State Feminism

RESUMEN
A partir de una mirada panorámica a la acción pública estatal colombiana relativa a las mujeres, el artículo pretende describir y analizar la forma en la cual la problemática de las mujeres víctimas del conflicto armado entra a hacer parte de las políticas públicas en el país. Además de llamar la atención sobre las dificultades para que dicha problemática fuera considerada un problema de interés público, este análisis permite apreciar procesos más amplios de orden institucional y jurídico. Y, más concretamente, aportar al estudio de fenómenos tales como la construcción de un “feminismo de Estado”, así como la adopción de una perspectiva de género dentro de las políticas de derechos humanos y de justicia transicional.

ABSTRACT
Parting from a panoramic point of view on the Colombian state public policies on women issues, this paper aims to describe and analyze the process through which the problems of women victims of armed conflict became part of public policy in the country. The analysis is also focusing on identifying the difficulties that surrounded the emergence of this problem as a problem of public interest, and therefore allows to appreciate and discuss other processes of institutional and legal order. More specifically, the article looks forward to contribute to the study of the construction of a “State feminism”, and also to the discussion concerning the adoption of a gender perspective in human rights policies and transitional justice.

'State feminism' is a concept that refers to the integration of feminists and feminist issues into the state apparatus. Yet, while the feminist movement must regularly contend with an antifeminist counter‐movement, it is worth considering whether a 'state antifeminism' is also present or emerging, and how this presence or emergence is affecting efforts by feminist organizations to address the needs of women and advance women's equality. With this objective in mind, this article focuses chiefly on two Western countries and is based on more than twenty semi‐structured interviews with feminists in Belgium and Quebec, Canada.

First Ladies and the Paradox of Representation:
Case Studies from Egypt, 1956 – 2011

            This research paper is founded on a comparative analysis between two models of “first ladies” of Egypt since the establishment of the republic in 1952. The primary sources will be the autobiographies of two first ladies. One is the autobiography of Jehan El Sadat, the high-profile wife of President Anwar El Sadat who was in office between 1970 and 1981 titled A Woman of Egypt, published in 1987.  The second is a memoir published in 2011, titled Memories with Him by the preceding First Lady Tahiya Kazem, wife of President Gamal Abdel-Nasser who ruled Egypt during 1956 to 1970. Each of these works will provide a framework to compare the role of “first ladies” as an index of modernization in a given state.
            This study will be an added value to the field of gender, feminist and post colonial studies. Not only has it been tackled in very rare occasions, but also there have been barely any documented comparisons between different attitudes and lifestyles of “first ladies” in an Arab country or broadly in the Middle East. The importance of this comparison is that it shall reveal the different discourses around the role of women in public sphere and the underlying claims that a first lady is a barometer of modernization or else backwardness of a state. What triggered my interest in this topic is an article by Hilal Elver, a Research Professor in Global Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara, and co-director of the Climate Change Project. In her article Turkey's first ladies and the headscarf controversy, Elver traces the struggle of first ladies who chose to dress in a certain way amidst criticism from Turkey’s liberals that the veil is against Turkey’s modern principles, and these first ladies, as icons and representatives of their countries, must be a reflection of this modernist parade.
            The questions I seek to answer in this research is how the notion of “first ladies” first came to Egypt, is it necessarily confluent with the overall economic and political theme of the regime as liberal vs. conservative or socialist? What are the ramifications of embracing this notion in Egypt particularly during Nasser and Sadat eras, in terms of shaping feminist movements in these periods? Last but not least, what are the social implications of first ladies’ active engagement in creating binary feminisms in rapport with social class, and therefore the marginalization of certain categories of nonconforming feminists?

Influenced by the leftist ideals of the Naya Kashmir
manifesto, the post-partition state governments in
Kashmir sought to empower its women. Scholarly work
on this period covers how it was a particularly liberating
moment for Kashmir’s women. Using an autobiography
and oral history, the existing scholarship on the
meanings of the “Naya Kashmir” moment for Kashmir’s
women is critiqued. Even while Kashmiri women were
able to benefit from a number of economic and
educational opportunities, we must be cognizant of the
ways in which the state became the purveyor of
patriarchy. One of the shortcomings of this period of
state-sponsored feminism was that no indigenous,
grass-roots women’s movement emerged in Kashmir,
given that those working on women’s issues in Kashmir
were exclusively dependent on the state, which was
becoming deeply contested and politicised.

Neste estudo, é analisado  o modo como a Comissão para a Igualdade no Trabalho e no Emprego tem vindo, em Portugal, a cumprir o seu mandato enquanto mecanismo oficial de promoção da igualdade de mulheres e homens assente numa lógica tripartida de articulação entre o Estado e os parceiros sociais.
As perplexidades de partida foram muitas: Em que contexto internacional e nacional das políticas para a igualdade foi criada a CITE? Que mudanças ocorreram no seu enquadramento jurídico ao longo dos anos? Quais as particularidades da CITE enquanto mecanismo oficial para a igualdade? Quais os fatores que potenciaram e tornaram efetivas essas particularidades? Que efetividade é reconhecida à sua ação? Qual tem sido o seu contributo para a promoção da igualdade de mulheres e homens no mercado de trabalho? Em que estratégias e atividades se tem consubstanciado esse contributo?
Recorrendo a múltiplos protocolos de observação e tomando a CITE como ponto de observação privilegiado sobre a realidade social e laboral do nosso país, o estudo fornece uma perspetiva abrangente das políticas públicas nacionais para a igualdade no trabalho e no emprego no período 1979-2012. O enquadramento jurídico-institucional da Comissão, e respetiva evolução, foi assegurado por Jorge Leite e Milena da Silva Rouxinol, especialistas em direito laboral.

This article explores how resistance and power are intertwined within the field of mainstream Swedish feminism, by an- alyzing some of its more visible expressions and strategies. These feminist resistance strategies could be described as circulating resistance (e.g., the #metoo campaign), public assemblies, the more subtle “disciplinary resistance”, and state feminism. The article illustrates how these different forms of resistance fuel different reactions from movements that reiterate different discourses of “anti-genderism”. In addition, some forms of feminism (state feminism and feminist disci- plinary resistance) sometimes develop into, or overlap with, different technologies of power.

At this chapter we will present the main pathways in which the political thought of democracy and gender get though from the 18th century. We used as a methodological way the review of some literature about modern political theory and gender, and some data. The chapter is piecemeal in four parts and a conclusion. The first one is a discussion about Greece and the Democracy: politics to its citizenship; the second one is about Modern Political Theory-Gendered; the third one is about State Feminism and femocrats; and the fourth one we will work upon the female sub representation in the Western policies and the quotas using as example Brazil and Italy; then we will finish this chapter presenting our conclusions.

The post-authoritarian democratisation process in the Philippines saw the rise of “state feminism” that emphasised gender mainstreaming in government development planning. Various international development agencies, particularly the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), played an important role in harnessing the social capital of women’s movements and non-government organisations (NGOs) for Gender and Development (GAD) programs in the post-Marcos era (1986-2002). This period has been marked by a decline in CIDA's direct assistance to women NGOs in the Philippines and shift to institutional capability-building of government agencies, particularly the National Commission on the Role of Filipino Women (NCRFW). The article examines how local women’s organizations have interpreted, engaged and negotiated transnational discursive practices on “development”, “social capital”, “capacity-building” and “gender mainstreaming.” The CIDA-funded Women NGOs Umbrella Project and Canadian aid to Negros Occidental province are used as case studies to illustrate issues and problems in transnational linkages between Philippine women NGOs, national and local governments, and Canadian development agencies. Such transnational linkages, embodied in the interesting mix of “gender mainstreaming” and “critical engagement” between states, donor agencies and women NGOs, show the interpenetration of the “global” and the “local” and the blurring of boundaries between “state” and “civil societies” in the course of gender advocacy. At the same time, transnational processes and demands may concurrently create better understanding, as well as conflicts and tensions between state machinery, NGOs and social movements, thus defeating the original intentions of development projects sponsored by international donor agencies.

[English abstract bellow]

Le «féminisme d’État» est un concept qui désigne l’intégration de féministes et d’enjeux féministes dans l’appareil étatique. Or si le mouvement féministe fait régulièrement face à un contre-mouvement antiféministe, il est possible de se demander s’il n’y a pas un « antiféminisme d’État ». C’est l’objectif premier de l’article, qui se divise en quatre sections: 1) les gouvernements ou les partis antiféministes; 2) les fonctionnaires antiféministes; 3) les institutions féministes sous l’influence antiféministe; 4) l’influence auprès de l’État des mouvements antiféministes. La réflexion porte principalement sur les États occidentaux, et s’inspire de plus d’une vingtaine d’entrevues réalisées auprès de féministes en Belgique et au Québec.

ABSTRACT “State feminism” is a concept that refers to the integration of feminists and feminist issues into the State apparatus. Yet, while the feminist movement must regularly contend with an antifeminist counter-movement, it is worth considering whether there isn’t also a “State antifeminism.” That is the primary objective of this paper, which is divided into four sections: (1) antifeminist governments or parties; (2) antifeminist civil servants; (3) feminist institutions under antifeminist influence; and (4) the influence on the State of antifeminist movements. The study focuses chiefly on Western countries and is based on more than 20 interviews with feminists in Belgium and Quebec.

Résumé

Le « féminisme d’État » est un concept qui désigne l’intégration de féministes et d’enjeux féministes dans l’appareil étatique. Or si le mouvement féministe fait régulièrement face à un contre-mouvement antiféministe, il est possible de se demander s’il n’y a pas un « antiféminisme d’État ». C’est l’objectif premier de l’article, qui se divise en quatre sections : 1) les gouvernements ou les partis antiféministes ; 2) les fonctionnaires antiféministes ; 3) les institutions féministes sous l’influence antiféministe ; 4) l’influence auprès de l’État des mouvements antiféministes. La réflexion porte principalement sur les États occidentaux, et s’inspire de plus d’une vingtaine d’entrevues réalisées auprès de féministes en Belgique et au Québec.

Abstract

“State feminism” is a concept that refers to the integration of feminists and feminist issues into the State apparatus. Yet, while the feminist movement must regularly contend with an antifeminist counter-movement, it is worth considering whether there isn’t also a “State antifeminism.” That is the primary objective of this paper, which is divided into four sections : (1) antifeminist governments or parties ; (2) antifeminist civil servants ; (3) feminist institutions under antifeminist influence ; and (4) the influence on the State of antifeminist movements. The study focuses chiefly on Western countries and is based on more than 20 interviews with feminists in Belgium and Quebec.

APSTRAKT: Analiza kojom ću se baviti u ovom radu, kretaće se u okviru shvatanja odnosa roda i politike kao dinamičnog i promenljivog uticaja ženskog pokreta na kreiranje javnih politika i njihovu institucionalizaciju. Naime, kroz teorijski okvir " državnog feminizma " (state feminism), pokušaću da dam kritički osvrt na uticaj i rezultate rada mehanizama za rodnu ravnopravnost, pre svega u odnosu na politike i prakse feminističkog pokreta u Srbiji. Moja analiza biće, pre svega, zasnovana na teorijskim osnovama koje su proistekle iz istraživanja u okviru tridesetogodišnjeg projekta Doroti Mekbrajd i Ejmi Mazur (Dorothy E.McBride i Amy G. Mazur) Politika državnog feminizma (2010), ali i nekim drugim tekstovima koji se bave državnim feminizmom kako na primeru zemalja iz regiona Zapadnog Balkana ABSTRACT: The analysis that will be addressed in this paper will be in the outline of understanding the relationship between gender and politics as a dynamic and variable impact of the women's movement on public policy and their institutionalization. Within the theoretical framework of " state feminism " , I will try to give a critical review of the impact and results of the gender equality mechanisms (women's policy agencies), especially in relation to the policies and practices of the feminist movement in Serbia. My analysis will be primarily based

This article introduces the concept of women's cause field ( espace de la cause des femmes in French), which refers to the relational structure of groups mostly devoted to the advancement of women in a variety of social settings, cutting across the line between civil society and political institutions. Unlike the women's movement, the women's cause field encompasses a set of both extra-institutional and intra-institutional mobilizing structures. This concept expands on scholarship on institutional activism, and on field and network theory. Beyond the case of the women's movement, it provides a new framework-the notion of cause field-to capture the architecture of specialized collective protest in the era of movement institutionalization, distinct from, and complementary to, the concept of social movement.

Desde 1983 con la vuelta a la democracia hasta 2021, la agencia de política
para las mujeres en Argentina muestra una trayectoria institucional no lineal. Utilizando
una tipología de agencias propuesta por la teoría de Feminismo de Estado, este artículo
caracteriza, en primer lugar, las diferentes expresiones institucionales de las agencias de
políticas para las mujeres según su nexo con los movimientos de mujeres y feministas.
En segundo lugar, el artículo explica estas variaciones a partir de las dinámicas y los
cambios de los movimientos de mujeres y feministas, y el uso instrumental de las agencias
de las mujeres, por parte del Poder Ejecutivo, en la negociación y regulación de
conflictos con diversos actores. El artículo busca contribuir a los debates de feminismo
de Estado enfatizando la heterogeneidad y dinámica de los movimientos feministas y
las decisiones pragmáticas de los líderes políticos.

Kaji selidik ini berhasrat untuk menjelaskan kedudukan Pusat
Kepimpinan Wanita Tun Fatimah Hashim (PKWTFH) dalam
kerangka state feminism versi Malaysia. Ianya menawarkan sudut
pandang terhadap PKWTFH yang berada dalam ekosistem pembelaan
dan pemerkasaan hak wanita kendalian state — atau pun tepatnya
pihak Kerajaan Malaysia, khususnya Kementerian Pembangunan
Wanita, Keluarga dan Masyarakat (KPWKM). Dalam hal ini,
‘peranan negara’ dalam pengagregasian kepentingan wanita dalam
dasar awam dan pelaksanaannya sering kali diragui berbanding
diyakini. Sikap sebegini adalah kerana entiti ‘negara’ itu sendiri
diandaikan sebagai struktur bersifat patriarkal dan dominan-lelaki.
Apatah lagi, keperwakilan golongan wanita dalam pembuatan
keputusan secara kuantitinya masih lagi dituntut untuk dilaksanakan.
Namun begitu, sikap skeptikal terhadap ‘peranan negara’ kian
digoyahkan oleh kajian-kajian bersudut pandang state feminism yang
menunjukkan agensi dalam struktur kerajaan semakin berperanan
untuk membawa perubahan positif terhadap agenda pembelaan dan
pemerkasaan wanita. Senario ini termasuklah di Malaysia yang
menonjolkan peranan aktif pihak KPWKM ke arah pelaksanaan Dasar
Wanita Negara dan Dasar Sekurang-kurangnya 30 Peratus Wanita di
Peringkat Pembuatan Keputusan. Lebih konkrit lagi, KPWKM secara
rasmi menubuhkan dana khas Kursi Kepimpinan Wanita di
Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM) pada tahun 2012 sekaligus
menunjukkan komitmen berterusan pihak Kerajaan Malaysia
berhubung isu kepemimpinan wanita. Oleh yang demikian, dalam
tinjauan ini, kedudukan PKWTFH adalah disarankan untuk difahami,
selanjutnya digambar-jelaskan menerusi perspektif state feminism
versi Malaysia. Maka, kajilidik ini bertujuan untuk mengupas
beberapa aspek state feminism sebagai acuan konseptual, sekaligus
menjelaskan PKWTFH dari segi (i) struktur organisasi, (ii) misi, visi
dan objektif organisasi dan (iii) peranannya sebagai berkait-erat-rapat
dengan amalan state feminism di Malaysia.

Kata kunci: (i) State feminism, (ii) Pusat Kepimpinan Wanita Tun Fatimah
Hashim, (iii) Kementerian Pembangunan Wanita, Keluarga dan Masyarakat dan (iv) Kursi Kepimpinan Wanita

RÉSUMÉ : Comme d’autres institutions socialistes ayant perduré lors des réformes vers l’économie de marché en Chine, la Fédération natio- nale des femmes de Chine (FNFC ou FF pour parler de ses branches locales), unique organisation de représentation des intérêts des femmes, s’est constamment réinventée en vue de faire face à de nouveaux défis existentiels. En juillet 2015, la direction centrale du Parti communiste chinois a ordonné une nouvelle vague de réformes des organisations de masse, reprochant notamment à la Fédération des femmes sa distanciation vis-à-vis des citoyens ordinaires et l’affaiblissement de la représentation des intérêts des femmes. Trois ans après le début d’une ré- forme intensive, les structures locales de la FNFC ont-elles été suffisamment transformées en vue de renouer avec leur base, au niveau des masses ? Fondé sur un travail de terrain approfondi dans trois provinces ainsi que sur une analyse néo-institutionnelle, cet article soutient qu’à court terme, bien que la réforme serve principalement à la consolidation de l’autorité du Parti, les branches locales de la Fédération des femmes l’utilisent de façon créative pour élargir leur base populaire et étendre leur représentativité. À long terme, cependant, les FF locales sont confrontées à des problèmes institutionnels qui perdurent malgré la réforme, tels que la marginalisation politique, la bureaucratisation, ainsi que la mise en œuvre inefficace des politiques, qui limitent le développement du féminisme d’État en Chine.
MOTS-CLÉS : Parti communiste chinois, organisation de masse, féminisme d’État, Fédération des femmes, égalité de genre, représentation politique.

Este artigo apresenta os resultados de minha tese de doutorado, defendida em 2012. Tratou-se de uma pesquisa cujo objetivo era avaliar em que medida as demandas dos movimentos feministas são traduzidas em ações na política institucional, mais especificamente, em legislação federal ou nacional na Argentina e no Brasil (limitando-nos aos direitos políticos das mulheres). Dentro deste objetivo maior, buscou-se compreender se a existência de " instâncias mediadoras em temas de gênero " faz diferença no processo, atuando como filtro catalisador. Foi adotado o modelo de Feminismo Estatal, desenvolvido a partir de teorias de representação política, de políticas públicas, do neo-institucionalismo e dos movimentos sociais, amplamente inspirado pelo modelo do Research Network on Gender Politics and the State. Palavras-chave: Feminismo de Estado. Movimentos feministas. Direitos políticos.

This paper is a short summary of “Women Challenging Gender Norms and Patriarchal Values in Peacebuilding and Conflict Transformation Across the South Caucasus”, a research report co-authored by Milena Abrahamyan, Parvana Mammadova and Sophio Tskhvariashvili and published in the Caucasus Edition: Journal of Conflict Transformation, Volume 3, Issue 1, 2018.

Over the past several decades, scholarship on women's movements, feminism, and the state has brought renewed attention to the study of protest politics by questioning its frontier with dominant institutions. This article takes this critique a step further by considering the institutional dimension of the state-movement intersection. Drawing on the French case, we argue that institutions that are formally devoted to women's rights inside the state (women's policy agencies) can operate as movement institutions-that is, as bureaucratic instances routinely engrained with a protest dimension-rather than being only a shelter for a network of insider activists. As such, they can provide a specific, institutional feminist socialization to their members; they can purvey, rather than only relay, feminist protest, and they can deploy institutional repertoires of protest, combining bureaucratic and movement dimensions. We conclude that the definition and boundaries of the women's movement need to be broadened to include bureaucratic sources of feminist protest.

Volume 14, Issue 3, September 2018 , pp. 407-432

This dissertation investigates women’s groups in Bahrain and their negotiations vis-à-vis the state by analysing data from interviews with women active in civil society groups in the country. Through the perspective of women’s movements theory, the concept of patriarchal bargaining and findings from previous research on women’s groups in the region, the research concluded that the women bargain for their space and gender identity in a variety of patriarchal milieus: family, community and state.  The paper confirmed that there is a high level of mistrust between women’s groups and the state body for women’s affairs, the Supreme Council for Women. The necessity for a nuanced analysis is emphasised, enabling the recognition of voices in-between government and opposition. The paper argued that the women’s groups bargain with the state in order to gain manoeuvrability and independence. The research thus contributes to the knowledge on women’s groups negotiations in authoritarian states.

The 20th century witnessed the emergence of individual women as political actors, women as a category of political and social actors, and women (or “the woman question”) as a theme for political action across North Africa. This history is both intertwined with, and for a long time has been overshadowed by, that of colonialism, nationalism, and postcolonial state-building. Without being linear or homogeneous, the stages and processes of making women visible and extending women’s rights have been similar across Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria: increasing access to education, the emergence of pioneering female “models,” the mobilization of women as a group in the anti-colonial struggle, postcolonial state feminism and then a shift towards women speaking, writing and organizing themselves as women. Specificities of Tunisian, Algerian and Moroccan history have also given rise to distinctive features in the history of women and the writing of the history of women in each country. These incl...

Morocco’s feminist movement has reached multiple milestones throughout its history of adaptation and coexistence with political and social transformations. The Monarchy played a key role in directing the transformations that affected this movement and established its dominating position over Morocco’s feminist spectrum. This paper is based on an analysis of the development of feminist movements in Morocco against the backdrop of dynamics that shaped its relation with the state since the adoption of the family code in 1957 until now (2021), with the emergence of a “Third Way” amid the dimming sway of ideological polarization and the hegemony of the official posture in shaping the discourse on women rights in Morocco. The present paper argues that official actors showed early awareness to the importance of the feminist movement by adopting strategies and co-option tactics in order to define the human rights and social landscape that mixes between “state-sponsored feminism” with the “Third Way”.

With the inception of the war in Syria, women have participated in the shaping of competing state projects in the country. Parties to the conflict have recruited them as fighters (e.g., “lionesses of Asad”), comrades (e.g., women on governing committees in Rojava), and wives (e.g., IS’ “jihadi brides”). Through Syrian women, Western aid agencies and foreign governments have promoted ideas about proper statehood and gendered citizenship. NGOs propel the neoliberal discourses of female empowerment and victimization, while foreign backers of the regime present an eroticized vision of Syrian women as supporters of male soldiers.

It is in this context, where I situate my analysis of government-sponsored print and visual media sources in Arabic, Russian, and English about women fighting on the side of the Syrian regime. By unpacking the discourses and aesthetics of these materials, the paper interrogates the intersection of gender, sexuality, and militarized violence, reflected in the regime’s state project, which female fighters seemingly endorse and contribute to. It shows how pro-regime female warriors articulate a version of feminism that encompasses calls for equality, invocations of paternalism, and gendered desires for security, survival, and recognition. This rhetoric is embedded in the history of state-sponsored feminism in Syria, hyper-militarization and masculinization of regional politics, and female vulnerability to violence.

The paper argues that by interpellating women as fighters for Asad and Syria, the regime reiterates Syrian modernity and nationalism as normative and produces the other side as the oppressors of women. It also presents pro-regime women’s participation in combat as “normalizing” and “liberating” (i.e., “women are not only good for birthing”). The women-soldiers’ recognition of themselves as equal partners to state-building – a well-known ruse of state feminist projects – subjects and disciplines them into proper citizenship and womanhood, thus postponing the “uncomfortable” questions about a true feminist liberation.

I draw from works on third world feminism, gender and violence in the Middle East, and state feminist projects in the region. Although research has been done on gender, normativity, and militarization in different contexts, this paper analyzes these interconnections in war-torn Syria, which lends itself to new theoretical insights. Moreover, media and scholarly attention has been given primarily to Kurdish and IS’ women fighters. Focusing on pro-regime female combatants, who also articulate a feminist project, will complicate the discussion about feminist possibilities and futurities in Syria.

This article aims to critically engage with Nasser regime’s policies toward women, as well as with its ideological stances regarding gender roles in the Egyptian society. It will do so by casting light on the contradictory effects that the modernization projects carried out by the Egyptian state have had on women’s empowerment, in the political, social, cultural and juridical fields. The purpose of this article is to highlight how the goal of the state modernization projects was not women’s liberation per se, but rather the transformation of women in modern political subjects engaged in the task of building a modern, independent nation. A nation-building program that had its roots in earlier colonial and nationalist projects and that, as this article is meant to demonstrate, shares many similarities with the competing – and apparently opposite - project of modernity promoted by political Islam.

Esta proposta de comunicação oral tem como objetivo apresentar uma investigação pós-doutoral em desenvolvida no âmbito do projeto 50 Anos de Feminismo (1965-2015): Novos Paradigmas, Desafios Futuros-Argentina, Brasil e Chile, uma iniciativa coletiva coordenada pelas professoras Eva Blay e Lucia Avelar. O objetivo da pesquisa é avaliar em que medida as demandas dos movimentos feministas são traduzidas em ações na política institucional, mais especificamente, em legislação federal ou nacional na Argentina, no Brasil e no Chile, referente à representação política das mulheres. O ponto de partida é um problema geral já bem diagnosticado e tratado pela pelos estudos de gênero no país e pela literatura internacional especializada: a política institucional é tradicionalmente atribuída a uma arena predominantemente masculina, pressuposto que alimenta a marginalização feminina e se reflete no baixo índice de participação das mulheres nesses espaços. Dentro daquele objetivo maior, buscar-se-á compreender se a existência de "instâncias mediadoras em temas de gênero" (agências de políticas para as mulheres, conselhos da mulher, entre diversos outros nomes) faz diferença no processo, atuando como filtro catalisador. É adotado o modelo de Feminismo Estatal, desenvolvido a partir de teorias de representação política, de políticas públicas, do neoinstitucionalismo histórico e dos movimentos sociais, além de amplamente inspirado pelo modelo desenvolvido pelo Research Network on Gender Politics and the State, iniciativa europeia iniciada em 1995. O objetivo é comparar os processos de transformação das relações de gênero no Brasil, na Argentina e no Chile, países cuja Presidência da República é ocupada por mulheres no atual momento. A ascensão de mulheres ao cargo executivo mais importante em regimes presidencialistas pode ser apontada como sintoma de uma ampla gama de processos históricos e políticos nos três países.

O artigo enviado a este " II Simpósio Gênero e Políticas Públicas " apresenta uma pesquisa em curso sobre as relações entre feminismo militante e policy making. Esta tem como objetivo avaliar, comparativamente ao Brasil e à Argentina, em que medida as demandas dos movimentos feministas das últimas três décadas foram traduzidas em legislação favorável às mulheres. Para tanto, reúno os principais temas dos movimentos feministas em categorias analíticas, trabalhando seus conteúdos e significados (definições teóricas) e os referentes empíricos que são observados na coleta dos dados (definições operacionais). O desafio é, tratando-se de estudo comparado, construir referências que possam ser validadas nos contextos argentino e brasileiro.

The 1950s are often derided in the scholarship as a period of welfarist policies, which reinforced women's role in the family and entrenched women's economic dependence. This paper examines the Central Social Welfare Board, and, in particular, its Welfare Extension Projects, to provide a new characterisation of the approach to women's issues in the period. It argues that the Central Social Welfare Board, with its unique administrative structure, its preference for voluntary activity, and its adherence to persuasion as a mode of action, reflected many of the characteristics of Indian socialism of the time. It also sketches, from this angle, a partial picture of state feminism in India. In the Central Social Welfare Board, state feminism was concerned with the gradual transformation of women and a radical, if short-lived, makeover of the state.

The Soviet Union as a colonial power in Central Asia decided to step up against the perceived traditional marginalisation of women. It intended to create an equal society for men and women, and treated women as important allies in the modernisation and the restructuration of traditional societies. However, in reality, while the Soviet initiatives contributed to the emancipation and empowerment of women on the surface, in the meantime they also served as a significant tool for the colonisation of Central Asia. The aim of the article is to shed light on this almost entirely overlooked process of the Soviet colonial power using the ideas of Marxist feminism to strengthen its power over the region, and to argue that this approach had contributed to the fact that the attempts of the Soviet Union aimed at the emancipation and empowerment of Central Asian women could only reach their declared objectives on the surface.

En el texto se argumenta que el feminismo tiene problemas con el estudio del estado. El feminismo tuvo un alto en el debate sobre el estado cuando existió una dicotomía del adentro y el afuera entre las feministas liberales y las feministas radicales. El in proponía reformar el estado desde adentro y el out una manera extra-estatistica de hacer política, separándose del estado. Y debido a esto las estrategias feministas frente al estado resultaron ser 2, la integración o la autonomía. Apesar de esto el feminismo contribuyó a exponer el carácter patriarcal del estado. Las feministas liberales definieron el estado neutral ya que este es el reflejo del interés del grupo que controla sus instituciones. Los feministas radicales definian el estado como patriarcal, donde es la ley del hombre la que se rige, en otros términos la supremacía del hombre. La opresión que las mujeres reciben es de diferente naturaleza y se interconectan entre ellas para justificarse. Con la influencia del marxismo el feminismo concibió al estado como capitalista porque la mujer sostenía el capitalismo reproduciendo la fuerza de trabajo en la familia. El estado post cultural se decía que el estado es un concepto muy pequeño para abarcar todo lo que significa., por eso era más importante centrarse en otros análisis políticos que en el debate de qué es el estado, esto se huizo por medio de la separación de los diferentes entes del estado y estudiarlos uno por uno.

I began this study with the desire to examine how women were depicted in Egyptian films and why Egyptian film was important. I chose to conduct my research through film since Egyptian films have been notoriously known across the Arab world as well as inside Egypt. It is surprising that filmmakers did not take Egyptian film production seriously until 1927. However, what is even more astonishing is the popularity of Egyptian films across the Arab world and in the Arab Diaspora in the West via satellite despite the short history of Egyptian films. There were 588 films produced between 1954 and 1967, which I consider the peak of Egyptian “state feminism,” and many films focused on women’s lives and attempted to depict reality.