STRATA
Bulletin of the Anglo-Israel Archaeological Society
Volume 34
2016
The Anglo-Israel Archaeological Society
2nd loor, Supreme House
300 Regents Park Road
London N3 2JX
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Cover: Beth Alpha synagogue mosaic, NASA image
© 2016 The Anglo-Israel Archaeological Society, 2nd loor, Supreme House
300 Regents Park Road
London N3 2JX
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Strata: Bulletin of the Anglo-Israel
Archaeological Society
Editor:
David Milson
Reviews Editor:
Sandra Jacobs
Editorial Advisory Board: Rupert Chapman, Shimon Dar, Yossi
Garinkel, Shimon Gibson, Martin Goodman, Sean Kingsley,
Amos Kloner, David Milson, Rachael Sparks
Please send correspondence and books for review to:
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The Anglo-Israel Archaeological Society
HONORARY OFFICERS AND COMMITTEE MEMBERS
Honorary Chair
Prof. Tessa Rajak
Vice-President
Prof. Martin Goodman, FBA
Mr Mike Sommer
Prof. H. G. M. Williamson, DD, FBA
Vice-President (Israel)
Prof. Amihai Mazar
Prof. Ze’ev Weiss
Hon. Secretary
Dr Nick Slope†
Hon. Treasurer
Dr Paul Newham
Committee
Mrs. Barbara Barnett
Prof. George Brooke
Dr. Rupert Chapman III
Dr. Irving Finkel
Prof. Shimon Gibson
Prof. Martin Goodman
Dr. Sandra Jacobs
Dr. Sean Kingsley
Dr. Mark Merrony
Dr. David Milson
Mr. Anthony Rabin
Dr. Stephen Rosenberg
Dr. Rachael Sparks
Dr. Guy Steibel
Executive Secretary
Mrs. Sheila Ford
Contents
Editorial
5
in MEMoriaM
Nick Slope
9
Katharina StrEit
The 6th Millennium Cal. BCE Wadi Rabah Culture: Further Excavations
at Ein el-Jarba in the Jezreel Valley, Israel (2015–2016)
13
itaMar WEiSSbEin, YoSEf GarfinKEl, MichaEl G. haSEl and Martin G. KlinGbEil
Goddesses from Canaanite Lachish
41
Jan GunnEWEG and Marta balla
The Provenience of 7th–6th Century BCE Cult Vessels from the Iron Age II Fortress
at ‘En Hazeva using Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis (INAA)
57
EGon h.E. laSS
Soil Flotation from the Persian Period at Ashkelon, Israel
73
YotaM tEppEr, Jonathan david and MatthEW J. adaMS
The Roman VIth Legion Ferrata at Legio (el-Lajjun), Israel:
Preliminary Report of the 2013 Excavation
91
tali EricKSon-Gini, dov nahliEli and robErt Kool
Mezad Zohar: A Medieval Fort Near the Dead Sea
125
robErt Kool
The Coins from the Medieval Fortress at Mezad Zohar
151
orit ShaMir and naaMa SuKEniK
13th Century CE Textiles from Mezad Zohar
155
YoSEf GarfinKEl
The Decauville Light Train at Lachish (1933–1938)
165
Eliot braun
Observations on the South Levantine EB1 and the Erani C Horizon:
A Rejoinder to Gophna and Paz
191
Book Reviews
213
Books Received
245
Lecture Summaries
247
Reports from Jerusalem
251
Student Grant Reports
259
Notes for Contributors
261
7
Book Reviews
8
Claire Clivaz, Andrew Gregory and David Hamidović (eds.), Digital
Humanities in Biblical, Early Jewish and Early Christian Studies.
(James Aitken)
209
Erin Darby, Interpreting Judean Pillar Figurines: Gender and Empire in
Judean Apotropaic Ritual. (Josef Mario Briffa)
212
Hanan Eshel† (Shani Tzoref and Barnea Levi Selavan, eds.),
Exploring the Dead Sea Scrolls: Archaeology and Literature of the
Qumran Caves. (George J. Brooke)
214
Eric C. Lapp, Sepphoris II: The Clay Oil Lamps of Ancient Sepphoris:
Light Use and Regional Interactions. (Shimon Dar)
216
David M. Jacobson, Nikos Kokkinos (eds.), Judaea and Rome in Coins,
65 BCE - 135 CE. Papers Presented at the International Conference
Hosted by Spink, 13th - 14th September 2010. (Yoav Farhi)
217
Reinhard G. Kratz, Historical and Biblical Israel: The History,
Tradition, and Archives of Israel and Judah. (Lester L. Grabbe)
221
Jacobson, David M., Antioch and Jerusalem: The Seleucids and
Maccabees in Coins. (David F. Graf)
224
David T. Sugimoto, ed., Transformation of a Goddess: Ishtar – Astarte –
Aphrodite. (Sandra Jacobs)
226
Gil Gambash, Rome and Provincial Resistance. (Tessa Rajak)
231
Astrid Swenson and Peter Mandler (eds.), From Plunder to
Preservation: Britain and the Heritage of Empire, c.1800–1940.
(Michael Sommer)
233
Rachel Hachlili, Ancient Synagogues - Archaeology and Art: New
Discoveries and Current Research. (Joan Taylor)
236
Strata: bullEtin of thE anGlo-iSraEl archaEolocial SociEtY 2016 voluME 34
Mezad Zohar: A Medieval Fort near the Dead Sea
tali EricKSon-Gini, dov nahliEli and robErt Kool
Israel Antiquities Authority
Excavations at Mezad Zohar, a heavily eroded medieval fort west of the Dead Sea, have
revealed that it was constructed in the later decades of the 12th century and occupied until the
14th century CE. During the Mamluk period, the fort was part of the ‘barid’ network between
Cisjordan and southern Transjordan.
Introduction
In January 2004, Erickson-Gini and Nahlieli carried out soundings at Mezad
Zohar fortress (Arabic: Qasr al-Zuweira) on behalf of the Israel Antiquities
Authority (New Israel Grid 233317/562179; License A-4110/2004). The site
is two kilometres west of the Dead Sea (Fig. 1) at the foot of the Naqb Zuweira
pass, an ancient road leading west to Arad and from there towards Jerusalem.
The fort was constructed on a steep chalk and marl hill, located at the
confluence of Nahal Zohar and a tributary streambed (Fig. 2). Subsequently,
the site has been heavily eroded, particularly along the eastern side of the hill
with only a few walls remaining. The fort is made up of a lower area (Areas
A and B) including a gate on the western wall and a number of rooms, and an
upper area (Area C) approximately 20 m higher (Fig. 3) that appears to have
been used as a signal tower. An examination of the architecture indicates at
least two phases of construction.
Previous Research
In 1934, Mezad Zohar was first examined by Frank who dated it to the Roman
period (Frank 1934: 201, 256). Two years later, a British inspector working for
the Palestine Department of Antiquities arrived at the site on 12 November,
walking from Umm Baghagh (‘En Boqeq). He correctly dated the structure
to the medieval period, and provided notes describing the architecture and
layout of the ‘castle’, as well as photographs and sketches. He identified
medieval pottery, a ‘two-centered’ arch over the entrance to the lower fort near
a cistern and mentioned rain water present in two of the open cisterns near the
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tali EricKSon-Gini, dov nahliEli and robErt Kool
Fig. 1. Location map of Mezad Zohar.
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MEzad zohar: a MEdiEval fort nEar thE dEad SEa
Fig. 2. Photo of Mezad Zohar, facing south (photo by G. Atkes).
Fig. 3. Mezad Zohar, facing northeast.
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tali EricKSon-Gini, dov nahliEli and robErt Kool
Fig. 4. General plan of Mezad Zohar.
site.1 In 1967 Rothenberg’s Arabah survey erroneously reported that the site
dated to the Roman period (Rothenberg 1967: 112). In Pringle’s gazetteer of
secular buildings in the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem it appears (Pringle
1997:114, site P21; Qasr az-Zuwaira) as a possible Crusader site, noting that
a coin of Amalric I found there raises the possibility that the earlier fort was
reoccupied by the Franks in the 12th century to protect the Hebron-Kerak
road (see Kool, below). However, Pringle was skeptical about the dating due
to a lack of supporting evidence from controlled excavations. Petersen also
included the site in his Gazetteer of Buildings in Muslim Palestine (Part 1),
(2001a: 252–254; Pls. 275–277).
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MEzad zohar: a MEdiEval fort nEar thE dEad SEa
Fig. 5. Photograph of the gate on the interior of Mezad Zohar, facing west, from 1936
(courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority, Archive Dept.).
The Architecture of the Fort (Fig. 5)
The Lower Level
The lower level of the fort (Areas A and B) was originally constructed as a rectangular
structure abutting the north hillside. The western side is best preserved near the gate
(Fig. 5). A large section between Area A on the west and Area B on the east was
heavily eroded with few remains (Fig. 6). Merely 6 m of the long exterior wall
(W6) bounding the southern side of the fort still remains. Sections of this wall have
survived eight to ten courses high in the southwest corner. The lower courses of a
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tali EricKSon-Gini, dov nahliEli and robErt Kool
Fig. 6. Photograph of Area B, the slight remains of the eastern edge of the fort, facing
northeast.
support wall (W7), also 6.0 m in length, were found just outside the corner of W5
and W6. Some sections of this wall collapsed into the Nahal Zohar wadi bed. These
exterior walls are nearly a metre in width. Apparently, an interior wall (W3) ran
parallel to the southern wall with some small sections still visible.
The fort was built with dressed dolomite stones that average 0.30 × 0.30 × 0.35
m in size with somewhat larger stones of a higher quality that appear in the gate,
possibly relecting a secondary period of construction. These stones must have
been brought to the site from quarries in the limestone/dolomite formations nearby.
Several bossed stones with smoothed edges were incorporated into western wall next
to the entrance to the lower level (Area A). These stones probably came from Late
Hellenistic to Early Roman buildings located a kilometre to the east. The quality
of the construction is rather simple, with large gaps (up to 0.23 m) between stones.
Beyond the gate, much of the construction is characterized by the use of both regular
and irregularly cut stones with rows of galleting, small stones used as inill (Fig. 7).
This technique was evident throughout the site, including the built plinths in Area B.
The walls of the lower level appear to have been lined with plaster both internally and
externally in a later phase. Four shallow niches were carved into the hillside along
the northern face of the lower level. Their function is unclear and further excavation
is required in this area in order to determine their use.
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MEzad zohar: a MEdiEval fort nEar thE dEad SEa
Fig. 7. Photograph facing northwest showing wall construction north of the gate with
irregularly shaped stones and galletting.
The Gate
The photograph of the gate shows that it had an intact arch in the medieval pointed
“two-centred” style. By 1956, photographs show that the arch has disappeared,
as can be seen at present (Fig. 8). The gate is 1.80 m wide and preserved to
a height of eight courses. The jambs supporting the arch have survived to a
height of six-seven courses. Several stones forming a low platform have been
placed outside of the gate in order to provide a step up into the structure. This
platform apparently covers an earlier step, but this was not investigated during
the excavation. The interior of the gate opens into a space, 3.5 m in width,
bounded on either side with low, terrace walls.
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tali EricKSon-Gini, dov nahliEli and robErt Kool
Fig. 8. The gate and the western exterior W5 of the fort in Area A, facing east.
The South-western Room
The southwestern room (5.8 × 6.5 m) of the lower level appears to have been used
as a kind of guard room. The loor is two metres lower than that of the entrance
level. Four steps leads downwards to this room where there are two vertical
loopholes (arrow slits) in the southern wall. The western loophole is 1.97 deep,
0.78 m high and 1.73 wide in the interior of the room and narrows on the exterior
to 0.55 m The eastern loophole is above the lowest step and slants horizontally it
is 2.00 m deep, 0.85 m high and 1.75 wide in the interior. Two phases are present,
as windows in the southern wall from the earliest phase were covered when the
wall was lined.
The Cistern
A bell-shaped cistern exists ten meters northwest of the gate on the exterior of the
fort, and was not excavated. A line of stones may have formed some kind of wall
or channel leading into the cistern from the south. The original opening into the
cistern has collapsed, leaving an opening 1.5 m in diameter. The interior of the
cistern is covered with a well-preserved layer of white plaster.
The Plinths
Three plinths, probably for a rope bridge, are in Area B, on the far eastern end of
the fort below the entrance to the upper level, on a steep cliff overlooking Nahal
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MEzad zohar: a MEdiEval fort nEar thE dEad SEa
Fig. 9. The oven in Area B facing north.
Zohar. The tallest surviving plinth is 1.5 × 4 × 2.80 m high. It was carved out of
bedrock along the cliff edge. A two-metre deep niche was carved into the side
facing the intermediate plinth below. The second plinth is just over six metres
away, below the upper one. This one was constructed of roughly worked stones
and lines of galleting and it survives to a height of 2.38 m. This plinth is ive
metres from a third plinth located next to the remains of a medieval oven. The
third plinth (1.80 × 1.50 m.) survives to a height of 2.50 m.
The Oven
The oven was built close to the third plinth and it is bounded on the east by a wall
(W8). It measures 2.30 × 3.0 m in size and has survived to a height of six courses
along its eastern face and three to four courses on its southern face. The opening
to the oven faces south (Fig. 9).
The Upper Level
Although the upper level, 20 m above the lower level is largely intact, it is dificult
to access. Only a small section of the original stairway and a wall to the east
has survived. This wall (ca. 3.5 m long) abuts the northeast side of the hilltop,
leading to a lat, enclosed platform (Fig. 10). The platform is irregularly shaped,
measuring ca. 8 × 8 m in size. It is supported by high revetment walls lining the
curving hillside. On its western side, the outer stones have largely disappeared.
133
tali EricKSon-Gini, dov nahliEli and robErt Kool
Fig. 10. The upper level of the fort and the remains of a staircase, facing north.
The remains of two other revetment walls to the northwest and the northeast are
visible from above. The platform was covered with an easily discerned layer of
thick ash. The top of the wall enclosing the platform are all uniform in height and
the platform appears to have functioned as a signal tower.
Access to the upper level may have been provided by way of a rope bridge
supported by a row of three plinths (described above) located below and southeast
of the upper level in Area B. A fourth plinth may have been located on the opposite
bank of the wadi bed of Nahal Zohar facing Area B.
The Excavation
Area A
Most of the soundings were in Area A, along the southern side of the fort. The well
preserved walls of the fort (W5, W6) include the entrance and a cistern outside of
the fort, to the west. Three soundings at intervals along the interior of the southern
wall of the fort were excavated. These probes showed that the builders used a
ill made of ground local clayish soil, producing a series of levelled terraces that
extended down the hillside. The loors of the rooms built on these terraces were
constructed over the ill. The area west of the gate was not quarried. A thin layer
134
MEzad zohar: a MEdiEval fort nEar thE dEad SEa
of soil covered the sloping bedrock. The southern side of this probe was bound by
a low terrace wall (W1). Just below topsoil, a campire, several pieces of rope and
other organic material were found together with pottery sherds dated to the late
12th and the 13th centuries AD. In particular, we uncovered sections of a bowl with
slip-painted decoration (Fig. 11:1; Avissar and Stern 2005:19, Types I.1.6.1–2,
Fig. 7: 1–8) and a bowl base with green glaze (Fig. 11:2).
A second probe next to the entrance on the eastern side was bounded on the east
and north with a low partition wall (W2). Large fragments of an undated handmade
storage jar (not illustrated) were found under the corner of this partition wall. A
layer of soil with ash extended down to a layer of light colored ill. This ashy layer
contained several pottery sherds as well as organic material.
A third probe below one of the windows by the southern side of the fort uncovered
a wall (W4). A stairway consisting of four steps was found along the western wall
of the fort extending downwards (Fig. 13). In order to obtain a better view of this
structure the probe was extended 1 m further east (L902, 903). Throughout the
probe a layer of soil mixed with ash was evident from the surface down to the
ill level. This layer contained numerous pottery sherds, mainly geometric-painted
handmade pottery (Fig. 12.11; Avissar and Stern 2005:88, 113, Types II.1.4.2,
II.4.4, Figs. 38:6–10; 47, 48), examples of soft-paste wares (Figs. 11:6; 12:12,
12:14; Avissar and Stern 2005:25–29, Type I.2) and fragments of Cypriot slippainted bowls (Fig. 11: 2, 3; Avissar and Stern 2005:58, Type I.8.1, Fig. 23). These
pottery types date generally from the end of the 12th to the 13th centuries. However,
the geometric painted handmade wares have a longer date range, extending to later
centuries as well, while the Cypriot Slip-painted bowls have a more restricted date,
only in the 13th century.2
Well-preserved textiles and organic matter were also found. Sherds of molasses
jars were found in this and other probes in Area A (Fig. 11:9; Avissar and Stern
2005:103, 104, Types II.3.1.5–6, Fig. 43). This type of handless jar was typically
used in the industrial process of producing sugar from sugar cane. The liquid
molasses was drained to the jar while the sugar loaf dried and crystallized in a
sugar pot (Avissar and Stern 2005:86, type II.1.3, Fig. 37; Stern 2001: 279–281,
Fig. 19). Molasses was possibly marketed in this type of vessel, as it has been
found in sites that were not sugar production sites. Large quantities of molasses
jars were found in a store room at Tall Hisbān (Walker and LaBianca 2003:450–
451, Figs. 5, 9). Walker suggested that the presence of the molasses jars indicated
that Hisbān was a transport point for sugar in the 14th century (Walker 2004:133).
Furthermore, nine fragments of molasses jars with no evidence for sugar production
were found at Tel Yoqne’am (Tall Qaymun) in the northern part of Israel (Avissar
1996:155–156, Type 16, Fig. XIII.123:1) and molasses jars in small quantities
were also found at few sites in Jordan, such as: Mugharat el Wardeh in the ‘Ajlun
135
tali EricKSon-Gini, dov nahliEli and robErt Kool
1.
3.
2.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Fig. 11. Pottery.
136
MEzad zohar: a MEdiEval fort nEar thE dEad SEa
No.
Vessel
Basket
Locus
Description
1
Bowl
4
L301
Reddish brown ware 5YR4/4;
occasional large white
inclusions and numerous
tiny white inclusions;
black 5YR2.5/1 to dark
gray 5Y4/1 glaze on
interior rim; bright green
glaze towards center.
Parallels
2
Bowl
1
L101
Dark gray ware 7.5YRN3/; Cypriot slipped painted ware;
very dark grayish brown
Yoqneam (Avissar 2005: Fig.
glaze 10YR3/2; olive
2.15.5).
yellow glazed decoration
5Y6/6.
3
Bowl
5
L401
Red ware 2.5YR4/8; occasional Cypriot slip-painted ware; Acco
(Stern 1997: Fig. 8:71);
medium white inclusions;
Yoqne’am (Avissar 2005: Color
reddish brown glaze on
interior 5YR4/4; pale
plate 1:1).
yellow glaze swirled
decoration, 5Y7/4.
4
C o o k i n g 11
pot
L602
Red ware 2.5YR4/6; numerous Yoqne’am, Avissar’s CP-Type 7
tiny white inclusions;
(Avissar 2005: Fig. 2.18:1;
traces of dark brown glaze.
Avissar and Stern 2005: Fig.
39.2). Dated to the second half
of the 12th c. and irst half of the
13th c.
5
Cooking 1
pot
L101
Red ware 2.YR4/8; occasional Yoqne’am, Avissar’s CP-Type 7
tiny white inclusions; dark
(Avissar 2005: Fig. 2.18:1;
reddish brown glaze on
Avissar and Stern 2005: Fig.
shoulder 5YR2.5/2.
39.2; Pl. XXVI:1). Dated to the
second half of the 12th c. and irst
half of the 13th c.
6
Ring base 9
L902
Very pale brown 10YR8/3; Avissar and Stern’s Type I.2.2, softoccasional medium to
paste monochrome glazed ware
large white inclusions;
(Avissar and Stern 2005: Fig.
turquoise glaze on interior
1–3); Dated 12th-13th c.
and exterior.
7
Jug base
1
L101
Light brownish gray ware
2.5Y6/2; charred exterior;
traces of pale green glaze
on base.
8
Flask
9
L902
Light gray 2.5Y7/2; numerous Acco (Stern 1997: 4:18); Dated 13thtiny to medium white
14th c.
inclusions; light yellowish
brown slip 2.5Y6/4.
9
Molasses 16
jar
L903
Very pale brown 10YR7/4; Avissar and Stern’s molasses jar type
dark gray inclusions;
II.3.1 (Avissar and Stern 2005:
light yellowish brown slip
Fig. 43.10). Dated 14th -15th c.
10YR6/4.
137
tali EricKSon-Gini, dov nahliEli and robErt Kool
10.
11.
12.
14.
13.
Fig. 12. Painted pottery.
10
Painted
jug
14
L1202
11
Sherds
16
L903
12
Sherds
4
L301
13
Sherds
8
L802
14
Sherds
4
L301
138
Yellowish red ware 5YR5/6; Avissar and Stern’s handmade
small white inclusions;
jug with geometric painted
light brown slip 7.5YR6/4;
decoration type II.4.4 (Avissar
gray 10YR5/1 to dark gray
and Stern 2005: Fig. 47: 4–5, 7).
10YR4/1 deco.
Dated from the 12th c. throughout
the Mamluk period.
MEzad zohar: a MEdiEval fort nEar thE dEad SEa
Fig. 13. The interior stairs abutting W5 in Area A.
district (Coughenour 1976: 72–74, Pl. XXXII) and from er-Rabbah and Qumeir on
the Kerak Plateau (Miller 1991:65–66; sites 94, 108, and 215; Brown 1991:235,
pl. 8:446, 447). These jars, with no evidence of sugar production, strengthen
the assumption that the molasses jar fragments found at Mezad Zohar indicate
transportation of molasses and not production.
Area B
Directly in front of the stairway leading into the keep in Area B are three tall plinths,
one carved from bedrock and the others constructed using stones. These may have
been used to support a rope or wooden bridge to facilitate access between the
lower and upper levels. A probe (L401) between the upper plinth and the hillside
revealed collapse from the stair and entrance into the keep. This material appears
to have rolled down from the entranceway of the keep. The collapse layer sealed
a thick layer of ash, organic material and some textiles. Several pieces of wood
found in this area may have been used as cups or utensils. No building remains
were found in the probe.
Soundings were made around the lower plinths where a medieval oven was
uncovered. Although its domed roof had collapsed, the southern half of the oven was
excavated (Fig. 9; L701). A few animal bones and unidentiiable pottery sherds were
139
tali EricKSon-Gini, dov nahliEli and robErt Kool
found in the rubble above the loor of the oven. Near the oven is a low stone wall, one
row high (W8). The area in front of the oven (L601, L602) contained a thick layer of ash
with debris from the oven. Dating the ceramic material indicates the earliest phase of the
fort from the late 12th or early 13th century. Pottery sherds included globular cooking pots
with dripped brown glaze dating from the second half of the 12th century to the early 13th
century (Fig. 11: 4, 5; Avissar and Stern 2005:91, Type II.2.1.2, Fig. 39:2). Small pieces
of wood and wood dust discovered in the far east corner indicate that this particular area
was used to store irewood. This type of oven, which has a low domed roof constructed
over a square platform, is a well-known medieval type in the Levant. Baking ovens
with raised platforms and domed roof are a known European type (Yehuda 2012:54).
Parallels have been found at Vadum Jacob (Mezad Ataret, Qasr al-‘Atra), ‘Atlit, Jaffa,
Nebi Samwil, Crac des Chevaliers and Kerak (Boas 1999:77).
Additional probes near the intermediate plinth uncovered two bronze coins
close to the surface on the slope. These were the only coins discovered anywhere
in the fort. The irst is a coin of the Ayyubid al-‘Ādil Sayf al-Dīn (d. 1218), dating
to 1202 CE.3 The second is a coin of the Mamluk Sultan Baybars (1260–77 CE).4
Nearby, two adult skeletons (L1201) were found less than half a metre below the
steeply sloping surface. The skeletons were partially excavated and subsequently
covered and left in situ. Well-preserved textiles and part of a leather pouch were
found near the remains. Along the northern face of the plinth (L1202) a complete
handmade jug with painted brown geometric decoration was discovered in an
inverted position (Fig. 12:10).
Area C
In the area of the keep located over 20 m above the fort (Area C), a 2 × 2.5 m
probe was excavated in the middle of the platform. A layer of ashy soil extended
about half a metre in depth to a ill layer. This area was probably used as a signal
tower, as a thick layer of ash and organic material was found all over the platform.
Pottery sherds dating to the 13th century CE with geometric painted decoration
similar to those discovered in Areas A and B were discovered.5
Investigations Outside of the Fort
The area beyond the southwest exterior of the fort appears to have been used as a
midden (L1100, L1101). No diagnostic pottery sherds were found on the surface
of the rocky slope in this area, where there is a thin layer of soil over a hard, sterile
surface. Another probe (L1000, L1001) east of the southwestern corner of the fort
along W7 was sterile.
Roi Porat and Uri Davidovitz carried out an investigation of the caves in the
vicinity of the fort and the fort itself using a metal detector. In the small, man-
140
MEzad zohar: a MEdiEval fort nEar thE dEad SEa
Fig. 14. The guard cave above the road leading past the fort, facing southeast.
made cave southeast of the fort, which overlooks the road leading eastward (Fig.
14), six Mamluk bronze coins and some well-preserved textiles were discovered
approximately 0.40 m below the loor surface. The cave is open to east and the
west and a round seat was carved into the loor.
This room probably served as a watchtower overlooking the bend in the road east
of the fort. The cache of coins discovered here date to the 14th century.6 Of these,
one coin dates to the second reign of al-Ṣāliḥ Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn Ḥājjī II Hajji (1389–
1390 CE)7 and two coins were issued during the second reign of the Circassian
Mamluk Sultan, al-Ẓāhir Sayf al-Dīn Barqūq (1390–1399 CE).8
The Water Supply
At least three dams constructed in narrow passages collected water from the
streambeds below the fort. Two dams are still extant north and northwest of the
fort and traces of a third, together with evidence of hydraulic plaster, have been
found southwest of the fort. One pool still collects water during loods. Water
collected in loods in these pools was stored in the cistern located next to the
entrance of the fort.
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Fig. 15. Map of sites along the Mamluk ‘Barid’ road between Gaza – Hebron and
Transjordan.
The Gaza – Transjordan Road (Dov Nahlieli)
In pre-modern times, Mezad Zohar was on the main artery between Gaza and
southern Transjordan (Fig. 15). One branch of the road led eastward from Mezad
Zohar. This branch may have led to anchorages along the southern shore of
the Dead Sea. There is evidence for a limited amount of shipping on the lake
during the Crusader period, and it was an important source of salt and bitumen
(Mayer 1987, 201).9 The road was the primary route between Transjordan and
the Mediterranean, by way of Ghor es-Sai (Zoar) southeast of the Dead Sea and
the regions of southern Moab and Edom. Westward the road led to Hebron and
Gaza, passing through a series of waypoints in southern Judaea and the western
Negev. This road was probably used by Baldwin I of Jerusalem on his expedition
into Edom when he stopped Muslim attempts to construct a fort at Wadi Musa in
1107 CE (ibid). In this period Baldwin I initiated the construction of the important
fortress of Shaubak in Transjordan.10 Furthermore, Crusader remains have been
discovered along the route in southern Judaea. These include a Crusader tower
located at Khirbat al-Karmil (Horvat Carmel). Prawer noted in his discussion
concerning roads in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem that a fortiied station was
located at Carmel (Kh. al-Karmil) along the road leading from Hebron to Segor
(Palmarea – Zoar) at the southern tip of the Dead Sea. Crusader sources refer to
an ancient water reservoir that was still functioning at Carmel (ibid., n. 14).
In the Mamluk period, the Zuweira/Zohar road appears to have been used by
the imperial post (barīd), (Fig.14). For instance, in the Haram archive a sawwaq
(imperial courier) ‘of Kerak and Gaza’ via el-Khalil (Hebron) is mentioned
(Richards 1987: 206, n. 10). According to Qalqashandi “in regard to the road to
Kerak: and from Gaza to Mulakas which is the centre of the ‘barid’, and from
there to the city (balad) of el-Khalil (Hebron), may peace be upon it, and later from
there to el-Janba and from there to el-Saiyah and later from there to Kerak.” (al142
MEzad zohar: a MEdiEval fort nEar thE dEad SEa
Qalqashandi 1913: 379).11 A number of sites described by Qalqashandi as Mulakas
may be identiied. The most likely of these is the site of Khirbet Umm Lāqis (H.
Leqesh, New Israel Grid 17038/60902) near the modern community of Sade
David in the western Negev. Sir Flinders Petrie partially excavated the site in 1890
(Lamdan, et al., 1977: 188) and subsequent surveys carried out under the direction
of Lamdan found a site covering ifteen dunams, with pottery from the Crusader
and Mamluk periods (New Israel Grid 17065/60900; ibid). According to a list of
villages in belonging to the county of Ascalon, Umm Lāqis appears under the
name Malakus in the year 1256 CE (Prawer 1958: 235). The site of Janba is that
of Khirbet Janba (or Jinba, New Israel Grid 21330/58557) located east of Mezudat
Yehuda and as-Safiya refers to es-Sai southeast of the Dead Sea.
The site of Mezad Zohar (az-Zuweira) appears in an account of the barid system
by al-Tahari. Al-Tahari provides a detailed description of the barid road between
Egypt and Gaza by way of North Sinai and the various roads that radiated from
Gaza: “and the road to Kerak from Gaza to Balakas and then to Hebron and then to
Janba and then to az-Zuweir and then to as-Saiyeh and then to el-Hafer and then
to Kerak.” (al-Zahiri 1894: 119)
It should be noted that the barid usually took the shortest and most direct route
from one point to another and that this particular route was lengthened since it bypassed the Beer Sheba basin and the northern Negev. Prawer notes the absence of
settlement south of Hebron in this period: “the most striking phenomenon is the
utter desolation of the semi-arid areas in the southern part of the country,” (Prawer
1972a: 354).
It appears that the reason for this may have been a desire to pass between larger,
more central towns on the one hand, and on the other hand, this may point to
security concerns in the periphery area of the Beer Sheba basin, in spite of the fact
that the Mamluk regime generally ensured the safety of roads under its jurisdiction.
Here, the Mamluks may not have been able to control Bedouin tribes completely
and the roads leading through this area may have been too dangerous to travel.
Conclusions
The indings of the archaeological investigation of the site of Mezad Zohar, which
include the numismatic, ceramic and architectural evidence, indicate that it was
established late in the 12th century CE, possibly by the Ayyubids, and it continued
to be occupied in the 13th–14th centuries during the Mamluk administration. The
possibility that the fort was originally constructed by the Franks is countered
by narrow chronological constraints: it is unlikely that it would have been built
anytime before 1142 CE when the construction of the Kerak fortress began whereas
the Franks lost control of the area in wake of the Battle of Hittin in 1187 CE (M.
Sinibaldi, pers. comm.). Notably, the new borders established in the Treaty of
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1240–1241 CE did not include the area of Mezad Zohar (Prawer 1972a: 31; 1975:
287; 284). In Petersen’s discussion of the site of Mezad Zohar (Qasr az-Zuwayr),
he notes that it bears similarities to the manner in which some Crusader castles
are built upon spurs, taking advantage of the natural topography for defensive
purposes (2001b: 393). However, he also notes the similarity to Assassin castles
built in remote locations (ibid).
The fort contains two or more architectural phases and features that can be
attributed to the Crusader and the Ayyubid periods. The ceramic evidence from the
2004 excavation of the site of Mezad Zohar is not deinitive enough to determine
whether the site was irst occupied by the Franks or the Ayyubids and the assemblage
is largely made up of types that were in use in the 13th century.
The fort was probably constructed in order to protect the important Zohar Pass
and to serve as a station on the main road between the Cisjordan and southern
Transjordan. The platform of the keep (the upper level, Area C) appears to have
been used a signal tower that would have been visible on the Kerak plain east of
the Dead Sea. This plain, at an elevation of over 1000 m above sea level on the
southern edge of the Dead Sea, is clearly visible from both levels of the site. The
lack of collapsed building stones between the plinths on the eastern side of the fort
in Area B point to the possibility that the keep was accessed by way of a rope or
wooden bridge strung across the three plinths and across Nahal Zohar. These plinths
are located more or less in a line under the stairway and entrance into the tower
on the north side of the hilltop. The streambed of Nahal Zohar apparently served
as a kind of dry ditch and part of the fort’s defences. The presence of deep ditches
around Crusader fortresses prevented an enemy’s use of siege equipment such as a
ram or towers against the walls (Prawer 1972b: 122). Timber or rope bridges were
often used to span ditches of this sort, enabling the Crusader defenders to burn the
bridge during an attack (ibid. 123).
The choice of a steep hill in the dramatic terrain of a dry riverbed, recalls the
location of the Crusader fort of al-Wu’ayra near Petra. Like al-Wu’ayra, Mezad
Zohar is seriously eroded with both forts displaying signs of features carved into
the bedrock (Vannini and Tonghini 1997: 383, n. 46). Pottery dated to the second
half of the 12th and early 13th centuries was found in association with the oven
located on the eastern side of the site in Area B.
Unlike al-Wu’ayra in southern Jordan, Mezad Zohar was located on an
important artery, the main road between the Ghor es-Sai (Zoar)/Transjordan and
the Mediterranean coast. The domed baking oven with a platform in this area
points to European inluences. According to Yehuda, this type was commonly
found in private houses and bakeries in medieval Europe (Yehuda 2012: 54). The
numismatic and ceramic evidence indicates that it was probably re-garrisoned by
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MEzad zohar: a MEdiEval fort nEar thE dEad SEa
the Ayyubids. This may have taken place following the general abandonment of
fortiications in Transjordan by the Crusaders in wake of their defeat in the Battle
of Hittin in 1187 CE, including the fall of the fortresses at Kerak and Shaubak to
Saladin in 1188 and 1189.
In the 13th and 14th centuries the fort was quite likely part of the Mamluk barid,
i.e., the imperial postal system established by Sultan Baybars due to its location on
the Zohar (Zuweira) Pass. In this period, renovations were apparently introduced,
including the lining of the walls. Both Faucherre and Sinibaldi point out that the
encasing of older castles in new walls is a well-documented building technique
of the Mamluk period (pers. comm.). Sinibaldi also notes that the presence of the
cistern in an unprotected position on the outside of the fort suggests that it was
constructed after the Crusader period, probably in the Mamluk period, whereas
cisterns are usually an internal element in Crusader-period forts. Most of the
pottery at the site appears to date to the latest occupation there in the 13th century.
This includes fragments of molasses jars, Soft-Paste ware and particularly rather
large quantities of handmade vessels with geometric painted decoration as well as
some fragments of pottery originating in Cyprus.
The molasses jars discovered at the site indicate that the Zohar pass and route was
used to transport produce from the Ghor es-Sai area to the Mediterranean coast for
further export by sea. The presence of the Cypriot slip painted ware dating to the
13th century indicates that other goods coming from the Mediterranean basin were
also traded along this road to sites in Trans-Jordan.12 Excavations and surveys in the
region of Ghor es-Sai, in the site of Zoar(a) / Zughar or Sughar, have uncovered
kiln wasters of sugar molds and other vessels related to the production of sugar
from Ayyubid and Mamluk periods (Photos-Jones et al: 2002, Figs. 17–18; p. 612).
The production of cane sugar in the Jordan Valley, including substantial investment
in irrigation systems, appears to have been heavily promoted by the Ayyubids and
the Mamluks between the 12th and 15th centuries (ibid. 593).13 Investigations at
the site of Ghor es-Sai in 2008 and 2009 have revealed the presence of sugar
cane processing with at least three presses that operated between the 12th and 15th
centuries (Politis 2013). It was a particularly important cash crop in the 14th century
and Mamluk rulers held a virtual monopoly on its production and marketing
(Walker 1999: 213; 2003:258–259).
Mezad Zohar appears to have been abandoned long before the Ottoman
period. Local Beduin claim that the site was used by robbers to ambush
travelers. The human remains buried next to the plinth in Area B were
obviously interred sometime after the abandonment of the site and may have
been victims of banditry.
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Acknowledgements
The excavation was funded by National Water Company, Mekarot, as part of their
drilling project near the site. The work was carried out under the direction of Tali
Erickson-Gini and Dov Nahlieli on behalf of the Israel Antiquities Authority. In
addition to a small number of hired workers, volunteers from the Blossoming
Rose Organization also participated. Other volunteers include Gilad Nahlieli who
aided in excavating Area C and Roi Porat and Uri Davidovich who checked the
site and the surrounding area twice with metal detectors. This work produced the
only coins found in and around the site. We are sincerely grateful for Edna Stern’s
contribution towards the identiication and discussion of the ceramic inds. The
pottery was drawn by Irina Libsky. The coins were examined by Ariel Berman
and the inal report of the coins was prepared by Robert Kool. Donald Zvi Ariel
provided photographs of the coins.
Nicolas Faucherre visited the site with Haim Barbé (Israel Antiquities Authority)
in September 2007 and has kindly provided his observations concerning the
architecture of the site. Micaela Sinibaldi (Cardiff University) visited the site in
2010 and viewed the inds and also provided her observations concerning the
historical setting and the archaeological context of the architecture and the pottery.
We would like to thank each of them, as well as the anonymous referees of this
paper, for their valuable suggestions and contributions.
Notes
1 Other notations on the inspector’s report include the following: Map Ref. XVI.183.062
– Qasr ez Zuweira. Potsherds in Palestine Antiquities Museum, sherd coll. No. 545.
Many thanks to Arieh Rochman-Halperin for providing us with the material in the Israel
Antiquities Authority archive in the Rockefeller Museum in Jerusalem.
2 Stern (2012) reviewed this type of imported pottery, while a recent study of the date and
distribution of geometric-painted handmade wares can be found in Gabriele et al. (2014).
3 IAA No. 108961.
4 D. Ariel, pers. comm.
5 The ceramic material was examined and identiied by Miriam Avissar† and Edna Stern on
behalf of the Excavation and Survey Department of the Israel Antiquities Authority.
6 IAA Nos. 108955–108960.
7 IAA No. 108955.
8 IAA Nos. 109857 and 109858.
9 Rey proposed that the site of Mezad Zohar/Zuweira, as well as Kh. al-Karmil and Samu,
formed a defensive line along the southern border of the kingdom of Jerusalem against
Egypt (1871:4, 104; cf. Pringle 2013: 227).
10 See Mayer 1987, 199–200; Pringle 1997, 59–60, site 124 (Kerak), 75–76, site 157
(Montreal-Shaubak); 2003, 678.
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11 According to Gaudefroy-Demombynes’ translation Mulakas could be described as a mere
postal station (barid) along the route (1923: 242).
12 Pottery may represent other traded goods mainly because it fulils two important
conditions: it survives well in the archaeological record, and its provenience can often be
traced using typology and analytical studies. Although pottery was not the most important
product traded, it is representative of a wide range of medium-priced bulk products such
as foodstuffs, cloth, glass or metals that usually do not survive in the archaeological
record, or whose provenience is harder to trace (pers. comm. from E.J. Stern).
13 For examples of sugar production in the archaeological record, see: Abu Dalu 1995; Stern
1999; Stern 2001; Strange-Burke 2004.
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