Phonological Theory

Det svenska sammandraget (1½ sida) och den svenska resumén (20 sidor) av min doktorsavhandling, som behandlar frågor kring de skandinaviska språkens ljudhistoria från 200-talet till 1200-talet e.Kr., belysta delvis av deras kontakter med samtida förstadier till finska och av gamla ortnamn från kontaktzonen, och delvis av teoretisk ljudhistorisk rekonstruktion. I två uppsatser granskas etymologier för ortnamn i södra och sydvästra Finland som belyser tidig språkkontakt. I etymologiska fallstudier behandlas namnen Kjulo och Tavastland. Namnet Karis jämförs med isländska sagornas Herdalar och förklaringen av hur fi. ruotsi 'svensk' hör ihop med ~ fsv. rōþ-och rȳtzẹr 'ryss' problematiseras. Flera farledsnamn diskuteras som är upptagna i det s.k. " Danska itinerariet " liksom ett större urval namn som kunde vara gamla i en Åländsk kontext: Eckerö, Geta, Jomala och Lemland, och därtill Järsö, Skedholm, Styrsö, Slemmern och Lemböte. De allra äldsta förhistoriska alternativen för att förklara namnen Åland och Ahvenanmaa problematiseras och ett nytt förslag framförs. I den första uppsatsen undersöks ett urval av lånord bevarade i finskan och dess närmaste släktspråk och särskilt vad deras ljuddräkter kan avslöja om förändringar i urnordiskans ljudsystem. T.ex. ordet fi. leikata 'att klippa, skära' återförs på en urfinsk form *lɤikka-med bakvokaliskt uttal, som har lånats tidigt från ett urnordiskt original *blaikijan 'göra blek, avhugga en bläcka', innan *blaik-frontades till *blaeik-. En tillrättalagd analys av många etymologier tidsbestämmer de granskade lånen till tiden före det nordiska i-omljudet. De två sista uppsatserna föreslår en ny ljudhistorisk beskrivning av 500/600-talens övergångsnordiska då de flesta omljudda vokalerna, såsom t.ex. nusvenskt y och ö, uppkom, vilket medförde växlingar illustrerade av svenska dölja/döljer/dolde, mat/mätt och duga/dygd. Generationer av ljudhistoriker har allt sedan Rasmus Rask och Jacob Grimm under nästan 200 år gäckats av ett otal problem som gäller när, hur och med vilka slutresultat omljuden från början verkade. I den fjärde uppsatsen visas att de senaste förklaringarna som erbjudits beträffande frontningsomljudet inte är hållbara. Ett nytt förslag presenteras för att förklara en större mängd ohanterliga data med färre allmängiltiga antagen. Problemet som den sista uppsatsen siktar på att lösa är hur frontningsomljudet, vokaliskt framkallad brytning (som t.ex. i svenska mjöd) och rundningsomljud (som t.ex. i svenska dugg av dagg) kan förklaras inom en och samma analys.

Brand psychology is a process of understanding the customer’s expectations of a brand name by studying their behavior towards the brand name. Studies have shown that consumers are more likely to interact with short, memorable, easily readable, and emotional brands. This can be confirmed by considering the most popular brands in the world. But, what is the science behind the customer behavior towards these brands? This can be explained by the function of the phonological loop which is a part of brand psychology.

Although the sound change w>y in Biblical Hebrew is well -
known, it has not received significant attention until now. This
paper provides a synchronic analysis to this phenomenon. The shift
is partly morphologically, partly phonologically conditioned.
Focusing on the phonological conditioning, the author describes the
exact environments of the change and suggests an explanation.
While weakening of w appears between vowel and consonant, w>y
occurs in the complementary set of environments: initial,
postconsonantal and possibly between vowels. This conditioning
and other phonological facts suggest that w>y is a strengthening. It
is thus necessary to distinguish this process from the regular
syncope of w which is morphologically, rather than
morphophonologically, conditioned.

In this paper, I present a new account of word stress in Hindi. I begin with the attempt to show that the apparently different patterns of Hindi stress described in the literature are in fact bound by one core pattern. The core pattern crucially involves an interdependence between rhythm and quantity in the placement of stress within a window of three syllables from the right. The Hindi data pose the following challenge to metrical stress theory and OT: ternary feet arise not from Extrametricality or Nonfinality but from a weight and rhythm-based foot structure in which both the factors are integrated. The new analysis presented in this paper meets the challenge in terms of the constraints Window (Kager, 2012), PERFECTGRID and PG-FORWARDPULL. The latter constraints are proposed following the insights in Prince (1983) and Hayes (1995).

The Pama-Nyungan language Yidiny has long held an important position in the typology of stress systems. Dixon’s (1977, 1990) original analysis of the system places alternating stress on odd-numbered syllables by default, as in (1a). However, stress is attracted to long vowels (1b), which will cause other, alternating stresses to shift also (1c). Words with an odd number of syllables undergo penultimate lengthening, which in turn shifts stress onto even-numbered syllables (1d). Addition of a monsyllabic suffix (1e) changes the syllable count, with concomitant stress and length adjustments.

(1) a. yábulám-gu ‘lawyer cane-PURPOSIVE’
b. durgú: ‘mopoke owl(ABSOLUTIVE)’
c. yadyí:-ri-ŋá-l ‘walk about-GOING-TRANSITIVIZER-PRESENT’
d. gudá:ga ‘dog(ABSOLUTIVE)’
e. gúdagá-nggu ‘dog-ERGATIVE’

Additional complexities include suffixes which induce lengthening on their base and a late truncation rule, which is subject to lexical exceptions and applies after penultimate lengthening, rendering lengthening opaque. Accounting for these synchronic phenomena is Dixon’s main concern.

The system has proven a stubborn outlier within typologies of stress systems (Nash 1979, Hayes 1980, 1982, 1995, Halle and Vergnaud 1987, Crowhurst and Hewitt 1995, Pruitt 2011), however with the exception of Nash (1979), analyses of Yidiny stress have relied on the printed examples in Dixon’s works and taken the marking of length and stress as given. Here, we provide a new analysis of Yidiny stress, length, and truncation, based on observations from original recordings of the last fluent speakers.

Firstly, these recordings suggest a different analysis of Yidiny stress. We claim that Yidiny primary stress is always located on the first syllable of the word — it does not move to long vowels. We support this with acoustic analysis of recordings made by both Dixon and others of narrative and elicited data, which show the following characteristics:

• long vowels often have higher intensity than short, but not always;
• as in many Australian languages, feet associate with an L+H* pitch accent (Round 2009);
• the H* typically aligns within the first syllable, as a narrow or a broad peak (cf. Bowern et al 2012); this is true even in loan words from English (e.g. jígu:lgu ‘school-DAT’; Hale archive tape 4607);
• however, where a stressed syllable is followed by two unstressed syllables, its associated H* may align late, for example within the next syllable.

Significantly, for trisyllables with a long vowel in the second syllable, the phonetics of the long vowel often match the English cues for stress, as noted elsewhere for other Australian languages (Round 2009). Yet pitch is explained by the distance between stressed syllables, and intensity by vowel length. Therefore we find no need to claim that the long vowel is stressed, or that stress is optionally fronted (Dixon 1977:5), rather primary stress is always initial.

This has ramifications for Dixon’s (1977) analysis of the principles for length and stress assignment, and also for the many subsequent reinterpretations of Dixon’s data. In this paper, however, since we are arguing that the original observation of weight-to-stress is incorrect, we concentrate on the empirical arguments for initial stress; leave further discussion of the implications of this analysis to future work.
Secondly, although previous analyses (e.g. Hayes 1999, Dixon 1977) rely on Yidiny’s trisyllabic penultimate lengthening rule being automatic, we find exceptions to it, just as there are exceptions to truncation. For example, there is no expected penultimate lengthening in words such as jarruga ‘scrub hen’, dadagal ‘bone’ or duburrji ‘full up’ (Hale 4607). Conversely, we tentatively find what may be phrasal-level penultimate lengthening in some four-syllable words, and penultimate secondary stress on words with a long final vowel (e.g. gádigàdi: ‘little things’).

The diachronic sources of these facts are of crucial interest (cf. Hayes 1999). We account for the contemporary lengthening facts by a simple sound change involving penultimate lengthening and truncation, a type of compensatory lengthening well known from other languages (e.g. de Chene and Anderson 1979). Exceptions include loans from neighboring languages (particularly Djabugay). Postulation of a diachronic stress shift away from the first syllable is unnecessary. 

In conclusion, we show the value to phonological theory of revisiting claims made before the advent of easy access to acoustic data. It is now viable in many cases to conduct independent verification of analyses, based on original recordings.

Nach Jakobson (1941) lassen sich in der frühen phonologischen Entwicklung zwei diskrete Phasen unterscheiden. Eine erste Phase, in der vorsprachliche Lalllaute produziert werden und keine phonologischen Kontraste gegeben sind, und eine zweite Phase, die eigentliche Sprachstufe, in der eben diese sprachsystematischen Kontrastbildungen sukzessive ausgebaut werden. Ausgehend von diesem strukturalistischen Paradigma wurden Protowörter, die im Übergang von der Lallphase zur Zielwortproduktion realisiert werden und bei einer relativ stabilen Bedeutungszuweisung keine overte Ähnlichkeit zu Zielwörtern zeigen, entweder als artikulatorische Muster analysiert oder unter der Perspektive der Generativen Grammatik als nicht-phonologische Wortformen gänzlich ignoriert. Im Gegensatz zu diesen tradierten Ansätzen wird in dieser Arbeit ein neuer Ansatz vertreten, nach dem dreidimensionale (mit segmentaler, silbischer und metrischer Ebene) phonologische Repräsentationen ab ovo in der Sprachverarbeitung aktiv sind und sich gemäß der klassischen Kompetenz-Performanz-Unterscheidung in frühen Wortproduktionen auch linguistisch analysieren lassen. Das adäquate Instrumentarium für diese Analyse können gerade nicht zielsprachliche Merkmalskontraste mit bedeutungsunterscheidender Funktion sein, sondern genuin phonologische Kontraste. Zielführend ist hier die Anwendung der Demisilbentheorie von Clements (1990), mit deren Hilfe die phonologische Komplexität von Demisilben nach Maßgabe von Sonorität berechnet werden. Wurde diese Theorie bisher erfolgreich in der Aphasiologie angewendet, wird sie hier erstmals in der Untersuchung der Protowortproduktion, appliziert. Die Daten stammen aus der im Rahmen dieser Arbeit durchgeführten Einzelfallstudie, in der die Spontansprachproduktionen von Kind J., 1;4 Jahre, jeweils einmal wöchentlich für 30 Minuten aufgezeichnet wurden. Die Aufnahmen endeten zu dem Zeitpunkt, als Kind J. keine Protowörter mehr produzierte. Wesentliche Ergebnisse einer linguistisch-qualitativen wie auch einer statistisch-quantitativen Analyse dieser Daten waren, dass Proto- und Zielwortproduktion korrelierten, d.h., bei Abnahme der Protowortproduktion die Zielwortproduktion zunahm; beide Wortklassen tendenziell aus nicht-komplexen Demisilben aufgebaut waren und Protowörter in dem Sinne als Vorläufer von Zielwörtern angesehen werden können, als dass bei ihnen nicht die zielsprachliche Bedeutungszuweisung, sondern die Etablierung phonologischer Repräsentationen maßgeblich ist. Ausgehend von diesen Ergebnissen wird ein differenziertes Schalenmodell der frühen phonologischen Entwicklung vorgestellt, nach welchem der segmentale Merkmalsausbau und seine Integration in die Silbe mittels Sonorität noch vor der metrischen Betonungszuweisung stattfindet. Unter Hinzunahme der Parallelen Architektur von Jackendoff (2002) wird abschließend eine kognitiv-linguistische Definition von Protowörtern gegeben, die nicht zuletzt auch zu diagnostischen Zwecken in der sprachtherapeutischen Praxis gebraucht werden kann.

En aquest document trobareu una guia, acompanyada d’exercicis, que pretén ser un reforç per a les classes de Fonologia Catalana que s’imparteixen en el Grau de Filologia Catalana de la Universitat de Barcelona. La guia conté 16 temes, distribuïts en tres àmbits principals: I. Fonètica aplicada al català (amb quatre temes). II. Fonologia del català (amb nou temes). III. Models d’anàlisi fonològica (amb tres temes). Cadascun dels temes conté els objectius, els continguts específics (amb un índex detallat), les lectures introductòries al tema (amb indicacions de les pàgines rellevants), les lectures complementàries i de consulta, els recursos recomanats i les activitats. Les activitats contenen exercicis que estan dividits en tres categories en funció del nivell de dificultat o del grau d’aprofundiment:

a) Exercicis de consolidació de la matèria.
b) Exercicis d’aprofundiment en la matèria.
c) Exercicis d’exploració bibliogràfica i de recerca d’informació.

La majoria d’exercicis tenen en compte fenòmens propis de les diferents varietats dialectals del català.

Muchas variedades del mixteco, una lengua otomangue hablada en el sur de México, han sido descritas como lenguas con tres tonos: Bajo, Medio y Alto. En esta tesis presento evidencia basada en investigación original sobre los sustantivos simples alienables para demostrar que solo dos tonos léxicos son necesarios para describir las raíces nominales del mixteco de Acatlán, /A/ (que corresponde al tono Medio tradicional) y /B/. Algunos de los tonos altos son tonos flotantes. Esencialmente, el tono extra A (que corresponde al A tradicional) solo ocurre en ambientes derivados en los que interactúan los tonos de dos o más morfemas. En la mayoría del análisis uso A y B para representar a los dos tonos, pero en la última sección presento evidencia de que los tonos bajos no están especificados en la forma subyacente. El mixteco de Acatlán (hablado sobre todo en el estado de Puebla, México) ha atraído algo de atención debido a la propuesta en E. Pike y Wistrand (1974) de que un proceso tonal poco común tipológicamente conocido como « ascenso iterativo » (iterative upstep en inglés) existe en esta variante, cuyas implicaciones teóricas ponen en duda la universalidad del principio del contorno obligatorio (Snider 1988, Snider 1999 y Aronovich 1994). Aunque el ascenso tonal no es el objeto de estudio de esta tesis, este análisis proveerá una base para explorar el ascenso tonal en el futuro, sobre todo la descripción de los efectos ascendentes de los tonos altos flotantes. Propongo que únicamente se requieren seis patrones tonales para representar las formas subyacentes de todas las raíces nominales (/A/, /B/, /BA/, /AB/, /AB(A)/ y /B(A)/). También propongo que tres procesos tonales (la propagación del tono alto, la elevación del tono alto y la depresión del tono alto) y una condición del principio del contorno obligatorio (la condición de las dos casillas, la cual es un caso del principio del contorno obligatorio que describo en esta tesis) generan las formas fonéticas de estos sustantivos.

Terms:
Segmental idealization & Universal categorization
Brief History of IPA
Rejection of Modern Phonology or Alternatives
Empirical Examples:
Mean VOT in 18 languages
Tonal Languages- Chinese and Kera
Barred-i [ɨ] vs schwa [ə] distribution

The present module and the following introduce students to the sub-theory of generative phonology known as Metrical Phonology. Two versions of the theory- a tree-based original version and a grid-based later version- are presented. In order to fully understand the working of the current version, it is necessary to have an introduction to the original version.

This thesis investigates the role of emphatics within the Semitic sound system as the basis for a typology of Semitic emphatics.

In seeking to define the term ‘emphatic’, since emphatics are realised in some Semitic languages as ejectives, and in others as ‘pharyngealised’, or ‘backed’, the phonetic aspects of both are investigated. I present acoustic analyses of Tigrinya and Arabic (Peninsula Arabian and Iraqi) emphatics, paying particular attention to perceptual salience. Firstly, the notions of ‘noise-lag’ and ‘stop-lag’ are discussed and exemplified in relation to ejectives; secondly, I present and evaluate analyses of VOT in Arabic, showing that there is dialectal variation in the voicing series (i.e. two-way vs three-way). Further to this, I discuss the phonological composition of the various emphatics and gutturals, proposing structural representations broadly within an element-theoretic framework.

I then take a diachronic angle, looking at Proto-Semitic and the development of the sound systems of the Semitic languages, in particular the Semitic triads, and the development of ‘backed’ emphatics as a product of changing sound systems. I argue that Proto-Semitic laterals were not part of the ‘triad’ system and that the voiced lateral fricative was ‘backed’. The emphatic trajectory hypothesis is evaluated and theoretically contextualised, and I show that dialectal variation in the voicing series of Arabic is relevant to the variant phonological systems of the dialect types discussed.

A preliminary comparative investigation into Arabic dialect sound systems is then presented. I discuss dialect classification and detail a set of key variables for each dialect group. The thesis then discusses the issue of ‘emphasis spread’, analysing data from four different dialect types. The data is discussed in terms of sound systems, and the traditional analysis of ‘emphasis spread’ is disputed. I show how the various sound systems of Arabic are characterised by resonance patterns, which are a crucial part of what is normally taken to be ‘emphasis spread’, and that there is an active process of ‘fronting’ (im¢ala) which is crucial to an analysis of ‘emphasis’ (tafx³m).

The thesis concludes with an evaluation of the research, stressing the need for systematic and consistent cross-dialectal analyses of both the phonetics and the phonology of Semitic emphatics. I outline how this can be used in future work to develop a comprehensive comparative typology, towards which this thesis is a preliminary contribution.

This dissertation develops optimality-theoretic analyses of word-level stress assignment in two languages with lexical accent, Cupeño (Takic, Uto-Aztecan) and Hittite (Anatolian, Indo-European); it also assesses the implications of word stress in Hittite and the other Anatolian languages for the reconstruction of stress assignment in Proto-Indo European.

I argue that stress assignment in Cupeño is governed by the BASIC ACCENTUATION PRINCIPLE (BAP; Kiparsky and Halle 1977): stress is assigned to the leftmost lexically accented morpheme, else to the word’s left edge. This analysis is compared to that of Alderete (2001), who
argues that Cupeño shows accentual root faithfulness — i.e., that the accentual properties of roots are privileged over non-root morphemes. I show that the BAP analysis is both simpler and attains greater empirical coverage than the root faithfulness analysis, which fails to account for certain attested stress patterns that are captured under the BAP analysis. Thus reanalyzed, Cupeño has two important typological implications. First, without support from Cupeño, root faithfulness may be unattested as a feature of lexical accent systems. Second, Cupeño provides a clear typological parallel for the ancient IE languages on the basis of which the BAP was posited — in particular, Vedic Sanskrit — as well as for Hittite, where I argue that it is also operative.

The analysis of Hittite stress advanced in this dissertation is the first systematic attempt at a synchronic generative treatment of its word stress patterns. Having established that stress assignment in Hittite inflection is governed by the BAP, I also adduce evidence for accentual dominance —  i.e., morphemes whose accentual specification “overrides” the BAP. I propose that accentual dominance in Hittite is a consequence of morphological headedness: the lexical accent of the word’s head morpheme is privileged in Hittite, just as Revithiadou (1999) has argued for other lexical accent systems.

Finally, this dissertation addresses the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European (PIE) word-prosodic system. Hittite and the other Anatolian languages are not traditionally viewed as important sources for the reconstruction of this system; however, I contend that the BAP is reconstructible for PIE and that — against this traditional view — this reconstruction depends crucially on the Anatolian evidence, which converges with Vedic Sanskrit in this respect.

A steady increase in globalization in the world threatens the existence of a large number of smaller languages. Very often, locally dominant languages gain ground at the expense of the lesser-known, leading to language endangerment and language death. However, not all small or lesser-known languages are endangered.

This workshop aims to train phonologists to study and preserve the world’s lesser-known (and often) threatened languages before they go extinct. Documentary and theoretical perspectives are welcome in a symbiotic approach.
Since phonological and grammatical sketches are lacking for so many lesser-known languages, we address the challenge of documenting them within different theoretical approaches. How can lesser-known languages add theoretical knowledge, challenge universals or upend theoretical expectations?

We open a debate on theoretical grounds to an unlimited list of lesser-known and threatened languages across the world: Europe, Africa, Asia, Middle East, Siberia, Asia-Pacific and Latin America…Our challenge is to illustrate core phonological processes, synchronic phonological conditioning, diachronic development and theoretical implications from lesser-known languages.

Our key objectives are:

- to enhance the documentation of as many lesser-known and endangered languages as possible

- to encourage phonological and theoretical work on lesser-known languages and endangered languages

- to make new documentation available

Invited speaker

The invited speaker is: Mary Paster (Pomona, California)

El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo proponer una teorización sobre la estructura interna de las consonantes complejas del mazateco de Ixcatlán. Esta lengua cuenta con más de 60 fonemas consonánticos contrastivos expresados en su mayoría como consonantes acompañadas de articulaciones secundarias, las cuales se agrupan en conjuntos afines a correlaciones de aspiración/glotalización, (pre)nasalización y labialización/palatalización. Retomando la problemática de representación para las consonantes modificadas expuesta en van de Weijer, se busca ofrecer una solución a esta por medio de la complejidad consonántica mostrada en el MZI.

This paper is intended to propose a theoretical framework for the internal structure of the complex consonants of Ixcatlan Mazatec. This language has more than 60 contrastive phonemes, most of them expressed as consonants modified by secondary articulations. Those consonants are phonologically related by common patterns as aspiration/glottalization, (pre)nasalization and labialization/palatalization. Taking up the issue on modified consonant's phonological representation exposed in van de Weijer (2011), a solution is proposed using the consonantic complexity shown in Mazatec Ixcatlan patterns.

A very popular, yet barely researched, musical instrument is the Jew's Harp (aka Jaw Harp, JH). Its earliest archaeological occurrences date back to the early Bronze Age, but its simplest constructions, made of tree twigs and bark, along with its cross-cultural connection to shamanic beliefs, suggest its prehistoric use. Archaeological evidence points to Northeast China and the Amur basin as the source of the JH early dissemination (B.C.E.) over a vast area, from the Volga steppes to Japan, as being an important musical instrument in the traditional musical culture. For some indigenous ethnicities such as the Yakuts, this is the only non-percussive musical instrument. Its uniqueness is manifested in the peculiar tradition of articulating speech-like sounds. The importance of this tradition is evident by its enormous geographic span from Western Europe to Melanesia. Its use to camouflage romantic communication between a young male and a young female is especially common. Little known is the similarity between the vocal system of articulations in the "talking JH" tradition and vowel harmony found in most languages of the Turkic, Mongolic, and Tungusic families of the Transeurasian (aka "Altaic") family, as well as in many Uralic languages-all of which are spoken by peoples that regularly use the JH. This paper outlines a possible scenario in which the spread of the cult of ancestral plants across this vast region, from Altai to Sakhalin, and the cult of the "singing mask" of the Tuva-Amur area may have given special importance to musicking on the JH, initiating its spread along pastoralism to the neighboring regions. Once established, the JH tradition may have bifurcated into two types: the framed idioglot, usually made of organic materials, that was sustained in north and northeast, and the bow-shaped heteroglot metallic type that spread to west and southwest. The ethnicities that preferred the framed JH construction retained the JH as their sole (or one of the very few) musical instruments within their timbre-oriented music culture. The ethnicities that adopted forms of frequency-oriented music developed a rich assortment of musical instruments which transformed their JH traditions and reduced the importance of the JH in their music cultures. It is JH's unique status as a primary traditional instrument that may have granted it formative influence over the existing languages of the Transeurasian family and the neighboring Uralic family.

Among the variety of intervention techniques for treating test anxiety that interferes with students' ability to demonstrate their real knowledge on examinations, cognitive-behavioral methods have been proposed to be effective. The current study aimed to investigate whether two cognitive-behavioral techniques (relaxation & hypnosis) would reduce test anxiety in female high school third year students. A randomized controlled trial was conducted through which 60 female high school third year students were randomly assigned to three groups of relaxation, hypnosis and control. A trained clinical psychologist delivered the relaxation and hypnosis sessions having assured hypnotizability. Each session lasted 40 minutes twice a week within two weeks. The relaxation and the hypnosis groups received progressive muscle relaxation and positive suggestions given to subconscious mind for managing exam anxiety, respectively; while, the control group received no treatment but the Test Anxiety Questionnaire as a pre-test. Matched t-tests run on pre-and post-test results showed that both treatments resulted in reduced test anxiety. Further ANCOVA and follow up Bonferoni test indicated a significant difference among the three groups, with hypnosis intervention as significantly the most successful one. Findings highlight the need to consider the role of psychology and cognitive-behavioral intervention techniques in reducing test anxiety.

La organización jerárquica de los rasgos distintivos se basa parcialmente en comportamientos segmentales asimétricos. En este trabajo presentamos datos sobre la asimetría de las consonantes laringales en wayuunaiki en contraste con el resto de las consonantes. Mientras /h/ tiene realización fonética estable, /ʔ/ exhibe realizaciones diversas: oclusión con distensión, oclusión sin distensión, realización croada de vocales contiguas, simple rearticulación vocálica, o realización cero. Ambas laríngeas desencadenan armonía vocálica total en prefijación. Aunque /h/ funciona como consonante epentética, frecuentemente desaparece en prefijación. Aunque /ʔ/ desaparece al inicio de palabra, internamente emerge ante prefijos al nativizarse préstamos con vocal inicial. Adicionalmente, /ʔ/ es invisible para ajuste vocálico ante /y/, w/, recorta vocales largas precedentes, es opcionalmente invisible al final de temas verbales permitiendo infinitivos dobles, permite salto moraico, Además de tal asimetría segmental, /ʔ/ exhibe también asimetría prosódica, pues su presencia origina extrametricidad silábica en la asignación del acento. Muchas de estas asimetrías segmentales tienen equivalentes en otras lenguas (restricciones en ciertas posiciones silábicas, invisibilidad en ciertos procesos, etc.). Sin embargo, hasta donde llega nuestro conocimiento, la asimetría prosódica, no aparece reportada en la literatura.

The present module continues from the previous module (Metrical Phonology-Word-Stress-I), to familiarize students with the background to the main aspects of the metrical grid theory of stress and to present the theory in its basic essentials

This paper first provides an evaluation of all Class III (Reduplicated) Present stems found in the Ṛgveda and the Śaunaka Recension of the Atharvaveda. The paper then proceeds to advance three arguments:

1) Cross-linguistically, phonological copying must be distinguished from morpho-semantic feature reduplication (i.e., genuine reduplication), after Inkelas & Zoll (2005).
2) The reduplicant vocalism found in Class III Presents is determined by the vocalism of the synchronic zero-grade allomorph of a given root. This fact is incompatible with reduplicated as modeling under Base-Reduplicant Correspondence Theory(McCarthy & Prince 1995), but fits with the claims of Morphological Doubling Theory (Inkelas & Zoll 2005).
3) The Vedic data is most readily compatible with the reconstruction of a single type of reduplicated present stem for Proto-Indo-European (cf. Kulikov 2005).

Semitic morphology is notorious for its use of ablaut (vowel alternations). This paper provides a synchronic analysis to the ablaut in the verbal system of Biblical Hebrew. The classical literature on the subject assumes that vocalic modifications are lexical, idiosyncratic. On the contrary, the approach developed here suggests that the vowels involved are linked sequentially throughout the derivations according to a fixed and predictable order. This gradation is identical to that brought out in several studies on various Afro-Asiatic and Indo-European languages. However, evidence shows that the alternations of one verbal stem are nevertheless lexical.

In “Where’s phonology in typology?” Larry Hyman (2007) observed that phonology, a discipline with an abiding interest in typology and much to offer it, had only a slender profile in publications representing the discipline of typology itself. In the ensuing years, not much changed (Hyman 2017). The Oxford handbook of linguistic typology (Song 2010), for example, grants phonology a single chapter out of thirty, and likewise the The Cambridge handbook of linguistic typology (Aikhenvald and Dixon 2017). The result has been a deficit of extended, synthesizing work. However, with Matthew K. Gordon’s Phonological typology, published in the new series Oxford Surveys in Phonology and Phonetics, the landscape changes. Here we have a serious overview of the field with enough room for richly informative data to join critically with multiple theoretical viewpoints, supplemented with key references and tidy summaries. Moreover, Gordon delivers on Hyman’s (2007) promise that phonology can offer particular insights for the theory of typology in general, especially around the role of levels of analysis, a topic which I take up in the discussion below. Consequently, this is a book which should be read not only by all phonologists, but by theoretically minded typologists of all subfields.

With the application of the Contrastive Hierarchy Theory, the contrastive features of preliterary Scandinavian vowels are here inferred from the interaction between targets and triggers for metaphonic fronting, rounding and breaking. One Proto-Scandinavian feature hierarchy is reconstructed for prominent syllables and another for non-prominent ones. The former hierarchy sustained contrasts that differed from the latter, including contrast for rounding and a preserved distinction between Pre-Germanic */i/ and */e/. A prominence system is reconstructed that predicts both the outcome of syncope and the distribution of the two vowel systems between syllables. The analysis neatly accounts for many notorious cruxes of umlaut and breaking that correlate with the prosodic position of the trigger, including the frequent absence of i-umlaut in light syllables.

The goal of this talk is to show how the tools of Information Theory enable us to resolve some key problems with the concept of markedness. While this paper focuses largely on markedness as it relates to sound patterns, the core ideas can easily be extended to other aspects of language as well.

The feature-economy principle is one of the key theoretical notions which have been postulated to account for the structure of phoneme inventories in the world's languages. In this paper, we test the explanatory power of this principle by conducting a study of the co-occurrence of consonant segments in phonological inventories, based on a sample of 2761 languages. We show that the feature-economy principle is able to account for many important patterns in the structure of the world's phonological inventories; however, there are particular classes of sounds, such as what we term the ‘basic consonant inventory’ (the core cluster of segments found in the majority of the world's languages), as well as several more peripheral clusters whose organisation follows different principles.

The typology of word prosody is still a subject of debate. Tone and stress remain the central units of classification; however, there is not an established consensus about their definitions. In this chapter, I focus on two specific word-prosodic units with a non-pitch based primary phonetic exponent: prosodic quantity in Standard Estonian and prosodic laryngealization in Copenhagen Danish. I summarize their main phonetic and functional features with special attention placed on their relation to pitch and stress in the respective languages. I also compare these prosodic units with functionally similar cases of pitch-based word prosody in other languages and put them in the framework of mainstream word-prosodic typology. Both cases are challenging for the typology, as they are full-fledged phonological word-prosodic units, but do not qualify either as tone or as stress. In the end, I discuss a possible input from such cases into the debate on distinction between the notions of tone, stress, and accent.