Citizenship identities

‘Based on exhaustive work in numerous archives and in several languages, Lorenzo Kamel has produced what I think is one of the most definitive works on the transition from empire to nation-state. It is impressively ambitious and does what many major historians have been promising to do: to show how hard, Western conceptions of identity shaped and formed the thinking and decisions of statesmen and other political elites in the 19th and early 20th centuries. It also deals with the penetration of hard national categories among the various peoples of the empire. It is an authoritative book and will be very widely consulted.’
NICHOLAS DOUMANIS
Author of Before the Nation and Professor, School of Humanities and Languages, The University of New South Wales – Sydney
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‘This book will make an important mark on the field. From Empire to Sealed Identities shows the ways in which ethnic and other divisions were historically constructed in the Middle East under the influence of imperial powers. The work combines meticulous archival research in multiple languages with careful analysis of broader trends to map the transition from empire to homogenized nation-states. This ability to document with rich detail and at the same time be able to present the larger picture with great clarity is rare. The author pulls off the feat with great erudition.’
BETH BARON
Distinguished Professor of History, The Graduate Center and City College, CUNY
Past President, Middle East Studies Association (MESA)
Director, Middle East and Middle Eastern American Center
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‘In this engaging revisionary study, Lorenzo Kamel shows how modern Western-ist intellectual prejudices have distorted our understanding of identity and conflict in the modern Middle East. Based on original archival research and an exhaustive survey of secondary literature, the author reveals a world that can only be characterized as “medieval” if one misunderstands the Middle Ages. Focussing on the long nineteenth century, the book provides a chronological continuation of much of the most interesting work being done in pre-modern Mediterranean Studies.’
BRIAN A. CATLOS
Author of Muslims of Latin Christendom and Professor, Faculty of Religious Studies, University of Colorado Boulder
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‘Lorenzo Kamel is a dedicated and meticulous scholar, extremely experienced and internationally recognized for his research methodology. His extensive archival work, which forms the basis of many of his most important publications, is impressive by any academic standard. His archival research, informed by exemplary linguistic skills, has, without question, created new understandings of the complex dynamics shaping our inquiry into modern European empires, and the history of the Middle East in the 19th and 20th centuries. The Middle East from Empire to Sealed Identities will continue this outstanding trend.’
SARA ROY
Senior Research Scholar, Harvard University’s Center for Middle Eastern Studies (CMES)

The rising fame of multiethnic and multiracial or ‘mixed’ celebrities in Japan, such as tennis player Naomi Osaka, has brought into focus the roles of Japan’s Nationality Law and understandings of nationality and citizenship in shaping identity. According to Article 14 of Japan’s Nationality Law, persons holding multiple nationalities must choose to forfeit all but one before the age of 22. In this article I aim to address how multiethnic and multiracial youths of Japanese descent in Australia are approaching the ambiguities surrounding their citizenship and nationality rights. To do so I will closely examine to what extent the Nationality Law affects their future decisions and identities by drawing upon evidence from in-depth interviews I conducted with mixed Japanese youth who are the child of one Japanese parent and one non-Japanese parent and live in Australia. Using Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital, I argue that mixed Japanese youth in Australia perceive citizenship less as an agent of identity and more as an index of socioeconomic opportunity. My findings demonstrate that these individuals actively strive to maintain their dual citizenship and strategically align their cultural capital to realise meaningful cross-cultural careers that communicate between Australia, Japan, and their own mixed identities.

The article attempts a comprehensive review of the human security concept in order to question its utility for both research and policy-making. It notes the term’s interdisciplinary and extensively normative content that have facilitated its evolution into a successful security discourse. On the other hand, human security’s wide appeal has as a side-effect an extended conceptual polysemy inhibiting the cumulation of knowledge and the development of a relevant theory. Absence of conceptual clarity has also complicated its policy implementation. The article attempts to break the deadlock and move the debate forward by using the work of John Gerring and Paul A. Barresi on concept formation as an organizing device.

Across Latin America, online and digitally mediated racist speech directed at Afro-descendant youth has intensified existing racial stigma and contributed to the marginalization of minority groups in both online and offline contexts. Racist speech is not a new phenomenon in the region. However, such speech is often amplified through digital media platforms, including social media, and some claim its increasing prevalence may be contributing to the normalization of racism.

While racist speech online is prominent in both Brazil and Colombia, studies focused on Latin America are extremely limited and have addressed the overarching theme of online hate speech. Through interviews with leaders of civil society organizations (CSOs) and a review of existing literature, this study discusses efforts and interventions that CSOs have employed to counter racial stigma faced by the collective population of Afro-descendant youth in an attempt to understand and examine signs of impact related to hate speech in Brazil and Colombia, distinct from existing overarching studies of online hate speech.

Informed by in-depth conversations with practitioners working in the field, and working closely with collaborating institutions that directly serve Afro-descendent youth, the case study presents an over- view of the environment and context within which Afro-descendent youth impacted by racist speech exist. The interviews illustrate that most CSOs view digital racism as an extension of historical racial inequality. This case study documents the efforts of CSOs in the region who are helping to support the actions of young Afro-descendants to occupy roles historically denied to them, thereby deconstruct- ing negative perceptions and re-claiming representations of their identities and realities.

In an age in which a shift towards increased authoritarianism and populism means that citizenship is defined in increasingly exclusive ways, migrant teachers’ perspectives are vital in informing inclusive educational decision making, policies and practices. We draw on the life history tradition to present the perspectives of one minority teacher, living and working in Norway. Elif, a Turkish-Norwegian, reflects on her motivations in pursuing teaching as a career. As a multilingual minority teacher, she considers the relationships between language use, citizenship and belonging. For Elif, having Turkish roots and living in Norway presents certain advantages, possibilities and challenges, both in school and society. She suggests that her intercultural experiences and multilingual skills provide her with insights that enable special relationships with minority students, whose language skills and identities she seeks to activate and demystify. She identifies tensions between the Norwegian ideal of equality, her experiences of being minoritized by her professional peers and the mechanisms of exclusion operating among teachers to the detriment of minority students. Minority teachers’ insights inform education for social justice. Including their stories avoids distorting knowledge critical to inclusive citizenship and inclusive processes of teaching and learning.

Me gustaría recibir sus comentarios, sugerencias y críticas respecto a mis trabajos. Creo que éste es el modo de mejorar la producción: intercambiar ideas. ¡Gracias!

I would like to receive your comments, suggestions and critics about my work. I think this is the way to improve the production: exchanging ideas. Thank you!

J'aimerais recevoir vos commentaires, suggestions et critiques à propos de mon travail. Je pense que c'est la façon d'améliorer la production: échanger des idées. Je vous remercie!

Purpose This paper aims to spark a debate by presenting the need for developing data ecosystems in Europe that meet the social and public good while committing to democratic and ethical standards; suggesting a taxonomy of data infrastructures and institutions to support this need; using the case study of Barcelona as the flagship city trailblazing a critical policy agenda of smart cities to show the limitations and contradictions of the current state of affairs; and ultimately, proposing a preliminary roadmap for institutional and governance empowerment that could enable effective data ecosystems in Europe. Design/methodology/approach This paper draws on lessons learned in previous publications available in the sustainability (Calzada, 2018), regions (Calzada and Cowie, 2017; Calzada, 2019), Zenodo (Calzada and Almirall, 2019), RSA Journal (Calzada, 2019) and IJIS (Calzada, 2020) journals and ongoing and updated fieldwork about the Barcelona case study stemming from an intensive fie...

Foreword, by Prof. Joseph P. Farrell Acknowledgements Introduction PART ONE: ONE HUNDRED YEARS OF TRANSFORMING THE FUTURE The Precedents of World Scouting (1907-1920) An Idea, a Book, and How They Came About Scouting in Britain and its Spontaneous Internationalization Peace and the Ideal of the League of Nations The Historical Development of Scouting Worldwide The Period Under the Leadership of Robert Baden-Powell The Globalization of Scouting Evolution of the WOSM Censuses (1924-2004) Scouting in the 21st Century: Some Numbers PART TWO: AN IDEAL, A MOVEMENT, AN ORGANIZATION Essential Characteristics of Scouting Definition Purpose and Principles Educational Method A Highly Intuitive Educational Movement More a Network Movement than an Organization The Educational Impact and 'the Magic' of Scouting How the Organization Works: Town, Country, and World The Local Group and the National Association When a Country Has More Than One Association World Organization(s) and Global Belo...

The way in which societies institutionalize “collective memory” is one of the most important aspects of contemporary politics, feeding directly into the constitution of individual and communal identities, and creating sources of discord and dialogue. This essay explores some of the most significant issues at stake in debates over the political uses of the past. I suggest that it is important to distinguish between three modes of historical consciousness, memory, mythology, and critical history. I then offer a critique of Avishai Margalit’s "The Ethics of Memory" (2002), arguing that in failing to allow space for “acknowledging” the plurality of communal myths his strong communitarian conception of mnemonic ethics leaves room for the perpetuation of asymmetric power relations and the imposition of hegemonic identities. Developing this line of thought, the essay then explores some of the ways in which agonistic democratic theorists might think through the relationship between past and present, myth and history. I argue that it is necessary to avoid procedures and institutions that entrench diverse identities while simultaneously establishing conditions in which different communities can freely propound their historical identity-constitutive claims.

The Hindu rightwing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India has successfully enacted the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) in 2019. The BJP-led government is creating a National Register of Citizens (NRC) which will divide the population into citizens and illegal immigrants. According to the CAA, non-Muslim illegal immigrants from the neighbouring Muslim majority countries will be allowed to apply for citizenship, while Muslims will become stateless. In a series of complicated administrative and legal manoeuvres, this act will lead to loss of citizenship of millions of Muslim citizens and render them stateless. Detention camps are already functional to imprison stateless former citizens.

It is the same government which passed the law against triple talaq, in
defence of the rights of Muslim women citizens. The popularization of public opinion against love jihad, the law against triple talaq, the beef lynchings in recent years, are the result of radical Hindu right populism in India. CAA is the culmination of that process, with the aim of complete isolation and statelessness of Muslim citizens of India. The use of gender and religion towards increasing right-wing populism has reshaped the primary criteria for citizenship. The move has led to
extensive non-violent protests from more than 250 million people across the country. In this article, I will discuss how the BJP is using CAA, tense gender relations and religious stereotypes to promote Hindu right populism in India. In doing so, this article will unmask the connections between gender, religion and radical Hindu right politics.

Kwame Anthony Appiah (London, 1954) is one of the most renowned philosophers of contemporary thought. His work in the field of ethics and moral reach diverse subjects as sexual orientation, nationalism, social discrimination on ethnic or religious reasons and responsibility of governments and international organizations in development and poverty eradication.

Phronetic organizational research is an approach to the study of management and organizations focusing on ethics and power. It is based on a contemporary interpretation of the Aristotelian concept phronesis, usually as ‘prudence’. Phronesis is the ability to think and act in relation to values, to deliberate about ‘things that are good or bad for humans’ in the words of Aristotle (1976:1140a24–b12). Phronetic organizational research effectively provides answers to the following four value-rational questions, for specific problematics in management and organization studies: 1. Where are we going with this specific management problematic? 2. Who gains and who loses, and by which mechanisms of power? 3. Is this development desirable? 4. What, if anything, should we do about it?

For Hans Christian Andersen's “Ugly Duckling” the mere fact of being born in the nest of a duck, growing up amongst duckling-siblings and possessing impressive swimming skills is not a guarantee to be perceived as a duck. Just so, for Georgian citizens of Armenian origin, the mere fact of being born in Georgia, speaking the dominant language and knowing the culture is not a guarantee of automatic admission to the dominant group. This master thesis examines reminding practices carried out by the ‘reminder society’: members of the dominant Georgian nation who do not allow ethnic Armenians to forget their non-Georgian origins.

The aim of this paper is to systematize existing research on media reporting related to various aspects of citizenship, and to contribute with a primary analysis of media content, in order to define how the leading print media in four states (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, and Serbia) reported on these issues. After establishing the profile of each state, this paper provides a profile of the analysed media, followed by a short summary of how these media reported on selected citizenship-related issues and topics. The main trends in media reporting were analysed within an interdisciplinary theoretical framework that includes the selected approaches / theories in media and communication studies, but also the studies on citizenship. The main assumption is that the mass media in the states under scrutiny, while reporting on citizenship-related issues,, have mostly legitimized governments in determining their citizenship policies. Only in Montenegro and, to some extent, in Croatia, when it comes to external voting, have oppositional media outlets continuously criticized the “official” citizenship policies, while in other states the leading media discourses lack a polemical and critical stance towards citizenship-related issues.

Nessuno più di Aristotele ha studiato la democrazia ateniese. Di quella che è stata la forma storica più rilevante dell’idea democratica Aristotele ha voluto comprendere l’evoluzione, la storia: perciò ha pensato il confronto, in prospettiva diacronica, delle manifestazioni dell’idea democratica che giudicava le più significative e intellegibili della storia ateniese. A guidare la ricerca aristotelica sulla democrazia ateniese è un assunto rilevante del suo pensiero politico: ogni costituzione (politeia, nel suo linguaggio) è conoscibile attraverso la concezione che esprime riguardo a «ciò che è giusto». È l’idea (eidos) della giustizia, anzi della giustizia come uguaglianza, a definire il carattere di un regime politico. Aristotele ha cercato l’idea democratica prioritariamente nella forma di volta in volta assunta dal dispositivo della cittadinanza. Nel caso della democrazia ateniese, l’evoluzione viene seguita dalla fase dell’emergenza dell’idea di cittadinanza democratica, agli inizi del VI secolo, fino a quando le regole stabilite rispetto alla definizione del gruppo dei cittadini e delle loro spettanze hanno ricevuto una forma stabile. Un ciclo compiutosi nel corso del secolo e mezzo che separa i provvedimenti adottati in materia di cittadinanza da Solone e da Pericle.

A U.S. citizen may freely renounce citizenship by voluntarily performing one of several statutory expatriating acts with the intention of relinquishing United States nationality. The most common of these acts is formally renouncing U.S. citizenship, either before a designated officer in the U.S. during wartime or a diplomatic or consular officer abroad anytime. Due to the administrative presumption against an intent to lose citizenship, formal renunciation before a consular officer is the most likely to result in an effective expatriation. Every year anywhere from 150 to over 1,500 U.S. citizens expatriate themselves by renouncing their US nationality. These numbers include many well-known individuals, such as Boris Johnson, Henry James, Terry Gilliam, Bobby Fischer, Juan Mari Brás, Kenneth Nichols O’Keefe, and Vince Cate, as well a number of wealthy business leaders. This chapter will give an overview of the process and consequences of the rare event of renunciation of citizenship.

In the context of COVID-19, the production and governance of urban space has experienced a rapid digitalization and datafication, creating new challenges for citizenship. The urban realm is not only the environment where a new standard for digital development is set but also the realm from which rescaling nation-states are pervasively emerging.

Emerging Digital Citizenship Regimes: Postpandemic Technopolitical Democracies explores the roles played by digital citizenship in the context of changing geographies of the nation-state in Europe in the aftermath of the global pandemic; and reframes the concept of digital citizenship amid the rescaling of nation-states in Europe by connecting it to the increasing digitalisation of urban environment as a corollary of pandemic.

By theorising the concept of citizenship in the digital age through the lens of the evolutionary character of its classical concept or by drawing upon the narratives regarding the democratising potential and risks of the Internet, Emerging Digital Citizenship Regimes explores the complex interaction of social and political variables shaping offline and online civic practices and their intertwined relation to the urban environment, analysing the way it is produced and governed in the COVID-19 new context.

To access this book:
https://books.emeraldinsight.com/book/detail/emerging-digital-citizenship-regimes/?k=9781803823324

To cite this book:
Calzada, I. (2022), Emerging Digital Citizenship Regimes: Postpandemic Technopolitical Democracies. Bingley: Emerald Publishing Limited, Emerald Points Series.

To acquire this book from 25th May 2022 onwards:
https://www.amazon.co.uk/gp/product/1803823321
https://www.amazon.fr/gp/product/1803823321

As was the case with many newly independent African nations, Somalia was beset by a language problem whose complexity had begun well before independence and the unification of British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland in 1960. With three languages (English, Arabic, and Italian) used as media of communication in government offices and in schools, various Somali administrations struggled to contain the impasse but found no tangible solution. Barely three years after Mohamed Siad Barre seized power in October 1969, he had his military regime introduce the Somali orthography in the Latin alphabet. Based on this milestone, Siad Barre's military rule is highly commended for taking a remarkable step forward in what came to be known as the Somalization project. However, officials of the government and Somali scholarship failed to

This thesis examines the shifting relationship between the state and its subjects with regard to responsibility for and entitlement to care. Using Malaysia as a case study the research engages with international medical travel (IMT) as an outcome of the neoliberal retrenchment of the welfare state. I offer a critical reading of postcolonial development strategies that negotiate the benefits and challenges of extending care to non-national subjects.

Chp 8 in in A. Triandafyllidou (ed), Multicultural Governance in a Mobile World, forthcoming, 2017, Edinburgh University Press.

Through offering a normative conceptualisation of a national case, Britain, I ask what is the relationship between the post-immigration normative project of accommodating citizens-marked-by-origin and the managing of current flows of migrations and mobilities? While multiculturalism requires reconceiving citizenship and shared identities, it has assumed that a collectivity of citizens in the form of a state/polity has the right and the capacity to control immigration and that migrants want to be and should be accepted as citizens. But what if the nature of immigration (and other relevant circumstances) change such that difference is no longer so salient an issue, citizenship no longer seems to be so normatively prized by migrants; and immigration is less amenable to control? Does multiculturalism still have traction in these new circumstances? British multiculturalism was developed in a context of immigration control and does not challenge the right of the state to control immigration, while insisting that it must not be exercised in ways that are discriminatory or stigmatising in relation to the composite and overlapping criteria of race, ethnicity and religion that are at the heart of post-immigration British multiculturalism. While a cosmopolitan version of multiculturalism is also present in Britain and is largely compatible with a more political, communitarian national multiculturalism, the two seem to have incompatible views on national identity concerns and so on immigration control. This is seriously problematic for progressive politics today but a solution is not clear.