Florilegium

Jeremias Falck (c. 1605/09–1677) is considered to be the greatest engraver of early modern times working in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Graphical representa- tions of  ower forms constitute a signi cant part of his oeuvre. So far they have not been of special interest to researchers, therefore it is worth giving them more attention now. It seems necessary to look at the existing attributions to estimate the real number of Falck’s works on this subject, and to formally analyse various prints. It is also necessary to critically approach the questions of the original prints, later editions, and copies.
Up to date researchers have recorded selected  ower representations, without referring to the information in the only catalogue raisonné of Falck’s works by Block, who attributed to him up to 98 compositions on the subject. Only by compar- ing prints from the Polish museums with various collections abroad the answer to the question how many  ower arrangements were actually created by Jeremias Falck can be provided.
Falck’s authorship of the series Novae et exquisitae FLORUM ICONES has been con rmed. It is also highly likely that he elaborated most of the plates of the series Verscheyde Nieuwe TULPEN.
From the frontispiece of the series Novae et exquisitae FLORUM ICONES we can
conclude that Falck was not only the engraver, but also the author of the composition (inventor). Flowers in his works do not map a particular set of a botanical collection, but are a recommendation for an artistic representation of the plant.  ey could have been a kind of a template for painters, and at the same time objects d’art for collectors.  anks to their artistic qualities, perfect workmanship, and attention to the highest editorial standards, Falck’s  ower engravings became desirable works in the art mar- ket, copied by other designers and reprinted by other publishers.
e analysis of the preserved prints linked to Falck can also lead to a number of general conclusions on the functioning of the market for graphic art in the 17th cen- tury. Florilegia were usually formed in series containing a few to a dozen composi- tions. Herbaria’s cards could circulate in the form of a compact collection of a few series together, but also in smaller folders or even as loose cards.  e study shows that they were particularly popular in 17th-century France and the Netherlands.  e increase in production, mainly of the copies of previous cycles, occurred in the 1670s and lasted until the early 18th century. Falck and Vauquer were copied by Gerard Valck, Nicolaes Visscher and many others.

The impression given by art history surveys and civilisation courses can often be that Byzantine art is 'flat, flat figures on gold, gold ground.' Take, for instance, the ninth-century mosaic over the imperial door in the narthex of that quintessential Byzantine monument, Hagia Sophia, in Istanbul: Christ is seated on a lyre-backed throne, blessing with his right hand and holding a book open with his left. To either side are roundels containing bust portraits of two members of his celestial court, the Virgin Mary (or the Theotokos, or the Bearer of God, to use proper Orthodox designation) and an angel (Gabriel? Michael?); while the angel gazes sternly out at the viewer, the Virgin turns to the figure of Christ with hands outstretched in a gesture of supplication. Set off in their roundels, these two figures belong to a different field of activity from the fourth participant in this image, the figure of an emperor (identifiable through dress and headgear) kneeling abjectly to...

In latino “locus communis”, in greco “κοινοί τόποι”, in francese “lieu commun”, in inglese “commonplace”: non solo un concetto retorico aristotelico, ma anche un vero e proprio genere a stampa che trovò la sua massima fortuna nel Cinquecento. [...]

The introduction of printing to England at the beginning of the early modern period intersected with an ongoing interest in matters concerning the querelle des femmes. One result was the production of fourteen translations from Latin and French, twelve of medieval and two of humanist origin. Discussing all fourteen translations, this article proposes an overview of the varying ways in which translation, publishing, and gender were closely intertwined. The source texts, spanning almost four hundred years, varied in provenance, style, and genre and appealed to different audiences. The translating methods used are equally varied, but all owe something to what Sheila Delany calls "the literature of sexual politics."

The Knight's Tale has often been cited as an example of Chaucer's use of "conventional" or formal style, in contrast to the naturalism of the General Prologue. As Charles Muscatine observes, "When Chaucer writes at either end of the scale of values, indeed, his style becomes correspondingly extreme. When he writes at the Knight's end of the scale 'Of storial thyng that toucheth gentillesse,/ And eek moralitee andhoolynesse,' he leans heavily on conventional forms." This formalism is characterized not only by the use of rhetoric and a "high style" of writing but also by the use of a classical setting and the patterns and correspondences found in such Latin epics as the Aeneid and the Thebaid. Chaucer's development of the idea of correspondence between gods and men, for example, yields an ordered, symmetrical set of characters. When this ordering of form is considered alongside the prominent presentation in Theseus' sermon of t...

the chief academic focus has rested on three strands: the radical restructuring of the twelfth century, popular devotion in the immediate pre-Reformation period, and the dramatic events of the sixteenth-century Reformation. This does not mean that other aspects of medieval Church history have been neglected, for there has been much new research into its institutions, personnel, and properties. Access to papal records, published as the Calendars of Papal Letters and the Calendars of Scottish Supplications to Rome, has not only shed light on issues of papal provision to benefices, clerical celibacy, illegitimacy and education, and the continuing role and nature of lay patronage and benefaction of the secular and regular Church but has transformed scholarly understanding of the operation of the secular Church in Scotland, the organization and functioning of its governmental structures, and the exercise of canon law, and has given fresh insight into the influence which the clergy wielde...

The commentary to follow was originally published by Figure/Ground (2014) in magazine format, as it appears here. It concerns a pseudonymously published poem entitled Serial Kitsch (Austin and New York: Hworde, 2014). This commentary was subsequently published in academic format in Edia Connole and Gary J. Shipley, eds., Serial Killing: A Philosophical Anthology (London: Schism Press, 2015), 95–103. Shipley has since come forward as the author of this poem. It is currently available as Serial Kitsch (an epic poem) by Gary J. Shipley from Schism2 Press (London, 2017). Georges Bataille, whose work this commentary makes use of, also published pseudonymously. Unless otherwise indicated, all quotations herein are from Serial Kitsch (2014).

In the middle decades of the thirteenth century, the use of torture was introduced into papal inquisitions, which were often administered by members of the Dominican Order. In these same decades, Dominican authors created a new literary genre, the abbreviated legendary of saints' lives including Jacobus de Voragine's extremely poplar Legenda aurea . The authors of this new genre collected and then abbreviated many saints' lives, the majority of which were vitae of martyrs that emphasized the torture the martyrs endured while minimizing any descriptions of saintly pain or suffering. The chronological coincidence between the introduction of torture into inquisitions and the creation of the legendaries, examined alongside the content and popularity of the legendaries themselves, suggests that these texts may have helped effect a widespread cultural shift towards acceptance of the use of torture within inquisitions and other judicial systems in medieval Europe.

In recent Scottish historical research on issues of ecclesiastical renewal and reform, the chief academic focus has rested on three strands: the radical restructuring of the twelfth century, popular devotion in the immediate pre-Reformation period, and the dramatic events of the sixteenth-century Reformation. This does not mean that other aspects of medieval Church history have been neglected, for there has been much new research into its institutions, personnel, and properties. Access to papal records, published as the Calendars of Papal Letters and the Calendars of Scottish Supplications to Rome, has not only shed light on issues of papal provision to benefices, clerical celibacy, illegitimacy and education, and the continuing role and nature of lay patronage and benefaction of the secular and regular Church but has transformed scholarly understanding of the operation of the secular Church in Scotland, the organization and functioning of its governmental structures, and the exerci...

While illustrations for many Holy Books are created especially for the rel­ evant texts, the iconography of the Psalms has mostly been borrowed.1 In early manuscripts the rich imagery of the visual scenes occupied large por­ tions of the page, but this changed as artists became increasingly involved with historiated initials. These, marking the liturgical division, were dec­ orated with sequences borrowed from the New and Old Testaments, with the literal illustrations being confined to the opening verses.2 In contrast to the diversity th a t had characterized earlier endeavours, the picture cycles became static from the thirteenth century onward, with each production centre and its zone of influence embracing repetitive themes. Psalm 52 was most frequently used in the liturgy. Its historiated initial “D” in the opening sentence “Dixit insipiens in corde suo non est Deus” was elaborately illuminated. Unlike the unvarying illustrations for other chap­ ters, the “D” in Psalm 52 boasts ...

Les médiévistes savent bien qu'avec la Dame des troubadours, librement redessinée par les premiers romanciers du Nord de la France, l'écriture médiévale a réinventé la femme en élaborant une figure de mots capable de rivaliser dans l'imaginaire érotique avec la place occupée ailleurs par Dieu lui-même. Pour autant, dans la perception commune, les pouvoirs prêtés à la femme médiévale pencheraient plutôt du côté du diable et de la magie noire, les «siècles obscurs» constituant aux yeux de plusieurs de nos contemporains, un temps béni (si l'on peut dire) pour les sorcières de tout acabit, si ce n'était qu'il fut quelque peu troublé par les flammes des bûchers. Si les historiens ont établi, depuis longtemps déjà, que la chasse aux sorcières touche bien moins le Moyen Âge que la Renaissance, la vision d'un Âge d'Or de la sorcellerie avant le XV siècle persiste, alimentée il est vrai par l'apologie romantique de la sorcière médiévale, figure de liberté ...

In the middle decades of the thirteenth century, the use of torture was introduced into papal inquisitions, which were often administered by members of the Dominican Order. In these same decades, Dominican authors created a new literary genre, the abbreviated legendary of saints' lives including Jacobus de Voragine's extremely poplar Legenda aurea . The authors of this new genre collected and then abbreviated many saints' lives, the majority of which were vitae of martyrs that emphasized the torture the martyrs endured while minimizing any descriptions of saintly pain or suffering. The chronological coincidence between the introduction of torture into inquisitions and the creation of the legendaries, examined alongside the content and popularity of the legendaries themselves, suggests that these texts may have helped effect a widespread cultural shift towards acceptance of the use of torture within inquisitions and other judicial systems in medieval Europe.