Spain under Franco

The  aim  of  this  paper  is  to  analyse  the  newspaper  made by the opposition to Francoism in the Canaries in the period 1959 - 1975.
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Este  artículo  recopila  y  analiza  las  publicaciones  periódicas realizadas por la oposición al franquismo en  Canarias en el período 1959 - 1975.

The role that Italy played in the Holocaust of the Jews of Thessaloniki has not been documented.  Jewish Greeks of Thessaloniki and other nearby locales did not benefit either by Italian or Spanish Diplomacy and the Diplomats.  The unfortunate indirect role that Italy played in the Annihilation of Jewish Greeks will be demonstrated.  The adaptability, along with the fortunes of war, and, consequently, its interpretation at will by the Spanish Administration, of the Spanish Citizenship (its rights and privileges) of Jewish Thessalonikians is also demonstrated.  It is regrettable that the self–evident and obvious duty of a Country – State to protect its own citizens had to be transubstantiated into and elevated to the realm of Humanity and Saving and Rescue.

This paper analyses the main debates surrounding the removal of statues of Spanish dictator Francisco Franco, who ruled Spain from the end of the Spanish Civil War in 1939 to his death in 1975. By not engaging in World War II, and by keeping Spain isolated from world politics in the post-war era, Franco never gained the status of an internationally known dictator that would attract worldwide media attention. As a result, the politics of memory and commemoration relating to the period of his rule had been mainly confined to Spain; however, the events of the last decade, especially since Socialist prime minister Zapatero was elected in 2004, have been attracting greater international interest. These developments have been compared to parallel processes in other countries that underwent a peaceful transition from dictatorship to democracy without a proper process of reconciliation or public discussions of historical memory.

Franco's memory in Spanish popular culture bears many of the as yet unresolved scars of the Civil War, its aftermath, and the long period of military rule that ended with the return of the king and the re-establishment of democracy in 1975. This paper considers the interplay of popular memory, political ‘history making’, and social activism that characterises contemporary debates in Spain about how Franco should be memorialised. The critical issues reflect the controversy over the nature of Franco's regime, the effects of the ‘pact of silence’, and the widespread anxiety about whether the past is best remembered or forgotten.

Una historia comparada de la afición al cine por parte de algunos de los autócratas europeos que subieron al poder en el periodo de entreguerras nos muestra el papel adoctrinador que ha jugado el cine en ciertas sociedades contemporáneas. El texto incluye una lista de las películas proyectadas a la familia Franco entre 1946 y 1975.

Two contemporary and, in many ways, similar characters : Francisco Franco Bahamonde and Juan Domingo Perón, have often been equated and even associated. Thus, for example, the Argentine writer and essayist, Ezequiel Martínez Estrada, considered them as a sort of second-class strongmen in a "gallery of greater criminals", always behind Hitler and Mussolini, tyrants with whom they shared, not only "contempt for intelligence ", but also, a taste for" the suggestive power of inarticulate languages ​​", which they cultivated with enormous assiduity and great political profit. Although both were lightly branded by their opponents as fascists and celebrated by their supporters as tenacious nationalists, they both presided over entirely different regimes, the former, one founded on passivity, terror, and resignation; the second, in popular mobilization and enthusiasm; while they gave their last names to political currents: Francoism and Peronism; the second still in force. The coincidences seem to end there: Franco was taciturn and pathologically shy; Perón, on the other hand, had a singular charm and charisma.

Marseilles, the main port of the Mediterranean in Vichy’s France, took between 1940 and 1944 a central importance as a nerve center for helping refugees fleeing the horrors of war and repressive measures after occupation.
The forced transit through Spain and Portugal in most cases to the New World caused innumerable petitions of citizens presented in the Spanish consulate of that city that, due to the neutrality and not Spanish belligerence in the conflict, desperately looked for a route of escape.
That Spain exploited this potential in the salvation of Jews continues to be the subject of debate, but there is no doubt that the Franco regime used this image effectively to the benefit of the international community for its benevolent treatment.
The present work analyzes the action of Spain with all those Jews who possessed Spanish nationality and lived in this territory, which will allow us to know in greater depth what was the humanitarian role, if any, of Spain during the Holocaust.

Herlihy-Mera situates his argument within an apposite research framework from psychological studies on migration, anthropological examinations of cultural ceremony, and literary theory on the poetics of displacement. The analysis offers groundbreaking insights on the distribution of previously overlooked structural patterns (themes, motifs, and symbols) that are present throughout Hemingway’s novelistic corpus, and provides a compelling perspective on the aesthetics of the expatriate/immigrant writing process.

http://www.amazon.com/Paris-Paname-Hemingways-Expatriate-Nationalism/dp/9042034092"

Literary scholars (and tourism boards) have a tendency to foster an idealistic image of “Ernest Hemingway in Spain,” a lens which sometimes causes reflections on the topic to be celebratory in nature and eminently positive in tone. Upon close review of the man’s journalism, letters, and fiction, we find a different milieu—one that is not always a romantic fiesta but a discourse sometimes wrought with rejection, contempt, even mockery. While it is clear Hemingway had a close devotion to things Spanish throughout his life, a pattern of behavior that we might interpret as a test in transnationalization, he was at times ridiculed by Spaniards for pretensions of insider status with bullfighting circles and for what some believed was a poor ability to speak Spanish. José Castillo-Puche, friend and biographer of Hemingway, said that by the end of his life, “Ernesto was no longer a fascinating figure to people in Spain; he had become a sort of joke, in fact” (20). Through scrutiny on Hemingway’s cultural forays into Spanish society—in language and toreo rituals, in particular—this article also aims to reveal a crucial but often neglected aspect of Hemingway’s relationship with the Spanish people.

The role that Italy played in the Holocaust of the Jews of Thessaloniki has not been documented.  Jewish Greeks of Thessaloniki and other nearby locales did not benefit either by Italian or Spanish Diplomacy and the Diplomats.  The unfortunate indirect role that Italy played in the Annihilation of Jewish Greeks will be demonstrated.  The adaptability, along with the fortunes of war, and, consequently, its interpretation at will by the Spanish Administration, of the Spanish Citizenship (its rights and privileges) of Jewish Thessalonikians is also demonstrated.  It is regrettable that the self–evident and obvious duty of a Country – State to protect its own citizens had to be transubstantiated into and elevated to the realm of Humanity and Saving and Rescue.

Includes Update and Addenda Section (September 2017) and download link for the full Proceedings published end 2016

[Attention:  The attachments contain correct download links to the accompanying presentation in both pptx and ppsx (presentation & show)]
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Jewish Salonika is unique: the most cataclysmic and momentous event in its two thousand year history is its near total obliteration. The year 1943 CE witnessed unfathomable events of human annihilation that took place within the time frame of just a few months. These events have been only superficially researched. Such superficiality is exemplified in the research on the interplay of circumstances and powers that allowed them to take place and the degree and speed to which they occurred. At odds with such feeble research is the existence of documentary evidence demonstrating the bureaucratic efficiency of the perpetrators. Given such documentary evidence, the events of the Holocaust of the Jews of Salonika should be correlated with the history of the Community before and after the destruction. Proceeding in this manner should be done in keeping with the framework of concurrent Hellenic history in particular and European–world history in general. The inquiry partially catalyzing such a correlation is twofold: first, could more human beings have been saved and second, irrespective of the outcome, what was the moral standing of the Society at large? The latter, for objective purposes, can only be deduced by the behavior, attitude, actions, reactions and/or omissions of the non-Jewish community as a whole and as individuals before and after the Holocaust. Deducing as such must occur with cognizance. Mainly, there is difficulty in judging the behavior of bystanders when it is impossible to ascertain how the critic would have behaved under similar circumstances. Mindful of possible ambiguity, the general Holocaust calculus nevertheless has two parts: the first operation states that it takes only a few evil persons to assassinate many. The second operation states that many righteous humans may save, at most, a finite number of fellow beings.

Informed by such evidence and caveats, my objective is to present a glimpse of Jewish Thessaloniki with special emphasis to the Holocaust. This vast topic may be broadly divided into the following subtopics: 1) The history of Jewish Thessaloniki up to the Holocaust, 2) The Holocaust of the Jews of Thessaloniki and 3) The post war aftermath encompassing the current status and future of Jewish Thessaloniki in general and the preservation of the remnants of Sephardic heritage and traditions.

The goal to which I aspire is to provide a sequence of historical events and by so doing, to attempt to stimulate interest in further research. A cursory non-web or web based search lays bare both the surprising little we know, as well as the fact that scholarly or non-scholarly published work, in most instances, employs the repetition of a bare minimum of facts and data. Informed by such a reality, one might be tempted to believe that a particular subject especially that of the annihilation is taboo. Gaps in the historiography of Greece do a disservice both to the remaining Jewish Greeks in particular and the whole Hellenic nation in general. It is encouraging that research has recently accelerated, albeit at a slow pace. These endeavors are nevertheless a welcome step in the right direction. The main reason that research should accelerate at full speed is the inescapable reality of the biological attrition of the ranks of eyewitnesses and Holocaust survivors.3

Este libro analiza, desde una perspectiva sociológica y politológica, el proceso de federalización de la España autonómica. Se aporta un esclarecimiento teórico de conceptos tales como etnicidad, federalismo, nación o estado. Su autor realiza un repaso de la historia de España en clave territorial. Se exponen los rasgos del modelo de concurrencia múltiple etnoterritorial que caracteriza las relaciones sociopolíticas en la España de inicios del siglo XXI. Tras examinar el fenómeno de la identidad dual, que se manifiesta en una lealtad compartida de los ciudadanos españoles hacia las instituciones centrales y autonómicas, se analizan escenarios de futuro en el desarrollo federal de España.

El cine histórico producido en la España de Franco entre 1947 y 1951 tiende a proponer tramas alegóricas en las que se dramatiza el proceso de construcción del "Nuevo Estado." La dificultad del franquismo para formular su ideología le llevó a buscar en el pasado, y especialmente en los momentos de crisis, una mitología utilitaria que le permitiera legitimar su "cruzada" nacionalista. "Locura de amor", de Juan de Orduña, refleja los conflictos de un régimen que intenta comunicar una imagen de cambio en el exterior, mientras en el interior fomenta las manifestaciones de su orgullo autárquico. Producida simultáneamente a la Ley de Sucesión (1947), la película de Orduña propone la vuelta a una monarquía autoritaria, custodiada por el estamento militar. Como en el resto de los filmes históricos de CIFESA, la diégesis cinematográfica recurre a las técnicas del flashback enmarcador y a la estructura circular, que confieren a la narrativa un carácter solipsista y anti-dialéctico en consonancia con la teleología reaccionaria de la autarquía franquista.

Bajo la dirección del Doctor José Enrique Monterde (UB), a lo largo de 50 páginas se aborda la historia del cine español bajo el franquismo en el contexto de los años cincuenta. Asimismo, el trabajo se centra en la problemática social asociada a la vivienda y analiza tres películas capitales acerca de esta materia: "El inquilino", "La vida por delante" y "El pisito".

Through a comparison of post-Franco Spain and post-Soviet Ukraine, Oxana Shevel examines state responses to the challenge of dealing with divided historical memory. Both countries embarked on the transition from authoritarian rule divided by the memory of the recent past, but each dealt with this similar challenge very differently. This article discusses Spain’s “democratization of memory” policy centered on the state’s refusal to define a common historical memory for the society as a whole and on the official recognition of the multiplicity of “personal and family” memories and examines why no comparable policy has emerged in Ukraine so far. Shevel considers the potential applicability of the Spanish solution to Ukraine in light of both social realities and theories of nation building, in particular the debate over whether national unity necessitates a cultural nation and shared collective memory, or whether unity in a democracy can be built on other foundations.

Este estudio analiza la emigración de retorno de los trabajadores españoles emigrados a la República Federal de Alemania durante los años 60-70. Tras una contextualización de la situación tanto del país de origen como de destino, se estudian las causas de la emigración para después pasar a analizar las causas del retorno, aportándose una serie de cifras para dar una idea de las dimensiones del fenómeno. En la segunda parte se presenta la situación en España en el momento del retorno y las consecuencias que este provoca en el país. Y finalmente se analizarán las consecuencias que han dejado la emigración y el retorno en la vida de los emigrantes concretamente, a nivel laboral y de calidad de vida. Palabras clave: emigración española, retorno, República Federal de Alemania, mercado laboral.

Bajo la dirección de la Dra. Mercè Ibarz (UPF), la tesina atiende a diversas cuestiones ligadas a la vivienda. Su constante presencia en discursos fílmicos durante una etapa nada halagüeña como el franquismo denotan su capital importancia. Desde la discrepancia a las miradas inocuas, muchos fueron los directores que se acercaron a su naturaleza.

As in many other countries, Spanish society also underwent its own ’68. In response, the Franco regime increased repression: it became much harsher, and much broader. After that, opposition to state brutality became the anti-Franco movement's main cause and a unifying element for its many different actors. This is the process addressed by this article. Specifically, it aims to explore how repression facilitated the encounters between activists coming from different social movements and political organisations. At the same time, it tries to show the importance of diversifying the analyses on the long ’68 – focusing on different countries, regions and cities – in order to grasp its transnational nature.

La comunicación aborda un análisis textual de dos documentales clave realizados durante el periodo de la Transición Española que revisaron la figura de Francisco Franco desde diferentes perspectivas pero con un mismo propósito: desmitificar mediante la biografía no autorizada la imagen omnipotente del personaje y su ideario. En el primer caso, “Caudillo” (Basilio Martín Patino, 1977) propone un caleidoscopio en el que se reconstruye, desde una visión crítica y una libertad cronológica, la ascensión de Franco hasta la jefatura del estado y su responsabilidad y protagonismo en la Guerra Civil española. El objetivo es desmontar la soflama audiovisual oficial tejida durante cuarenta años de dictadura y ofrecer una mirada alternativa en la que la yuxtaposición de imágenes pertenecientes a los archivos del bando vencedor con otras cedidas por la propaganda republicana subvierten la memoria iconográfica impuesta hasta el momento y señalan a Franco como responsable del sufrimiento de los perdedores de la contienda. En el segundo, “Raza, el espíritu de Franco” (Gonzalo Herralde, 1977) contrapone dos entrevistas realizadas a Pilar Franco y al galán cinematográfico Alfredo Mayo con diferentes secuencias del largometraje “Raza” (José Luis Sáenz de Heredia, 1942) en el que el actor interpretaba al personaje principal (José Churruca) y cuyo guión, firmado por el mismo Franco bajo el seudónimo de Jaime de Andrade, adaptaba el libro homónimo del dictador. Al calor de la recién estrenada Transición, la película trata de desnitrificar la condición totémica de “Raza” mediante un original ejercicio que deconstruye el relato franquista en clave autobiográfica y familiar para que afloren sus fantasmas y se desenmascare la propaganda panfletaria del discurso programático de la posguerra española.

La experiencia de al emigracion se esconde en la memoria de muchas generaciones de ciudadanos de nuestro pais. De uno de los hitos de esta experiencia, el IEE, como timon del barco de la 'emigracion asistida', pretende dar cuenta este libro. Hoy pocas personas asociaran en su recuerdo el ano 1956 con la creacion del Instituto, pero muchas recordaran aquel ano, y otros anteriores y posteriores, por la sangria de miles de espanoles que abandonaron sus pueblos y ciudades en busca de trabajo en Argentina, Uruguay, Alemania, Francia, Suiza y tantos otros rincones del mundo a los que llego el exodo laborioso e incesante de la Espana peregrina. Institucion importante en la historia de la emigracion entre 1956 y 1985, y por lo tanto, en la vida de muchos espanoles, el IEE ha sido testigo de la evolucion de la relacion entre la administracion y los ciudadanos desde el final del franquismo hasta la consolidacion democratica, largo camino que culmina en nuestros dias con el emigrante t...

The book deals primarily with the process of devolution in Spain after the death of General Franco. Since 1978, Spain has gone through a simultaneous process of democratization and federalization. An explanatory model of multiple ethnoterritorial concurrence is put forward and refers to asymmetry and heterogeneity among territorially-based political formations and constituent units. "The Federalization of Spain" is dicussed in a comparative framework, using the Spanish evidence to explore the more general question of regional and national accommodation in states of plural composition.

Este artículo analiza las reacciones políticas que en España generó la invasión de Polonia, tanto por parte alemana, el 1 de septiembre de 1939, como por parte soviética, dieciséis días después. Comienza con el análisis que el régimen de Franco hizo del pacto Ribbentrop-Molotov, que propició la invasión y elposterior reparto del territorio polaco entre Alemania y la Unión Soviética. Prosigue con las reacciones generadas por la invasión de Alemania, y se cierra con las que propició el ataque soviético. Todo ello, sobre la base de documentación española, alemana, portuguesa, estadounidense y polaca, así como del análisis de memorias de políticos testigos de lo acaecido, y de la prensa española del momento.

This article analyzes the political reactions of the Spanish Government towards invasion of Poland made both by Germany, on September 1, 1939, and by the Soviets sixteen days later. It begins with the analysis of Spanish attitude towards the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, which led to the invasion and the subsequent division of Polish territory between Germany and the Soviet Union. It continues with the reaction of Francoist Government on German attack and closes with analysis of Spanish approach to the Soviet attack. The article is based on Spanish, German, American, Portuguese and Polish documentation, on the memories of the politicians, and on the Spanish press of these times.

Desde principios de la década de 1970, la caza experimentó en España un fuerte crecimiento expresado en el aumento del número de licencias de caza, terrenos cinegéticos y especies abatidas. Dicho período, conocido con el nombre de boom cinegético español, se prolongaría por algo más de veinte años. Sin embargo, poco se ha escrito sobre sus orígenes.
El siguiente trabajo analiza los aspectos más sobresalientes de la política cinegética emprendida en tiempos de la dictadura franquista: los principios ideológicos, las acciones institucionales y las disposiciones legales más sobresalientes. También se interesa por el alcance territorial de las intervenciones públicas sobre el recurso caza mayor: se construyeron infraestructuras cinegéticas; se reintrodujeron especies autóctonas a la par que se introdujeron otras alóctonas; se limitó en determinadas zonas el derecho de caza; y se creó una red de cotos y reservas nacionales de caza que, en 1973, superaría el millón y medio de hectáreas. Tal política se complementó con otras también centradas en el mundo rural como la de “Producción forestal” o la de “Colonización de
zonas regables”.
La comprensión de la política cinegética franquista es fundamental para desvelar el papel que el Estado tuvo en el surgimiento del boom
cinegético.

One of the most important aspects of the ideology of francoism is considered — the image of  Francisco Franco and its evolution over the years of the regime. The relevance of the study is due to the increased attention to the problem of differentiation between totalitarian and authoritarian regimes, as  well as to the question on the defining of the essence of the Franco regime. The results of a comparative  analysis of the leader’s image in two periods of francoism are presented. The first period is characterized  as totalitarian and the latter as authoritarian-conservative. The question is raised how the leader’s image in different periods of existence of the mode corresponds to the definitions of “totalitarian” and  “conservative”. Special attention is paid to the visual representation of Francisco Franco in the Spanish newsreel. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that for the first time in historical science it is  attempted to trace the evolution of Francisco Franco image during the whole period of existence of the regime. For the first time for this aim the entire available material of newsreels is used, which allows to analyze the changes in the image of the Spanish dictator from the point of view of not only verbal, but also visual means. The author analyzes the material of more than three and a half thousand editions of newsreels “No-Do”, and also uses the data from the archives of Russia and Spain.

Рассматривается один из важнейших аспектов идеологии франкизма
— образ Франсиско Франко и его эволюция за годы существования режима. Актуальность исследования обусловлена повышенным вниманием к проблеме разграничения тоталитарных и авторитарных режимов, а также к вопросу об определении сущности франкистского режима. Представлены результаты сопоставительного анализа образа лидера в двух периодах франкизма. Ранний период (до окончания  Второй мировой войны) охарактеризован как тоталитарный, а более поздний — как авторитарно-консервативный. Поднимается вопрос о том, насколько образ лидера в разные периоды существования режима соответствует определениям «тоталитарный» и «консервативный». Особое внимание уделяется визуальному представлению Франсиско Франко в испанской кинохронике. Новизна исследования заключается в том, что впервые в исторической науке предпринимается попытка проследить эволюцию образа Франсиско Франко на протяжении всего периода существования режима. Впервые для этой задачи используется весь доступный материал кинохроники, который  позволяет провести анализ перемен в образе испанского диктатора с точки зрения не только вербальных, но и визуальных средств. Автором проанализирован материал более трех с половиной  тысяч выпусков киноновостей «No-Do», а также использованы данные архивов России и Испании.

Resulta cuanto menos paradójica la poca atención brindada a fenómenos como la participación y la experiencia política a través del franquismo, sobre todo si tenemos en cuenta que se trata de realidades esenciales para la comprensión de todo régimen político moderno que se precie y que, por lo demás, nos aportan una perspectiva privilegiada de su particular naturaleza. Este artículo pretende demostrar la gran variedad de formas de participación y experiencia políticas puestas en marcha por el franquismo como respuestas radicales al reto de la modernidad. Como trato de demostrar, en la primera década de vida del régimen todo acto cotidiano pasó a cobrar una dimensión participativa fundamental, lo cual partía de una concepción muy particular de la militancia. Sin lugar a dudas, el escenario más importante fue planteado por el 18 de Julio y la guerra, elevados a la categoría de plebiscito de la nación en armas que posibilitaría la participación masiva de los españoles en la historia y la realización del modo de ser fascista a través de una suerte de cristianismo combativo. No obstante, el artículo va más allá del horizonte omnipresente de la guerra al centrarse en la evolución de los canales de participación y representación política a lo largo de la posguerra, que culminarían en el referéndum de 1947 como hito decisivo en la constitución del régimen.

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It’s paradoxical, to say the least, the low attention paid by the Spanish historiography to phenomena as political participation and experience into Francoism, specially taking into account its importance in order to understand any modern political regime, because these realities give us an exceptional approach of its peculiar nature. Francoism got a great variety of ways to participate and experience politics off the ground as radical responses facing the challenge of modernity. This article raises some of them. As I tried to show, each daily fact took on an essential participatory dimension during the first decade of the regime, which make sense around its peculiar conception of militancy. Without a doubt, the most important scene was posed by the coup d’état and the Spanish Civil War. The regime turned both into a plebiscite of the people risen up in arms which would make possible the massive participation in History of the Spaniards and the fulfilment of the fascist way through a kind of combative Christianity. Nonetheless the article goes beyond the omnipresent horizon of the war to focus into the changing channels of political representation and participation during the post-war which were culminated by the 1947 referendum, a crucial fact in the constitution of the regime.