Classical Chinese literature

明代湯顯祖（1550—1616）《邯鄲夢》以《枕中記》為本事，《枕中記》本以唐代歷史為據，可知《邯鄲夢》故事情節應當發生於唐代之時，而檢查《新、舊唐書》，戲曲中一些角色及事蹟的確可以證明跟唐代歷史有著千絲萬縷的關係。湯顯祖既然是明人，他的作品會否隱含著跟明代歷史相似的細節？本文即以《邯鄲夢》所述「吐蕃侵唐」之戰事為例，比對《邯鄲夢》與唐、明兩代歷史之間的異同；從而探討箇中「一事兩史」的關係。本文進一步從現存史書、詩文等材料推測：《邯鄲夢》中平定吐蕃的「盧生」，可能就是湯顯祖摯友——梅國楨（？—1605）的影子。

M.A. Thesis, Peking University (written in Chinese), 2009.
M.A. Degree in Classical Chinese Literature.

English Title: “The Influence of the Buddhist Ethical Ideas of Non-Injury and Body Sacrifice on the Tang Dynasty Short Stories--particularly focusing on the stories ‘Xue Wei’ and ‘Yang Sou’.”

Original Chinese Title: “不杀生”与“身体布施”佛教伦理观念对唐代小说的影响——以《薛伟》、《杨叟》故事为中心.”

Beijing: Peking University Library (北京大学图书馆), 020/M2009(58), July 2009.

Thesis defended before a M.A. thesis committee, Department of Chinese Language and Literature, Peking University 北京大学, May, 2009. Advised by: Prof. Yongqiang Liu (刘勇强)

M.A. Thesis Abstract:

        唐代经济的繁荣,国家的统一,使唐王朝成为当时世界上最强大的帝国之一。当时政治的开明,思想的活跃和多样性,加上异域文化、佛教的影响等因素,为唐代作家提供了良好的创作环境,使得唐代文学创作达到空前的高度。
　　 随着佛教的传入,印度的寓言、童话、小说故事以及佛经本生故事也传入了中国。唐代小说不少的故事借鉴了佛典故事,同时也自觉地应用了佛教教义及佛教伦理观念,这些对於唐代小说故事情节的布局与故事所包涵的创作意图皆有着关键性的影响。本文试图讨论佛典故事以及佛教伦理观念对唐代传奇小说的影响。
　　 第一章首先试图说明佛教伦理观念与佛经本生故事的关系,特别要注重“不杀生”及“身体布施”伦理观点在佛经故事裹的作用与表现。本章最後略说明佛教教义以及佛教伦理观念作为外来观念进入中国的情况。
　　 论文的第二章及第三章以两篇唐代的故事小说作为个案研究对象。通过对唐代传奇《薛伟》以及《杨叟》故事情节与其内容的考据分析与研究,试图解读这两篇唐代小说并试图说明它们与佛经故事的关系。其中第二章主要分析《薛伟》故事与“不杀生”及“放生”主题。第三章主要分析《杨叟》故事与“身体布施”、“舍身”主题。
　　 本文的核心研究对象是试图谈佛教伦理观念在佛经故事的特殊作用,并试图表明它们对唐代小说的影响。为了解释伦理观念在故事裹的作用的特殊作用,本文提出“佛教伦理宣验故事类型”解说.即认为佛教伦理观念在敍事模式上,情节布局以及在所表达的主题思想上等方面都有积极动机的成形关键作用。
　　 本文通过对作品的分析和仔细的解读说明,佛教教义的核心思想不仅仅是作为说教应用,也是一种在情节上非常有启发性的写作动机。

It seems that neither Sima Qian's 司馬遷 famous “compensation theory” of Hanfei’s eloquence (“Fei, as a person, suffered from a stammer and was incapable of leading a discussion, but he excelled in the production of writing” 非爲人口吃，不能道說，而善著書), nor the central position he accorded to the “Difficulties of persuasion« (《說難》) chapter (Hunter 2013) has provoked a sustained engagement with the master's stylistics. Exceptions notwithstanding (張覺 2001, Zádrapa 2014), premodern criticism and contemporary scholarship mostly revolve around the “richness of his wide-ranging comparisons” (博喻之富, 《文心雕龍》4.6), especially in anecdote quotations, his use of parallelism before the Later Han stabilization of 駢文 prose (王懷成 1989). Another popular topic, originating with Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508), is whether the 'pearls on a string' (連珠) poetic genre emerged from his “Inner/Outer thesauri of sayings” (《内外儲說》), rather than with Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 BCE–18 CE) (鄭良樹 1990, 孫良申 2010, 韓賢克 2010), well-known for his propensity towards imitatio (Schilling 2006), and how phrases coined or quoted in the text, survived as 'set phrases' (成語).
My talk will strive to complement this picture by analyzing three areas characterising “one of the most distinctive voices in all of Chinese literature” (Goldin 2013): (a) the use of line-end and internal rhyme to create textual cohesion (金毅 1984, Behr 2005), distinct from other prosimetric 散文 patterns of the Warring States; (b) argumentation via non-stock praonomastic puns; (c) tension resolution between innovated synonym compounds and phrasal repetition avoidance (魏得勝 1993).

This is a translation of Édouard Biot's 1851 translation of the 小司徒 chapter of the Zhouli (Rites of Zhou), with the Chinese version and those commentaries included by Biot. I have also tried to verify Biot's translation against the Chinese, using the modern editions of the Zhou Li, especially Sun Yirang's 周禮正義 (2000) and Yang Tianzi's 周禮 譯注 (2004), as well as the online version of the imperial edition 欽定周官義疏 (1748). Corrections are welcome.

The interest of this chapter is that it reveals something of how the populations of early China were organized, registered, monitored, and employed as corvée labor and military troops. The commentary is often more interesting than the book itself.

The French version is online here: http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k5038370

The Chinese version is online here:
https://zh.wikisource.org/wiki/欽定周官義疏_(四庫全書本)/卷10

Poster designed for presentation at the inaugural Leiden Summer School in Chinese Digital Humanities (July 2016). Introduces current research project on cataloguing and analyzing exchange poetry of the Late Tang and Five Dynasties period using the tools of social network analysis. Presents a few preliminary findings and points to ways in which the data culled from these poems can be used to rewrite the literary history of this period. Project sponsored by Princeton's Center for Digital Humanities, 2016-2017.

I have written this work to introduce my premise about Zhuangzi`s work "The happiness of fishes". Zhuangzi, not knowingly, or maybe knowingly, have made his life eternal, through his work. This work shall try to prove this premise. In this work, firstly I shall introduce Zhuangzi as a philosopher, who has probably really existed. Then I shall analyse Zhuangzi`s the "Happy fish" passage form 秋水 the "Autumn

Literati landscape painting was the mainstream of Chinese art in the Yuan dynasty; its keynote is the idea of yi, literally, escaping for freedom, which is represented by the notion of reclusiveness at the conceptual level and the notion of spontaneity at the formal level. Based on an analytical interpretation of the development of Yuan literati landscape painting at the two levels, this essay intends to make a point that, under the Mongol rule, reclusiveness and spontaneity became the artistic pursuit of Chinese artists in the period from late 13th to late 14th century. Employing Yuri Lotman's theory of " semiosphere " in this study, I argue that the blueprint for the solitary world is designed by the early Yuan literati artist Zhao Mengfu, and this world is constructed by the later Yuan literati artists Huang Gongwang and Ni Zan, among others. I further describe the structure of this world as having two levels and three concentric circles, with reclusiveness as the signified central idea and spontaneous brushwork as its signifier. I then conclude that the interaction of the reclusive idea and spontaneous style semioticizes the structure, and completes the construction of the unique artistic world of Yuan literati landscape painting.

В китайской культуре духи-ежи относятся к нескольким типам духов. Это могут быть звери-оборотни, которые превращаются в людей и взаимодействуют с человеком. В отличие от других живот-ных, например лис, ежи-оборотни не были очень популярными пер-сонажами, несколько рассказов о них представлены в «Тайпин гуан цзи», «Тайпин юй лань» (X в.), а также в сборнике рассказов об уди-вительном «Куй чэ чжи» (XII в.). В большинстве случаев ежи в обра-зе пожилых людей, у которых сохраняются некоторые зооморфные черты, встречаются с людьми во дворе или в доме и не причиняют им вреда. Другой тип ежей-оборотней-это священные животные, чей культ получил распространение при династии Цин и остается попу-лярным до сих пор. Эти духи, поселяясь в семье, обеспечивают ей процветание и получают способность к оборотничеству только после достижения бессмертия. Рассказы о различных духах-ежах представ-лены в сборнике Ли Цинчэна «Рассказы Цзуйча об удивительном» («Цзуйча чжигуай»), изданном в 1892 г. Эти истории произошли в г. Тяньцзине, где был очень популярен культ белой ежихи. В неко-торых из них персонаж обладает особенностями, характерными для разных типов духов.

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〈疏影〉的詞旨向無定解，較為主流的政治說仍有缺陷。本文指出〈疏影〉所詠的梅花品種，並非前人研究所舉引的古梅而是綠萼梅，故詞中著重渲染和綠色相關的事物。修建於宣和四年(1122)的艮嶽是北宋最大型的皇家園林，其萼綠華堂種植了數以萬計的綠萼梅，象徵了北宋的記憶和命脈，以姜夔〈疏影〉為首的詠綠萼梅之作，無不以綠萼梅塑造宋室偏安的孤寂情態。本文從綠萼梅出發，重新討論〈疏影〉與徽欽二帝的關係，並指出綠袖佳人與王昭君的典故，又見於姜夔和范成大圈子的詩人；姜夔藉綠萼梅象徵宋室命脈，並呼籲時人努力維護南宋。〈疏影〉所用的典故成為了後人詠綠萼梅的固定意象，然而綠萼梅與宋皇朝的關係卻逐漸被人遺忘。

English abstract:
An ardent alchemy or finding immortality in the kitchen.
This chapter analyzes late imperial Chinese vernacular narratives depicting the transmission of the Way to two Taoist female adepts, Sun Bu’er 孫不二 and He Xiangu 何仙姑 . By contrast with classical Chinese hagiographies, who kept those female taoists in secondary roles, the vernacular narratives show the two women becoming the first disciples of celebrated masters (Wang Zhe 王喆, Lü Dongbin 呂洞賓). But they are admitted to this exalted position only after mutilating or destroying their own bodies by burning it voluntarily: impressed by their fierce resolution, their masters will call them “true males among women” (nü zhong zhangfu 女中丈夫). Thus, while taking towards female adepts a more open stance than the classical hagiographies, the vernacular narratives continues to be wary of the female body, though admitting the possibility of an atypical way towards enlightenment for female adepts.

Résumé français:
Ce chapitre analyse deux scènes de transmission de la voie taoïste à des disciples femmes, Sun-la-non-duelle 孫不二et He Xiangu 何仙姑, dans des romans en langue vulgaire de la Chine impériale tardive. À la différence des hagiographies en langue classique, qui réservent à ces femmes une place subalterne, ces récits feront d’elles les tout premiers disciples de grands maîtres (Wang Zhe 王喆, Lü Dongbin 呂洞賓). Mais elles ne le deviendront qu’après avoir détruit ou mutilé leur corps par brûlure, prouvant par leur résolution être « de vraies mâles entre les femmes » (nü zhong zhangfu 女中丈夫). Ainsi, le discours du roman en langue vulgaire, même s’il donne plus de place aux adeptes femmes que les hagiographies canoniques, persiste à trahir une profonde méfiance à l’égard du corps féminin. Mais il se plaît en même temps à mettre en avant la possibilité d’une sainteté atypique, capable de renverser en partie la hiérarchie des sexes.

The approach of allegorical interpretation was widely used by Chinese traditional scholars in novel studies. However, since the rise of modern Chinese scholarship at the beginning of the 20th century, the long-prevailing allegoresis approach was unprecedentedly faced with challenges and queries. Hu Shi strongly criticized the research approach of ‘covering “the Journey to the West” with a robe of Confucian, Buddhist or Taoist’, and advocated confining the studies of this masterpiece exclusively to the field of textual research, such as evidential studies on the authors or textual sources of stories, etc. In comparison with the positivistic research of authorship and bibliology, allegorical interpretations are inarguably full of controversy and difficult to judge which of them is a better one. They are thus soon driven out of the mainstream of academic realm. That being said, it is worthy to note that allegoresis has never been suspended entirely, as this approach is tacitly adopted by some modern scholars who consider allegorical interpretations important evidence in the studies of the main theme of the novel. We do not believe in any kind of monism claiming that there is only one single correct interpretation of literary work, nor any kind of hermeneutical anarchism suggesting that all interpretations are equally true. In view of the pluralistic interpretations of the novel, we attempt to articulate some criteria of evaluation that can reasonably assess the appropriateness of different explanations. To sharpen the focus of the discussion, this article will first give an overview of some major allegoresis studies in the past, with a concentration on the five sages and their relationship with the main theme of “the Journey to the West ”. A theoretical framework will also be introduced for evaluating the validity of different interpretations afterwards. Though a relatively comprehensive and reasonable interpretation will be provided at the end, the ultimate goal of the author is solely to construct a common platform for academic dialogue, in the hope of enhancing the accountability of allegoresis.

寓意解讀是中國傳統文人學士研治小說的重要方法，然而自 20 世紀現代中國學術興起後，這種解讀方法面臨前所未有的挑戰。胡適大力批評過去數百年來的評點家「把一部《西遊記》罩上了儒、釋、道三教的袍子」的讀法，認為《西遊記》的研究範圍應限制在以文獻版本為基礎的作者考證和故事源流一類問題之內。與作者、版本等實證研究相比，寓意解讀不免言人人殊，難以判分高下，因而亦逐漸退出嚴肅的學術舞台。然而必須注意的是，寓意解讀並沒有因此而完全中斷，而是隱約地滲進現代學者有關《西遊記》的主題研究之內，成為證立論點的重要手段。面對各種分歧的寓意解讀，我們既不接受文本只有唯一一種正解，亦不相信文本可以毫無限制地任意解釋，因而試圖建立評量寓意的準則，希望以理性的方式說明不同解讀的合理程度。為了令討論的焦點更為明晰，文章先從《西遊記》五聖的象徵意義入手，回顧過去各種寓意解讀及其與《西遊記》主題的關係，繼而引入評估效度的理論框架，分析及比較各種說法的有效程度。文章雖然亦會嘗試展示較為完整和合理的解讀，但其最終目的並不是要提出正解，而是要建立共同討論的平台，提升寓意解讀的說服力。

This textbook for undergraduates is based on my classroom experience and does not assume either experience with poetry (of any sort) or knowledge of Chinese.  Its structure is chronological since I want to get students to see the power of form and technique as the tradition grows,  Each chapter has an introduction followed by a selection of poems.  For each poem, there is the Chinese text, a word-by-word gloss (below the characters), a technical translation (mine), and a polished translation, if one is available and appropriate.  After each poem, there is a study guide to point students to issues of interest.  The book--designed for undergraduates--does not seek complete coverage.

The file is just the Table of Contents.

Connaître les grands maîtres Chinois et leurs pensées peut donc nous éclairer sur les valeurs et les moeurs asiatiques et le poids de leur héritage dans la vie moderne. Nous analyserons ici seulement quatre grands penseurs anciens : Laozi, Confucius, Mengzi et  Zhuangzi. Laozi et Zhuangzi sont deux maîtres très importants dans l’école taoïste de la Chine ancienne, tout comme Confucius et Mengzi, nommé aussi Mencius, le sont dans la pensée confucéenne.

本文是以《醒世恒言》卷3〈賣油郎獨佔花魁〉爲討論對象，聚焦於文本對身分建構及認同抉擇之書寫。歷來相關的論述，多側重於秦重與瑤琴二人之間的愛情抒寫，對於文本所穿梭的人物、情節、對話甚至是物件所串聯而成的象徵意義，較少被論者關注。藉由此一問題的提出，本文試圖從「身分、空間與命運的易位」、「言與物的認同及象徵」以及「作爲身分標識的姓名及稱呼」所形成的對照組切入，進一步掌握它們各自的建構與被建構歷程，以期探究娼妓書寫在大敘事中，所展現的普遍性及代表性，是否存有另一面值得深掘之處。
        細究文本情節的安排，乃是藉由身分與空間的重組，揭露身體的移動如何影響著命運的發展；透過困境與抉擇的安排，展演了故事主角如何回應各自的身分建構及認同抉擇之課題。文中指出：「身體——空間——身分」的相互錯位，甚至是男／女之體的不同，皆影響著個體命運的走向。作爲女體的瑤琴，在這一易位的排列中，無論是門戶梳弄的規定，抑或是吳八公子的出現，皆是由故事所安排的兩大困境，促使瑤琴的抉擇不僅影響著其自身命運的發展，同時也推動了抉擇背後所運行的權力／利。除此之外，透過秦重的觀看、耳聞以及言語，檢視「言語」與「物件」之間如何相互進行對話，以致重構「自我」與「他者」的認同表態。最後，擇以「姓名／稱呼」之不同的觀察，進一步掌握它們的更動與展示，如何彰顯身分在社會地位的高低，甚至是對於身體自主權的掌握。藉由以上問題的提出及探究，我們可以進一步瞭解，「身體——空間——身分」的調動在命運的展演過程中，其所呈現出的不僅是命運的軸線，同時也是自身對於身分建構與認同的歷程。

關鍵詞：賣油郎獨佔花魁、莘瑤琴、秦重、身分建構、認同抉擇

Abstract
This article examines the indeterminacy of gender and poetic roles of early five-syllable poems (wu yan shi 五言詩). The indeterminacy pervasive in early poetry came to be perceived as a problem beginning in the late third century. A comparison between some early five-syllable poems and their later variations, imitations, and interpretations suggests conscious clarifications of ambiguity and fluidity made by early medieval writers and literary scholars. By the fifth and sixth centuries, relatively indeterminate gender and poetic roles were gradually forced into a neat “map” of more determinate ones in poetic expressions. Certain sentiments and expressions came to be associated with a specific gender or particular identity. This map became an important part of poetic conventions for later writers and it also had a profound influence on our understanding of early poetry. This article explores reasons for changes in the view of gender and poetic roles in greater cultural and literary contexts of the early medieval period, which includes a changing notion of authorship, a different view of the nature and function of five-syllable poetry, and a growing interest in constructing the literary past for this poetic genre.
Keywords: five-syllable poetry, gender, poetic roles, imitation, performativity, authorship

作为明清笑话书的代表作之一，清代笑话书《笑林广记》号称大成之作。因为其内容五花八门、无所不包，并且它包含着不同作者，甚至不同时代的笑话，所以我们可视之为中国各个朝代的笑话集的顶点。在最近几年学术界对幽默研究表示了前所未有的关注的背景下，本文试图按照若干西方文论而对《笑林广记》进行新颖的分析、解读。基于这种比较研究，本文的意图是将这部笑话书放置到比较文学的视野下，在某种程度上可以说，本文拟让《笑林广记》进入到比较文学学界。
第一章分析这部作品里的最突出、最显著的特点，即其可笑性。本文首先对“笑”字进行了初步的分析，展示出公开的笑、失笑以及一方之笑三个宏观范畴的不同作用。接下来，按照西方的优越理论、不协调理论以及释放理论而解释、分析《笑林广记》的可笑特点。
在第二章里我着重于笑话里的幽默特点。最初，本章力图展现出幽默与可笑的不同之所在，以便证明此两者是不一样的概念，含有不同的特点。之后，基于西方文学批评家对幽默的界定，我分析笑话里的幽默，为的是解释可笑之余的可悲以及可悲之余的可笑。在这一章里，我涉及到了幽默的三个主要组成部分，便是语言、人物、接受者。最后，我试图解释笑话的人物和情况所导致的异化效果。
第三章所关注的是讽刺。首先我简短地解释讽刺作品在中国和在西方的特点、它的起源以及发展；接着，以讽刺诗为主，我介绍《笑林广记》里的讽刺特点，并且分析这种文风的二元论，即“温和讽刺”与“辛酸讽刺”、“直接”与“间接”、“写实”与“夸张”之间的关系和张力。最后，我简短地介绍《笑林广记》若隐若现指出的社会问题。即便这部作品是在清代成书的，但是它所指出的不少问题其实是源于明代的，因此第三章的最后一部分是以明代的社会问题为主。
在第四章里我分析笑话里的狂欢以及怪诞元素。基于前苏联文学批评家米·米·巴赫金对这两个概念的界定，本章分析《笑林广记》里的广场语言及其怪诞身体的描述，尤其值得注意的是人身的废物、性器官以及降格。

Esta é uma seleção de ensinamentos do Lunyu, de Confúcio (551-479 a.C.), um dos maiores vultos da filosofia e da religião mundial. Confúcio ensinava que a sobrevivência da civilização dependia do exercício correto de uma cultura racional, da prática de uma moral eficaz em inibir o mal e ensejar o altruísmo e a bondade. Os preceitos confucionistas defendem uma base humanística na educação, cujo cerne é o aspecto humano e moral. Para o Mestre, o tipo ideal de indivíduo é o Junzi, o “educado”, uma pessoa de bons modos, instrução e qualidades morais elevadas. Traduzidos direto do chinês, estes pensamentos compõem um guia indispensável para nos aconselhar em tempos confusos e de relativismo moral como os de hoje. [Da editora]

"Wen zhi" (Form and Content) is a term widely used in traditional Chinese literary criticism. Informed by Occidental literary studies, modern Chinese scholars specialising in literary theories, Chinese literary criticism, the dynastic history of literature, and even the history of literary ideas often tend to interpret the term, which is found in the Analects and other classical texts, as a duality of textual “form” and “content.” Such an understanding inaccurately presumed that there was a fixed and single meaning within "wen zhi", which not only misinterprets the ancient texts but also underestimates the complex journey in which the term has undergone in the field of literary criticism. By analysing various textual resources from the Pre-Qin to the Six Dynasties, this article attempts to delineate the genealogy of "wen zhi" and demonstrate how this terminology, which originated in the Analects, has traversed the realms of political etiquette, human morality, polemic expositions, historical writings, Buddhist scripture translation, and ultimately become a paramount idea in Chinese literary criticism. The genealogy of "wen zhi" reveals a complex and discontinuous array of meanings associated with it, which vary across different texts and contexts. As such, it defies simple categorization as the antithesis of form and content.

「文質」是中國傳統文學批評常見的用語。受到西方文學研究的影響，現代從事文學理論、中國文學批評史、斷代文學史，以至文學觀念史研究的學者，經常把這組術語直接理解為文本「形式」與「內容」的對立，並以此解讀《論語》及其他古籍原文。這類說法誤以為文質有固定單一的意義，不但錯誤詮釋古代典籍，還忽略了文質進入文學批評範疇的曲折歷程。有見及此，本文試圖綜合先秦至六朝各種文獻材料，辨析文質的系譜，縷述這個術語如何從《論語》出發，穿越禮儀制度、道德人格、說理文字、歷史書寫、佛經翻譯等領域，最終成為中國文學批評的重要觀念。此一誕生過程揭示文質的涵義充滿各種不連續性，會因應上下文義而出現不同的變化，不能機械化地解讀為形式和內容。

《安徽大学藏战国竹简（一）》所收《草虫》篇，据整理者在说明部分言：“简本《采蘋》残，首章缺失，第二章仅存二字，第三章残缺。《毛诗》三章，章四句。” 说明《采蘋》篇与《草虫》的残损程度类似，故本文也与《草虫》篇解析类似，以讨论《采蘋》的诗旨为主。
　　《毛传》言“《采蘋》，大夫妻能循法度也。能循法度，则可以承先祖，共祭祀矣。”郑笺称：“‘女子十年不出，姆教婉娩听从，执麻枲，治丝茧，织纴组紃，学女事以共衣服。观于祭祀，纳酒浆笾豆菹醢，礼相助奠。十有五而笄，二十而嫁。’此言能循法度者，今既嫁为大夫妻，能循其为女之时所学所观之事以为法度。”然而将这个说法印证回先秦，就会发现全然不合。《左传·隐公三年》：“君子曰：信不由中，质无益也。明恕而行，要之以礼，虽无有质，谁能间之？苟有明信，涧溪沼沚之毛，蘋蘩蕰藻之菜，筐筥锜釜之器，潢污行潦之水，可荐于鬼神，可羞于王公，而况君子结二国之信。行之以礼，又焉用质？《风》有《采繁》、《采蘋》，《雅》有《行苇》、《泂酌》，昭忠信也。”明确说《采蘋》是“昭忠信”，《左传·襄二十八年》：“为宋之盟故，公及宋公、陈侯、郑伯、许男如楚。公过郑，郑伯不在。伯有廷劳于黄崖，不敬。穆叔曰：‘伯有无戾于郑，郑必有大咎。敬，民之主也，而弃之，何以承守？郑人不讨，必受其辜。济泽之阿，行潦之蘋藻，置诸宗室，季兰尸之，敬也。敬可弃乎？’”以《采蘋》是“敬也”，先秦未见以“忠信”为形容女子德行的情况，“忠信”往往是对君子人臣的要求，如《管子·五辅》：“为人臣者，忠信而不党。”《晏子春秋·内篇问上·景公问君臣身尊而荣难乎》：“为臣忠信而无踰职业，则事治而身荣。”《左传·襄公二十二年》：“君人执信，臣人执共，忠信笃敬，上下同之，天之道也。”《仪礼·士相见礼》：“与居官者言，言忠信。”因此《左传》的诗说以《采蘋》是“昭忠信”、“敬也”，显然与《毛传》、《郑笺》不同。《周礼·春官·乐师》：“凡射，王以《驺虞》为节，诸侯以《狸首》为节，大夫以《采蘋》为节，士以《采蘩》为节。”《周礼·春官·钟师》：“凡射，王奏《驺虞》，诸侯奏《狸首》，卿大夫奏《采蘋》，士奏《采蘩》。”《周礼·夏官·射人》：“以射法治射仪：王以六耦射三侯，三获三容，乐以《驺虞》，九节五正；诸侯以四耦射二侯，二获二容，乐以《狸首》，七节三正；孤卿大夫以三耦射一侯，一获一容，乐以《采蘋》，五节二正；士以三耦射犴侯，一获一容，乐以《采蘩》，五节二正。”皆是以《采蘋》为射乐，《驺虞》诗言“壹发五豝。”是以用于射乐非常明确，《礼记·射义》引《诗》：“曾孙侯氏，四正具举；大夫君子，凡以庶士，小大莫处，御于君所，以燕以射，则燕则誉。”郑注：“此‘曾孙’之诗，诸侯之射节也。”孔疏：“上经说诸侯君臣之射，此明诸侯之射所歌乐章节者，此《狸首》之诗也，所以论燕射，‘则燕则誉’，故君臣相与尽志于射也。此诗名《狸首》，而发首云‘曾孙侯氏’者，但此篇之中有‘狸首’之字，在于篇中撮取‘狸首’之字以为篇首之目。谓若《驺虞》之诗，其字虽在篇内，而名‘驺虞’矣。‘曾孙侯氏’者，谓诸侯也。此诸侯出于王，是王之曾孙也，故云‘曾孙侯氏’矣，若《左传》云‘曾孙蒯聩’之类是也。”《大戴礼记·投壶》引《诗》：“今日泰射，四正具举，大夫君子，凡以庶士，小大莫处，御于君所，以燕以射，则燕则誉。质参既设，执旌既载，大侯既亢，中获既置。弓既平张，四侯且良，决拾有常，既顺乃让，乃揖乃让，乃隮其堂，乃节其行，既志乃张，射夫命射，射者之声，获者之旌，既获卒莫。”孔广森《补注》：“此以下《狸首》之诗也。”虽然注疏以所引《诗》为《狸首》皆无确据，但也有相当的合理性，印证于《韩非子·八说》：“《狸首》射侯，不当强弩趋发。”《礼记·乐记》：“散军而郊射，左射《狸首》，右射《驺虞》，而贯革之射息也。”也可说明《狸首》何以用于射乐。笔者《安大简〈邦风·召南·采蘩〉解析》已指出：“《采蘩》实是为准备入学释菜而采蘩的诗。……士习射始于仲春，与采蘩之时相合。” 因此《采蘩》也是与习射相关。既然清楚《驺虞》、《狸首》、《采蘩》皆关涉于射事，《采蘋》自然也当不会例外，《仪礼·乡射礼》：“乃合乐，《周南》：《关雎》、《葛覃》、《卷耳》，《召南》：《鹊巢》、《采蘩》、《采蘋》。工不兴，告于乐正曰：正歌备。……歌《驺虞》若《采蘋》，皆五终。射无筭。”《仪礼·乡饮酒礼》：“乃合乐，《周南》：《关雎》、《葛覃》、《卷耳》，《召南》：《鹊巢》、《采蘩》、《采蘋》，工告于乐正曰：正歌备。”《仪礼·燕礼》：“遂歌乡乐，《周南》：《关雎》、《葛覃》、《卷耳》；《召南》：《鹊巢》、《采蘩》、《采蘋》。”皆列有《采蘋》，《礼记·射义》：“古者诸侯之射也，必先行燕礼；卿大夫士之射也，必先行乡饮酒之礼。……天子以《驺虞》为节，诸侯以《狸首》为节，卿大夫以《采蘋》为节，士以《采蘩》为节。《驺虞》者，乐官备也；《狸首》者，乐会时也；《采蘋》者，乐循法也；《采蘩》者，乐不失职也。是故天子以备官为节，诸侯以时会天子为节，卿大夫以循法为节，士以不失职为节。”所以《燕礼》、《乡饮酒礼》会用到《采蘋》。这些都足以说明，《采蘋》必为射乐，诗旨当与射事相关，所表达的是“卿大夫以循法为节”，而非“大夫妻能循法度”，故《毛传》、《郑笺》对《采蘋》诗旨的解说自然也就明显并不与《采蘋》的实际诗旨相合了。《礼记·射义》：“是故古者天子之制，诸侯岁献贡士于天子，天子试之于射宫。其容体比于礼，其节比于乐，而中多者，得与于祭。其容体不比于礼，其节不比于乐，而中少者，不得与于祭。”所记内容比于诸侯当也成立，故笔者认为，《采蘋》所记，当是在祭祀之前，“试之于射宫”后，记述为了让“其容体比于礼，其节比于乐，而中多者，得与于祭”的大夫与于祭而安排祭祀前的准备。《礼记·射义》：“射者何以射？何以听？循声而发，发而不失正鹄者，其唯贤者乎。若夫不肖之人，则彼将安能以中？”法、废相通，故“循声而发”可对应“循法”，《采蘋》的“以循法为节”、“能循法度”或皆源自射礼的“循声而发，发而不失正鹄者，其唯贤者乎。”贤训多，《小尔雅·广诂》：“贤，多也。”贤者也即多中者，《诗经·大雅·行苇》：“舍矢既均，序宾以贤。”毛传：“言宾客次序皆贤。”郑笺：“谓以射中多少为次第。”多中则多获，因此贤有多财义，《说文·贝部》：“贤，多才也。”故由“贤者”之称，犹可见先秦以射选贤的尚武之风。

「我的藝友與文友」：蕭遙天與臺港友朋交遊考
一、 小 引
二、 奔荒走南天
三、 鄭曼青、 黃性賢
四、 張大千
五、 饒宗頤
六、 易君左
七、 錢賓四
八、 結 論

二十世紀中期中國憂患頻仍，兵燹不斷，天災人禍深重而起的政治動
盪、人口遷徙，引發承傳文化的曲折與開展，此端賴南來知識人而得自植閎
肆，影響迄今未嘗或已。準此，本文試以蕭遙天（1913-1990）及士林交遊，
對文化的風氣影響切入，鉤連其時的相知相識，如何延伸至後來檳榔嶼、臺
灣、香港，三島文教動態，特別是鉤沉張大千、錢賓四、易君左、饒宗頤等
人與蕭氏往來，所形成冷戰後的獨特文化場域。潮陽蕭遙天，乃南洋文化
事業之重要領袖，有「天南一枝筆」之稱。1949年飄零香港至1953年炎夏
「奔荒走南天」，定居檳榔嶼，不再作歸國之思。每至一地，皆得勝友如雲。
讀書雅好學問，友朋同聚一堂，或出示新篇，或登高而賦，此時的結識形塑
其後的南洋文教風氣。此攸關思想與社會變遷的聯繫，本文採取個案研究方
式，透過「形形色色的運用」，考察當下的知識語境與社會資源，著重此前
不太關切，以蕭遙天為中心理解知識人詮釋新時代的經驗世界，通過品題唱
和，相與博約，從學術政治到乘桴他方，這種命運的巧合，三地情感的維
繫，既是知識人如何定位身世與家國，也藉詩文酬答想像文化與歷史浪潮中
的彼此。

關鍵詞﹕蕭遙天、交遊、南來文人、臺灣、香港

In the mid-twentieth century, the Sino-Japanese War and Chinese Civil War
created political turmoil and mass migration in China. When Chinese migrated to
Southeast Asia during that period, they brought their culture with them. Among
these migrants were many fleeing literati, one of whom was Seow Yeoh Thian 蕭
遙天. This article focuses on how Seow Yeoh Thian interacted with literati from
Penang, Taiwan and Hong Kong, particularly Chang Dai-ch’ien 張大千, Ch’ien
Mu 錢賓四, I Chun-tso 易君左 and Jao Tsung-I 饒宗頤. Seow Yeoh Thian, a
native of Chaoyang 潮陽, contributed greatly to the development of Nanyang (南
洋 South Seas) literature. He drifted to Hong Kong in 1949, and subsequently
settled down in Penang in 1953. He made a lot of friends in every place he lived,
with whom he frequently gathered and exchanged knowledge, and sometimes
shared art and writings. These interactions helped shape the development of culture
and education in Southeast Asia. This article investigates the intellectual context
and social resources of the time and, with a focus on Seow Yeoh Thian, exploits
previously overlooked ways to understand how literati comprehended their worlds
of experience in a new era.

Keywords: Seow Yeoh Thian 蕭遙天; social intercourse; literati from the north;
Taiwan; Hong Kong

译者按：1991 年，美国汉学家奚如谷（Stephen H. West）和伊维德（Wilt L. Idema）合作完成了《西厢
记》的英译本，其底本为现存最早、最完整的弘治版《西厢记》（1499），译作出版后受到中外学界的一致
好评。奚如谷现任美国亚利桑那州立大学汉学系主任，曾任伯克利大学东亚系讲座教授、美国东方学会西
部分会主席等职。伊维德为哈佛大学东亚系教授，历任哈佛东亚系主任、费正清研究中心主任等。两人治
学领域包括元、明、清文学、戏剧、讲唱文学等，曾合作出版过多部译著。本文选自英译弘治版《西厢记》
第2版“引论”的第1章（Stephen H. West and Wilt L. Idema“, The Status of Wang Shifu’s Story of the Western
Wing in Chinese Literature,” in The Story of the Western Wing. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995, pp.
3-18），内容涉及《西厢记》的主要版本、《西厢记》对中国文学作品的影响和《西厢记》的译介情况等。

歷來治《孟》者大多聚焦討論《孟子》〈知言養氣章〉中哲學概念之內涵，卻未曾著力疏通此章之文理。具體言之，此章開首討論「不動心」，結尾卻論孔子，兩段文字究竟有何關係？不少學者通過重新定義此章之篇幅範圍，強行將結尾一段從〈知言養氣章〉割裂出去，如此解讀方式實不理想。本文通過考察〈知言養氣章〉之修辭，指出此章通篇暗用《論語》〈吾十有五而志於學章〉立論，此即其一貫文脈。根據孟子的詮釋，孔子自四十歲起的精神境界，都與進退出處之抉擇相關。循此入手，並結合相關內證，本文指出〈知言養氣章〉章首「動心否乎」之問，只能解作「孟子去齊之志會否因獲得齊國卿相之位一事而動搖？」，而非趙岐所謂在登上卿相之位後才因畏行道之難而動心。本文同時發現，孟子不因卿相高位而動搖去齊之志的壯舉，已成他身後四百年間士人的共同文化記憶。在趙岐之前，每當士人提及不動心，即將之連系到不因權位而出仕，無一例外。可以說，趙注的流行中斷了戰國末年至東漢時期士人的一種文化記憶，也令此章文脈從此變得隱而不顯。
Scholars have tended to focus on the implications of such philosophical terms as “flood-like qi” 浩然之氣 and “unperturbed mind-heart” 不動心 in Mencius 2A:2, but have failed to identify the common thread of this rather long chapter. This article argues that Mencius 2A:2 frequently alludes to Analects 2.4, and that this allusion is precisely the common thread holding 2A:2 together. According to Mencius’s interpretation, Confucius’s achievements in different ages as stated in Analects 2.4 are all related to the political consideration of whether one ought to remain in a state and serve as its minister. In light of this, and with the support of other evidence from within the Mencius, it is argued that the question “would your mind-heart be perturbed?” at the beginning of the chapter can only mean “would your intention of leaving Qi 齊 be shaken by the fact that you had been appointed as its minister?” but not “would your intention of putting the Way into practice be shaken,” as suggested by Zhao Qi 趙岐 (?-210). Furthermore, it is shown that after the death of Mencius, his act of valor, namely leaving Qi despite having already been appointed as a Qi minister, had become a shared cultural memory of early Chinese intellectuals. Whenever mentioning “unperturbed mind-heart” in their works, early intellectuals consistently evoked Mencius’s unmoved determination to reject any inappropriate political appointment even though the position could bring them fame and material comfort. The rise of Zhao Qi’s misreading in his commentary to Mencius, however, has led to the loss of this cultural memory.