A New Type of Cemetery from the Late Mamluk
and Early Ottoman Periods from Central Israel
Amir Gorzalczany
In a series of cemeteries from the Late Mamluk and Early Ottoman Periods excavated in Israel, a
rare feature was discovered. Some of the tombs are sealed by whole ceramic vessels,
intentionally located on the tomb, placed on their bases, rims or bodies. The vessels consistently
belong to three reiterative forms, dated to the Mamluk and Ottoman Periods. To date, seven
cemeteries of this kind were discovered, but not all of them were published or even identified
as such by the excavators. All the cemeteries are located in a well-defined area, namely
between the basins of Nahal Yarqon in the north and Nahal Soreq in the south. The particular
regional distribution and typological variation pose intriguing questions, on which this paper is
focused.
Keywords: Mamluk and Ottoman cemeteries, tomb coverings, brachycephalic, scoop vessels, beehives, Turcoman
Introduction
During the last years, a series of the Mamluk and
Early Ottoman Periods cemeteries were excavated in
the central area of Israel. Some of them were already
published (Gophna et al. 2007), others were published but not identified as belonging to this
particular category of necropolises (Gudovitch
2001; Toueg 2008; Glick 1998), while yet others
remain unpublished. All of them are located within
the boundaries of a narrow and well-defined geographic region, namely between the basins of Nahal
Yarqon in the north and Nahal Soreq in the south
(Fig. 1). Opposite to other Mamluk and Ottoman
period cemeteries in same area, e.g. Bet Dagan (Beit
Dajan) (Yannai 2008) or in other parts of the country,
the cemeteries under discussion are characterized by a
rare and striking feature. Some of the tombs, which
otherwise are rather similar to the common Islamic
graves, are covered not by stone slabs but by whole
ceramic vessels. This burial feature is unattested
elsewhere and raises intriguing questions concerning
the reasons behind it. To this day, seven cemeteries of
this particular sort have been identified. The present
research will summarize the published and unpublished data regarding these cemeteries and discuss the
Amir Gorzalczany, Israel Antiquities Authority, 17 Mikveh Israel St., 61012
Tel Aviv, Israel; email: amir@israntique.org.il
ß Council for British Research in the Levant 2009
Published by Maney
DOI 10.1179/007589109X12484491671211
broader implications of the phenomenon. The
sequence in which the cemeteries are described here
follows the volume of archaeological information
available for each, beginning with my own excavation
at Ge’alya (Kh. el-Ajjuri - Kh. ed-Duheisha). The
Arabic names of the sites are given as they are
declared in Reshumot - Yalqut Hapirsumim (the
official gazette of the State of Israel, which continues
the British Mandate Palestine Gazette). Local religious objections prevented the opening of the tombs
in some of the cemeteries.
The Cemeteries
Ge’alya2 (Kh. el-Ajjuri - Kh. ed-Duheisha)
The site at Ge’alya (Gorzalczany 1997; 2009b;
forthcoming) is located atop a low hamra prominence1 (Fig. 2). The hill encompasses a kurkar (local
sandstone) ridge, 2?5 km north-east of Yavne (Yibna)
(map ref. New Israel Grid, henceforth N.I.G.
178129–774/643303–904).2 The site of Ge’alya is
1
Hamra is a reddish-light-brown sandy soil, typical to the Central Coastal
Plain of Israel.
2
Israeli Transverse Mercator (ITM) is the new geographic coordinate
system for Israel and it has been in use since 1 January1994. The name is
derived from the Transverse Mercator projection it uses and the fact that it
is optimized for Israel. ITM has replaced the old coordinate system and,
sometimes, it is also referred to as the ‘New Israeli Grid’. The new system
relocated the Y axis 50 km westward and the X axis 500 km southward, so
that now the entire country is covered by positive coordinate values.
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Gorzalczany
A New Type of Cemetery
Figure 1 Map showing the burial sites mentioned in this research, between the basins of Nahal Yarkon in the north and
Nahal Soreq in the south. The grey areas represent modern settlements. Map Boris Entin, courtesy of the IAA
located within the boundaries of the sites known as
Kh. el -Ajjuri and Kh. ed-Duheisha, in their northern
overlapping with the Tel Shalaf.
During the months of September 2006 and
February 2007 trial and salvage excavations were
carried out by the author (permits A-4899/2006, A4999/2007)3 on behalf of the Israel Antiquities
Authority (henceforth IAA). Four areas were excavated, and copious finds were unearthed. These
include pottery, glass, metal and coins, all dated to
3
The IAA is the institution responsible for the emission of excavation and
survey authorizations in Israel. Two different kinds of authorizations are
usually issued: the internal ones, given to the IAA employees, are permits
labelled ‘A’, followed by a serial number and the year of issue. External
organizations such as universities or research institutions are given
licenses labelled ‘B’ (for salvage excavations) or ‘G’, followed by a serial
number and the year of issue.
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the Mamluk period (Gorzalczany forthcoming b). A
cemetery dating to the Mamluk period was discovered in Area A. Thirteen tombs, which can be divided
into four types, were found (Gorzalczany forthcoming, a, b). Types A and B constitute together
four out of 13 tombs in the cemetery. They are
relevant to this research and will be discussed below.
Type A (Figs 3–4)
This type consists of cist burials with single burials,4
laid out in a general east–west axis, with a variability
ranging between 60u and 90u relatively to the north
4
As the tombs could not be excavated, we assume that they are single
burials, based on comparison with other contemporary cemeteries in
Israel. However, sometimes such tombs have more than one deceased,
for instance a female and her children at Kafr ’Ana, (Gophna et al. 2007,
34). At Ramla multiple child burials were unearthed (Parnos 2008).
Gorzalczany
A New Type of Cemetery
Figure 2 Map showing the location of the cemetery at Ge’alya, close to Yavne. Map Boris Entin, courtesy of the IAA
(azimuth 0u). Good examples are Tombs L105, L127
and L131. As the tombs were not excavated, it is
impossible to say whether they were stone-lined
inside. The average tomb measures 1?50 m in length
and 0?50–0?60 m in width. The most outstanding
feature of this type of tomb is that, instead of the
customary covering slabs, complete bag-shaped jars
were horizontally placed one next to the other with
their longitudinal axis perpendicular to the long axis
of the grave. In order to make the vessels fit to each
other, thus creating an adequate covering of the
tomb, they were deposited so that the first one has its
rim pointing to the north, while the second has its rim
pointing to the south, and so forth alternately up to
the last vessel in the row, in a rim/neck to base
arrangement. In some cases, up to six vessels were
placed on one tomb. Sometimes, a narrow row of
pebbles surrounded the jars, encompassing the entire
tomb. The covering vessels belong to three wellknown types (bag-shaped jars, scoop vessels and
beehive vessels, see below), and dated to the Mamluk
and Early Ottoman periods (13th–15th centuries AD).
Jars described as ‘medieval’ were reported from previous excavations at the site. However, the excavator
(Pipano 1985) does not state clearly if they were
connected to burial contexts in one way or another.
The covering vessels were found full of earth.
However, it is impossible to say whether the fill was
made on purpose, to make the vessels heavier and
thus more stable, or they were filled as part of postdepositional processes. However, since earth could
not possibly fill pots located horizontally or upside
down, the first possibility seems more plausible.
Though carefully sieved, no finds were retrieved
within the vessels.
Type B (Figs 5–6)
This type is similar to Type A, except that the vessels
that cover the grave are positioned vertically,
alternately on their bases and upside down on their
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Gorzalczany
A New Type of Cemetery
Figure 3 Type A tomb at Ge’alya. Photo Amir Gorzalczany, courtesy of the IAA
rims. As in the former type, the vessels were found
filled with earth. In the case of Tomb 113 (Fig. 5), an
uprising stone slab was found close to the eastern end
of the tomb, while a smaller one was found in the
western end. Similar stones were observed in the
Mamluk Period cemetery at Kafr ‘Ana (modern Or
Figure 4 Plan showing an example of Type A tombs at Ge’alya. Drawing Boris Entin, courtesy of the IAA
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Gorzalczany
A New Type of Cemetery
Figure 5 Type B tomb at Ge’alya. Photo Amir Gorzalczany, courtesy of the IAA
Yehuda, in the Lod Valley). There, a chancel post
was reused in an identical way (Gophna et al. 2007,
18; fig. 2.6). In Tomb L113, close to the eastern
vertical slab, a jar was positioned on its base, and
next to it to the west, two jars were located upsidedown forming a row. Since jars deposited on their
mouths obviously tend to be less steady, small rocks
were placed around the shoulders stabilize them.
Figure 6 Plan showing and example of Type B tombs at Ge’alya. Drawing Boris Entin, courtesy of the IAA
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A New Type of Cemetery
Figure 7 Tomb at Kafr ’Ana (Or Yehuda), with small stones encompassing each vessel. Photo N. Trachanov, courtesy of
Itamar Taxel
(Or Yehuda) (Kafr ‘Ana, Hütteroth and Abdulfattah 1977,
119)
The site (map ref. N.I.G. 187300–650/658875–9250) is
located within the boundaries of the modern city of
Or Yehuda, in the Lod Valley (Fig. 1). It was
excavated in several seasons during 1996, 1997
(Gophna et al. 2007), 1999 and 2000 (Vitto forthcoming, Buchenino 2002, 114*). The overall number
of graves in this large cemetery, located in the northeastern corner of the site, is estimated by the
excavators as c. 200, and 167 of them were excavated.
The excavators divide the tombs into six types
(Gophna et al. 2007, 16–17). Kafr ‘Ana’s Type 2
(Gophna et al. 2007, 17, figs 2.8, 2.9) compares well
to Type A at Ge’alya, except that at Kafr ‘Ana each
one of the jars in a tomb Type 2 is surrounded by a
narrow line of small fieldstones, to prevent contact
between them, or maybe to seal better the tomb in the
spaces that remain (Fig. 7). At Ge’alya each tomb is
encompassed by stones, while the jars touch each
other. It is worth noting that Type B at Ge’alya finds
no parallels at Kafr ‘Ana and is unattested elsewhere.
Another difference with the former site is that in
some cases, the jars deposited on their sides at Kafr
‘Ana are all pointed in the same direction (e.g. L1093,
where all of the rims point northwards) (Fig. 8).
Interestingly, the vessels utilized to cover the tombs at
Kafr ‘Ana are of the same types as in Ge’alya.
228
181100–200/657000–9000) (Gudovitch 2001, 66*–
67*; 98–99).5 During the excavations a double tomb,
a hewn pit grave and two cist graves were unearthed.
The excavator described the remains as ‘[…] inside
the tomb, beneath two broken jars in situ, from the
Mamluk period, were the crumbling skull and the
neck vertebrae […]’ and later on ‘[…] on a higher
level, next to the tombs, were several broken pottery
jars and a funnel […]’. It seems very plausible that the
tombs excavated by Gudovitch are similar or
identical to Types A or B at Ge’alya and Type 2 at
Kafr ‘Ana, the more so because the bag-shaped jars
are identical to the vessels found in the other
cemeteries (Gudovitch 2001, 99, fig. 151, 3–4).
Moreover, the vessel defined at Azor as a ‘funnel’
(Gudovitch 2001, 67*, fig. 151, 5) is in fact a beehive
device (see below), of the same type used as tomb
covering in Ge’alya and Kafr Ana.
el-Haddariya
Azor (Yazur, Hütteroth and Abdulfattah 1977, 155)
The site at el-Haddariya, located on the southern
bank of the Yarqon River (Fig. 1) is known since the
1940s, however, only two unsigned short reports exist
for it, one from 1944 (QDAP 10, 202) and the other
from 1950 (Bulletin of the Department of Antiquities
of the State of Israel 2, 16, in Hebrew, see also the elHaddariya Mandatory files in the IAA Archive).
These reports should probably be attributed to J.
Ory, the inspector of the Palestine Department of
Antiquities in this region. In the short report from
During September 1996 a small-scale excavation
(permit A-2540/1996) was performed south of the
First of May Street in Azor (Fig. 1, map ref. N.I.G.
5
During the past years, numerous excavations at Azor were carried out;
see Golani and Van den Brink 1999, 1–2, plan 1.
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A New Type of Cemetery
Figure 8 Tomb at Kafr ’Ana (Or Yehuda), with all vessels aiming northwards. Photo N. Trachanov, courtesy of Itamar
Taxel
1944 the vessels that covered the tomb were
erroneously attributed to the Byzantine period, and
described as ‘[…] Two amphorae and a jar with
hollow base […] the neck of one amphora inserted
into the base of another, which was broken for the
purpose […]’. It is not clear what the author saw, and
no plans or pictures are presented to support this
description. However, in another (later) archive file of
a nearby site the description is different.6 This file is
of ‘Eser Tahanot’ (Hebrew for Ten Mills, on the
northern bank of Nahal Yarqon) or Hadar Yossef
(Jacob Kaplan, IAA archive file A-230/1970, and see
also Or et al. 1992, 22–25). A plan of a tomb (Fig. 9)
depicts two bag-shaped jars horizontally located,
aiming at opposed directions (Fig. 9:1, 3), separated
by a ‘beehive’ vessel (Fig. 9:2) (most probably the
‘intentionally perforated base jar’ mentioned in
1944). This particular arrangement compares much
better to the situation as seen at Ge’alya and Kafr
‘Ana. In 2000 R. Bar-Nathan, a researcher in the
IAA, was appointed to publish the Kaplan’s legacy,
which included 35 files of unpublished excavations
carried out between 1949 and 1989 (Bar-Nathan
2002). Bar-Nathan checked Ory’s files from elHaddariya as well, and in her opinion, the plan
found in the Ten Mills/Hadar Yossef file was
mistakenly archived there, and to the best of her
6
The author is grateful to Arieh Rochman-Halperin and Silvia Krapiwko
(IAA archives branch) for their valuable help.
knowledge it actually belongs to Ory’s file from elHaddariya. Since both sites are located close to each
other, on the opposite banks of the Nahal Yarqon,
such a mistake is highly plausible (Bar-Nathan, pers.
comm. 2008). This would explain the similarity
between Ory’s textual descriptions from elHaddariya and the plan from Hadar Yossef. One
way or the other, it is clear that we deal with one
more instance of the discussed kind of cemetery, thus
I believe that the grave at el-Haddariya must be
added to our list.
Ramla Herzl Street
A small salvage excavation was carried out in Herzl
Street in Ramla (Fig. 1, map ref. N.I.G. 18876–8/
64799–803, license B-143/1999) by the University of
Haifa (Toueg 2008). In the excavation a series of
Mamluk and Ottoman Periods bag-shaped storage
jars, identical to these from the previous excavations,
were found, deposited in parallel rows close to each
other and carefully arranged in up to three superimposing layers. The excavator suggested that the jars
were a storage facility related to a supposed ceramic
workshop (Toueg 2008, 73).
The excavator describes the installation as ‘three
parallel rows of jars, diagonally laid, with the base
upside and the rim pointing down’ (Toueg 2008, 67).
The parallel rows were tightly laid, actually in contact
with each other (Ron Toueg, pers. comm.).
Moreover, below the first rows of vessels, second
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A New Type of Cemetery
Figure 9 Plan of the tomb at el Haddariya (drawing Silvia Krapiwko after an original by unknown author, perhaps J. Ory,
in the IAA archives). The plan was found archived in the Hadar Yossef file
and third rows were found, thus creating the
impression of a pile of jars.7
In my opinion, the jars revealed there (Toueg 2008,
71, fig. 4, 5:1) are part of a cemetery similar to the
ones described above, perhaps a little more sophisticated. Several facts strengthen this assumption: as in
Ge’alya and Kafr ‘Ana, close to and around the jars
were found other tombs similarly oriented and
covered by stone slabs. These were attributed by
Toueg to the Early Ottoman Period. Thus the jars
could belong to a slightly earlier phase, or could have
been the covering of one specific type of tomb in the
cemetery, as seen in Ge’alya or Kafr ‘Ana. Bones
were scattered around the jars, probably from tombs
disturbed by the modern development of the area.
The elders among the local settlers of Ramla still
remember tombs disturbed during the building of the
road during the British Mandate. As for the supposed
pottery workshop, no traces of a kiln or related finds
(such as kiln remains, distorted wasters, pottery
dump, ashes or soot) were discerned in the excavation. Finally, some small finds, including metal
7
The description is based in a personal communication by kindness of
Ron Toueg.
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artefacts, were retrieved from some of these jars,
making it difficult to accept that the vessels were just
in storage, waiting to be sold.
Moreover, beehive (Toueg 2008, 72, fig. 5:6) and
antiliya (Toueg 2008, 72, fig. 5:7) vessels are
represented as well in the ceramic assemblage from
Toueg’s excavation, thus producing a striking similarity to the assemblages from the former sites. To
summarize, it seems that this site should be added to
the group of Late Mamluk and Early Ottoman
Periods cemeteries that exhibit ceramic vessels covering tombs.
Ramla ‘Northern-Star’ compound
Another Ramla excavation, the ‘Kohav Hatzafon’
(Hebrew for ‘Northern-Star’) building project,
located in the north-eastern fringes of the city
between Dugit Street and Almog Street (Fig. 1,
map ref. N.I.G. 188470/648832, permit A-4854/
20066), was carried out in 2006. There, four tombs
similar to Type A at Ge’alya and Type 2 at Kafr
‘Ana were unearthed (each with four to six horizontally positioned jars). This site, as yet unpublished, is
close to the Herzl Street site and Ge’alya both
Gorzalczany
geographically and typologically (Yossi Elisha, pers.
comm. 2008).8
Nes Ziyyona (Sarafand el-Kharab, Hütteroth and Abdulfatah
1977, 152)
A cemetery was excavated at this site, located north
of Margolin Street in Nes Ziyyona (Fig. 1, map ref.
N.I.G. 1817/6493). The excavations were carried out
in several seasons during 1990 (a limited probe
without permit number, Levy 1991), 1992 (permit
A-1889/1992, Glick 1998) and 1995 (permit A-2287/
1995, Gorzalczany 1998, 74; 2004, 38). Some 30
Islamic tombs were reported (26 in 1992, two in 1995
and an undetermined number in 1990). Most of the
tombs were common cist tombs covered by flat
rectangular stones. However, the ceramic assemblage
from Glick’s excavation (examined by the author in
the IAA store facilities) includes bag-shaped jars and
beehive vessels, albeit somewhat later and dated to
the Ottoman period.9 From the published material it
is not possible to deduce the spatial distribution of
the vessels in the excavation. However, bearing in
mind the fact that Glick excavated only two squares,
in which 26 tombs were unearthed, it is hard to
believe that that these vessels could have been related
to features other than the graves. Furthermore, Glick
reported at least four cases of infant burial inside jars
(Glick 1998, 74). For these reasons, and with due
caution, the cemetery at Nes Ziyyona should
probably be included among the discussed kind of
necropolises.
The pottery used for tomb covering
No more than three kinds of pottery vessels (bagshaped jars, water lifting devices — antiliya — and
vessels which are assumed to be beehives containers,
see below) were repetitively found in all the cemeteries under discussion, reused instead of stone slabs
to seal the tombs (Fig. 10).
Bag-shaped storage jars (Fig. 11:1)
The most ubiquitous vessel in the discussed cemeteries is a sometimes slightly asymmetric bag-shaped
storage jar with rounded base, which appears in a few
similar variants. The vessels are manufactured in light
buff coarse clay, with a high vertical or ridged neck.
The ridge is located below the rim or in the middle of
8
The author had the opportunity to examine the vessels retrieved in this
excavation, currently stored in the IAA Regional Office at Tel Aviv. The jars
are identical to those from Ge’alya. The author is in debt to the excavator
Yossi Elisha who kindly showed him the vessels and allowed him to quote
the relevant data here.
9
The author is grateful to Ayala Lester, curator of the Islamic period in the
IAA, who called his attention to these vessels.
A New Type of Cemetery
the neck. Two loop handles are attached to the
rounded, dropping shoulders, and the body is
adorned with a combed pattern which exhibits wavy
and/or horizontal parallel lines. The incised decoration appears mostly in the lower third of the body,
while the upper third sometimes shows a delicate, at
times almost imperceptible, ribbing.
This jar is considered typical of the Ottoman
period (De Vincens and Sion 2007, 38; Fig, 11:12–14)
and its forerunners are known in the Mamluk period,
dated from the second half of the 13th century AD to
the 15th century AD, compare Yoqne’am and Tel
Mevorakh (Stern 1978, fig. 1:2; Avissar 1996, 154, fig.
XIII:124; Avissar and Stern 2005, 102, fig. 42:5–6;
with references and discussion therein). Several
examples of the earlier type, similar to some of the
jars unearthed at Ge’alya, were recovered in recent
excavations at Herzl Street in Ramla (Toueg 2008,
70; fig. 4:1–9; 5:1), and in the ‘Northern-Star’
compound in the same city (Yossi Elisha, pers.
comm. 2008). In excavations carried out in Kh.
Ni’ana, not far from Ge’alya (Sion 2007), a large
variety of Mamluk and Ottoman Periods storage jars
was found, though only represented by fragmentary
rims and necks. Some of them clearly resemble the
ridged necks of the bag-shaped jars retrieved at
Ge’alya (De Vincenz and Sion 2007, 38; fig. 11:12, 13,
16–22).
Beehives (Fig. 11:2)
These are large conical vessels, all of the same type.
They exhibit a convex conical shape truncated and
rounded toward the mouth, which is very wide and
inward turning, with an everted rim. In some cases
(e.g., Ge’alya) the bottom is hollow, and it is obvious
that the vessels were fashioned on purpose with an
open base. This is opposed to analogous vessels from
other sites, where the base exists, but is perforated. A
gentle ribbing appears close to the base, in the lower
third of the vessels, except in a few that show smooth
body. Similar vessels are known from Azor (erroneously defined as ‘funnels’; Gudovitch 2001, fig.
151:4), from Tel Mevorakh (defined as ‘holemouth
jar with a small hole in the base’; Stern 1978, fig. 1:3),
Horvat Zikhrin (Taxel 2006, figs 13:2, 3; 14), and
Ramla (Toueg 2008, 73; fig. 5:6). One more sample
from Kh. Hadra, not far from el-Haddariya and
found in unclear circumstances, is in the IAA storage
facilities in Bet Shemesh. In recent excavations at Kh.
Ni’ana, three fragments of vessels defined as ‘globular
neckless jars with pinched rim’, which are tentatively
identified as related to large zir jars (De Vincenz and
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A New Type of Cemetery
Figure 10 The assemblage of vessels used to cover the tombs at Ge’alya, including all the different types. Photo Clara
Amit, courtesy of the IAA
Sion 2007, 38; Fig. 11:1–3), could, in my opinion, be
part of conical vessels similar to ours.10
Other fragmentary vessels of this kind came from
Tel Aphek,11 Ramla (Elisha 2005, fig 12:13), surface
surveys at Yavne Yam (Fischer and Taxel 2007, fig.
10
The sherds were not examined by the author, and his proposal is based
on analysis of the published drawings. However, Anna de Vincenz tends
now to agree with the proposed identification (pers. comm. 2008)
11
These vessels are as yet unpublished, but briefly mentioned by Taxel
(Gophna et al. 2007, 54).
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34:1–3), el-Haddariya (see below), and possibly el
Qubab (Avissar 2006, fig. 7:15).12 Lately, more were
retrieved in a small-scale industrial installation, as yet
unpublished, excavated at Bir ez-Zeibak in the
vicinity of Ramla (map ref. N.I.G.189430–548/
649073–177) (Limor Talmi, pers. comm. 2008).
12
The rim at el-Qubab was identified by Avissar as a krater rim. Itamar
Taxel, (pers. comm. 2008) proposes that the sherd is actually a rim of a
‘beehive’ vessel.
Gorzalczany
A New Type of Cemetery
Figure 11 The three types of vessels used to cover the tombs in the discussed Mamluk and Early Ottoman cemeteries:
bag-shaped storage jars (no. 1), beehives (no. 2) and antiliya vessels (no. 3). Scale 1:5, drawing Marina
Shuiskaya, courtesy of the IAA
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A New Type of Cemetery
These intriguingly shaped vessels were often misunderstood. A recent study proposes that the vessels
are beehives used in the framework of a beekeeping
craft in the Mamluk period (Taxel 2006, and a
thorough discussion therein). This identification is
based on abundant comparative material (see e.g.
Avitsur 1972, 235; 1976, fig. 190; Mazar and PanitzCohen 2007, 217) and explains the purpose of
particular features, such as the perforated bases.13
Three different types of beehives vessels are known
in Israel, but only one (Taxel’s Type C) is represented
in the archaeological record, mostly in secondary use
as tomb covering or as improvised coffin for infants,
such as in Tel Mevorakh (Stern 1978, fig. 1:3, pl. 6:4–
5, 21:3). It should be stressed that other possible
explanations can be offered for the use of this kind of
vessel, for example dovecots or egg lay nests.
Scoop vessels (Fig. 11:3)
Cylinder-shaped containers with pointed base and
simple rims were found. The containers bear an
incised groove around their high neck, situated
approximately at half of their height. The neck
exhibits a delicate ribbing. This kind of vessel is
typical to wheel water-lifting devices, powered by
beasts (usually an ox, camel or donkey). Such devices,
termed in Hebrew antiliya according to ancient
sources (Tosefta Mikva’ot 4:2; following a Greek
expression), are also known as nuriya (Arabic, for
‘thief, who steals the water’ in the area of Israel, Syria
and Transjordan)14 or nā’ūr (Lane 1968, part 4, 355),
as well as sāqiya (Arabic for ‘irrigator’, in Egypt)
(Avissar and Stern 2005, 103–04, fig. 43:11; Ayalon
2000, 218–20; Ayalon and Drey 2005), also siqāya
(Lane 1968, part 8, 1386). There is a noticeable
development of these vessels from the Roman,
Byzantine and Early Islamic Periods to the
Crusader Period (Ayalon 2000, 221–25) and up to
the 19th century AD; then the clay containers were
replaced by wooden or metallic ones. Finally, the
development of modern motors rendered this water
lifting system obsolete (Avitsur 1972, 219–21).
Vessels similar to the kind found at Ge’alya, albeit
of smaller size, are dated beginning in the 12th or 13th
centuries AD (Avissar and Stern 2005, 104) and known
from ‘Atlit (Johns 1936, 48; fig. 14:9), Burj al Ahmar
(Pringle 1986, 144; fig. 44:25) and Ramla (Toueg 2008,
73, fig. 5:7, photo 2; 2008, fig. 5:13). A pot similar to
13
Remains of the only apiaries known so far in archaeological context in
the Ancient Near East were recently found at Tel Rehov in northern Israel,
a well organized, big scale honey industry dated to the 10th–9th centuries
BC (Mazar 2007; 2008, 63; Mazar and Panitz-Cohen 2007).
14
It is noteworthy that the word made its way into other languages. For
instance, in Spanish the word noria means a water-lifting chain device.
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the ones found ay Ge’alya is known from the Sands of
Yavneh-Yam and dated to the Ottoman period
(Ayalon 2000, 225; fig. 3:10). Due to the similarity of
size, probably the sample from Ge’alya should be
attributed to the Early Ottoman period as well.
Discussion and conclusions
The remains excavated in the seven cemeteries
discussed in the present research can be dated, on
the grounds of numismatic and ceramic evidence, to
the Mamluk and Early Ottoman periods (mid 13th–
early 16th centuries AD).15
Simple tombs sealed by flat stone slabs are very
common during all Muslim periods and were found in
numerous cemeteries, such as Kfar Saba (Gorzalczany
2007; 2009), Tel Gat (Yeivin 1961, 3–11, pl. I:1), Tel
Nagila (Guèrin 1868, 295; Amiran and Eitan 1965, 117),
Tel Zeror (Ohata 1967, 6), Tel Mevorakh (Stern 1978,
4–9), Kh. Jalil (Kletter 1999, 100*), Tel Hesi (Toombs
1985, pocket insert 1; Eakins 1993, 22–26), Bet Dagan
(Yannai 2008) and Tel Te’o (Eisenberg et al. 2001, 46).
Other burial fields were surveyed or excavated but not
yet published (e.g. Kh. Sibb, Jaffo, Nahal Tut, Kerem
Maharal, Tirat HaCarmel, Nebi Yamin, Ramla, Tel
Haror, Tel Shari’ah and Tel Tanim).16
The general layout of the cemeteries is similar. The
tombs are oriented in a general west–east axis, while
the deceased face Mecca corresponding well to burial
customs in Islamic periods and well attested since the
earliest phases of Islam, as reflected in poetry of the
Umayyad Period (al-Farazdaq 1960, I, 283:10,
338:10; see also Gorzalczany 2009a).
The remarkable characteristic shared by the cemeteries discussed here is the covering of graves with
whole ceramic vessels. This kind of tomb is known so
far from a limited geographic area, from the Nahal
Yarqon basin in the north to the Nahal Soreq basin in
the south. The three pottery groups in use are bagshaped storage jars, scoop vessels and beehives. They
appear at Ge’alya, Kafr ‘Ana, Ramla (two cases), Nes
Ziyyona, Azor and at el-Haddariya.17
15
At Ge’alya five coins (copper fulus) were identified. The earliest datable
one was minted in Alexandria during the second reign of al-Zāhir Sayf al-Din
Barquq (792–801 AH/1390–99 AD). The latest datable fals was minted during
the reign of the Mamluk sultan al-Ashraf Qa’itbay (873–901 AH/1468–95 AD).
The coins were identified by Robert Kool and Ariel Berman (IAA).
16
The author is grateful to his colleagues who kindly permitted him to
study the relevant plans. For burial and mourning customs during the
Ottoman Period in Israel, see also Bar-Tzvi et al. 1998. For Islamic burial
rites, see Halevi 2007. For a comprehensive summary, discussion and list
of Muslim cemeteries excavated in Israel and Transjordan, see
Gorzalczany 2007, 75, table 1; Gophna et al. 2007, 25, table 2.1).
17
It is noteworthy that in a Mamluk cemetery excavated in Tell Deir’ Alla in
the Eastern Jordan Valley graves were discovered, in which large sherds
of sugar pots were used to seal the tombs, along with mud bricks (Van der
Kooij 1993, 342). The author is grateful to Edna Stern who kindly provided
this information. For sugar pots in the Mamluk period, see also Franken
and Kalsbeek 1975, 144–54.
Gorzalczany
There is, if so, a close and noticeable relationship
between the geographical distribution of the burial
practice occurrence and particular vessels chosen for
this purpose. I hasten to say that it is possible that
these particularly big vessels were especially suitable
for the purpose, since they enabled an efficient
covering for the graves. On the other hand, it is
possible that the choice was deep-rooted in cultural
preferences. The question arises, who these people
buried under the vessels are?
It is interesting that an important anthropological
observation was made for the cemetery at Kafr ‘Ana.
Both in the excavations carried out by Tel Aviv
University (Gophna et al. 2007, 23–24; Nagar 2003a)
and the IAA (Nagar 2003b, 154; Fanny Vitto, pers.
comm. 2008), the remains of residents of different,
foreign provenance were unearthed. The point should
be stressed that no computerized comparative morphometric research was carried out. However,
comparative morphologic measurements were performed and compared with osteological databases
from excavations in Israel, and the assessment of
parameters such as age, gender, pathologies and
dental attrition was made by means of the relevant
databases (e.g. Hillson 1993, 176–201; Bass 1987;
Nagar and Winocur forthcoming). The osteological
remains were characterized by cranial vaults that
exhibit a particular morphology. The skulls are
shorter than the average; tending to be flat in the
occipital area and display an evident asymmetry. The
left side is projected and protruding to a greater
extent than the right one.
It is clear that this unique brachycephalic phenotype is absolutely alien to the autochthonous
population (Martin and Saller 1959, 1230–43). The
closest comparison can be found in Turcoman
groups, where it tends to be dominant (e.g.
Dunaevskaya 1963, Golalipur et al. 2007, with
discussion and further references therein). The point
should be stressed that in the remains unearthed in
Kafr ‘Ana the brachycephalic morphological characteristics were particularly accentuated (Nagar
forthcoming).18 On these grounds it was suggested
that the population buried in Kafr ‘Ana could
represent Turcoman tribes.
Since Seljuk times Muslim Turkish tribes also
known as Turcoman are known to be present in
Syria, partly as an aftermath of the Mongol
invasions. In 1261 AD such a group was found in
the Golan Heights, and according to some sources
A New Type of Cemetery
some thousands fled to Syria during Baybar’s reign
(1260–77 AD). These groups were well received and
many were recruited into the Mamluk army. After
the conquest of Jaffa they were settled along the coast
to guard it against a possible Frankish attack,
patrolling shorelines and roads, from the coast from
Gaza up to the borders of Armenia. Other examples
are known from 1306–07 AD, when the governor of
Damascus settled 300 Turcoman on the coast
between Beirut and Antioch and gave them iqta’at
(allowance of revenues from a rural area to a
Mamluk officer for the maintenance of households
and military units) (Amitai-Preiss 1995, 69–70, 248).
Other ethnical groups of foreign origin, such as
Kurds and even Mongol renegades, were also present
in the area. Khwarizmian groups were also active in
the Gaza region in the 1240s (Humphreys 1977, 274–
75).
As late as in the 19th century AD groups known as
Ghawarna,19 also known as ‘swamp dwellers’, established in the northern valleys of Israel, although other
groups with the same ethnic association also settled in
the centre of the country during the Mamluk and
Early Ottoman periods (Greenberg 1996, 28–32;
Nagar 2003b, 154). Interestingly, morphologic characteristics similar to these recorded in Kafr ‘Ana were
observed in the as yet unpublished Mamluk period
cemetery in Tel Tanim, related to the Ghawarna
people (Nagar 1999) and perhaps in a cemetery at
Pella (Walmsley 1997–98, 138).
As for the geographical allocation of the cemeteries, the picture of a regional distribution begins to
come into view. So far, seven burial grounds
displaying (albeit in not all of the tombs, rather in a
minority of them) ceramic vessels as covering were
located (Kafr ‘Ana, Ge’alya, Ramla ‘Northern-Star’
Compound, and if my interpretation is correct also
Azor, Nes Ziyyona, Ramla Herzl Street and elHaddariya). We see that all of these sites are located
between Nahal Yarqon in the north and Nahal Soreq
in the south. This area can be defined in geographical
terms as the southern part of the Central Coastal
Plain of Israel. Interestingly, in other extensively
excavated Mamluk and Ottoman Periods cemeteries
in the same area, e.g. Bet Dagan (112 tombs, and
compare Hütteroth and Abdulfattah 1977, 155) the
phenomenon is conspicuously absent (Yannai 2008).
19
18
The author is grateful to Fanny Vitto and Yossi Nagar, who most kindly
allowed him to quote this unpublished data.
The name Ghawarna, used here for the sake of convenience, is a later
general denomination, which does not refer to a specific ethnical entity. It
is rather a name given to a conglomerate of tribes and groups that
originated in the area of Central Asia and migrated to Israel.
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Gorzalczany
A New Type of Cemetery
It seems that a correlation exists between the burial
custom of covering the tombs with ceramic vessels
and the kind of vessels utilized for this purpose. Since
these vessels are also found far away from the Central
Coastal Plain of Israel, not being used in funerary
contexts, it is proposed, with due caution, that Late
Mamluk/Early Ottoman Period ceramic vessels covered burial could represent a certain ethnical group,
with clear cultural preferences reflected in the
interment traditions. This group could be a sector
of the Turkmen tribes that, during the period, settled
in the area. To this day, we have found no exact
parallels for this burial style in Asia. However, in a
tomb found inside a well in Ayasuluk (Ephesus) two
male skeletons were discovered. The interments,
dated by the excavator to the 14th or 15th centuries
AD, consist of articulated bodies deposited in an
orderly way and covered by ceramic vessels, mostly
cooking ware. Close to the human corpses two horse
heads were found, and the date of the tomb fits the
time of a Turcoman revolt against the Ottomans
(Şule Pfeiffer-Taş, pers. comm. 2008).
I hasten to say that, since the tombs at Ge’alya
were not excavated (and no anthropological data is
available from el-Haddariya, Azor or Ramla), no
solid conclusions based on anthropological facts
could be achieved.
However, the evident typological similarity
between the cemeteries, the constricted ceramic
vessels choices, coupled with a well defined and
narrow geographical distribution in which at least
one foreign ethnical entity was recognized, hint
towards a possible scenario as described above. Of
course, the evidence is far from being conclusive, and
future research is needed to clarify this interesting
question.
Acknowledgements
The author is grateful to Reuven Amitai, who
generously shared with him his expertise in the
Mamluk Period, and Michal Biran, Anatoly
Khazanov, Shamil Amirov, Leor Halevi, Rosalind
Haddon, Bethany Walker, Don Glick, Ayala Lester
and Edna Stern. Yoav Arbel, Katia CytrynSilverman, Raz Kletter and an anonymous reader
commented upon an earlier version of this paper and
offered valuable observations. Miriam Avissar
offered crucial remarks regarding the typology of
the ceramic vessels.
Of assistance were Tzila Sagiv (field photography),
Clara Amit (studio photography), Avraham Hajian
and Tania Kornfeld (surveying and plans), Elisheva
Kamaisky and Olga Shor (pottery restoration),
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Robert Kohl and Ariel Berman (numismatics),
Helena Kupershmidt and Raisa Vinitzky (metal
treatment), Yael Gorin-Rosen (glass), Yossi Nagar
(physical anthropology), Natalia Zak, Boris Entin
and Irina Brin (final plans), Marina Shuiskaya
(pottery drawing), Moshe Sadeh (archaeozoology),
Arieh Rochman-Halperin and Silvia Krapiwko
(archive branch).
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