great Arabic dictionary -the
Qamus -by Majduddin Ferozabadi was produced. After the disintegration of the
Delhi Sultanate, the rulers of many provincial kingdoms also patronised Arabic
learning and many places came into prominence as centres of Arabic learning &ring
this period.

33.4 PERSIAN LITERATURE

Here we will discuss the early phase of the development of Persian language and
literature as well as the contribution of Amir Khusrau and o t h e r s p t s in the field of
Persian literature. The historical and suli works written in Persian as well as the
Persian translations of Sanskrit works have also been discussed in this section.

33.4.1 Early Phase

A new language -Persian -was introduced in India during the period of
Ghaznavi rule in the Punjab. There was remarkable growth in Persian literature in
Iran and Central'Asia from the tenth century onwards. Some of the~greatpoets of
Persian language such as Firdausi and S'adi, composed their works during this phase
bf-growth of Persian literature in Iran and Central Asia. Lahore -which was the
centre of Turkish political authority in India before the beginning of the 13th
century - attracted many Persian poets from the Islamic countries of Iran and
Central Asia. The works of only a few of the early writers of Persian literature in
India have survived. One of them was a poet Masud Sad Salman d. c. A.D. 1x31)
whose compositions reflect a sense of attachment for Lahore. However,hy and
large, the Persian literature written in India before the establishment of the Delhi
sultanate was derivative in character and adopted literary forms and imagery which
were prevalent in Iran.
'
It was after the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate that Indian influence began to
exert itself on Persian works written in India as is evident from the literary
compositions of Amir Khusrau.

33.4.2 Contribution of Amir Khusrau

The reign of the Khaljis was a glorious period from the viewpoint of growth of
Persian literature in India. According to Ziauddin Barani, the famous contemporary
historian, "there lived at Delhi scholars of such eminence and calibre as were not to
be found in Bukhara, Samarqand, Tabriz and Isfahan, and in their intellectual
accomplishments they equalled Razi and Ghazali. Under every stone lay hidden a
precious gem of literary excellence". The most outstanding af the Persian scholars
and poets of the period was Abul Hasan, usually known by this pseudonym of Amir
Khusrau. Later, in the Mughal period, the historian Badauni, and contempoqary of
Akbar praised Amir Khusrau's contribution to Persian literature. H e wrote "after
the appearance of-the cavalcade of the king of poets, the poetry of his predecessors
became bedimmed like stars at the rise of the sun". Amir Khusrau (1253-1325) was
one of those few Indian writers of Persian poetry whose works have been read and
admired beyond their own country. His works represent the beginning of a new
trend in Indian-based Persian literature - the trend of the growing familiarity with
1
I
Indian literature and influence of Indian literature on Persian writings in India.
Amir Khusrau was the Indian born son of a Turkish immigrant. He began his career
as a courtier and poet during the reign of Sultan Balban. He became a disciple of
! Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, the famous sufi saint of the Chisti order. He was the
1 court-poet during the reigns of Jalaluddin Khalji and Alauddin Khalji. Later, Sultan

r Ghiyasuddin Tughluq also patronised him. He lived through the reigns of six Sultans
of Delhi and was connected with their courts.
Arnir Khusrau was a prolific and versatile writer and is said to have composed.half a
million verses and ninety-nine works on different themes. His poetry consisted of a
great variety of forms -lyric, ode, epic, and elegy. His poetry was essentially Indian
in sentiment though he followed Persian models in technique. Thus he created a new .
style of Persian which came to be known as sabaq-i Hindi or the Indian style. Someof
4- . Kamesh Mechrocks
the works composediby Amir Khusrau have been lost. Five literary masterpieces
composed by him are kutla-ul Anwar, Shirin Khusrau, Laila Majnun, Ayina-i
Sikmdari and Hasht /Bihhpbt. He dkdicated all of them to Alauddin.Khalji. His five .r
diwans (collection od compositions called ghazals) include Tuhfat-us Sighar, ~ a s t - u l i '

Hayat, Ghurrat-ul K p a l , Baqiya Naqiya and Nihayat-ul Kamal. These

compositions show the great lyrical talent of his poetry. Amir Khusrau also wrote
historical masnavls ( m a t i v e poems) which have.great literary and historical value.
He was not a historidm in the actual sense of the term-but since he enjoyed the
patronage of successfire Sultans of Delhi and since he selected historical themes for
his mamavis, the hisiwical content of his writings is of great interest to the students
of the history of his'tfmes. In Qiran-us Sa'dain, Amir Khusrau describes the quarrel
and reconciliation W e e n Sultan Kaiqubad and his father Bughra Khan. Miftah-PI
Futob deals with thei military successes of Sultan Jalauddin Khalji. 'Ashiqa' is the
story of romantic lovb between Khizr Khan, the eldest son of sultan Alauddin Khalji
and Deval Rani, dau#hter of Rai Karan, the Raja of Gujarat. In Nab Siplv (Tbe
Nine Skies) he gives il poetical description of Sultan Qutbuddin Mubarak Khalji's
reign. This work alsa contains references to contemporary social and religious '
conditions. The Tugqluq Nama describes Ghiyasuddin Tughluq's rise to power. !
:
1
Anothsr historical w rk written by Amir Khusrau is K h d - u l Futuh in which he
gives an account of lauddin Khalji's conquests in the South. However, it must &
noted that Amir KhqLrau, being a court-poet, looked at events largely through
official eyes. , '
One remarkable asp& of Amir Khusrau's Persian poetry was his love for his
country. He says, "I have praised India for twolreasons. First, .because India is the
land of my birth and Qlurcountry. Love of the country is an important
obligation..............,..............Hindustan is like heaven. Its climate is better than
,.
that of Khurasan.. ... .......................it is green and full of flowers all the year
round .......................... The Brahmans here are as learned as Aristotle and there
are many scholars in barious fields. ...............................!' Amir Khusrau
composed verses in blndavi (a form of Hindi or Urdu) also and showed the way for
the future develophdht of the Urdu language.
,
. \
33.4.3 Other Per$lan Poets
ShaikMajmuddin a s a n (d. A.D. 1327), popularly known as Hasan Dehlawi was .
another famous Persitin poet during the Sultanate period. He was a friend of Amir
Khusrau. He was ond d the court pbets of Sultan Alauddin Khalji. The quality of .
his ghazals earned him the title of S'adi of Hindustan. Poetical writings in Persian
continued during the [reignsof the' Tughluq and h d i Sultans. The expansion of the
Delhi Sultanate led t61the extension of.the Persian literature to various parts of
4
India. The emergenct of provincid kingdoms following the disintegration of the ,
Delhi Sultanate also mntributed to this process. Withrhe foundation of the
Bahmani kingdom inifhe Deccan, many Persian poets and scholars migrated to ,,. I
Gulbarga where they were patronised by the Bahmani Sultans.
t

33.4.4 Histcrrical Works in Persian

One of the important~contributionsof Persian literatur%uring the Sultanate period
(and later during the Mughal period) was in the sphere of history writing. Many
historians wrote the *tory of the period in Persian language. For the history of
- the.
Sultanate, we have to depend largely on the accounts provided by the court L . I>
chroniclers of this pe$od. There are many methodological and chronological flaws ,
in the historical writhgs of these chroniclers and most of them are not free fmm 'i
personal and ideolog3lal prejudibs. Nevertheless, they ard of indispensable valus
for the study of the hiktory of the Sultanate period. The most important of these .
4,
a

historians were Mindrus Siraj (author of the Tabsqat-i Nasiri), Isami (author of thk !
Futuh-us Salatin), Shams Siraj Afif (author of the Tarikb-i Feroz Shah). Among .
the Sultans. Feroz S y h Tughluq wrote the Futuhat-i Ferozshahi. But the greatest
historian of this p e r i d was Ziauddin Barani. His Tarikhdi Ferozshahi is the most '
valuable work of histery written during-thegeriod. Parani completed this work in
1357 when he was s ~ ~ ~ ~n e book:is
~ ~ named
o after
l Feroz
d Shah.
~u~hluqr~;lriiii;-dedh to write this work at m age when his mernorl hag starter '
Kamesh Mechrocks C
 fading and consequently he mgde many chronological errors. Moreover, his
personal, ideological, social and sectarian prejudices ohen colour his interpretation.
I gf various historical events. These shortcomings of his-work notwithstanding,
Barani's contribution to the writing of history was unparakled during the period.
He broke new grounds in history writing and did not confine himself to rulers, courts
J and campaigns..He described and analysed administrative matters and economic
phenomena. He provides an analytical study of co&cts between various social
,groups during his period. Barani wrote dnother book, Fatwa-i Jahandari which
.deals with political theory.
i

c33.4.5 Sufi Literature in Pewian

During the period under review, large amount of religious and philosophical
.
literature was produced in Persian. The sufi literature written in Persian is of great
value both from religious anmd literary points of view. A distinctive genre of Persian
literature emerged in the form of malfuzat (conversations or discourses of the leading
sufi masters of the period). The malfuzat also iontained didactic poetry and
anecdotes. Amir Hasan Sijzi wrote the malfuzat'of the famous Chishti sufi master,
haikh Nizamuddin Auliya. The work is known as Fawaid-ul Fu'ad. Several
f
abricated malfuzat were also produced as a result of the increasing popular demand

4 or the details regarding the life, teachings and miracles of the various sufii. Mir
hwurd's Siyaru-ul Auliya is the earliest known biographical dictionary of sufis
written in India. m e Khair-uLMiajah's is the malfuzat of Shaikh Nasiruddin
Mahmud (Chiragh Delhi). These works often reflect social and economic realities of
.&
the times, apart from spiritual matters.

2 33.4.6 Sanskrit Translations in Persian

-
The pioneering experiments of Amir Khusrau laid the foundation of literary and
cultural synthesis in the contemporary Indian society. There was a growing
interchange bet;ween Persian and Sanskrit. Many Sanskrit works began to be
translated into Arabic and Persian. The first scholar to translate Sanskrit stories into
Persian was Zia Nakhshabid (d. 1350). His Tuti Nama is based on a Sanskrit work.
Many Sanskrit works were translated into Persian during the reigns of Feroz Shah
Tughluq and Sikandar Lodi, Zain-ul Abedin, the famous ruler of Kashmir during
the 15th century, got the Mahabharata and Kalahan's Rgjatarangini translated into
Persian from Sanskrit. Thus it appears that by the end of the Sultanate period such
literary exercises must have given rise to a set of people who were familiar with both -,.",
Sanskrit and Persian and who had the knowledge of the religious ideas of Hinduism I.,
ahd Islam. However, little attempt was made by the Sanskrit kn,~wingnon-Muslim
scholar to translate works of Persian and Arabic fiterature into2anskrit. Such an
1
absenc of reciprocity on the part of the Brahmanical elitd indicated its insular ,
outlook which was earlier highlighted by Alberuni in the 11th century. The lack of
receptivityt o ideas from other cultures and languiges may partly explain the
decadence of the Sanskrit literature during this period.
It is thus clear that Persian occupied an important place among the languages of the
period. It became the official language and the language of the'sultanate ruling
elite. .It brought with it many new and refreshing social and religious ideas. Its
.
introduction in India led to the widening of the intellectual horizon of the Indian
poets, thinkers and social reformers. Above all, it introduced newditerary forms and
styles.

B
Check Your Progress 1
1) Discuss the contribution of Amir Khusrau to the growth of Persian
literature in India.

Kamesh Mechrocks
SOQL).~-: I~~LCIS(L 2) Mark or x against the statements given below:
=?'-
a) The great ~ r i b i dictionary,
c the Qamus was produced by Sultan
Feroz Tughlq.
b) Kalhan's Raj&ranglni gives an accoupt of the history of Kashmir
kings.
c) Barani's Fad&-i-Jahandari is an autobiographical account.
. d)Zih NakhshaUl was the first scholar to translate Sanskrit stories into Persian.

33.5 LITERAIURE IN REGIONAL LANGUAGES

One of the important features of the literary history of this period is the
development of IiteratMre in regional languages in various parts of India. Regional
languages which grew papidly during this period in northern India included Hindi,
Punjabi, Bengali, Assamese, Oriya, Marathi and Gujarati.
Each one of these lan&ages originated from a corresponding Indo-Aryan Prakrit in
its apabhramsa stage. @his origin can be traced back tothe seventh-eighth
centuries. The three Sbuth Indian languages -Tamil, ~ a n n a d and a Telugu -have
a longer literary histoq than that of the North Indian regional languages. The
literary history of the Tamil language goes back to the beginning of the Christian
era. Kannada and Tel* also have older literary traditions than the North 1ndiad
regional languages. MMayalam is the youngest among the South Indian languages
and it was not before the fourteenth century that it developed as an indqpendent
literary form.

33.6 SOCIAL #BACKGROUNDOF THE

.DEVELOPMENTOF REGIONAL LANGUAGES
Important factors whidh contributed to the development of the literature in the
regional languages du*g our period are as follows :
i) During the post-diupta period, the growth of 'feudal' society, economy and
polity led to the $mergence of regional entities and cultures roughly from the
seventh-eighth cehturies. One consequence of the growth of regionalism was
the emergence ofl the earliest forms of the regional languages from the
Apabhramsa.
ii) As has been mentioned above, the decline in the quality of Sanskrit literature
had set in much qkfore the establishment of the Delhi sultanate. Much of the
Sanskrit literaturb which appeared from the 10th-11th centuries lacked
spontaneity and did not appeal to the masses. Its appeal was confined to a very
'

#
small Brahmanic circle. T'he replacement of Sanskrit by Persian as the official
language during e Sultanate period further intensified the process of the
decline of the ~aqbkritliterature. Once it lost the official patronage it had
enjoyed at the cetltre, many kingdoms during the Sultanate period promoted
the use of regiondl languages since Persian was an unfamiliar language in many
parts of the wuniry. ~egion'allanguages were used, in addition to Sanskrit, for
administrative punrpose in many kingdoms even during the pre-Turkish period.
Jn the territories under the rule of the Sultans of Delhi, there are references to
Hindtlrmwing r&enue officials at the local level.
iii) ThcTnrrkish con4pest of Northern India during the 13th century led to the end
of the Rajput-BrBihman alliance and consequently the influence of the
Brahmans dimini*ed in the society. Once the upper caste domination
diminished, the firimacy of Sanskrit received a setback, and regional
languages which Were spoken at the popular level, came to the fore.

iv) The growth of n L-Brahmanical and non-conformist oathpanthi movement and

later that of varii hs bhakti movements -both conformist and radical
monotheistic -dlayed an important role in the rapid growth of regional
Kamesh Mechrocks
 literature. We have already discussed the historical background of these
movements in the chapter on the bhakti movement. Before the rise of the
nathpanthi, much of the literature of their predecessors -the Buddhist
siddhas -was written in regional languages including Hindi. The nathpanthi
movement, which was the first beneficiary of the diminished influence of
Brahmanism and which reached its culmination during the 13th and 14th
centuries, promoted the cause of regional popular languages. The growth of
the bhakti movements in Noflh India from 15th century onwards played the
, most crucial role in the development of the regional languages and contributed
?-I
to the rapid development of a great corpus of literature in these lan@ages. The
bhakti saints composed their verses in the languages understood by the people
who were attracted towards them. They made use of popular idioms, popular
legends and folk tales. The bhakti movements contributed to the growth of
popular regional languages in yet another way. Thk bhakti saints, in particular
those who belonged to the conventional stream of the bhakti movement.
translated or adapted epics, Puranas and the Bhagavad Gita from Sanskrit into
regional languages in order to make their contents accessible to the people. In
this way, the bhakti poets popularized bhakti episodes drawn from various
Sanskrit texts. The contents of these texts were not only translated in the
languages in which people could understand them but they were also presented in
simple terms before the people.

33.7 LITERATURE IN THE REGIONAL

LANGUAGES OF NORTH INDIA
In this section we will deal with the literary works produced in the iegional
languages of North India.

33.7.1 The Development of Hindi Literature

What is today known as Hindi developed in various forms in the medieval period.
The dialects of Hindi included Brajbhasha, Awadhi, Rajasthani, Maithili, Bhojpuri,
Malwi, etc. In our period the literature of Hindi language developed in these
dialects. In addition to these dialects, a mixed form of Hindi, known as Khari Boli
(originally meaning a rough, crude and raw speech) was also developing.

First Phase
S c h o l a ~have placed the origin of the Hindi language between 7th and 10th
centuries -it was in this period that Hindi was evolving out of Apabhramsa. The
period between 7th-8th centuries and 14th century (before the rise of the bhakti
poetry) is characterised as 'Veergatha Kala' (age of Heroic Poetry)'by scholars.
Another name used for describing this period is Adi Kala (early period). Much
poetry of this period was composed by bards who were patronised by various Rajput
rulers. The bards glorified such virtues of their patrons as chivalry and bravery.
They also highlighted the element of romance in their poetical narratives. In its
essence, this literature symbolises the values and attitudes of the Rajput ruling
classes. The bards who composed this literature were not concerned with the
aspirations of the common people. Most of the bardic poetical narratives were
composed in the Rajasthani dialect of Hindi. The most famous of them is the
Prithviraja Raso which is attributed to Chand Bardai, the court ministerial of
Prithviraja; the last Rajput king of Delhi. Other heroic poetical narratives includdd
Visaldeva Raso, Hammir Raso, Khumana Raso, etc. The authenticity of most of
these raso narratives in their existing forms is open to grave doubts and it seems that
their contents were expanded during the later centuries. Thus for instance, it is only
the nucleus of the Prithviraja Raso which was written during this period (12th
century), and interpolations were made later in the original draft.
Not all the Hindi literature of the period between 7th-8th centuries and 14th century
belonged to the genre of bardic poetry. The Buddhist siddhas and later the
nathpenthi yogis composed religious poetry in an archaic form of Hindi. In Westem
India, the Jain scholars also composed religious poetry in Rajasthani highlighting
various aspects of religious and social life of the people. The contribution of Amir
Khusrau to Persian literature has already been mentioned. But he also composed
Kamesh Mechrocks
 - - - -

%-.ad
.*
a- :13h'ta 15th poems in mixed form of Hindi which ultimately developed into Khan Boli or ..
Hindustani. He callefl this language hindavi. Some of his Hindi verses are found in
. :
@

his Khaliq Bad whicai is often ascribed to him but which in all likelihood was written
q .
much later.
. . '
%~ g of
e the Bhsliti Poetry
I

The second phase in b e growth of Hindi literature began in the 14th-15th centuries. '
'
Various streams of tde bhakti movement exercised profound influence on the Hindi
literature of this phas&.This phase of Hindi literature has been characterised a'
Bhakti Kala (Age of bevotion) and it continued till the Mughal period. This phase ,
:
whia began yith Kabir marked the richest flowering of Hindi literature. Thebhakti
poets of the period were two-fold: the saguna poets (who believed in god with
human form and attr&utes) k d nirguna poets (who believed in non-incarnate
Absolllte God). Kabit was the leader of the nirguna bhakti poets most of whom
belonged to lower cages of the society and were poop and illiterate. Kabir's own
mother-tongue was Bhojpuri but he composed in a mixed dialect which could be
understood by peoplel in various parts of North India. Kabir's language is
charaderise4 by what has been termed 'rough rhetoric'. The non-conformist and
unorthodox'ideas of h b i r and other nirguna saints have already been discussed in
the chapter on the bhakti movement. What is important from literary point of view
is Kabir's use of a laneage which combines bluntness of style with potency and
*I
eloquence. He used his strong and rough verses to present a powerful denunciation
of varioys rituals. Another important characteristic of pabir's short poetical J+
utterances is the use d ulatbasi or 'upside-down language' which consisted of a
series of paradoxes a d enigmas. It has been pointed out that Kabir inherited the r
ulatbasi tridition'fronl the nathpanthis and adapted it for an effective rhetorical and
teaching deyice. Kabit and other "low-caste" monotheistic poets (Sen, Pipa, , -
Dhanna, Raidas, etc.):expressed themselTes in oral style. The poetry they
composed forms a part of oral literature. Their vers s were compiled much later -
&
earliest instance of their written compositions'are m the Adi Granth in 1604.
Being illiterate, they had nqdirect access to th$~anskrii literature. They expressed .
themselves in the loial languages of the people. ~hkqiterarygenre in which they
composed most of theif; short but effectiye utterancesvwasboha (3 short rhymed
poem). In short, the *try of Kabir and other nhyjtiira saints of the 15th century
played the most importtint role'in transforming the Hindi vernaculars into a 'literarj"
language. a

The poets belonging to the conventional vaishnava bhakti movement in North India
were mostly Brahmans and were familiar with Brahmanical scriptures and Sansk?it
texts. The vaishnava p e t s believed in the concept of devotion to a personal God
'
and, accordingly, ma to be divided as devotees of Rama and Krishna. The Rama . ..
bhadcti poetry in Hindi flourished mainly during the Mughal period. Its greatest t,:,\i
exponent and perhaps the greatest poet of Hindi literature was Tulsidas (A.D. k. :I.
1532-1623) who wrote {he famous Ram Charit Manas in the Awadhi dialect of "':
Hindi. Among the Kri*na bhakti poets, Vidyapati composed verses about the lo&
of Radha and Krisha iniMaithiliHindi. The influence of his lyrical poetry was felt in ,,
Bengal and some Bengsili poets imitated his songs. Vrindavan near Mathura
emerged as a centre of Craishnava bhakti p o e t j b y the end of the Sultanate period.
These poets .were devotees of Krishna and composedtheir verses in Braj bhasha.
The greatest of these poets was Surdas (c. 1483-1563). Another great name in the
Vaishnava bhakti poetty was that of Mira Bai (c. 1498-1543):She was a'Krishna
devotee ajld composed her songstin Rajasthani but many of these songs were later
incorporated in other Yindi dialects and also in Gujarati.
. .
Sufi Contribution to ~bdi
Literature .
Sufi saints and other scholars of this period contributed substantially to the gmwth
.
of Hindi literature. The Chikhti sut3s made use of Hindi devotional songs i i q m a !
(ecstatic singing and da&ing) sessions. Sufi mystical and allegorical meanings were
given to various Hindi tgrms such as "Gopis", "Raslila", etc. The sufi poets 4
combined Islamic mysti$ism with imaginative use of Indian love tales, popular ; I

legends and stories. M Q ~Daud's

I~ Chandayan (written in c. 1379) is the ear
such poetical works. Kdbban's Mrigavati (w%itten in 1501) is another example f Of. $'
mystical romantic poetr composed in Hindi.-Malik Muhammad Jayasi's Padmavat :
Kamesh K Mechrocks
written in 1540' in Awad i Hindi is the best,qample<ofdlegoriaal narrative,The.. ,#
 . ~~ -~
~ ~~
- ~~~

literary compositions of the sufi poets also contrjl$t.ed

c: Arabic ,r,\
go tht; hcorporation of many
,,..' . r \

culFural and 1iterarj;-mtdesis. ,

n t o literature&i@~hud.$layed
and ~ e r s i ~ w o ~ d s iHindi
",:\,,
an important role in
't

, .f .! ' .,<;. . '

i 33':1,2 The Origin and Growth of Urdu ~ a h g u a ~ e

* . $

Scbl&s have advanced various theories to explain the origin of the Urdu language
) inihe period following the establishment of the Dehi Syltanate. Various opinions
have been expressed on the identity of the dialect of Hindi on which the Persian '
element was grafted resulting in the growth of a new language. The dialects that
have been mentioned are Braj bhasha, Haryanvi"and other dialects spoken in the
neighbourhood of Delhi, and the Punjabi language. All these dialects have

I,
influencedthe Urdu language in its formative stage and it is difficult to pinpoint the
exact dialect which combined with Persian to give rise to Urdu. However, it is an
established fact that by the end of the 14th century, Urdu was emerging as an
independent language. Like Hindi, the basic structure of Urdu consisted of Khari
Boli -a mixture of varids dialects spoken in Delhi and surrounding regions. Delhi,
during this period, was ideally situated for the growth of a synthetic language since,
on the one hand it was surrounded.by people speaking different dialects apd, on the
other hand, it had a Persian speaking ruling elite. Thus, Urdu adopted Persian script
and Persian literary tradition but by incorporating the basic structure of Hindi
dialects evolved an individuality of its own.
I The w o d Urdu is of Turkish origin and means an army or camp. In its initial form,
Urdu appears to have been devised as an improvised speech to enable the Persian
speaking Turkish ruling class and soldiers to communicate with the local people
'. including Mpslim converts. However, it had not yet acquired a literary form. This
new common language tqok a century to acquire a concrete shape and came to be
called "Hindavi" by Amir Khusrau. Hindavi thus forms the,basis of both Hindi and
Urdu. Amir Khusrau composed verses in Hindavi (using Persian script) and thus laid
the foundation of Urdu literature. However, it was in the Deccan that Urdu first
acquired a standardized literary form and came to be known as Dakhini during the
15th century. It developed first under the Bahmani rule and flourished in the
Bijapur and Golkunda kingdoms. Gesu Daraz's Mlraj-ul hhiqin is the earliest work
in Dakhini Urdu. Till the 18th century, Urdu was called by various names such as
"Hindavi" , "Dakhini" , "Hindustani" or "Rekhta" (which means mingling several
things to produce something new). In its developed form, Dakhini Urdu travelled
.* back to the north and soon became popular during ihe Mughal period, It was dbring
the period of the disintegration of the Mughal empire in the 18th century that the
Urdu literature reached great heights.

~33.7.3W a b i Literature
'TWO distinct trends developed in the history of the Punjabi literature during the
period between the beginning of the 13th century and beginnirig of the sixteenth
century. On the one hand, this period was marked by the growth of s&i and bhakti
poetry and, on the other, by Heroic ballads qnd folk literature. Sufi poetical ,

compositions attributed to the famous Chisti sufi master Baba Farid (Shaikh
Fariduddin Ganj Shakar (c. 1173-1265) are regarded as pioneering contribution to
poetry in the Punjabi language. The hymns composed by Guru Nanak in the
sixteenth century imparted a proper literary form to the language. The second Sikh
Guru Angad gave the Punjabi language a distinct script called Gurumukhi. The
hymns composed by Guru Nanak were later incorporated in the Adi G ~ a n t hby the
fifth Sikh Guru A j b n in 1604. His poetry is characterised by chastity of sentiment
and by variety in his style and poetic diction.

33.7.4 Bengali Literature

. ,
Folk s p n g c a l l e d ~ h a r ~ a -
. ~ acothposed
d~ between the 10th and 12th century are . , '

the earliest specimens of Bengali language'. The Turkish conquest of Bengal by the : ..
,' middle of 13th c e n t u j contributed-tothe decline of Sanskrit and the importanceof ' . -, '
~-~

U folk themes and forms asmediaof literary expression began to increase. By .-

the . -
d
fifteenth, century, three rnain.trends developed in the Bengali literature :.
(i) ~aishnaobhakti poetry; [ii) translations and free adaptations of the epics, and ,
(iii) m ~ g a l kavya.
a ~@e~&~!e-at~va$hnavabhakti poet inBengal was Chan@icim-,.. . -
Kamesh Mechrocks . , .:.
(1512-32) patronised Bengali literature.' TWO Bengali poets Kavindra and
Srikaranandi translqted the Mahabharpta into Bengali verse during their reigns. In
the early years of tlle fifteenth century, Kritivasa Ojha produced a Bengali poetical
contemporary of Cnandidas, Vidyapathi comp~sedhis devotional songs in Mithili
dialect but many of his songs were later absorbed-into Bengali under the influence of
the vaishnava movement. Chaitanya and his movement'gave further impetus to the
growth of the v a u a v a literature in Bengali. Many vaishnava poets were inspired
by Chaitanya in his time and after his death. Among the vaishnava poets, some
were Muslims. The \Second major trend in the history of Bengali literature which .
began from the ear& fifteenth century drew inspiration from the epics and other 4

Sanskrit scriptures. 68ltan Husain Shah (1493-1519) and his successor Nusrat
Shah (1514-32) patfinised Bengali literature. Two Bengali poets Kavindra and
Srikaranandi renderbd the Mahabharata into Bengali verse during their reigns. In the
early years of the fi'fteenth century, Kritivasa Ojha produced a Bengali poetical
adaptation of ~alrnlki'sSanskrit R a m a y e . Maladhar Basu adapted v a i b a v a
Sanskrit work the Bliagavata Purana into Bengali during the later 15th century and
it came to be known hs Srikrishnavijaya. Another, and the most popular Bengali
rendering of the ~ a b a b h a r a t awas
, produced by Kasirama. These Bengali

4
translations and ada tations played an important role in influencing the cultural and
religious life of the ople in medieval Bengal. The third trend in the Bengali
literature consisted f the emergence of Mangala kavya. These are sectarian'
poktical narratives q d focus on.the conflicts and rivalries among gods and
goddesses. But they 'do contain humanistic elements, too, since they highlight
popular aspirations and sufferings. Manika Datta and Mukundrama were two
notable poets of Mqgala kavya during the later 15th and 16th centuries. '

33.7.5 Assamese [Literature

'Hema Sarasvati was ithe first poet of Assamese language. She composed
Prahladacharita and1Hara-Cauri Samvada during the later part of the 13th century.
Her contemporary pdet was Harihara Vipra who chose episodes from the
Ramayana and the Mahabharata for his poetry. From the 14th century, Kamata and
Cachar became centres for the development of Assamese literature. Madhava
Kundali, who populdtized the Ramayana srory in Assam by rendering it into the

L!
language and idiom the common people, was the most important Assamese poet
of the 14th century. 's language was less Sanskritized thah that of Hema Sarasvati
and Harihara Kipra hnd was closer to the language of the common people. The.
growth of vaishnava!bhakti movement under Sankaradeva in the second part of the-
fifteenth century mahe considerable contribution to the Assamese literature. i
Kirtana ghosa is regirded as the most important vaishnava religious text written in 'j
Assamese language. It is an anthology of devotional songs, most of which werk
composed by Sankardeva but other poets also made their contributions.
Sankaradeva also wrDte many dramas (Ankiya Nat)jwhich were based on the Purana
episodes. He also composed a new type of devotional poetry called Bargit (Bragita).
Sankaradeva's disciple Madhavadeva (A.D. 1489-1596) also composed maniliterary
works and further e+iched the Bargit form of poetry. ,.
I

E 8. .'
33.7.6 Oriya Literature
It was during the 13th-14th centuries that the Oriya language assumed literary
character. Saraladasl (14th century) was the first great poet of Orissa. He composed
the Oriya Mahabhanlta which is regarded as a great epic by the people of Orissa.
Oriya literature begah to enter into a new phase from the beginning of the 16th -
century when the ~&hnavabhakti movement grew there under Chaitanya's
influence. Many of C$haitanya'sdisciples translated or adapted Sanskrit works on

ad
bhakti into the Oriy language. One of the close associates of Chaitanya was
Jagannath Das who ecame the greatest Oriya literary figure of his time. His Oriya
translation of the Bhqgavata Purana became popular among the people. %

33.7.7 Marathi aterature

Literature in verse fdfm began to emerge in the Marathi language from the later

4
part of the 13th cent Iy. .Early Marathi literatux was dominated by saiva
nathpanthis. Two ea liest Maralhi texts - Viveka darpana and the Gorakhagita -
belonged to. the nalhbnthi tradition. The most important poet of this phase was
Kamesh Mechrocks
 Mukundaraj who belonged to the nathpanthi tradition and who wrote his Vivek
Sindhu in chaste popular language. Another dominant influence on the Marathi
literature during its formative stage was exercised by the poets belonging to the
( Mahanubhava cult which emerged in the 13th century.

The Mahanubhava saint-poets were among the architects of the early Marathi
devotional literature and made important contribution to Marathi lexicography,
l
commentaries, rhetoric, grammar, prosody, etc.
The Varkari bhakti saint-poet; of Maharashtra further developed the bhakti
literature in the Marathi language. First among them was Jnanadeva (13th century).
He wrote a commentary on the Bhagavad Gita. It was named Bhavartha dipika and
popularly came to be known as Jnanasvari. It is the fundamental text of the
Maharashtra vaishnava bhakti saints belonging to the varkari tradition. Another
saint-poet belonging to the varkari tradition was Namdev (1270-1350). He
, composed large number of Abhangas (short lyrical poems) in Marathi. H e travelled
to the north and later his verses were included in the Sikh scripture, the Adi Granth.
Twd other great saint-poets of'medieval Maharashtra, Eknath (1548-1600) and
Tukaram (1598-1649) belong to the Mughal period: they also made substantial
contribution to the growth of the Marathi literature.

33.7.8 Gujarati Literature

'.
Both Rajasthani and Gujarati languages emerged from old Western Rajasthahi. The
first phase in the development of the Gujarati literature lasted till the middle o'f the
fifteenthxentury. During this phase, two main literary forms developed in the
'Gujarati literature - the prabhanda or the narrative poem and the muktaka Qr the
short poem. The first category included heroic romances, poetic romances and
rasas or long poems. The subject-matter of these poems consisted of historical
themes interspersed with,fiction, popular legends and Jain mythology. The second
categoq of muktaka-orshort poem adopted various forms such as phagu,
baramasi and the chapo. Phagu means a short lyrical poem stressing on the element
of viraha or separation. The second phase in the history of the Gujarati literature
began in the late fifteenth century with the spread of the Vaishnava bhakti poetry.
Narasimha Mehta (1414-1480) was a great Gujarati bhakti poet. He made use of his
poetry to popularize Vaishnava bhakti in Gujarat.

33.8 LITERATURE IN THE LANGUAGES OF

SOUTH INDIA
This section takes into.actount the progress made in the literature written in the
* South Indian languages.

33.8.1 Tamil Literature

The great age of the Tamil literature came to an end with the decline of the Chola
Empire. Writers and poets, however, continued to make contribution to the Tamil
literature. Villiputtutar who probably lived in the thirteenth century was an
important literaq figure of the period. He rendered the Tamil version of the
Mahabharata which is called Bharatam and which became popular among the
.Tamil-speaking people. He introduced the tradition of using ~anskritwords and
literary expressions in Tamil poetry. Another great poet and a contemporary of
Villiputturar was Amnaginnatha. He composed Tiruppagal - a lyrical and .
devotional Gork in praise of god Murugan. The period is also known'for elaborate
commentaries written by vaishnava scholars. Commentaries were also written on
1 such literary works of the Sangam age as the Tokappiyam and the Kurai. These
,commentaries are a model of medieval Tamil prose and are known for their clarity
, and brevity. Another great author, Kachiappa Sivachariar composed
' Kanda-puranam in praise of god Subramanya.

I
'33.8.2 Telugu Literature
1 Literature in the Telugu language made great progress from 13th century onwards.
d During the 13th and 14th centuries, Telugu translations and adaptations of Sanskrit
Kamesh Mechrocks
 -4%;
*
Wbl?
-

',%- works were produced.! ?he most important Telugu poet in the first half of the 14th
' ' Cdmy ,,

* ,.
i
century was Erraprag da. He popularized the Champu genre of literary writing
(mixed form of yerse bd prose). He composed the Ramayana in this genre. He
,translated a part of thd Mahabharata and anothel Vaishnava Sanskrit Work,
Harivamsa into Telu ,.Srinatha (1365-1440) was another great Telugu writer. ~e

3
translated Sriharsha's aishadha Kavya into Telugu. He also composed verses on'
the theme of historica romance and this laid the foundation for the age of classical
prabandbas in the T e l literature.
~ His contemporary, Potana, was a great poet :
who translated the BhSgavata P u m a into Telugu. The Telugu literature achieved '
its highest position in tile sitteenth century during the reign of the Vijaynagar king,
Krishnadeva Raya, wH6 himself was a poet in both Sanskrit and Telugu and who,
wrote Amukta ~ a l ~ ain&Telugu. He patronised many Telugu poets, most famous
of whom was Peddanai~Peddanawrote Manu Charita in .Tklugu. One important
characteristic of the Tdlugu literature of this period was the increasing influence of
Sanskrit on the Telugu language.

33.8.3 Kannada Literature

The early phase of the Kannada literature (upto 12th century) was dominated by
Jain writers. From the middle of the 12th century, Virasaivism -a popular religious
movement -began to bfluence of the people and literature of the Kannada speaking
region. The religious literary work of Basava (known as Vachanas), the founder of
the Vhsaiva moveme t and those of his followers constitute an important
k
contribution to the me Leva1 Kannada literature. A late 14th century Virasaiva poet,
Bhima Kavi composed *e Basava Purana. Before him, two other Virasaiva poets of
the 13th century, Haris~araand Raghavanka, composed their works in new
Kannada styles which later became popular. The later Hoysala rulers patron'ised
many Kannada ppets a ~ writers.
d One of them, Rudra Bhatta wrote
Jagannathavijaya in chjbrpu genre. This work was an adaptation from the Sanskrit
work Vishnu Purana. n e ~ r i o between
d 14th and 16th centuries saw further
growth of the ~ a n n a d dPterature under the pattonage of the Vijaynagar kings and
their feudatories. One c)f the greatest poets of this period was Kumara Vyasa who
c m osed the ~annadatversionof Mahabbarata in the middle of the 15th century. .-,
.9 I

33.8.4 Malayalam iiterature

Malayalam is the yo'uh$?st of the South Indian languages&driginated as a dialect
of Tamil in the Malabat region. ~ r a d u a l l it~ ,spa3ated itself from Tamil and
acquired an iidependerlt status in the fburteenth centufl. Political isolation of t E '

Malabar region fr6m ~dmilnaduand the introduction of new linguistic forms by

foreigners contribute$ tp the development of Malayalam as an indepeqdent' .
language. The earliest liirature was in oral form consisting of songs and ballads. \ -.
'
:

The earliest literary codposition was the Rama Charitam, produced in the 14th ,

, century. From sixteenth century onwards, Malayalam began to come under the
dominant influence of Sbnskrit and borrowed a great deal from the latter.'
z
- . .=
I, " &eck your Rogresp: 2 ;,
\r
1) Biscusi the social b4ckground of the rise of regional languages.
. . . .
6
......................................................................................................

........................*............................................
; ..............................
. .
......................+.........................................................................
~f
.r
. :

2) ~ x ~ l athe
i n orikin ahd growth of ~ i d language.
u ' ,

,.'Ir
..........,.............j; .....................:... ......;..........................
,
. , , I . .
:.../...;...........

Kamesh Mechrocks
3) Mark or x against the statements given below:
a) The second phase of growh of Hindi Literature is characterised as
Bhakti kala
b) Kabir was a saguna poet who believed in a God with human form
and attributes.
c) Krishnadgvaraya wrote Amukta Malyada in Telugu.
d) The religious-literary works of Basava in Kannada are known as
Vachanas.

33.9 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit we have traced the growth of language and literature during the
Sultanate period. The decline in the quality of Sanskrit works produced in this
period has been emphasized. The Unit takes into account the growth of Persian
language and literature during the Sultanate period. The factors responsible for the
growth of regional languages and literature have been stressed. The nature of
Sanskrit, Persian and regional literature produced during this period has been
analysed. This analysis points to the cultural synthesis which was achieved as a result
of interchange between Sanskrit and Persian that was evident from the origin and
growth of Urdu during this period.

33.10 KEY WORDS

Allegorical : style ot writing in which the characters and events extoll virtues
such as
Hagiographic.1 : a biographical account which is full of praise for the subject with
which it deals
IJ'l%er~ : use of figurative language & a literary form .
Prosody : science of verse and poetical form

33.11 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
8

Check Your Progress 1

1) See Sub-sec. 33.4.2.
2) a) x ) c) x d) V
Check Your Progress 2
1) See Section 33.6
2) See Sub-sec. 33.7.2
3) a) V b) x c) V d) V

Kamesh Mechrocks
UNIT CIFESTYLE AND POPULAR

Structure
34.0 Objectives '
34.1 Introduction I
34.2 Life Prior to l$OO
34.3 The New Ruling Classes
34.3.1 Ideologidrll Composition of the New Ruling Classes
34.3.2 Royal Pdtern of Consumption
34.4 The Religious Aristocracy
34.5 The Political Atistocracy
34.6 Lifestyle of the Masses
34.7 Position of Women
34.8 Slaves and Serkints
34.9 Urban Life
34.10 Rural Life 1
34.10.1 Peasants 1 I
34.10.2 The ~ w e ( & n gofs the Peasants
34.11 Games and Arlmusements
34.12 Let Us Sum Up
34.13 Key Words
34.14 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

After reading this Unk, you will know about the:

social stratification! during the Sultanate period,
lifestyles of the rota1 household, ulema, aristocracy, merchants, landed
aristocracy, peasant* and slaves,
Hindu social orddr,
positibn of women!in the Hindu society,
nature and compo$ition of the slaves,
urban life, and '
pastime and entehrtainment.

The lifestyle of a people indicates their specificsituation in a hierarchical society. In

early medieval India, social formations were structured upon the ensuing
contradictions that existed between a centralised State and its subject peasantry. In a
principally agrarian economy, the social surplus produced by the peasants was
extracted and distributed by a small ruling class among themselves. This led to their
lavishly luxurious lifestyle that stands out in sharp contrast to that of the artisans and
the urban poor.
t
I
I
18

34.2 LIFE PR1IG)R TO 1200

During this period, laqdholding had become the chief basis of social and politiyl
status. The agriculturd surplus taken from the peasantry w& utilised to maintain
military vassals and re#gious grant holders whose terms generally survived chdnge
Kamesh Mechrocks
of overlords. By the ldth century, the consolidation of the power of smaller
 kingdoms and chieftains led to the intensification of the social process termed
samanta system (or "Indian feudalism").

I The princes and members of the court lived in great splendour. The wealth of the
great religious establishments was visible during the festivals and elaborate
performance of daily rituals. Considerable amount of artisan and peasant labour
was consumed in the construction and maintenance of the palaces and temples.
Thus, the lifestyle of the pre-Islamic ruling classes in India differed from their
I successors only in matters of detail. The caste structure which continued to stratify
, Hindasociety was protected bqthe Muslim rulers from outside. The new ruling class
(though foreigners) soon realisid that, in the dominant economic form of petty
production, caste system was of great value. Moreover, the dominant ideology that
maintained the caste structure heavily laid down the norm of serving the rulers
whether they belonged to the caste structure or not.

I 34.3 THE NEW RULING CLASSES

I1
A distinct phase in India's economic evolution.began with the end of a long period of
political fragmentation and the successful creation of a centralised power which was
sustained by the regular extraction of resources from an extensive territory.

-34.3.1 Ideological Composition of the New Ruling Classes

I
The head of the new ruling class was the Sultan. He was considered to be
synonymous with the State. From the very.beginning of their rule in India, theTurkish
Sultans considered themselves to be politically independent but culturally a part of
the Islamic world.
I
1 The lifestyle of the new ruling class was comparable to the highest standard of
luxurious living in the entire Islamic world. This was consciously adopted mainly to
I
I
maintain a distance between themselves and the common people whose surplus they
appropriated.

I
II
I
34.3.2 Royal Pattern of Consumption
The Sultans of Delhi wanted to own huge palaces. Almost every-ruler built a new
palace for himself. Later rulers, like Feroz Shah Tughluq, were known to have
increased the number of palaces they considered necessary. A typical description of
I the lavish display that took place in the Sultan's palace has been given by the

I traveller Ibn Battuta during the reign of Muhammad Tughluq. Ibn Battuta wrote
that if a person wanted to visit the Sultan, he had to pass through three lofty gates

1I
which were heavily guarded. He then entered the 'Court of thousand pillars' which.
was a huge hall supported by polished wooden pillars and was decorated with all
kinds of costly materials and furnishing. This was the place where the Sultan held his
public court.
The royal umbrella and the sceptre known as 'chhatra' and 'danda' respectively
' were used by the Hindu rulers and were continued by the Muslims. Muhammad
Tughluq is known to have used a black umbrella following the Abbasids. No one
other than the rulers were allowed to use this umbrella and the sceptre. Even if
given royal permission, the umbrellas of the nobles were of different colours and its
use was strictly confined to the members of the royal family. The Hindu rulers added
the chowri (fly-whisk) to these symbols signifying royal authority.
During processions and other social functions, the Sultan was accompanied by a
standard bearer to be followed by a band of musicians. The Hindu kings had a
tradition of having instrumentalists who carried trumpet and flutes. This musical
band played in the palace everyday. Except for the rulers, no one was allowed to be
either accompanied by these musicians nor were they allowed to play in any other
part of the city except the royal palaie.
The darbar (i.e. the court) was the actual space where the authority of the king was
manifest through a number of rituals. Special assemblies were held there to receive
foreign envoys, or on special occasions like corortation, victory in war and religious
festivals. In royal functions like marriages of the Sultan's sons and daughters there
Kamesh Mechrocks
was a ereat dis~lavof wealth. In annual celebrations of ,the coronation day, the
 nobles donned new lothes and placed nazr (presents) before the Sultan and took
fresh oaths of allegi
The Harem :Almost every Sultan had a 'harem', a special space where wbmen had.
their quarters. The 8bltan's mother, his queens and all female servants and slaves
lived here. Separate!accommodations were provided for the women according to
their ranks. The hoqdehold karkhanas catered to their needs.
The huge householdi along with the general expenditure that went to maintain it
was a part of the ostbntatious lifestyle of the Sultans. But this conspicuous
consumption patte indirectly helped domestic manufactures and generated
%
employment within e country. Mmbers of the aristocracy who together with the
S u l h enjoyed the qghest economic and social benefits formed the w r e of the
ruling class. In the ~bltanatepeiiod, they were grouped in two.sectors - the secular
'omnh' and the reqgioy 'dema'.

The Sultanate admiiistration accorded a special place to the ufema. Those among
them who were assdoiated with the administration of justice and religious law were
known as 'dastarbahdan' sihce they were distinguished by a special cap. I

The dema helped t& rule? in theologicd matters. They had to undertake a special
training and follow definite wurse of study which consisted of islamic theory, law,
f
logic, Arabic and r ligious texts such as tafsir, Radis, Qunr'n, etc.
These men, along with a few others, formed the intellectual elite group known as abl
qalam. Their social roles were determined by the needs of the centralised state and
an autocratic emperqr. These men profided moral support to the imperial rule.

34.5 THE P~LITICALARISTOCRACY

The highest dignity pas reserved for men who were granted the title of 'Khan7.
Below them were tk-maliks and the third in rank were amirs. Since most of these
titles signified a milibmy rank; the sipahsalar and sarkbel formed the lowest rank
among the nobility. h e word amir meaning a noble was, however, applied to both
civil and military petkons.
Apart from the o u t v r d manifestations of splendour, the Sultanate nobility
emulated the lifestyle of the Soltans. Almost every nobleman had huge palaces, .
1
harems, slaves and busehold karkhanas to cater to their needs. They also had
enough money for t e maintenance of their household.
' Apart from attend& the darbar and going to war, the nobles hunted, attended and
hosted feasts, and a140 spent their time in being entertained by musician and dancing
girls. Quite often, tppy also maintained large libraries.
The relation of the Bultanate ruling class with the Sultans depended upon their
narrow perception 6f self-interest which resulted in each noble tying to reach the
imperial throne. B4ban and Alauddin Khalji sternly repressed the nobles, but their
splendid mode of litk revived under his successors. In the reign of Muhammad
Tughluq, his wazir &joyed an income as large as that derived from the province of
Iraq. The other midisters yearly received 20,000 to 40,000 tank- with the chief sadr
getting the fabuloug sum of 160,000tankas as his sole income for a year. During the
Tughluq period, a umber of nobles left large fortunes for their sohs. Thus, Bqhir,
who was ariz-i mun)blik under Feroz Tughluq, left 13 crores at his death, which
Feroz confiscated oil the ground that Bashir was his slave. But this was an exception
and mostly the nobles were allowed to leave their property bamng the iqta to their
sons. I
M e of the Aristochts
Nobels live in (havelis). Each haveli had several rooms, baths,
and harem. Inside was decorated with expensive
were finely white-washed. Their houses and rich
Kamesh Mechrocks
. . . . . ... . with silk, gold and silver. They.used silk
a - -- LA-. --As-
 Check Your Progress 1
+ 1) Comment on the following :

ii) Saiyyids....................................................................................

2) Write a note on the power and position of the ulema in the Sultanate
society?
............................................,................................&............................

3) Discuss the lifestyle of the Sultanate nobility.

34.6 LIFESTYLE OF THE MASSES

I
.As mentioned earlier there were hardly any changes in the structure of the Hindu
society during this period.
Domestic Life
Family formed the 'core' of the Indian village society. The family norms in the
'Hindu' society were different from what the Muslims had brought, but still
sharing some features in common. Both the societies accepted male dominance
- preference of son over a daughter.
Rituals and Ceremonies
In both the Hindu and the Muslim families, ceremonies started from the birth of the
child itself, the more respectable the family, theomore elaborate was the ritual.
Among the Hindus upanayana samskara marks the entrance of child into the fold of
education. Among the Muslims after the completion of 4 years 4 months and 4 days
Bismillah Khani (sending the child to the maktab) ceremony was performed. Among
the Muslims circumcision ceremony (usually in the 7th year) was celebrated with
great pomp and show while among the Hindus upanayana (dvua ceremony) vras held,
The next important ceremony'was marriage. Both, the Muslims as well as Hindus,
preferred not only great pomp and show but observed many rituals. The girl used to
bring huge dowry with hem. Among the Hindus, mamage within the sub-c.h t e were -
allowed but intermarriage with other varna was forbidden. As for the Muslims,
there was complete freedom in choosing wife o r a husbahd. But importance was
given to the 'status' (kafu) of the respective social groups.
Death ceremony was accompdnied by many superstitious rites. Among the Hindus,
ceremonies continued for one year terminating finally by performing sraddha.
Among the Muslims, siyum (the ceremony of the third day) was held.
Caste was still the dominant category in markirlg social differences. The smriti texts
I
4 continued to emphasize that punishing the wicked and upholding the chatarmim
I (four-fold caste) social order by the force of arms was the duty of the Kshatriya. In
t Kamesh Mechrocks
~ d ~ : l 3 t h t o l S t h actuality, the memberb of the earlier ruling class, the sons of the ranas, ranakas, etc.
c v
li
now constituted the ral aristocracy and administrative wing without whose help
the state could not fu @ion. A kind of tacit sharing of power between the Hindu '
aristocracy and the citb-based administrator was thus a factor of crucial importance
for the Delhi Sultanate.
The duty of the Shudrp was still one of service to the higher castes. The ban on the
Sbudras reciting the w a s still held good, though they were now allowed to listen to
the recitation of the Nranas. Smriti writers continued to ban the Shudras from
sharing their food and!participating in the ritual feasts of the upper castes and
severest restrictions were placed on mingling with the Chandalas and other
outcastes. 1

The usual'religious prwtices of daily worship and ceremonies were followed. The
old forms of mamage@ontinued.Inter-caste mamage among the upper castes were
forbidden in the Kali dge. This made the caste division more rigid. However, as the
smriti writers discuss qt length the social position of children born of inter-caste
marriages such marriages must have continued. It seems that the rich and powerful
could choose their wi\n&s.fromall castes and sections with only some restrictions
in spite of the prevailing norms of marriage within one's own caste. '

34.7 POSITIObi OF WOMEN

There was almost no dhange in the lifestyle of the upper caste Hindu women during
this period. Women &re subordinate to men in every walk of life - as daughter,
wife and even after h a husband's death (under her eldest son's care). Birth sf a
daughter was looked down ubon, since they were considered as symbol of dishonour
for the father. Their ntain duty was to produce progeny, especially the male child.
They were strictly c o d n e d in the 'antahpura' (inner sanctum). The ancient rules
enjoining early marriages for girls and the wife's duties to her husband and his kula
(lineage) were contindously stressed.

Annulment of maniades took place in special circumstances such as desertion,

disease or mental disddder. Even then all Hindu theologians do not agree to this.
Position of Muslim wdtnen was also very much similar to their Hindu counterpart.
As for female educatim, the women of poor classes did not have a chance for
education, but the higher strata women seem to have received education and

c
training. We do hear mes of Dewalrani, Rupamati, Padmavati, etc. The example
of Raziya shows that uslim aristocracy did impart education to their daughters as
well. Regarding both,jpidow remamage and sati, there are a number of
controversies. A number of travellers, specially Ibn Battuta, mention with horror of
a woman burning herdelf on the funeral pyre of her husband..He mentions,
however, that pfior pqrmission for one wanting to be a sati had to be taken from the
Sultan. But with the akailable eyidence, it is unlikely that the Rajputs or even other
Hindus would have cdhplied with this injunction. At any rate, the practice of sati
was confined to the ul)per strata of the society. The degraded position of widow
seems to be the most inportant factor that encouraged sati. Among the Rajputs, .
practice of jauhar wad Blso prevalent. In the event of an imminent defeat their
women were set on fih.
I

The commentators upHold the widow's right to the property of a sonless husband,
provided the property was not commonly held. The widow was not merely the
guardian of this p o p e b y but had the full right to dispose it off. Though in the face of
these commentaries, it seems that property rights of women improved in the Hindu
society, but this couldihave hardly applied in a uniform manner all over the country.
An interesting misconception that persists today is regarding the evolution of the
'purdah system'. Custom of purdah was not the novelty of the Muslims, as it is
generally considered. !he, customs prevailed even much before. However, the

I!
present 'elaborate' an institutionalized form of purdah can certainly be credited to
the Muslim rule. At a 9 rate, purdah became a privilege of upper classes. Both
Hindu and Muslim ahtocracy guarded their women by keeping them hidden within
the walled space of thh antahpura and the harem while the poor (Muslim) women
used burqa to h v e r their body. Malik Muhammad Jayasi and Vidyapati do refer to
Kamesh Mechrocks
 purdah. But till Muhammad Tughluq's reign no attempt was made by the state to
impose any restriction in this direction.

34.8 SCAVES AND SERVANTS

!
n e master-slave relation formed a category by which the authority in the Sultanate
society expressed itself. Most noblemen referred to themselves as the slave of the
Sultan.
The slaves in India can be graded into two groups :
i) Those who were bought in an open salve market.
ii) Those who were first prisoners of war and then made slaves.
The position of these different types of slaves have also been discussed in the
Hindu shastras. Both the Indians and the Turks had a lorg tradition of
maintaining slaves. Open slave-markets for men and women existed in West
Asia as well as Irdia.
Slaves were generally bought for domestic service cr for their spe:ial skills. Feroz
Shah Tughluq who had a special penchant for slaves collected about 180,000of ithem.
Many of them were employed in handicrafts. The rest formed the personal
bodyguards of the Sultz n
A special type of male slaves who were castrated in childhood were trained to be the
guards of the harem.These were known as khwajasara (eunuchs). In the 13th
century, Bengal was a flourishing centre for the buying and selling of eunuchs in
particular. Women slaves were. generally graded into two groups : (i) for domestic
service and (ii) for entertainment and pleasure. The first were generally ordinary '
women while the second group was composed of beautiful women who could sing,
dance and carry on conversation.
I
I Not only nobles, but any prosperous householder found it impossible to run house
without slaves. Thus, keeping slaves became a special mark of prosperity, and
nobles vied with each other over the possession of a comely boy or a girl slave.
It is now an accepted fact that slaves in the Sultanate India were treated better thcln
servants :,the master by taking on the obligation of owning a slave usually looked
after their material comfort.
Check Your F'rogress 2
I
1) Write in 60 words the changes brought in the Hindu castesystem
I during the Sultanate period.
i

I ....................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
2) Discuss the role played by the slave household in the Sultanate
socio-economic order.
....................................................................................................
............................................................................ ......................
...................................................................................................
...................................................................................................
...................................................................................................
.
34.9 URBAN LIFE
During the 13th-14th centuries, a number of towns and ports flourished in North
India. Broach, Cambap, Lakhnauti, Sonargaon and Multan flourished as trading
Kamesh Mechrocks
 mhlstb centres. Ibn Battuta #ives a detailed description of ~ e l h ; .It was one of the largest
CIlbn
cities in the Islamic wprld with a mixed population of merchants from India as well
as Iran, ~fghanistan,lctc.It is said that overland trade with West Asia was in the
hands of ~ultanis,'wpbowere mostly Hindus. The Gujarati and Marwari merchants.
were extremely wealthy and some of them, particularly the Jains, spent large sums

1
in the construction o temples. They also had large residential buildings. Their
houses were surroun ed by orchards and fruit gardens which had many tanks.
Cambay was a fine pdrt-city where there was an agglomeration of wealthy ,
merchants. Not only did they live in fine houses, they consumed good food and wore
fine clothes. Men dreked themselves in cotton and silk garments, anointed
themselves with sandblwood paste and wore rings, gold-earrings studded with
precious stones and gplden girdles. women wore long flowing cloth (sari) and silken
blouses. Wom,en's je$ellery were made of gold and silver metals. They wore
earrings, anklets and lenty of rings on fingers and toes.
!@
The Muslim mercha* who usually came from Central Asia dressed themselves in '
embroidered garment$ covered with gold and silver works. They also wore thick
boots coming up to their knees.
Many of these towns *ere also centres of craft production. The.towns of Bengal and
Gujarat were famousifor the production of fine clothes. Cambay was also famous for
1
gold and silver works1 There were many other luxury crafts such as leather works, *
metal work, carpet wpaving, etc. Many of these were exported to the Red Sea,
Persian Gulf and So* East Asian Countries.
A s for , Ziauddin Barani mentions the Multanis and Sahas of Delhi,
deal of wealth from the resources of maliks and amirs who
or draft over their iqta.'
Another mercantile s o u p was that of the brokers (dallals) who first make their
appearance in the coQnmercia1 history of the Delhi Sultanate. They operated
between merchants apd customers raising prices when they could. Alauddin Khalji
was specially harsh 04 them but since theywere needed in any large market, they
could never be dispebsed with entirety. Sarrafs or money changers constituted yet
,another mercantile g ) ~ u pwho were quite prosperous.
Apart from these dis inct groups, there were a large number of smaller artisans,
1,
shopkeepers and ven ors who lived in the cities. Except for the regional songs and
folk tales, very little historical details can be gleaned about their daily lives.

34.10 RURAL LIFE

The towns needed tolbe fed and supplied with finished and raw materials from the
countryside. The high level of taxation and the cash-nexus in combination ensured'
that the peasants woqld have to sell much of their produce in order to pay land
revenue. Barani infoms us how the high pitch of demand under Alauddin Khalji
forced thepeasants of the Doab to sell grainby the side of the fields to the karwanis
who took it to Delhi for sale.
The towns, on the 0 t h hand, had little to send back to their villages since the
taxation system assuded all the time a heavy balance of payments in favour of the
towns, which were thb headquarters of the Sultan and members of the ruling classes.

34.10.1 peasane
A vast majority lived'in villages. Cultivation was based on individual peasant.
farming and the size (xf land cultivated by them varied greatly from the large holding
of the 'khots' or en to the small plots of 'balahars' or village menials. Below
have existed a group of landless menial castes but little is
known a b u t them id this period.
Peasants generally ?+ed a pair of oxen and the plough. Land was abundant. Wells
were probably the mqjor source of artificial irrigation. Muhammad Tughluq
advanced loans to pe ants for improving agri-mlture. The peasants raised water by
various means from t wells (see Unit 22). Since peasants owned implements
Kamesh Mechrocks
 needed for cultivation and sold their crop for payment of revenue in cash, there Lllclt).kdPopllrC*
must have been differentiation among the peasantry. Barani designates men of the.
highest stratum among the peasants as khots and muqaddams (for details, see 'Blocks
5 and 6). Before Alauddin Khalji adopted the measures, the kho& are alleged to
have been exempted from three major taxes. Furthermore, they levied a cess of
I
their. own on the villagers (qismat-i khoti). When Alauddin prohitited them from
levy ng the cess, they became quite poor and their wives worked as maidservants in

i
the houses of Muslims. The khots and muqaddams were peasants, but peasants
who stood on the borderland of the rural aristocracy. When prosperous, they
imitated the ways of-higher chiefs, i.e., rode horsed, wore fine clothes and chewed
betel-leaves. In the reign of Feroz Shah Tughluq, a chronicler describes the general
prosperity of the kh-. Everyone had large amount of gold and silver and countless
goods; and none of the women of the peasantry remained without ornaments. In
every peasant's house there were clean bed-sheets, excellent bed-cots and many
other articles.

, 34.10.2 The Dwelling of the Peasants

The ordinary peasants lived in mud huts supported by bamboos or tree trunks with
thatched roof. The floor was plastered with cowdung. Only the meanest :

requirements for shelter from winter, monsoon or the heat of summer were met ih
their dwellings. Very little furnjture was used : men, women and children lived in
small rooms huddle together. They usually slept on the floor on mats or cottun
quilts. Only the prosperous peasants used metal vessels; the ordinary people used
earthern pots. There was no separate place for bathing except the wells or ponds.
No sense of privacy existed.
The houses of the more prosperous peasants had more land around the main
structure. They usually had more than one room with verandah, a courtyard and
chabutara (platform) and even sometimes second story and the walls were plac:kr?.'
with cowdung and decorated with drawings, Often there was a small vegetat-lr
garden around their dwellings.

t
In terms of food, the ordinary peasant ate bread made out of rice; they also use
lintel, onion and chillies and as luxury they had some little ghee. They used to take
meal twice a day.

I
Geherally, the Hindu peasants went bareheaded and barefooted. They usually wore
a single dhotitcloth. In Gujarat and Rajasthan, they wore a red handkerchief around
their head. Woinen usually wore two kinds of dresses: a sheet of cloth to cover
themselves and a blouse. The second dress consisted of a lehanga or long sk~rta
blouse and dupatta w a big scarf. The latter dress was more popular In i tlr. 17. $1-

I
area.

- -
34.11 GAMES AND AMUSEMENTS -- -- - --

Wrestling was very popular even among villagers. Apart from these, fencing. spear
throwing, horse racing were popular an4ong the aristocracy. Polo (chaugan) was an
aristocratic game.
Religious festivals and fairs offered an opportunity to the ordinary people to enjoy
themselves. These, along with visiting holy places for pilgrimage, were t h e major
diversions in the otherwise drab life of the common people.

The bhakti movement and the works of popular preachers like Kabir, Dadu and
others inspired popular poets and their songs acted as cementing bond between
people of different religious sects. These falklores and songsalso spontaneously
reflected the experience of the people whose lives have in general remained
Kamesh Mechrocks
u1mt:ntioned in the official accounts and rulinr class discc~ursc.
r*qra:u.m
W'
r CbecicYmrRogaq,
1) Write a note on t w lifestyle of the merchant class during the Sultanate
period. I &

I'

...................... jl-:..........................................................................
I!
2) Write short notei/bn the following : .
a) Rural ~rist*cy ............................,... ..........................................
I!

b) Peasants ....1.................................................................................

c) Games and h u s e m e n t s
( 3
................................................................

34.12 LET U ~SUM

I UP

!
We have seen how wit the coming of the Turks a new ruling class came into existine
replacing the old one. his change did not bring much of a difference in their lifestyle.
Like their predecessorSI they too led a luxurious life. The ulema were also not behind
in copying their ways jn their own limited-ways. The lifestyle of the nobles was also'
similar to that qf the Sultan but on a low level. They used high-sounding titles, lived

k
in luxurious houses, or nised dinner parties, maintained large nurhber of horses and
elephants as symbol of eir prestige. The Hindu society was divided on the basis of
castes. But with the coltling of the Turks, slight improvement in the positions of the
shudras and outcastes as visible. The Hindu woman enjoyed some property rights,
but the custom of pur
$-
was prevalent during this period. The Delhi Sultans
maintained large num br of slaves who were employed in the royal karlrhanas and
bodyguards as well. Mdrchants, too, enjoyed favourable status and lived comfortably.
But the peasants' concfition was not good.

34.13 KEY WORDS

Adz-i Mumalik : See I)Bock 5
Hadis : sayinbs.and actions of Prophet Muhammad
Samskara : cerevnies. There are broadly 16 such ceremonies which a Hindu is
suppqsed to perform during his life time.
Upllaayana : one the Hindu samskara. In its early phase upanayaaa saqmskap
the entry of a child into learning/education. But during later
was related more to the dvija (thread) ceremony

i
34.14 ANSW-S TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
I

Cheek Your h.ogress 1 [

1 SeeSec.34.4 I
2 See
- Kamesh Mechrocks
Sec. 34.4
-.* I
! Check Your Progress 2
I .-
1 See Sec. 34.6 - C

i 2 See Sec. 34.8

Check Your Progress 3 I

1 See Sec. 34.9

2 a) See Sub-sec. 34.10.1
b) See Sub-sec. 34.10.1
I c) See Sec. 34.11

SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

Percy Brown, Indian Architecture :Ialnmif P ew Indian pdatiqp.
R. Nath, HisCory of Sultanate Archi&.
Prof. K.A. N W , ReMgbua and Polltics d m the 13tb cemtury.
A.L. Basham (ed.), CnltrvPl &&age of In&.
K;M; Ashraf, Life Pnd Conditions of the People of Hladnetan.
Yusuf Husain Khan, GUmpees of Medieval IadiPn Culture.
Tara Chand, Influence of Islam on Indian Culture.

Kamesh Mechrocks
I
UNIT 1 POLITICAL FORMATIONS IN
CENTRAL AND WEST ASIA

Structure
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction '
1.2 Geographical Delimitation of Turan and Iran
I
I
1.3 The Antecedents of Uzbegs and the Safavis
1.4 The Historical Perspective on the Eve of the Political Formations
'in Cent& Asia
1.5 Origin of the Safavis :Historical Perspective
1.5.1 The Tripartite Conflict of the Uzbegs, Persians and Timurids
1.5.2 Recovery and Resurgence of the Uzbeg Power
1 5.3 The Uzbeg Empire - .
1.6 Origin of the Safavis : Historical Perspective
1.6.1 The Aq Quyunlus and Qara Quyunlus
1.6.2 The Turcomans and the Safavis
1.6.3 Shiism and the Safavis
1.7 The Safavis and the Uzbeg-Ottoman Confrontation
1.8 Let Us Sum Up
1.9 Key Words
1.10 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

1.0 OBJECTIVES
The study of this unit would enable you to:
understand the appearance of the Mughals on Indian borders and to learn about
their origin and antecedents,
demarcate the geographical boundary of the two powerful neighbouring states of
the Mughal Empire,
acquaint yourself with the historical perspective of the establishment of the
Uzbeg and Safavi ~Empires,
. analyse the factors which influenced and shaped the internal and external
decisions and policies of the Mughals at earlier stages.

1.1 INTRODUCTION
The conquest of India by the Mughals was a direct consequence of the political
reshuffling and dynastic changes which took place on its north-western frontier at
the turn of the 15th century. These in turn led to the formation of two new states
i.e., Turan (Transoxiana in Central Asia) under the Uzbegs and Iran (Persia) under
the Safavi rulers.
A study of the political formations in West and Central Asia in the first decade of
the sixteenth century is important due to the geographical proximity and the ageold
close cultural and commercial contacts existing between these regions and India. The
fugitive Uzbeg princes of Dasht-iqipchaq, led by Shaibani Khan, wrested Central
Asia from the Timurids, exterminating the dynasty founded by Timur. In fact, this
led Babur (om of the very few Timurid survivors) to turn towards India.
The Mughals, having originated from and ruled over Central Asia for over thirteen
decades (1370-1505) naturally brought with them a well-tried administqtive system
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
and a bequest in the form of Turco-Mongol terminology, institutions (both political
Kamesh Mechrocks
 h t b 16th Century and economic) and practices (see Block 4) which had a bearing on the Mughal rule
in India. The history of Mughal India can be better understood if we have some idea
of its neighbouring regions rather than studying it in isolation. Such a study,
therefore, assists us in understanding the historical perspective, socioeconomic
background and the ethos of the Mughal rulers in India. 'The twin states of Central
Asia and Persia rose and fell almost simultaneously with that of the Mughals. The
political and cultural relations at all levels increased during the sixteenth antury
between these states. The common cultural heritage through the ages was enriched
further due to a continuous exchange of ideas and movement of men and

,
commodities
It is worth mentioning here that the definition of West and Central Asia is a polemic
1
issue as its frontiers fluctuated more with the interpretations than with its
geographical or territorial extent. It is safer to call the region with which we are
concerned here by a generally accepted term, i.e., 'the inner Asia". The regions
'described as West and Central Asia, therefore, refer in this context to the two !
"stateswknown as Turan and Iran. These two states which developed as separate
political and cultural entities in the sixteenth century had often formed part (as a
province) of a large empire under one central authority (such as the Umayyads,
Abbasids, Mongols and the Timurids). The two states, therefore, carried elements of
common heritage in many of their administrative and organizational features. The
religio-political and socioeconomic transformations arising out of the changing 1
regimes added their own new distinctive features without obliterating their deep-
rooted and age-old similarities, traditions and common heritage. Although both these
states had tribal bases in the 16th century, their cultural and racial distinctions were
retained (and ewn heightened due to sectarian differences) until their disintegration.
This unit takes into account fh'e various aspects related to Turan and Iran.

1.2 GEOGRAPHICAL DELIMITATION OF TURAN

AND IRAN i
The inner Asian region called Turan acquired the name Mawaraunnahr (literally I
I
meaning between the two rivers) from its Arab conquerors as the region was situated
b e t ~ the
n two rivers Syr and Amu. The above region was surrounded by Aral sea,
river Syr and Turkestan in the North; Iran, river Amu and Afghanistan in the South; ,
Tiensban and Hindukush mountains in the East up to the Karokorum deserts, and
the Caspian sea in the West with its diverse geographical features (arid and semi-arid
lands, stepp&, deserts, mountains, valleys and oases). Thus, the region was a
chequer-board of varied patterns of life-style ranging from nomadism, pastoralism to
a settled mode of living. This region is also a land of inland drainage with enclosed
basins away from the sea and is isolated from Atlantic and Pacific circulations.
Apart from agriculture, cattle breeding was a popular profession. The region was
famous for its horses which were exported in large numbers to India. Samarqandi
paper, and fruits (both fresh and dry) were other items of export. The eastern ridges
of Elburz mountains separated Iranian plateau from Turkestan (Iran).'
In terms of physical geography, Iran or Persia consists of extensive mountain ranges
extending from Asia Minor and Cacuasus to the plains of Punjab called Iranian
Plateau. A chain of mountains surrounds the sandy saline deserts of the central
plateau thus converting it into a closed basin..
Iran had four major divisions, namily:
the Zagros system comprising Khuzistan and small outer plains,
the northern highlands of Iran (i.e., Elburz and Talish system) and the Caspian
plain,
eastern and southeastern upland rim, and
the interior region.
In terms of economic life, considerable vahation is noticed such as pastoralism
(mainly in the higher regions), agricultural settlements (in low lying areas) and
nomadism (towards the West among Kurdish shepherds) all existing simultaneously.
The north-#stern section of Zagros connected ancient east-west trade routes, and
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
Kamesh Mechrocks
the Iranian wool, leather, carpets and silk found commercial outlets from several PbllUal Farrodom in
places. Cmbd ud W a t Ash

1 3 THE ANTECEDENTS OF UZBEGS AND THE

SAFAVIS
The Uzbegs of Turan or Transoxiana were the descendants of Chingiz's eldest son,
Juji. They derived their name from Uzbeg Khan (131240) of the Golden Horde and
hailed from Jiji's appanage-the Dasht-i-Qipchaq. The Uzbegs spoke Chaghatai
Turkish and followed Turco-Mongol traditions. They were orthodox Sunni and
followed the Hanafite Law. Numerous Turco-Mongol tribes such as the Naiman,
Qushji, Durman, Qunghrat and others supported the Uzbeg state. The hostile tribes
which eroded their power through constant invasions were the Mongols, Qazaqs and
Qirghiz.

The Safavis
The Safavis were of the native Iranian stock (from Kurdistan), professed Shii'sm and
followed Perso-Islamic traditions of the land they were called upon t o govern. They
spoke Azari Turkish and also Persian. Being of a humble sufi origin, they later
constructed an impressive genealogy. The mainstay of the Safavi power was the
constellation of the Turcoman tribes though the Iranian element was equally strong
in the administrative bureaucracy. To the two groups were added the Georgians and
Circassians later on. The four elements (particularly the Turcoman groups) were as
much a source of strength in external political relations as they were a cause of
perpetual intrigues internally.

Check Your ~robress1

1) Describe the significance of the study o'f Central Asian history in relation to the
Mughals.

2) Discuss the antecedents of the Uzbegs and the Safavis.

.......................................................................................................................................

....- - - - -

3) Give a geographical description of Turan and Iran.

Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU

Kamesh Mechrocks
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
Kamesh Mechrocks
 1.4 HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ON THE EVE OF
THE POLITICAL FORMATIONS IN CENTRAL
ASIA
During the civil wars (which were a common occurrence in the Timurid
Transoxiana), the Timurid princes of Transoxiana (like Abu Said, Muhammad Jugi,
Sultan Husain Baiqra and Manuchihr Mirza) often approached the Uzbeg ruler Abul
Khair of Dast-i-Qipchaq for assistance against their respective rivals. The latter
successfully intervened in T' nurid politics and assisted Abu Said (1451), Muhammad
Jugi (1455) and others to -gain the throne. After the disintegration of the Empire of
Abulkhair (142848) in the Dasht, his grandson Shibani took shelter with the
Timurids of Central Asia. At this juncture, there were five states in Transoxiana.
The three sons of Sultan Abu Said (145149) namely, Sultan Mahmud Mirza, Sultan
Ahmad Mirza (1469-94) and Umar Shaikh M i m ruled over the three states
comprising Samarqand and Bukhara, Timiz, Hisar, Qunduz and Badakhshan, and
Farghana and its vicinity respectively. The fourth Timurid state of Balkh and
Khufasan was held by Sultan Husain Baiqra. Again, there was the mongol Khanate
of Tashkand and Moghulistan where the mongol rulers Yunus Khan (1462-87) and
his two sons, Mahmud Khan and Ahmad Khan, reigned. Yunus Khan's three
daughters were mamed to the three above mentioned sons of Abu Said. The mutual
rivalries and jealousies existing among the five states often resulted in bitter wan. In
one such conflict when Sultan Ahmad was involved in the battle of Syr against his
rival Sultan ahm mud, the fomer hired Shaibani along with his retinue hoping that
he could be a good match to the Mongols in the art of fighting. Although Shaibani
a p p e a ~ din this battle as an ally of Sultan Ahmad Mirza, he served the cause of
Mahmud Khan as secret negotiations had already taken place. This led to an
unexpected victory for Mahmud Khan. For this timely assistance, Shaibani received
the reward in the form of governorship of Otrar-a town in Khwarazmia-which
provided him with the long awaited and much desired base in Transoxiana.
Themafter, Shaibani took full advantage of the prevailing anarchy in the various
remaining Khanates, and gradually eliminated them with his political acumen and
stratagem.

1.5 ESTABLISHMENT OF UZBEG POWER IN

TRANSOXIANA
After the death of Umar Shaikh and Sultan Ahmad Mirza, Sultan Mahmud Mirza
was also assassinated. His two sons, Sultan Ali and Baisundhur Mirza, now became
rivals for the throne of Samarqand and Hisar. During the anarchy which prevailed
in the Timurid empire, the Tarkhan nobles became powerful. They not only usurped
the entire revenue but made opportunistic alliances and used one prince as a
counterpoise against the other. Taking advantage, Shibani wrested Bukhara from its
Timurid governor Baqar Tarkhan in 1499, and then besieged Samarqand. Since the
queen mother Zuhra Begi was an Uzbeg lady, she promised to surrender Samarqand
if Shaibani gave the governorship of the choicest province to her son, Sultan Ali.
Thus, Shaibani occupied Samarqand in 1500 without a war though Sultan Ali passed
away soon after. The Uzbegs, were, however, soon overthrown as the Samarqandis
led by Khwaja Abul Mukarram invited Babur. In the battle of Saripul(1501), Babur
was defeated and, since no assistance was forthcoming, he left Samarqand and went
to his uncle Mahmud Khan. In early 1503 Shaibani inflicted a crushing defeatsupon
the joint forces of Babur and his maternal uncles Mahmud and Ahmad Khan, both
I
of whom were made captives. Baburs noble Tambal invited Shaibani to occupy
Farghana. Shaibani conquered Farghana and Qunduz (1504) and overran Balkh,

1
b
i
Memna and Faryab in 1505. Although Shaibani released the Mongol Khans,
Mahmud and Ahmad (the latter died shortly afterwards) due to their paw kindness,
he ultimately put Mahmud Khan and his five children to death (1508) as their
existence would have been a danger to his Empire.
A galaxy of Timurid princes including Babur, Badiuzzaman and Muzaffar Hussain
led by Sultan Hussain Baiqra planned to face the Uzbegs unitedly. Before the joint Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
Kamesh Mechrocks
 lndh b the 16th CcntPrj venture could materiaiice, Sultan Hussain died .in 1506. Herat was plunged into a
war of surcession. The chaos persisted even after the dual rule of Badiuzzaman and
Muvlffar HUWIn %as established. The conquest of the last Timurid principality was,
therefore. a foregone conclusion. Soon after, Shaibani undertook a campaign against
the Qazaqs of Moghulistan in 1508. Now the entire Transoxiana lay at the feet of
Shaibani. The dynasty which was established by Shaibani came to be knowp as the
Shaibanid. The immediate reasons for this transfer of power from the Timurids to
the Uzbegs were:
the personal incompetence of the later Timurid Rulers;
. theirmutual rivalry;
the absence of any settled rule for succession, and
the lack of strong administration.

15.1 The Tripartite Conflict of the Uzbegs, Persians and Timurids

The conquest of Khurasan had brought the border of Shaibanid empire closer to the
Safavi one. Since, Shaibani wqs ambitious, he demanded allegiance from the Shah
which eventually led to a war in 1510, in which Shaibani was defeated and killed.
Shah Ismail not only occupied Khurasan but a l ~ assisted
o Babur thereafter to
reoccupy Transoxiana from the Uzbegs. Babur received a very warm welcome from
the Samarqandis, but the latter disapproved his association with 'heretic' Shia' Shah
Ismail. T.he subsequent reprisal perpetrated upon the subjects by Babur's greedy
followers further provoked the Central Asians to long for the Uzbeg rule.

1.5.2 Recovery and Resurgence of the Uzbeg Power

After their expulsion from Central Asia (1510-1 I), the Uzbegs had clustered in
Turkestan having no courage to face the combined forces of Babur and the Shah.
f i e only aspiring Uzbeg prince was Ubaidullah, a nephew of Shaibani. Though his
resources were limited, he conquered Transoxiana after defeating Babur. Thereafter,
the Uzbegs gradually recCiveRd Bukhara, Samarqand and other territories in 1512-
1513.
In 1514, the Ottoman Sultan Salim (1512-20) invited Lbaidullah to join him against
Ismail. Although Ubaidullah failed to oblige Salim, the latter managed to inflict a
crushing defeat upon the Shah through strategic manoeuvres which were later on
applied by Babur in his battle of Panipat in 1526. The most important rulers of t!ie
Shaibanid Empire were Ubaidullah and Abdullah Khan-the latter being a
contemporary of Akbar. Both Ubaidullah and Abdullah Khan (whose span of
rulership was from 1513-1540 and 1565-1598 respectively) waged several wars against
Persia. (See Unit 7)
The Astrakhanids: After the death of Abdullah Khan (1598) and the assassination of
his only son and successor ~ d u Momin
l six months later, the dynasty came to be
known as Astarakhanids. The Uzbeg Empire lasted until the Russian conquest. The
Empire disintegrated almost a t the same time when other Asian states collapsed in
the face of colonialism.

1.53 The Uzbeg Empire

The revenue collections of the Uzbeg Transoxiana depended mainly upon booty, city
taxes and commercial resources. With artificial irrigation and limited agriculture,
even a high tax on land (amounting to more than a half) fetched a negligible
ainount. S k a t e d OR the crossroads of caravans (en route the Silk Road),
rransoxiana continued to be in a flourishing state in early middle ages. Due to
diversion of trade routes under certain Mongol Khans and after the discovery of the
sea-route to Asia from Europe in 1498. a decline in trade is noticed by the travellers
and chroniclers: The administrative structure of the Timurids unde-nt a slight
change under the Uzbegs as the Turco-Mongol traditions were further strengthened.
The socio-religious atmosphere was now characterised by a wave of fanaticism and
sectarian bigotry. At the same time, the domination of the Naqshbandi saints over
the political arena was a new phenomenon introduced under the Uzbegs.

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Cheek Your Progress 2
I) Briefly describe the main stages in the conquest of Transoxiana by the Uzbegs.

2) Discuss the reasons for the downfall of the Timurids.

3) Give a short account of the tripartite relations of the Uzbegs, Persians and the
Timurids.

1.6 ORIGIN OF THE SAFAVIS :HISTORICAL

PERSPECTIVE
The Safavi Empire sprang up almost in the same geographical area where the
Ilkhanid state had once flourished. Hulaku's Empire reemerged in a diminutive form
(the Jalayrid Empirekextending over Mesopotamia, Azerbaijan and lwter on
covering the rkgion of Shirvan also. The remaining portions of the Ilkhimid territory
were lost to the two Turcoman confederations, namely Aq Quyunlu (the white sheep)
and Qara Quyunlu (the black sheep). Aq ~ u y u n l uextended their sway over Diyar-i
Bakr with their centre at Amid. Qara Quyunlus had their centre at Aj b h (on the
eastern shore of lake Van) spreading in the north to Erze Rum and in the south to
Mosul. The heterogenous population of the two regions comprised the Arabs,
Armenians, Kurds and others.

1.6.1 The Aq Quyunlus and Qara Quyunlus

Under the enterprising Jahanshah, Qara Quyunlu dynasty expanded from Van to the
deserts between Persia and Khurasan and from the Caspian sea to the Persian Gulf.
They had become independent of the Timurids. Jahanshah was widely known as a
progenitor of the Shias while the Aq Ququnlus were Sunni's. The most famous Aq
Quyunlu ruler was Uzan HasaniI1453-78) who defeated Jahalnshah and established
his suzerainty almost over the entire Persia. Hence, the borders of his Empire came
closer to that of the Timurids. The Ottoman ruler Muhammad I1 always looked
upon him as a mighty princeling enjoying the resources of Anatolia, Mesopotamia,
Azerbaijan and Perm. However, Uzun Hasan waS defeated by the Ottomans (in
1473) whose artillery was superior to the,former's army. At the time of Uzun Hasan's
death (in 1478), his Turcoman Empire extended from upper reaches of Euphrates tc
the Great Salt Desert and the province of Kirman in South Persia, and from
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 ~ b t L , .I* L t L ~ Transcaucasia to Mesopatamia and, the Persian Gulf.
'
Uzun Hasan's sister Khadija Begam was mamed to a very enterprising and
influential shaikh, named Junaid (1447-60). He was the leader of the most popular
dl order called the Safaviya with its Centre at Aradabil. Shaikh Junaid was a
successor of Shaikh Safiuddin lshaq (1252-1334). a disciple and son-in-law of Shaikh
Zahid (1218-1301). Safiuddin Ishaq (from whom the Safavi dynasty derived its name)
not only inherited the sufi order of Shaikh Zahid but also founded his own order as
Safaviya in Ardabil in 1301. Due to their popularity, Shaikh Safiuddin and his
successors always aroused the jealousy of the Qara Quyunlu Sultans.
Shaikh Junaid was the first spiritual guide of the Safaviya order. He collected an
army of 10,000 to fight the Qara Quyunlu ruler. He imparted militancy to the order
replacing the sufis by the ghrds (wamors of faith). After his death in 1455, his son
and successor Haider married the daughter of his maternal uncle Amir Masan Beg
who put Jahanshah to death and became the ruler of Azerbaijan and the two Iraqs.
Out of this union, three sons were born, namely, Sultan Ali, Ibrahim and Isrnail.
The youngest Ismail (b. 1487) became founder of the Safavi Empire. Sultan Haider
had prepared a scarlet cap of twelve gores (with reference to the twelve Imams), and
ordered all his followers to make their headgear after this fashion, hence came the
title Qizilbash (redheahs).
Haider marched against the tirbal elements of Cherkes and Daghistan. On the way,,
he lost his life in a battle with the forces of the Shirvan ruler Farrukh Yassar, the
son-in-law of Yaqub Mirza in 1488. Although Yaqub spared the life of the three sons
of Haider for the sake of his own sister Halima Begi Agha, he imprisoned them in
the fort of Istakhara. When a civil war broke out between the deceased Yaqub
Mirza's sons Baisunghar and Rustam Mirza, the latter sought help from Sultan Ali.
As soon as Rustam Mirza achieved success, he put Sultan Ali to death out of
jealousy. Sultan Ali had already sensed the imminent danger and had nominated
Ismail as his successor (1494). Ismail had to face much difficulty until the death of
Rustam Mirza in July 1497 after which Aradabil was engulfed in a civil war. Ismail
seized this opportunity and sent his men to collect his scattered followers. Reinforced
by the military assistance received from Qaracha Illiyas and strengthened by 7000 of
his followers from Turcoman tirbes, he subdued Georgia and acquired much booty
in 1500. At the age of fourteen, he had an encounter with Farrukh Yassar of Shirvan
at Gulistan fort and having killed the ruler invaded Baku. It was in the year 1501
that Ismail won a victory over Aq Quyunlu, entered the Turcoman capital at Tabriz
and ascended the throne with the title Shah.

1.63 The Turcomans and the Safavis

The power of Safavis (the new dynasty which lasted in Persia till 1736), was based
on the support given by the Turcoman tiibes, namely Shamlu, Rumlu, Takkalu,
Zulqadar, Afshar, Qachar, Ustajlu and Warsaq. The Turcoman adherents of
Aradabil order were the basis of this new ruling class though the Safavids themselves
were not pure Turcomans. The Turcomans were attracted towards the Persian Shah
owing to religious affinity and also for social and political reasons. The Turcoman
tirbes of Asia Minor or Central Asia could not integrate themselves with the
Ottomans or the Uzbeg Empire due to their racial and religious differences. On the
other hand the Ottoman or the Uzbeg rule also had no better prospects to offer
them. The Turcomans enjoyed an extraordinary position in the Persian Empire.
Initially, almost all the important civil, military and administrative posts were held
by them. The traditions of governance and admiiistration were borrowed by the
Safavis from the rulers of ~ a b n zThe
. tribal loyalties of these Turcomans sustained
Shah Ismail well. The Shah not only carried the traditions of the god-king
(combining in himself the spiritual and temporal powers) but also legitimised his rule
in the name of his relationship with his grandfather Uzun Hasan. Shah Ismail's
kinship with Aq Quyunlu was important for him. Undoubtedly, the Qara Quyunlu
an8dAq Quyunlu had pn:viously created certain pA-conditions for the establishment
of a new dynasty with older political and cultural traditions of Persia.

1,.63 Shiiism and the Safavis

The new dynasty had created a somewhat'changed military and political structure
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 into a new cultural eqtity, i.e., the evolution of a Persian People'. The Safavi state
originated from a religious-cumpolitical nucleus.,Thus, the intertwinning of religion
and politics which is noticed at the outset, seems to match the sectarian attitude of
the Sunni Ottoman and the Uzbeg states. Shah Ismail received full support from,
Ka'shan and Qum which were mainly inhabited by the Shias. Elsewhere (as-in the
Sunni Baghdad or Herat), the population resisted his advance and he faced reprisals.

1.7 THE SAFAVIS AND THE UZBEG-OTTOMAN.' '

CONFRONT"I"T1ON
'The rising power of the Shia 'Safavis' (new contenders of supremacy in the Muslim
world) checked the Ottomans from incorporatingPersia into their domain. In fact,
the Perso-Uzbeg and Perso-Ottoman wars were a continuous feature of the sixteenth
century:
~ l t h o u Shah
~ h Ismail (1502-1524) did not fight any war.after his debacle at . ,

Cbldiran in 1514 at the hands of the Ottoman ruler Salim ( 1512-1520), his son and
successor Shah Tahmasp (1524-76) had to face both the Uzbegs'and the Ottomans
almost incessantly. The five major invasions of the Uzbegs om Khurasan (1524-38)
and four full-scale Ottoman invasions on Azerbaijan (1534-35, 1548, 1553) failed to
overwhelm Shah Tahmisp, though he signed a peace at Amasya (29 May 1555) with
the Ottomans. Besides these external dangers there also emerged some internal '
problems. For example. the two different racial and linguistic groups of the
~urcomansand Iranians (each of whom had different origins, cultu1-6, and customs)
were joined by new constituents-the Georgians and the Circassians. Thii led to
increased court intrigues.
While the Safavis had pragmatic relations with the Mughals of India (see Unit 7).
they also maintainedgood relations, though occasionally, with the Russians and the
Portuguese.
. Apart from Shah Tahmasp, Shah Abbas 1 (1588-1629, whose reign is said to'be the
zenith of the Safavi power) Shah Abbas 11 (164246) and Shah Safi were other
.important Safavi rulers. With Shah Abbas I, the Safavi state gradually developed
from its theocratic base and military structure into a full-bloomed Empire of the
Orient. He introduced rnany.administrative and milihry reforms. A new group of
loyalists (the Ghulems) was created who occupied many new posts. The army was
organised on the pattern suggested by Robert Sherley who was appointed as 'Master
General against the Turks'. A centrally paid strong army was organised, and a
regiment of artillery with 500 guns was established.
Check Your Progress 3
I) Briefly discuss the achievements of Shah AbbasJ.
...........................................................................................................................................
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... ............................................... ....................................................................................
"

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'. 2) ' Write a few lines on the Qara Quyunlu'and Aq Quyunlu.

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 1adL in tbe 16th Century 3) Discuss the early history of the Safavis.

~~ ~ ...................................

4) Highlight the importance of the Turcomans in the Safavi Empire.

1.8 LET US S U M UP
In this unit we have tried to trace the antecedants and origin of the Mughals. A
geographical sketch of the two powerful neighburing states'of India-namely-
Transoxiana and Iran in Central Asia-has been provided. The ethnic and political
antecedants of the Uzbeg and Safavi empires of Transoxiana and Iran respectively
have been dealt with. A study of the two empires in its historical perspective' is also
given. The Mughals originated from Central Asia and ruled over this region for three
decades. Therefore the historical perskctive, Socioeconomic-political background
and ethos of Mughal rule in India can'only be understood against the backdrop of
Central Asian history.

1.9 KEY WORDS

something that is derived as a matter of right on account of
one's lineage, position, etc.
Dyarchy dual government.
Gore triangular or wedge-shaped pieces of cloth.
Khanate it denotes the office and jurisdiction of the Khan who was the
political and administrative head over a particular territory. .
Nomadism a mode of living practised by tribes who do not lkad a settled
life and wander from place to place in search of livelihood.
this is an anglicised corruption of the Arabic Usman. The
Ottomans were Turks whose power was rising rapidly in the
15th century. They completed the conquest of Asia Minor after
taking Constantinople in 1453.
Pastoralism a mode of living practised by tribes in which animal rearing
was an important aspect. This pattern led to nomadism.
Shis a sect of Muslims which upholds the rights of the members of
Prophet Muhammad's direct descendants to the religious and
political leadership of the Muslim community. The name is
derived from Shiat Ali, the Arabic term for the party of
Haztat Ali who was the cousin of Prophet Muhammad and
husband of Prophet's daughter Fatima.
a sect of Muslims disagking with the claims of the Shias.
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 Political Formations h
of Prophet ~ u n a m m a das exemplified in the hadis, a source
Central and West Ada
for shariat (a set of rules) next to the Quran.
Turcornan Groups : tribes of.Asia Minor and Central Asia.

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1.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES

Check Your Progress 1

1) See Section I. I . Your answer should include the following points:
i) the Mughal conquerors originated from and ruled over Central Asia;
ii) this had an important bearing on Mughal rule in India;
iii) thetefore, it is relevant to study the Central Asian relations, etc.
2) See Section 1.3. Your answer should include the following points:
i) the Uzbegs of Turan were the descendants of Chingiz's eldest son;
ii) they derived their names from Uzbeg Khan, etc.
3) See Section 1.2. Your answer should include the foilowing points:
i) the inner Asian region called Turan acquired the name Transoxiana from
its Arab consequerors as the region was situated between the two rivers,
namely, Syr and Amu;
ii) Iran consists of extensive mountain ranges extending from Asia and
. Caucasus to the plains of Punjab called Iranian plateau, etc.

Check Your Progress 2

1) Your answer should include the following points:
Anarchy in the Timurid empire enabled Uzbegs to wrest Bukhara and
Samarqand from Timurids; joint forces of Babur and his maternal uncles
defeated by Uzbegs and Farghana, Qunduz, Balkh, Memna and Faryab were
taken; Herat occupied by the Uzbegs due to chaos prevailing there, etc (see
Section 1.4 and 1.5).
2) Your answer should include the following points:
Personal incompetence of the later Timurid rulers; mutual rivalry, etc. (see
Section 1.5).
3) Your answer should include the following points:
Conquest of Khurasan brought the borders of the Uzbegs close to the Safavi
Persia; the Uzbegs tried to assert themselves as the supreme power in the
region but were subdued by the Persians, etc. (see Sub-section 1.5.1).

Check Your Progress 3

1) Your answer should including the following points:
Aq Quyunlu (the white sheep) and Qara Quyunlu (the black sheep) were
Turcornan confederations; Aq Quyunlu had their centre a t Amid while Qara
Quyunlu had their Centre at Arjish, etc. (see Sub-section 1.6.1).
2) Your answer should include the following points:
The famous Aq Quyunlu leader Uzun Hassan's sister was married to a Shaikh
namely Junaid, the leader of a sufi order called Safaviya with its centre at
Aradabil; his son and successor Haider put the Qara Quyunlu ruler to death
and became the ruler of Azerbaijan; his youngest son Ismail founded the Safavi
empire, etc. (see Section 1.6 and Sub-section 1.6.1).
3) Your answer should include the following points:
The Turcoman tribes were the mainstay of the Safavi empire; they formed the
basis of the new ruling class, etc. (see Sub-section 1.6.2).
4) Your answer should include the foliowing points:
In Shah Abdas 1's time the Safavi state developed into an empire; he Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
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introduced man] administrative and military reforms. etc. (see Section I .7).
 UNIT 2 POLITY AND ECONOMY IN
NORTH INDIA

Structure
2.0 Objectives
2.1 Introduction
2.2 The Lodi Empire
2.2.1 Sikandar Lodi
2.2.2 Ibrahim Lodi
2.3 Establishment of the Mughal Power
2.4 The Second Afghan Empire
2.5 Administrative Structure
2.5.1 Nature of Kingship
'

2.5.2 General Administration

2.6 Economy
2.6.1 Agrarian Structure
2.6.2 Iqta System
2.6.3 Urbanisation
2.7 Let Us Sum Up
2.8 Ke? Words
2.9 Answers tb Check Your Progress Exekises

- --
2.0 OBJECTIVES
This unit discusses the polity and economy in North India during the 16th century.
After going through,this Unit you would be able to understand and analyse the:
nature of political authority exercised by Sikandar Lodi,
problems faced by lbrahim Lodi,
early difficulties of Babur in establishing Mughal rule,
circumstances in which Humayun was defeated by Sher Shah, and
adm~nistrativeset up under the Lodi Sultans as well as the process of
urbanisation.

2.1 INTRODUCTION
The first half of the 16th century in North India was a period of political turmoil
and instability. This period witnessed frequent changes of ruling dynasties and
emergence of diverse ruling groups. The most significant event was the Mughal
conquest of India. This influenced in a major way the Indian polity, economy and
society of coming 200 years. In this Unit we focus our attention mainly on the first
half of the 16th century. Our aim here is to familiarise you with the political and
economic bdckground in which the powerful Mughal Empire established itself in
India.
At first we discuss the political developments during this period. Our discussion
stads whh the Lodi dynasty of the Afghans. After that we see how the Mughals
defeated the Afghans and established their own political power. Next, we discuss the
overthrow of the Mughals by the Afghans. The Unit ends with the account of the re-
establishment of Mughal power under Humayun: In the sphere of economy, the .
major developments taking place during this period under the Afghans have been
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU discussed. We hope this Unit will also help you in understanding the subsequent
Mughal polity and economy of this ped-:. i.ci 41s start with the Lodi empire.
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 2.2 THE LODI EMPIRE .-

By the end of 15th century Bahlul Lodi firmly e~tablished~the Lodi dynasty at Delhi.
He succeeded in bringing large area of North India under his control. After his death,
his son Sikandar Lodi succeeded him t o the throne.

2.2.1 Sikandar Lodi

In the sixteenth century the Lodi Empire, under Sulta'n Sikandar Lodi, in North
India reached its zenith. In 1496, Sultan H u d i n Sharqi, the ex-ruler of Jaunpur was
driven away from south Bihar and the Rajput chieftains in alliance with him were
either forced into submission, o r uprooted. Their zamindaris were brought under the
control of the Sultan o r reduced t o the status of vassal principalities. Likewise, the
power of those Afghan and non-Afghan nobles, reluctant to acquiescelo the Sultan's
authority, was eliminated in the area around Delhi. In the first decade of the
sixteenth century, the annexation of Dholpur paved'the way for the expansion of the
Afghan rule in the regions of Rajputana and Malwa. The forts of Narwar and
Chanderi were annexed while the Khanzada of Nagaur acknowledged the suzerainty
of the Lodi Sultan in 1510-1 I . In short, the whole of North India; from Punjab in
the north-west t o Saran and Champaran in north Bihar in the east, and Chanderi t o
the south of Delhi were brought under the Lodi rule.

2.22 Ibrahim Lodi

Unlike his father, Sultan lbrahim Lodi (1517-1526) had t o face the hostility of the
Afghan nobility soon after his accession to the throne in 1517. He found himself
surrounded by powerful nobles bent upon weakening the centre.to gain a n upper
hand for themselves. His father had to fight against his brother; and relatives and
was supported by the nobles who wanted to replace the princes in the resourceful
provinces. Upon the death of Sultan Sikandar, the nobles decided t o divide the
Empire between Sultan lbrahim Lodi and his yolinger brother Prince Jalal Khan
Lodi, the governor of Kalpi.
Sultan lbrahim was forced by them t o accept the division which naturally weakend
the centre. Some time later, some of the senior nobles, like Khan Khanan Nuhani,
who came from their provinces t o d o obeisance to the new Sultan, criticised the
supporters of division, calling their action detrimental t o the Empire. They also
persuaded the Sultan to rescind the agreement. O n their advice, Sultan lbrahim sent
high nobles to Prince Jalal Khan. Their mission was t o persuade him t o withdraw
his claim and acknowledge his elder brother as the Sultan. The efforts went in vain
and this created a succession crisis.
At this juncture Sultan lbrahim appeared more powerful than his rival .brother.
Hence, the old nobles rallied round him. However, there were few exceptions like
'Azam Humayun Sarwani, the governor of Kara and his son Fath Khan Sarwani.
They stood by Jalal Khan but for some time only. When Sultan lbrahim marched in
person, even these two deserted Jalal Khan and joined the-sultan.

The Sultan deputed Azam Humayun Sarwani against Raja Bikrarnajit of Gwaliar.
This was done so because Prince Jala! Khan had taken shelter there. From Gwaliar,
Jalal Khan fled towards Malwa but was captured by the Gonds and sent a s prisoner
to the Sultan in Agra. However, his escape from Gwaliar made the Sultan suspicious
of the loyalty of the old nobles t o him. Azam Humayun was recalled and thrown
into prison. The Raja of Gwal$r surrendered to the nobles and agreed t o join the
service of the Sultan. He was given the territory of Shamsabad (Farrukhabad
district) in iqta. It was about this time that the celebrated wazir Mian Bhua also lost
royal confidence and was put under arrest. The imprisonment of the old nobles
sparked off wide-spread rebellion in the eastern region.
The Sultan raised his favourites t o key positions at the court and sent others to the
provinces a s governors. As a result, the old nobles became apprehensive of their
future and began to build up their power in the provinces. Darya Khan Nuhani, a
powerful governor of Rihar, became a rallying point for the dissatisfied nobles in the
t
east. About the same time, Babur occupied the sarkar of Bhera and Paulat Khan
it Lodi, the supreme governor of the trans-Sultej Punjab, failed to liberate it. When
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 B E R A R

BENGAL

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summoned\to the court, Daulat K tian did not come and revolted against the Sultan Polity ud Economy h
also invited the uncle of Sultan Ibrahim. 'Alam Khan Lodi (son of North IndL
in 5
Bahlul Lodi), nd declar,-d him as the new Sultan under the title of Sultan
Alauddin. Both formed an alliance with Babur. the ruler of Kabul, against Sultan
lbmhim Rana $angram Singh and Babur also seems to have reached to an
understanding against lbmhim Lodi (for further details see Unit 7).-

2.3 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MUGHAL POWER

Babur, wh had invaded with some success the border areas of the notth-west
9
frontier, launched a well planned attack' with the help of his political allies in India.
In 1526, Babur and his Indian allies fought against Sultah Ibrahim at Panipat. The
artillery used by Babur for the first time in north India helped him achieve easy
victory. lbrahim Lodi was killed in the battle and the road to Delhi and Agra was
cleared for Babur.
When Babur supplanted the Lodi rule by his own his Indian allies were
disappointed. The dissatisfied Afghan and non-Afghan nobles accepted Prince
Mahmud b d i as their Sultan and decided to carry an armed struggle against the
Mughals. The fifteen years of combined rule$ Dabur and Humayun rule is to be
treated as an interregnum between the fall of the Lodis and the foundation of Sher
Shah Sur's Empire.
Babur (d. 1530) and Humayun adopted the same state system in India that they
found existing under the Lodi Sultans. For example, the policy they followed
towards the zadndars was the age-old tradition set by the Delhi Sultans. Babur
mentions that the rals and rajas were found on all sides and quarters of Hindustan,
obedient as well a s disobedient to the M u s l i ~ ruler.
; In fact, he was satisfied when
the rajas paid nominal allegiance to him as they did in the past. The Baburnama
clearly shows that Babur assigned the charge of territories to the nobles, granting
them the right to collect land revenue and cany on the government there on his
behalf as was the premlent system. The shiqqdars were posted in the parganas under
khallsa. In short, Babur or Humayun d o not seem to have made any important
change in the political system in North India.
The Afghan and non-Afghan nobles who fought against Babur and Humayun under
the nominal leadership of Sultan Mahmud Lodi, failed to achieve success. This was
primarily due t o rivalry and dissensions among themselves. Their defeat in 1531 by
Humayun finally sealed the fate of the old Afghan nobility. Thereafter. the
leadership of the anti-Mughal Afghans was taken over by Sher Khan Sur who, by
now, had established his control over the fort of Chunar and the region of south
W a r . The old Afghan nobles fled to Gujarat. This they did to join the service of
Sultan Bahadur Shah who wanted to capture Delhi.
Sultan Baha6ur Shah of Gujarat was financially as well as militarily the most
powerful of the lndian rulers. Some of the coastal towns in Gujarat had already
emerged a s emporium of international trade. These port-towns were visited by
merchants from different foreign countries. Thus, this trade yielded huge revenue to
the state exchequer through customs dues. He also possessed a strong artillery.
In 1531, Sultan Bahadur Shah started on an expansionist career. He conquered
Malwa and annexed it to his Sultanate. In 1533, he laid siege to Chittor and
conquered it. Thereafter, he decided to march to Gwaliar against the Mughals.
About this time, Rumi Khan, the commander of the Gujarat artillery, secretly
entered into alliance with Humayun and assured him of his help. The Gujarat army
was completely demoralised by the treachery of Rumi Khan. Finally, Bahadur Shah
took shelter in the island of Diu and the whole of Malwa and Gujarat was ~ c u p i e d
by Humayun. But this Mughal conquest was short-lived. Soon after his victory <n
Gujarat, Humayun received the alarming news of the rebellion of Sher Khan Sur
who had declared himself as Sher Shah Sur. He seized vast land from the Sulfan of
Bengal and raided the eastern territories held by the Mughals. Humayun left his
brother ~ s k a r i ' a l o n gwith other Mughal nobles in Gujarat and retreated to Agra. On
fIumayun's departure, Gujarat rose in revolt against the Mughals. Bahadur Shah
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 LdYbtb1YL- came back from Diu and chased the Mughals out from Gujarat and Malwa.

Meanwhile, Humayun made war preparation in a haste and started towards Chunar,
a stronghold of Sher Shah. About this time Sher Shah took the impregnable fort of
Rohtas from its Raja. Humayun conquered the Chunar fort, and entered Ben@
without meeting any serious resistance put by the Afghans. In Gaur (Bengal) there
was a period of inactivity on the part of Humayun. Sher Shah t m k full advantage of
the situation. He closed the line of communication between Agra and Gaur and
attacked the Mughal forces in the eastern territories upto Benams. lnformed about
the deterioriating circumstances, Humayun started on the journey back to Agra. He
met the Afghan army near Chausa in 1539 and was defeated with heavy losses. In
1540 Humayun met the Afghan forces under Sher Shah a t the battle of Qannauj. He
was defeated and fled to Kabul.

2.4 THE SECOND AFGHAN EMPIRE

Finally, after expelling Hurnayun, Sher Shah became the Emperor of North India
from the lndus to the Bay of Bengal in the east and from Himalaya in the north to .
Malwa in the south. The Biloch chiefs of Multan and upper Sind and Maldeo in
western Rajputana and Bhaiya Puran Ma1 of Raisin were defeated. A centralised
political system was again revived by Sher Shah Sur.
With Sher Shah Sur, a new era began in the history of North India, Certain
important changes took place in the realm of ideas and institutions.
In 1545 he d i d in a mine blast. His son and successor lslam Shah (1545-1 553) not .
only retained his system but also took steps towards its improvement whenever
necessary 'Indeed, theirs was a personal government that derived its strength and
glory from their personal vigour.
Check Your Progress
I) Discuss the extent of Sikandar Lodi's Empire. '

2) Match the following:

I) Azam Humayun A) Governor of Bihar
2) Bahadur Shah B) Governor of Punjab
3) Darya Khan Nuhani C) Ruler of Gujarat
4) Jalal Khan Lodi D) Governor of Kara
5) Daulat Khan Lodi E) Governor of Kalpi
3) Under what circumstances Babur invaded India?

2.5 ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE

A number of new administrative measures were taken during this period. Afghan
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU kingship also shows marked departure from the Turkish concepts. This change can
22 well be seen ih the formulation of almost all administrative policies.
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2.5.1 Nature of Kingship Pollty and Economy h
North lndh
The kingship under the Turkish Sultans was highly centralized (See Unit 16, Sub-sec.
16.4.1 of EFf.143). The Sultan's powers were absolute. However, with the rise of the
Afghan pou cr, there also followed distinct changes irvthe monarchy. Afghan
monarchy tvss primarily Yribal'in nature. For them. king was 'first among equals'.
In fact, poj',.cal expediency also played its own role. Bahlul. being Afghan. could
not look ti-wards Turks for support. He had t o virtually accept the terms of his
fellow P ~ p is. ~ The
a Afghan nobles must have enjoyed complete local autonomy.
The only k n d between them and the Sultan was to render militaty service when the
need a r w . cir required to do so. Such was the position under Bahlul that he neither
ever sat oo the throne in front of his fellow Afghan nobles. nor did he organised an
open Barbar. He used to d l his Afghan nobles masnad i aH.
Hot\ ver, a distinct change came with Sultan Sikandnr Lcdi who clearly saw the
dan !eix of.an unrestrained nobility. He is credited \\.ith having introduced such
important changes into the political system of the Empire that transformed it into a
highly centralised political entity.
Unllk- Sultan Bahlul Lodi (his father), Sultan Sikandar Lodi demanded obedience
fro.3 s nobles. His military success made the nobility completely loyal and
s~t.~eis.ient to him. It also suppressed its sentiments of equality with the Sultan. He
is reported t o hgve sat on the throne regularly in an open darbar where the nobles
were required t o stand. showing due respect to the Sultan like servants. Even in his
qbsence, his farmans were received by high nobles wjth respect. The noble to whom
the farman was sent had to come forward six miles to receive it. A temce'was
prepared upon which the courier stood and placed the fam a n on the head of the
yoble who had to stand below. Then all those concerned had to listen to it standing.
The nobles who failed t o retain the confidence of the Sultan fell into disgrace.
~ c c o i d i n gto a pntemporary writer, 'any one who turned from the path of
obedience, he (the Sultan) either got his head severed off the body or banished him
from the Empire."
Though, in general the Sultan did noi tamper with their autonomy at local level, at
times the nobles were transferred and sometimes even dismissed. The Sultan expelled
Sultan Ashraf. son of Ahmad Khan Jilawani, who had declared his independence in
Bayana after Sultan Bahlul Lodi's death. He also exiled the twenty-two high Afghan
and non-Afghan nobles for their involvement in a conspiracy against him in 1500.
Jalal Khan Lodi. who succeeded his father as the governor of Kalpi in 1506. incurred
the displeasure of the Sultan by not properly conducting the siege operations against
the fort of Nanvar in 1508, for which he was thrown into prison.
The nobles were also put to more closer scrutiny of their. igtas. But, in spite of these
changes, the ~ f ~ h kingship
a n basically remained unchanged. Some of the offices
were made hereditary. The Afghans continued to assume high titles, Khan-i Jahan,
Khan-i Khanan, Azam Humayun, Khan-i Azam, etc. They also enjoyed freedom to
maintain informal relations with the Sultan on playground, marches, hunting etc.
Thus, monarchy under Sikandar was more of a comprornisCbgtween the Turkish
and tribal organisations.
The process of centralization accelerated under Ibrahim. He believed that "kingship
knows no kinship". Under him, the prestige of the Sultan went so high that even the
royal tent wasconsidetid worthy of respect. However, Ibrahim's policy had severe
consequences and proved ruinous to the interests of the Afghan kingdom. The
Afghan nobles were not prepared for the master-servant relationship. This led to
dissatisfattion and rebellions t o the extent that some of them even collaborated with
Babur to depose the Sultan. (see supra). When the second Afghan Empire was
established in India (Surs), they had learnt the lesson well for they never attempted
to establish tribal monarchy. Instead, Sher Shah Sur succeeded in establishing a
highly centralized autocratic monarchy. With the coming bf the Mughals on the
scene, one finds the opening up of another chapter - the Mughals who were
influenced by both, the Turkish and the Mongol traditions.

2'5.2 General Administration - .

Sultan Sikandar Lodi is also praised for introducing a sound administrative
machinery. He introduced the practice of audit ineorder to check,the accounts of
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 rnuqtas and walis (governors). Mubarak Khan Lodi ,(Tuji Khail), tne g vernor of
Jaunpur, was the first noble whose accounts came under scrutiny in 1; ,6. He was
founu guilty of embezzlement and, therefore, dismissed. Similarly, Khwaja Asghar, a
non-Afghan officer-in-charge of Delhi, was thrown into prison for corruption. The
Sultan also reorganised the intelligence system in order to keep himself well
informed about the conditions in the Empire. As a resplt, the nobles feared to
discuss the political matters among themselves, lest the Sultan be displeased.
Interested in the well-being of the general public, the Sultan had charity houses
opened in the capital as well as in the provinces for the benefit of destitute and
handicapped people. The deserving persons got financial aid from these charity
houses. Scholars and poets were patronised and educational institutions were granted
financial aid throughout the Empire. He imposed a ban on the use of an9 language
other than Persian in the government offices. This led many Hindus to learn Persian
and they acquired proficiency in Persian within a short time. Consequently, they
began to look after and supervise the revenue administration. When Babur came to
India, he was astonished to see that the revenue department was completely manned
by the Hindus.
Likewise, the serious interest taken by Sultan Sikandar Lodi in ensurirg impartial
justice to all and sundry in his Empire brought peace and prosperity.
Sher Shah seems to have been inspired by the history of Sultan Alauddin Khalji's
(1296-1316) reign. He adopted most of the rules and regulations introduced by the
Khalji Sultan. However, like Khalji he was not harsh in their implementation. In the
d a b region, the sarkar (the successor of shiqq under the Khaljis) was the
administ'rativecum-fiscal unit; while wilayat, comprising a number of sarkars in the
outlying regions, such as Bengal, Malwa, Rajputana and Sind and Multan were
retained for the convenience of defence. The sarkar comprised a number of parganas,
each pargana consisting of a number of villages. The village was the primary fiscal
unit.
The noble posted as incharge of sarkar or wilayat was not given unlimited powers.
He was regularly directed through royal fannan to implement new rules and
regulations. The spies informed the king about the conduct of the officers. Anyone
who was found failing in his work was punished, Khizr Turk, the governor of
Bengal, was dismissed and 'thrown into prison because he married the daughter of
the ex-Sultan of Eengal without Sher Shah's permission and acted independently.

Similarly, Sher Shah's policy with regard to the planting of Afghan colonies in the
tenitories known for recalcitrant inhabitants also demonstrates the nature of
kingship under him, for example, Gwaliar was one of the places colonised by the
Afghans during Sher Shah's reign. In short, her shah was an absolute monatch for
all practical pprposes.
In organizing his nobility, Sher Shah took people belonging to different ethnic
groups in such a way that his dynastic interest could be safeguarded. No group was
strong enough to assume the shape of a pressure group. We find the non-Afghan
nobles, Khawwas Khan, Haji Khan and Habib Khan Sultani holding the charge of
important provinces with .large iqtas. This shows that the establishment of a pure
Afghan nobility was never a consideration with Sher Shah.
On Sher Shah's death, his second son Prince Jalal Khan ascended the throne under
the title of Islam Shah. He overpowered and eliminated many senior and experienced
nobles who supported his elder brother Adil Khan. After their elimination, Islam
Shah was free to translate his political ideas into practice. He shifted his capital from
Agra t o Gwaliar and also brought his father's treasures from Chunar. Thus Gwaliar
became the centre of Indo-Muslim Delhi culture.
It is also worth mentioning that Islarn Shah went a step further from Sher Shah in
centralizing the polity of the Empire. He took away the iqtas of the nobles and
brought the whole Empire under khalisa. The officers were paid in cash instead of '

iqtas. The nobility and army were reorganized into new grades. Officers were
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appointed from among them to look after and inspect the proper maintenance of
soldiers and necessary army equipment by the nobles. The nobles were also denied
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the possession of war elephants: ir wsr a king's prerogative.
 . .-

Islam Shah was very harsh in dealing with the nobility but he ',mlhy d Eoabw h
towards the public. He provided people with the security of life and I Nath m
,101ding the officerincharge of a territorial unit responsible for the
and life in his jurisdiction. Consequently, the officer in whose
committed, went out of his way to arrest the culprit. Like his
ensured the administration of impartial justice in the Empire.

Check Your Progress 2

1) In what way did the Afghan polity differ from the Turkish polity?

2) Discuss the measures taken by the Surs to curb the power of the nobles.

2.6 ECONOMY
The contemporary and pear contemporary writers praise the affluence and low prices
of the essential commodities during Sikandar's reign. According to Shaikh Rizqullah
Mushtaqi (the author of the Waqiati ~ u s h k ~ ifoodgrains,
), cloth, horses, sheep,
gold and silver which. people needed for comfortable living were available in plenty
and at low rates. In order to understand the economy in totality we shall discuss its
basic components in detail.

2.6.1 Agrarian Structure

The political system depended on the state's share in the surplus of agricultural
produce. Sultan Sikandar Lodi formulated a definite agricultural development-
oriented policy. This he did because his was a landlocked Empire in which only the
reclamation of land for cultivation could augment his financial resources. There was
abundance of arable land which could be brought under plough only if the peasants
& p t e d to enjoy the fruits of their toil. In an attempt to encourage the peasants to
extend cultivation, the Sultan introduced important changes in the administrative
system. He prohibited the system of begar (forced labour) that the peasants had to
render to the landlords and the government officers. The peasants were also
encouraged to bring new lands under the plough through other concessions.
Rizqullah Mushtaqi states that even an inch of land was not left lying uncultivated.
The state share in the agricultural produce was one-third and it was collected with
the assiktance of the vilkge officials the patwari, (hereditary village officials) khot
and muqaddam (village headman). The zaknt tax (Sales and transit tax) was
abolished.
The Sultan also allowed the peasants in the Empire to accept freely any one of the
three modes of assessment prevalent in those days. The three modes of revenue
assessment were crop-sharing (batai) measurement (called zabt system) and the
kankut (appraisal). The first two methods were common in north India. The third
one also seems to have continued during the Lodi period. Sultan Sikandar was
particular about a standard measurement system for its merits. He is said to have
introduced the p z - i Siknndari of thirty-two digits for the convenience of the amin
and patwari. It was used at the time of harvest. The patwaris were charged with the
duty of maintaining the accounts of per bigha yields and the measured area of the
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 lldir h thr 16th century Sher Shah and Islam Shah also introduced important changes in the agrarian
system. They overhauled the revenue administration of the Lodi Apart from
appointing new revenue officials at the pargana and sarkar level, Sher Shah curtailed
the powers and privileges of the land assignees (i.e. wajahdars and muqtas). The
unruly zamindars, who often took to robbery and withheld the payment of land
revenue due to the king, were forced into submission. They were also made
accountable for ewry crime committed within the boundaries of their zamindari.
The governors (for the muqtas) in the provinces, sarkar and wilayats) were denied a
'
free hand in adopting any of the known methods of revenue assessment at the time
of harvest. The methods of crop-sharing and revenue farming were abolished and
that of zabt (measurement) was enforced everywhere. The extra taxes called jaribma
and muhassilam (fee for measuring the land and revenue collection) were also
abolished. The offenders among the officials were punished.
Sher Shah ordered the land under cultivation to be measured every year at the
harvest time. The state's share in the produce was determined according to the royal
regulation. This system was prevalent throughout the Empire except for the
combined provinces of Multan and Sind. The territory of Multan had been ruined
by the oppressive Biloch rule. Therefore, Sher Shah directed its governor to develop
the region and realize from the cultivators only one-fourth of the produce in
accordance with the crop-sharing method. This systrm had prevailed under the early
local rulers i.e. the predecessors of the Biloch chiefs. The state revenuedemand in
other provinces was one-third of the agricultural produce.
Abul Fazl tells us that Sher Shah on the basis of fertility of soil divided the lands
into three categories, the good, middling and bad. An average produce of these three
types of soil was taken as standad yield per bigha. One third of this standard yield
was fixed as state share. A rai (schedule of crop-rates) was prepared for the
convenience and guidance of the revenue collectors. The state share now could be
easily converted into cash rates, according to the market prices. Abul Fazl testifies to
Sher Shah's achievements in this regard (for further details see Unit 17). According
to Abul Fazl, "The revenue demand levied by Sher K h a ; ~(Sher Shah), which at the
present day is represented in all provinces as the lowest rate of measurement
generally obtained, and for the convenience of the cultivators and the soldiery, the
value taken in cash money." Thus, it is clear that the state's share was fixed in kind
per bigha but collec