Immigration And Integration In Europe

The article examines methodological nationalism, a conceptual tendency that was central to the development of the social sciences and undermined more than a century of migration studies. Methodological nationalism is the naturalization of the global regime of nation-states by the social sciences. Transnational studies, we argue, including the study of
transnational migration, is linked to periods of intense globalization such as the turn of the twenty-first century. Yet transnational studies have their own contradictions that may reintroduce methodological nationalism in other guises. In studying migration, the challenge is to avoid both
extreme fluidism and the bounds of nationalist thought.

A vast range of recent academic scholarships seek to theorize the recent convergence of neoliberal, anti-immigration, xenophobic and populist measures and practices since the Crisis of 2008. This paper analyses recent changes to the Canadian citizenship regime and it compares this changes to neoliberal and neo-conservative trends in Europe. The authors argue that although it did not explicitly renounce its pluralistic orientation, the Canadian Conservative Party had already started its neoliberal and neoconservative reorientation of the Citizenship in Canada prior to the Crisis of 2008. Despite several similarities with European trajectories, the Conservative Party needs to deal with structural factors that are specific to the Canadian context: the electoral system; demographic trends; and a public opinion which, unlike in Europe, remains optimistic with regards to the economic contribution of immigration.

Migration policy is a product and producer of identities and values. This article argues that discourses and policies on family reunification participate in the politics of belonging, and that gender and family norms play a crucial role in this production of collective identities, i.e. in defining who ‘we’ are and what distinguishes ‘us’ from ‘the others’. Tracing the development of political debates and policy-making about ‘fraudulent’ and ‘forced’ marriages in the Netherlands since the 1970s, the authors examine how categories of gender and ethnicity interact with ‘other’ transnational marriages and the women who engage in them. These practices of ‘othering’ legitimize restrictive reforms of marriage migration policies. Also, and no less importantly, they serve the symbolic function of defining Dutch identity, and show that the government protects this identity.

Despite Europe’s mass investments in advanced border controls, people keep arriving along the continent’s shores under desperate circumstances. European attempts to ‘secure’ or ‘protect’ the borders have quite clearly failed, as politicians themselves increasingly recognise – yet more of the same response is again rolled out in response to the escalating ‘refugee crisis’. Amid the deadlock, this article argues that we need to grasp the mechanics and logics of the European ‘border security model’ in order to open up for a change of course. Through ethnographic examples from the Spanish-African borders, the article shows how the striving for border security under a prevailing emergency frame has generated absurd incentives, negative path dependencies and devastating consequences. At Europe’s frontiers, an industry of border controls has emerged, involving European defence contractors, member state security forces and their African counterparts, as well as a range of non- security actors. Whenever another ‘border crisis’ occurs, this industry grows again, feeding on its own apparent ‘failures’. This vicious cycle may be broken, the article concludes, once policy-makers start curtailing the economies of border security underpinning it – yet the challenges are formidable as the industry retrenches along with the political response to the drama it has itself produced.

"Various theoretical perspectives make strong, but often contradictory, claims about effects of immigrant integration policies on immigrants’ retention of their ethnic cultures and their adoption of the host country’s culture. However, there is very little empirical research investigating these competing claims. This article addresses this gap by investigating the merits of four prominent theoretical perspectives, which emphasise respectively the material costs and benefits of retention and adoption, acculturative stress, the permeability of ethnic boundaries, and reactive ethnicity. It uses original
survey data on Turkish immigrants in Germany, France, and the Netherlands, countries with different integration regimes, and investigates identification, language proficiency and use, religious observance and interethnic social contacts. The results indicate that policies have only a modest effect on immigrants’ degree of adoption and retention. The findings clearly contradict the reactive ethnicity and acculturative stress hypotheses,
and provide support for a combination of the material cost/benefit and boundary permeability perspectives."

""This article is an ethnographic study of a 29-kilometer stretch of cross-border highway located in South Albania and linking the city of Gjirokaster with the main checkpoint on the Albanian–Greek border. The road, its politics, and its poetics
constitute an ideal point of entry for an anthropological analysis of contemporary South Albania. The physical and social construction, uses, and perceptions of this road uniquely encapsulate three phenomena that dominate social life in postsocialist South Albania: the transition to a market economy, new nationalisms, and massive emigration (mainly to Greece). Taking this cross-border road section as my main ethnographic
point of reference, I suggest the fruitfulness of further discussion of the relationship between roads, narratives, and anthropology.

[roads, globalization, transnationalism, development, postsocialism, materiality, Albania]""

Following forced expulsion and campaigns of ethnic cleansing, substantial portions of national communities affected by conflict no longer live within the boundaries of the state. Nevertheless, existing wartime and post-war public opinion research is largely confined to countries directly affected by conflict. As a result, current research may overlook important war-affected populations and processes shaping their opinions. I address this problem by examining the question: does incorporation in settlement countries reduce support for conflict ideology? Examining this question requires new micro-data. I examine the results of a large-scale survey of ex-Yugoslavs in Sweden. The findings suggest that incorporation undermines support for conflict ideology by increasing the socioeconomic security and social identity complexity of migrants. This has important implications for multiculturalism policies in the context of the current global migration crisis.

TODAY THIS OUGHT TO BE MUCH UPDATED AND SHARPENED 0. Introduction; 1. Changes in Mass Displacements: Are Non-Citizens People?; 2. Criteria and Value-Orientations: A Possible Epistemologico-Political Alternative: 2.1. Epistemology: Images of People's Life, 2.2. Toward Politics: A Right to Citizenship as a Human Right; 3. Some Prospects for Civil Cohabitation

Within the politics of nationalism and nation-building, the emigration of ethnic and religious minorities, whether voluntary or involuntary, appears to be a commonly occurring practice. After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in the early twentieth century, modern Turkey still carried the legacy of a multi-ethnic, multi-religious diversity in which its Armenian, Greek and Jewish communities had official minority status based upon the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. However, throughout the twentieth century, Turkey’s non-Muslim minority populations have undergone a mass emigration experience in which thousands of their numbers have migrated to various countries around the globe. While in the 1920s the population of non-Muslims in the country was close to three per cent of the total, today it has dropped to less than two per thousand. This article analyses the emigration of non-Muslim people from Turkey and relates this movement to the wider context of nation-building in the country.

This study examined three Afro-Caribbean immigrant teacher educators whose learning based on reflections about their experiences with teachers in the United States revealed how they developed knowledge beyond practice in their learning to know, do, be, and live together with others.

The educators’ learning reflected the processes of observation, reflection, awareness, requesting student feedback in the moment, and the passing of time that resulted in adjustment to their body language, changes in their expectations of students, a modification in their communication, code-switching and sensitivity.

Implications based on the study for prospective teachers, teacher educators, and for university administrators are subsequently addressed.

https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0742051X1730375X

Acculturation strategies have frequently been used to describe how members of ethnicminorities reconcile their heritage culture with the culture of their society of residence.Recently, studies have started to pay increased attention to the fact that the choice ofacculturation strategy does not take place in a social vacuum. In the present study, wetest whether the perception of assimilation expectations held by the societal majority(PSAE) as well as separation expectations held by ethnic peers (PESE) may be relatedto individuals’ own acculturation strategy. Furthermore, we investigate whether theseperceived expectations are directly related to stress and indirectly to adaptation, mediatedby acculturation strategies. All relationships were investigated using multi-group structuralequation modeling with members from three Muslim minority groups: 301 German-Turks,302 French-Maghrebis and 262 British-Pakistanis. Across the samples, PSAE was associatedwith higher degrees of stress. PESE was negatively related to integration, while it was pos-itively related to separation. In addition, PESE was indirectly and negatively related withself-esteem and/or socio-cultural adaptation in all samples. The impact of societal assim-ilation expectation appears to be limited in this regard. In all, the present study suggeststhat perceived acculturation expectations may influence ethnic minorities’ acculturationstrategy. The results also suggest that perceived expectations that contrast with individuals’personal acculturation preference could result in higher levels of stress and lower levels ofpsychological and socio-cultural adaptation, mediated by acculturation strategies.

This article examines the material culture of migration, focusing on migrants’ house-making projects in their countries of birth. In particular, it examines the houses built or refurbished by Albanians in their home-country, which is no longer their place of permanent residence. This is a widespread phenomenon in Albania, but it is also a frequently appearing practice amongst other international migrants. Why do migrants living outside their home-countries build houses there even though they do not plan to return? I seek to answer this question in the case of Albania by focusing empirically on the process of constructing these houses, rather than merely on the material entity of the house
as such. I propose that such ‘house-making’ by Albanian migrants is not only a simple house-building process; it also ensures a constant dwelling and dynamic ‘proxy’ presence for
migrants in their community of origin. These ethnographic observations have further significance for the anthropological study of both houses and international migration.

For more than fifteen years, there has been a lively debate among migration scholars in Europe and North-America about how to explain “why liberal states accept unwanted migration”. This paper assesses existent hypotheses in the “most-likely” case of the making of Dutch family migration
policies. This empirical test raises serious doubts as to the validity of the broadly shared assumption that national policy makers have lost the power to regulate migration flows. Accounts that focus on the mechanisms of domestic politics do yield valuable insights, but fail to capture the crucial role of immaterial values in the decision-making process.

This paper evaluates the sampling methods of an international survey, the Immigrant Citizens Survey, which aimed at surveying immigrants from outside the European Union (EU) in 15 cities in seven EU countries. In five countries, no sample frame was available for the target population. Consequently, alternative ways to obtain a representative sample had to be found. In three countries 'location sampling' was employed, while in two countries traditional methods were used with adaptations to reach the target population. The paper assesses the main methodological challenges of carrying out a survey among a group of immigrants for whom no sampling frame exists. The samples of the survey in these five countries are compared to results of official statistics in order to assess the accuracy of the samples obtained through the different sampling methods. It can be shown that alternative sampling methods can provide meaningful results in terms of core demographic characteristics although some estimates differ to some extent from the census results.

The aim of this study is to test the influence that social integration in the community might have on subjective well-being (SWB) beyond the influence of sociodemographic characteristics, self-esteem, stressful life events, and social support from intimate and confidant relationships. We explore this set of relationships among Latin American immigrants in Spain, a group at risk of social exclusion. Results show a positive and statistically significant relationship between social integration and SWB, after controlling for the statistical effects of the other variables. Promoting social integration in the community among immigrant population might grant them access to wider community resources that might play an important role on their SWB. © 2011 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

In this article, I explore articulations between ritual practice, public sociality, and the politics of immigration in Catalonia (Spain). I investigate phenomena associated with a vernacular interculturalist project known in Catalan as convivència (engagement between neighbors), an alternative to both xenophobic and liberal multiculturalist discourses circulating in Europe. I focus on the capacity of ritual practice to shape embodied socialities between hosts and immigrants and contextualize these dynamics by asking, what congeries of history, public reasoning, techniques of sociality, and policy feed momentum toward polarization or toward pluralism?

Inter-ethnic contact has long been held as a key means of ameliorating possible inter-group tensions and facilitating the integration of increasing immigrant populations into society. However, our understanding of the role of contact in this relationship may be limited due to the omission of contact-valence; that is, whether contact is experienced positively or negatively. This paper integrates the concept of contact-valence into the question of how increasing community diversity affects attitudes towards immigrants via inter-group contact, across Europe. We posit the existence of dual, mediating pathways of both positive and negative inter-group contact. Applying generalized structural equation models to data from the 2014 European Social Survey, we find that living in more diverse communities increases the frequency of positive inter-group contact but also negative inter-group contact. While the former is positively associated with inter-group attitudes the latter is negatively associated. Testing demonstrates that diversity exerts countervailing positive and negative indirect-effects on attitudes towards immigrants via processes of inter-group contact. Furthermore, while the net-effect of diversity on attitudes via contact is positive, attitudes amongst those experiencing more frequent negative contact become progressively worse. Increasing diversity therefore leads to a polarisation in attitudes towards immigration as a result of, and not due to a lack of, inter-group contact.

The paper explores how youth engagement (i.e. organised social participation in a group, club, or activity) can impact young people’s interethnic attitudes, via pathways of positive and negative interethnic contact. To do so, it examines processes of interethnic cohesion occurring on a large-scale, nationally-implemented UK youth engagement scheme. Employing a quasi-experimental approach, using pre-test/post-test data on a sample of participants and a (propensity-score matched) control-group, analyses demonstrate that participation leads to positive changes in young people’s interethnic attitudes, evident at least 4–6 months after participation ended. This improvement in attitudes is driven primarily by increases in young people’s positive interethnic contact, while participation has no impact on young people’s levels of negative interethnic contact. However, the impact of participation on interethnic attitudes depends on how much positive contact young people had prior to taking part: young people who joined the scheme with less frequent positive contact see substantially larger improvements in their levels of positive contact which, in turn, drives even greater improvements in their interethnic attitudes. These findings provide encouraging evidence that sites of youth engagement, especially national engagement schemes, can foster intergroup cohesion among adolescents; especially among those with less frequent positive contact in their daily lives.

Migrant integration is a pressing policy concern, and the perception that newcomers are not integrating has led to a growing backlash against migration. One outcome is ‘civic integration’ policies, according to which the most important mechanisms of integration are language training, employment counselling, and especially the inculcation of liberal-democratic values. Few authors, however, have addressed the fact that these policies are essentially civic nationalist ideology applied to migrants, and represent the most recent chapter in a long-standing debate over the relationship between majorities and minorities that focused on intra-state nationalist conflict during the 1990s. Civic integration policies reflect the self-representation of majorities, and are both politically and ontologically problematic. First, in many cases they seem best understood as a kind of symbolic politics that is more about who gets in than how they are integrated. Second, civic nationalism is based on a theory of nations and nationalism that treats these as solely ideological phenomena, and ignores the social bases of integration. ‘Shared values’ are a product of that process, not a mechanism for its achievement.

Contemporary migration has entailed the emergence of new forms of multilingualism in many European cities. The article uses the concept of complex diversity to analyse this dynamic. The concept points at settings where historical forms of multilingualism and more recent patterns of linguistic heterogeneity interact in ways that lead to particularly rich cultural configurations. The authors assess how local authorities deal with multilingualism in three cities that represent ‘most complex’ cases of diversity politics: Barcelona, Luxembourg and Riga. The focus is on policies related to public communication and on the approaches adopted to promote social and political inclusion in ever more multilingual urban environments. In normative terms, the article concludes that political responses to complex diversity should aim both at overcoming linguistic status inequalities based on historical structures of domination and at creating common spaces of communication for diverse citizens.

The ethnic-civic framework remains widely used in nationalism research. However, in the context of European immigrant integration politics, where almost all ‘nation talk’ is occurring in civic and liberal registers, the framework has a hard time identifying how conceptions of national identity brought forth in political debate differ in their exclusionary potential. This leads some to the conclusion that national identity is losing explanatory power. Building on the insights of Oliver Zimmer, I argue that we may find a different picture if we treat cultural content and logic of boundary construction – two parameters conflated in the ethnic-civic framework – as two distinct analytical levels. The framework I propose focuses on an individual and collective dimension of logic of boundary construction that together constitute the inclusionary/exclusionary core of national identity. The framework is tested on the political debate on immigrant integration in Denmark and Norway in selected years. Indeed, the framework enables us to move beyond the widespread idea that Danish politicians subscribe to an ethnic conception of the nation, while Norwegian political thought is somewhere in between an ethnic and civic conception. The true difference is that Danish politicians, unlike their Norwegian counterparts, do not acknowledge the collective self-understanding as an object of political action.

This paper draws on how constructions of ‘the migrant family’ in political discourse influence migrants' and their families' lives. In specific national contexts, ‘the migrant family’ is determined according to the national and European debates and expressed by their respective rules and regulations. By ‘doing family’, migrants and their families develop strategies in order to fit these requirements of living a certain family life. Fulfilling specific norms and perceptions which are not necessarily required for the majority of society is a precondition to succeed. Who is and who is not part of the family, who holds responsibility — such aspects have to be proved and repeatedly reproduced by migrants and their families. This not only affects their position in society, but also has strong implications on their lives as a couple and family, since it requires the continuous adaptation and reconstructions of their everyday reality.

This paper offers a careful look at the relationships between discursive constructions of minorities and discriminatory policy making in order to better account for the ways hegemonic cultural standards are prevalent in Europe, not only in prejudiced discourse, but also in apparently neutral practices such as institutional law making. By examining the different discourses surrounding a particular controversy—Italy's so-called “Maroni census”—I illustrate how public rhetoric and policies regarding contemporary Europe's different ethnic groups reduce racism and discrimination to the blatant deployment of essentializing categories. As a consequence, European institutions are fostering a European identity that, by refusing to acknowledge the existence of dividing, discriminatory lines, is reinscribing the inequalities that come with society's reliance on those same lines

In questo articolo il concetto di "rete di sicurezza", definita dall’autore come l’insieme delle strategie messe in atto da una comunità specifica per far fronte ai rischi sociali, è applicato all’analisi delle dinamiche di integrazione dei rifugiati so-mali e dei loro discendenti residenti in Scandinavia. In particolare, lo studio prende in esame le forme di supporto e assistenza diffuse all’interno della famiglia estesa somala o clan, al fine di portare alla luce alcune delle divergenze esistenti rispetto alla normatività culturale insita nelle politiche di integrazione scandinave. Queste differenze, quando non mediate, si traducono in esperienze di insicurezza nella diaspora somala che sono responsabili del rallentamento del processo di integra-zione. L’articolo presenta estratti da interviste con 11 donne e 11 uomini somali condotte tra il 2015 e il 2017 in Danimarca, Norvegia e Svezia.

This article describes a five-week module on “Switzerland as a multi-ethnic society” intended to counteract the popular image of Switzerland as a homogenous country concerned mostly with tourism, chocolate, and watches. Instead, the module treats Switzerland through topics such as the definition of identity in a multi-ethnic society, the politics of immigration for a largely service-based economy, and the strains that migration puts on a modern society shaped by political will. The unit seeks to familiarize students with contemporary multi-ethnic Switzerland through a number of different texts (including film and music), compare the Swiss debates of migration and integration to those in the United States, and move students toward deep reflection on the larger issue concerning migration and national identity. The module is versatile in that it can be taught as part of a course on Switzerland, or of a broader course on migration in the German-speaking countries.

Ideologies of national belonging and related perceptions of the need to secure the boundedness of the national entity prevail in the design of migration policy in the western world. The same ideologies also account for discourses and policies questioning the belongingness of immigrants after settlement. Prolonged stays by migrants, especially those of low class standing, are seen as a threat to the social cohesion and cultural homogeneity of the nation, and the acceptance of newcomers is provisional upon their compliance with a set of norms and behaviors, dispelling impressions of their perceived dangerous character. Such ideologies are not only macro-structural forces produced through the workings of state institutions but, equally, aae eeaated aad otested though the paties of odiaaa people in different fields of everyday social life. Elias aad SSotsos (1994) established–outsiders model provides an appropriate theory with which to understand these everyday dynamics allowing for a relational perspective that situates processes of domination and resistance at the heart of the inquiry. Expanding on this model and the literature on hiteeesss aad everyday nationhood, this paper puts forward an intersectional theoretical framework that views immigrant–native relations as unequal configurations unfolding through a symbolic struggle over defining the nation and who belongs to it. In so doing, it brings in the dimension of power in the study of immigrant integration.

Extensive research explores how increasing ethnic out-group populations in society affects inter-group attitudes. Drawing on the threat and contact hypotheses, this study develops and tests a framework examining the role of segregation in the out-group size/prejudice relationship. We suggest that whether increasing minority share in a community generates processes of contact and/or perceived threat will depend on how segregated groups are from one another. This, in turn, will determine when high minority share communities have positive, negative, or null effects on inter-group attitudes. Using data from white British individuals in England, we observe that community segregation moderates the effect of community percent non-white British on prejudice, as well as mechanisms of positive inter-group contact and perceived threat. Residents of more homogeneous communities report relatively warm inter-group attitudes, regardless of how segregated they are. Residents living among high proportions of out-group where the groups are integrated report an improvement in out-group attitudes. It is only residents living among large out-group populations where groups are more segregated from one another—at the nexus of high minority share and high segregation—who report colder out-group attitudes. This higher prejudice is driven by both lower positive contact and higher perceived threat in these communities. Using two waves of cohort panel data, longitudinal analysis provides more robust evidence in support of the diversity-segregation nexus framework: communities becoming more ethnically mixed and segregated see prejudice increase, while those becoming more mixed and integrated see stable, or somewhat improving, relations. Collectively, this paper shows that mechanisms of positive contact and threat appear conditional on both the size of out-groups in an area and how segregated groups are from one another, generating key differences in when and how increasing ethnic out-group size affects inter-group relations.

Current literature finds that radicalization is correlated with both the holding of fundamentalist religious beliefs and low socio-economic status. The authors interrogate these proposed relationships through a survey we commissioned of 1,200 Muslims
living in Western Europe. They analyze, inter alia, Islamic religious fundamentalism,
and explore its relationship to self-reported affluence. Controlling for demographic
variables, they find that, on average, respondents from more prosperous families are
more likely to practice Islam in a way closely associated with fundamentalism – they
are more conservative regarding gender roles, seek the universal application of Islamic
law, and embrace attitudes associated with a more politicized Islam. This relationship
is strengthened among respondents who are unattached to the labor market due to
unemployment. Additionally, respondents espousing this belief set are more supportive
of the use of violence to ‘defend their faith’.

This article draws from ethnographic research on a recently built park in one of Paris’ predominately West African and Maghrebi districts. It demonstrates how urban design is used to “build-in” neoliberal subjectivities to the city. This design approach appropriates a tradition of street democracy held by neighborhood associations and redirects their disproportionately middle class, French membership into managerial roles traditionally held by municipal agencies. This neoliberal political subjectivity, which I term vigilant citizenship, makes monitoring and controlling the social composition of the urban commons a form of civic engagement for middle class urbanites. In Paris, this vigilance is fueled by anxieties over the presence of West African and Maghrebi youth in public spaces. Activists do not passively adopt this neoliberal role; they strike a delicate balance as gatekeepers, weighing inclusion against an expectation to maintain a “successful” public space conforming to a republican model of citizenship.

This study of neoliberal inclusion politics and policy in twenty-first century Sweden investigates how conservative-liberal tactics target, and dismantle, the institutionalization of relatively resilient socialist-feminist small-state governance. Analyzing authoritative conservative-liberal discursive tactics, particularly how they construct a state of moral emergency out of population change (immigration) within the high-capacity state and society, exposes their political target: How the state’s capacity to include semi-sovereign labor, to relieve the economic and geopolitical limits upon citizenship, is girded by the state’s internalization of social reproduction, particularly its capillary connections through female employment in a welfare state oriented to substantive rationality. Forged at the patrimonial-capitalist turn of the twentieth century, via socialist-women’s movements alliance, to stem mass population hemorrhaging and allow stunted Swedish society and economy to develop, this targeted social-democratic governance crux is the basis for the small state’s outsized capacity to moderate the society’s, citizens’, and residents’ subjection to exploitation and appropriation within global monopoly capitalism’s hegemonic geopolitics of militarized accumulation and resultant population dislocations.

This article reflects on the symbolic and material bases of multiculturalist ideology as it manifests itself in particular cultural practices taking place across the European Union (EU). To explore some of these dynamics, I focus my discussion on Babel, a Spanish public broadcasting production partially funded by the EU, which aims to promote intercultural dialogue through exposing viewers to different aspects of immigrants’ lives in Spain. The analysis highlights how, while explicitly endorsing multiculturalism and developing a pro-immigration stance, Babel’s stories also promote a restricted and restricting image of desirable immigrants. Thus, the show’s resignification efforts rely mostly on an implicit but systematic association between cultural similarity and economic productivity in its representations of acceptable immigrants. The article’s conclusion argues for the need to re-theorise the co-constitutive relationship between ‘cultural’ and ‘economic’ aspects of multiculturalist practices at large, as well as the specific shapes that they take in Western European societies.

Research on transnationalism and integration is increasingly focusing on the intersections between the two concepts. However, the debate is polarised between the country of origin and the host country when migrants’ identity and belongingness are concerned. In the case of the children of migrants, the literature also largely lacks references to locality, mobility and cosmopolitanism. This paper explores the integration of Albanian-origin teenagers in Tuscany and the relationship between their transnational orientations and their integration strategies. Findings show that both the social and cultural institutions and the spatial ‘units’ to which these teenagers refer in their integration discourse go beyond their country of origin and their host country. Firstly, there is a translocal dimension to their references—to Florence, Prato and Tuscany and the place of their parental origin in Albania. Secondly, their views and perceptions of integration contain a strong cosmopolitan orientation—both conceptually and spatially. The qualities of space and locality impact on transnational ties, giving rise to cosmopolitan orientation and practices.

With a focus on the immigrant population, this study examines how the association between a relative income position and life satisfaction varies when the comparison group changes. Drawing data from Understanding Society in the UK between 2009 and 2015, this study first shows that after migration, income comparisons with the mainstream and co-ethnic groups in the host country matter more than that with the source-country population for one's life satisfaction. Furthermore, the relevance of comparison groups to life satisfaction varies across immigrant generations. Income comparison with the source-country population is more relevant to life satisfaction of the 1st generation, whereas 1.5 and 2nd generations consider income comparisons within the host country more relevant. In particular, favourable income comparison with the mainstream group in the host country is the most relevant to life satisfaction of the 2nd-generation, followed by the 1.5-generation, and last by the 1st-generation immigrants.

This paper investigates to what extent integration policy models affect immigrants’ adoption of residence country attitudes. Data come from an original survey among Turkish immigrants and their descendants in three countries with distinctive policy models; Germany, France, and the Netherlands. Two types of attitudes are investigated; room for Islam in the public sphere and moral liberalism. The opinions of the immigrants are compared both in absolute terms and in terms of the value gap with the average opinion in the residence society populations. The results suggest that the effect of integration policies is modest at best.