Andean Community

El libro Innovación y capacidades en la industria farmacéutica: una perspectiva desde Colombia desarrolla un interrogante que el autor se plantea desde el inicio de su obra: “¿En qué medida los ADPIC y su implementación en los países en desarrollo, especialmente en Colombia, impactan la capacidad de estos países en cuanto a su industria farmacéutica?

Em 16 de novembro de 2020, no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito da Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos (UNISINOS), sob os auspícios da Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul (FAPERGS), levou-se à cabo, por meio da Plataforma Teams, o Seminário Internacional “A proteção do consumidor e o consumo sustentável”, que contou com a participação de professores nacionais e estrangeiros, bem como de um público numeroso e atento.
O evento destinou-se à discussão de temas vinculados à proteção do consumidor aliada à preservação do meio ambiente, buscando destacar as práticas de consumo sustentável levadas a cabo na União Europeia, na Comunidade Andina, na Aliança do Pacífico e no MERCOSUL, sem deixar de referir as iniciativas nacionais para o fomento da responsabilidade ambiental na produção e no consumo de bens e serviços, no Brasil e na Argentina. Tudo isso, sob a ótica do cumprimento do Objetivo de Desenvolvimento Sustentável (ODS) nº 12 – “Consumo e Produção Responsáveis”, previsto na Agenda 2030 das Nações Unidas.
Desta forma, o Seminário internacional foi dividido em dois painéis: o primeiro, intitulado “A dimensão global e regional do consumo sustentável”, levado a cabo na manhã do dia 16 de novembro, contou com a participação do Prof. Dr. Juan Manuel Velázquez Gardeta (Universidad del País Vasco – UPV- Espanha), da Profa. Dra. Sandra C. Negro (Universidad de Buenos Aires – UBA – Argentina), da Profa. Dra. Claudia Madrid Martínez (Universidad Autónoma Latinoamericana – Colômbia e Universidad Central de Venezuela – UCV), do Prof. Dr. Jaime Ramiro Gallegos Zúñiga (Universidad de Chile) e da Profa. Dra. Jânia Maria Lopes Saldanha (Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos – UNISINOS – Brasil).
O segundo painel, desenvolvido na noite do dia em referência, teve como tema gerador “As contribuições da UNCTAD para o consumo sustentável e as iniciativas nacionais”. Para debater a temática, estiveram presentes a Profa. Ana Cândida Muniz Cipriano (Jurista Associada da Conferência das Nações Unidas para o Comércio e Desenvolvimento - UNCTAD), o Prof. Dr. Sergio Sebastián Barocelli (Universidad de Buenos Aires – UBA – Argentina), o Prof. Dr. Cláudio José Franzolin (Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Campinas – PUCCAMP – Brasil), o Prof. Dr. Luís Renato Vedovato (Universidade Estadual de Campinas – UNICAMP – Brasil) e a Profa. Dra. Raquel von Hohendorff (Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos – UNISINOS – Brasil).
Esta obra que se apresenta, denominada “A proteção do consumidor e o consumo sustentável: a dimensão global e regional do consumo sustentável e as iniciativas nacionais”, contempla as contribuições de cada um dos professores em destaque, que abrilhantaram o evento com as suas ponderações e visão crítica, bem como é resultado dos estudos realizados no âmbito do projeto “A implementação das Diretrizes das Nações Unidas de Proteção ao Consumidor, de 2015, em matéria de consumo sustentável, no Direito brasileiro”, financiado pela FAPERGS, pelo Edital ARD nº 4/2019.

This book aims to offer an analysis of the Andean Community of Nations which reflects military, political, societal, economic and environmental security issues. Although Venezuela opted out of the Community in 2006, it has been included in the analysis due to its inevitable interlinking with other countries in the region and its enormous geostrategic importance for the area. The first chapter, written by Pavlína Springerová, assistant professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Hradec Králové, details security threats posed by Bolivia. The second chapter and final chapter, respectively dealing with Colombia and Venezuela, were authored by Martin Hrabálek, who lectures at the Department of International Relations and European Studies at Masaryk University in Brno. The third and fourth chapters, dealing with Ecuador and Peru, were written by Věra Stojarová of the Department of Political Science of Masaryk University in Brno.

The objective of this thesis is to analyze why the 2007-2008 negotiations of a bi-regional Association Agreement between the Andean Community of Nations (CAN) and the European Union (EU) have failed and what the likely implications of this failure are. It investigates why the bloc-to-bloc agreement has not been concluded successfully, and why now the EU is negotiating a bilaterally agreement with each CAN member state. In other words, the thesis examines the promises and problems of a bi-regional association agreement as well as the future perspectives for EU-CAN relations.
I argue that the negotiations have failed because the EU pushed too much the CAN in order to act under a single voice, and the member states of the CAN could not get along between themselves, due to internal division and different ideologies on: politics, economics and commerce.
The research will develop the principals’ drivers that lead to the launch of the Association Agreement in 2007, therefore I will focus on the Relations that the EU has with Latin America, and in particular with CAN, with a historical description. The content and the evolution of the Association Agreement in the pillars of: political dialogue, cooperation and trade will be explained, and the context in which the negotiations took place.
I will develop mainly the interest on the both sides to look for an Association Agreement and the reasons of the failure, developing on the trade aspect that was problematic due to some sensitive areas treated, where difficult to negotiate, especially: market access, services, investment and intellectual property. Therefore, the multilateralism system and its implications on the liberalization of WTO+ issues will be analyzed, comparing to the regionalism treatment and the bilateral approach of Preferential Trade Agreements
The investigation will analyze the implications of the failure of the agreement and therefore study the current negotiations of the EU with Colombia, Ecuador and Peru, also the research will focus on the alternatives for regionalism in Latin America like the ALBA (Bolivarian Alternative for the Americs) the and the South American Union of Nations, as new process of integration in the region.

Colombia is one of the most biodiverse countries in the world and consequently has sought to employ genetic resources to further both its economic development and technological and scientific advancement. Colombia’s im- plementation of the international regime on access to genetic resources and benefit sharing responds to the interests of the country in employing genetic resources for health research and also for the health industry. However, the relevant Colombian law leaves aside practices and knowledge that emanate from local, indigenous, and Afro-Colombian com- munities in adding value to biodiversity. Through an inter- disciplinary analysis, this book adds a novel country case study to existing international socio-legal literature on the International Regime on Access to Genetic Resources and Benefit Sharing, showing its deficiencies when considered at national and local levels. Further, drawing on a Capa- bility Approach, the book aims to suggest an alternative approach for Colombia, making the normative claim that such an approach would create a more inclusive model of innovation in the use of biodiversity.

En esta ponencia, se analiza la Estrategia de Seguridad Estadounidense y su incidencia en la región andina desde un espectro netamente político, tanto en los objetivos de dicha estrategia como en los compromisos previamente generados dentro del bloque internacional. Este análisis posibilita repensar las dimensiones de la integración correspondientes al desarrollo de la democracia, la gobernabilidad, la lucha contra la corrupción y el fortalecimiento de los derechos humanos; así como resaltar la especial relevancia de una cohesión en la voluntad política de la CAN.

In the last two decades, South America created a regional regime for human mobility that
is regarded as the most developed one after that of the EU.[1] It is characterised by
progressive approaches to migration that include facilitated border crossings, equal social
and economic rights and working conditions for migrants, non-criminalization of migration,
and the enunciation of the "right to migrate". In this article, I will present a brief overview
on the policies that South America’s three main regional organizations have adopted to
liberalize the movement of regional citizens within the region.

In the last two decades, South America created a regional regime for human mobility that is regarded as the most developed one after the EU. This regime is characterised by equal social and economic rights, working conditions and family reunion, as well as the right to reside and work in other Member States.

Cepeda-Ladino, Julio-César. 2010. 'La Universidad como un actor social heterogéneo en los procesos de integración regional en América Latina'. Paper presented at the 'Chair in Latin American and The Caribbean Integration AUALCPI - RCI 2010: Bicentennial and Integration' ('Cátedra Latinoamericana y Caribeña de Integración AUALCPI - RCI 2010: Bicentenario e Integración.'). Bogotá: Gobernación de Cundinamarca. September 8-10.

The University as an academic center devoted to research has a socially constructed role in the processes of regional integration in Latin America, which ranges from active and critical role they play in the demands they make to these intergovernmental organizations and / or supranational (Andean Community - CAN, Southern Common Market - MERCOSUR, South American Union of Nations - UNASUR, Central American Common Market - CACM, Caribbean Community - CARICOM), through the simple explanation and interpretation of these social phenomena down to the lack interest in the study and dissemination of these regional dynamics.

La Universidad como centro académico dedicado a la investigación tiene un papel socialmente construido en los procesos de integración regional en América Latina, el cual varía desde el papel activo y crítico que desempeñan en las demandas que realizan a estas organizaciones intergubernamentales y/o supranacionales (Comunidad Andina de Naciones - CAN, Mercado Común del Sur - MERCOSUR, Unión de Naciones Suramericanas - UNASUR, Mercado Común Centroamericano - MCCA, Comunidad del Caribe - CARICOM), pasando por la simple explicación e interpretación de estos fenómenos sociales, hasta llegar a la falta de interés por el estudio y difusión de estas dinámicas regionales.

Our main concern is to conclude how South American regional integration blocks could develop relations in a specific legal frame of association agreements and how this fourth generation treaties, developed by the European Union, deal with third countries or groups of countries. More specifically, we are interested in knowing how legally bound regulations formulated in the three different pillars of these Agreements can be for integration processes or member states.

The regional policy level is often seen as a (potential) source of progressive policy-making in health (and in social policy more widely), complementing or substituting national policy levels, which are perceived as underperforming. While it can certainly be argued that there are important opportunities to adopt regional approaches to tackle border-crossing health issues, this article draws the attention to the fact that the linkage between (inter-)regional and national policy levels is not uni-directional. While in some instances the regional level may indeed take the lead in the promotion of (the right to) health, in other instances it may well be the other way round. This article focuses on the case of Colombia, where international economic rules have deeply permeated public policies in the health sector. On the one hand, Colombia has been opening markets through the conclusion of regional integration arrangements (e.g. Andean Community and the Pacific Alliance), and the new generation of Free Trade Agreements. On the other hand, Colombia has been one of the most active emerging countries in promoting the right to health as a justiciable fundamental right, in line with the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of the United Nations mainly due to the judicial activism of the Colombian Constitutional Court with interesting implications for regional social governance. The article shows that national courts can play an important role in the protection of the right to health in a context of economic integration and the absence of regional balancing policies.

Link: http://www.apps.buap.mx/ojs3/index.php/tlamelaua/article/view/789. Si bien es notorio el nivel de integración económica, política y social alcanzado por la Comunidad Andina de Naciones (CAN), esto resulta cuestionable si se considera su tiempo de existencia: el 26 de mayo de 2019 el Acuerdo de Cartagena cumple medio siglo de haber sido firmado y, con tantos años recorridos, resultan magros sus logros. ¿Qué explica esto? ¿A qué se debe el insatisfactorio desempeño del proceso integrador andino en su medio siglo de existencia? ¿Cuáles han sido los intereses y los roles de los actuales miembros en el desenvolvimiento de la CAN? Más aún, ¿cómo se perfila la CAN -actualmente desdibujada y prácticamente inactiva- en la reconfiguración de la geopolítica de la integración latinoamericana? Este artículo plantea que, si bien existe una coincidencia en el posicionamiento estructural de los Estados socios de la CAN, dicha aproximación ha operado negativamente, pues ninguno de sus miembros ha logrado erigirse como paymaster. Ante la ausencia de un primus inter pares que asuma compromisos especiales e induzca a sus socios a la integración, los países andinos se ven obligados a negociar constantemente y confrontar en todo momento sus proyectos nacionales. Como resultado de ello, la agenda andina ha evolucionado episódicamente y sólo cuando los Estados miembros coinciden en términos político-ideológicos.

El artículo re exiona si existe una política regional en la Comunidad Andina (CAN) que permita reducir las asimetrías entre entidades subestatales. La Introducción presenta la concepción de política regional en la Unión Europea, y debate posibles razones de su ausencia en la CAN. La sección II estudia los esfuerzos andinos para construir una política regional: analiza una estrategia de desarrollo territorial truncada y revisa los precarios avances en la cohesión económica y social. La sección III estudia la política regional para las regiones fronterizas y concluye que hay una estrategia hacia ellas con alcances modestos. Finalmente, la sección IV discute sobre la inexistencia de una política regional como estrategia de desarrollo territorial, aunque destaca el estado incipiente de la cohesión económica y social, así como los avances de dicha política hacia las fronteras; señalando la ausencia de un órgano que adelante una política regional andina, y la necesidad de cesión de competencias por los Estados. Palabras claves: Comunidad Andina, política regional, cohesión económica y social, fronteras. ANDEAN COMMUNITY: CAN WE TALK ABOUT REGIONAL POLICY? Abstract This article re ects on whether there is a regional policy in the Andean Community (AC) that would allow the reduction of asymmetries between sub-national entities. The Introduction presents the conception of regional policy in the European Union and discusses possible causes for its absence in the AC. Section II examines the Andean efforts to build a regional policy: analyzes a truncated territorial development strategy and reviews the precarious advances in economic and social cohesion. Section III examines the regional policy for border regions and concludes that there is a strategy toward them with a modest scope. Finally, Section IV discusses the absence of a regional policy as a territorial development strategy, and stresses the nascent economic and social cohesion, as well as the advances of such policy towards the borders. In addition, It highlights on the absence of an institution capable to pursue an Andean regional policy and the need to transfer competencies from the nation-States. Résumé L'article présente une ré exion sur l'existence d'une politique régionale, dans la Communauté andine (CAN), capable de réduire les asymétries entre les entités subétatiques. L'introduction expose la conception de la politique régionale dans l'Union européenne, et les possibles raisons de l'absence de cette politique à la CAN. La section II détaille les efforts andins pour construire une politique régionale : une stratégie tronquée de développement territorial, et des avances précaires pour la cohésion économique et sociale. La section III développe la politique régionale pour les régions frontalières et conclut qu'il y a une stratégie vers elles des proportions modestes. Finalement, la section IV focalise la discussion sur l'inexistence d'une politique régionale comme une stratégie ; et bien que l'on aborde l'état naissant de la cohésion politique et sociale, et les progrès de cette politique aux frontières, il faut signaler l'absence d'un organe qui avance une politique régionale andine, et la nécessité pour les États de céder des compétences. Mots-clés : Communauté andine, politique régionale, cohésion économique et sociale, frontières

El artículo analiza los efectos que el pilar de comercio produce en la negociación de un Acuerdo de Asociación de cuarta generación entre la Unión Europea y la Comunidad Andina, así como en la relación entre bloques regionales y a nivel del
grupo andino.
Desde esta perspectiva se explica por qué la Comunidad Andina se divide como bloque para negociar el Acuerdo, bajo un formato “bilateral multi-partes” propuesto por la Unión Europea como una salida para continuar con una negociación en la región, así como la importancia que genera el pilar de comercio por sobre los otros dos pilares de diálogo político y cooperación.

This report characterizes the experience of the intervention model Country Service in the period 2005-2011, reviewing the itinerary in the associative and strategic escalation of local communities in the sector of Parinacota, in Lauca National Park (commune of Putre, northern Chile), through the installation of competencies related to tourism with special interests. In this framework, the local context is described, the experience of public-private articulation and the situation of the members of the communities participating in the intervention process, and their formulation of the public problem that structured the change they sought to promote. Subsequently, the strategy deployed by the community together with the Programme is described, and the outcome of the experience, up to the present day. As a result, it can be seen that the changes promoted have had little sustainability over time. Without prejudice to this, during the intervention period awareness is promoted towards the community's own cultural and natural assets.

Authors rights protects artistic, literary and scientific works. This type of IP encompasses two types of rights: moral and patrimonial. Despite of the fact of this, there is a prevalence of author’s economic rights against moral ones. This is due to the influence of Copyright, which subjects the existence of moral rights to patrimonials. This aspect contradicts the essential characteristics of moral rights, perpetuity, inalienability and irrenunciability, elements of the legislation deriving from the Civil Law, including Colombia. Nevertheless, the Colombian Constitutional Court has gone further as it has elevated moral rights to the constitutional category of human (fundamental) rights, thus guaranteeing its prevalence.

This paper will address the inclusion trafficking of illicit drugs on the political agenda and security of the Andean Community of Nations (CAN). The construction of drug trafficking as a threat to security in the Andean region was gradual and intensified from the 1960s. To meet the international requirements, the Andean governments sought to develop regional anti-drug cooperation strategies within the ANC, which had its beginning at the end of the Cold War and gained momentum in the 1990s and early 2000s. This period was marked by the development and adoption of the Common Foreign and Common CAN foreign and security policy, the EU security agenda and Plan Andean Cooperation to Fight Against Drugs, as forms of responses against drugs. Since then, the drug war has won regional relevance and militarized solutions to the problem, which has occurred in previous decades, has been applied unrestrictedly in the Andean arc, a region that has the largest production of cocaine in the world.

The research in the field of history puts accent on the documentary sources of the archives and repositories to understand the stories and subjects of the past; however, still have little tune with the reflexivity around the cultural heritage dimensions and the social dynamics of producing its. This schema in the Region of Arica-Parinacota region (northern Chile) have a special challenge where the craft of historicizing is revealed in a constant tension, through which, the lack of consideration of the cultural patrimonial features coupled with a relative absence concerning to the archival actors and specialists, plays a context where the documentary sources are relegated to a marginal, temporary and precarious place. In this article about such emphasis, we show the experience of a case about to the archival description in a public repository, highlighting their contribution to the understanding of aspects of the regional indigenous communities land ownership. As result, we described and characterized the documentary corpus of the “subfondo regularización de bienes inmuebles” from the repository, and we make an essay with a socio-historical approach about to the indigenous land ownership at northern Chile, considering specially the highland of Arica.
Key words: Repositories, Indigenous communities, Regional and local history, Northern Chile, Arica- Parinacota Region (Chile)

Colombia is one of the most biodiverse countries in the world and consequently has sought to employ genetic resources to further both its economic development and technological and scientific advancement. Colombia’s im- plementation of the international regime on access to genetic resources and benefit sharing responds to the interests of the country in employing genetic resources for health research and also for the health industry. However, the relevant Colombian law leaves aside practices and knowledge that emanate from local, indigenous, and Afro-Colombian com- munities in adding value to biodiversity. Through an inter- disciplinary analysis, this book adds a novel country case study to existing international socio-legal literature on the International Regime on Access to Genetic Resources and Benefit Sharing, showing its deficiencies when considered at national and local levels. Further, drawing on a Capa- bility Approach, the book aims to suggest an alternative approach for Colombia, making the normative claim that such an approach would create a more inclusive model of innovation in the use of biodiversity.

This article reflects on whether there is a regional policy in the Andean Community (AC) that would allow the reduction of asymmetries between sub-national entities. The Introduction presents the conception of regional policy in the European Union and discusses possible causes for its absence in the AC. Section II examines the Andean efforts to build a regional policy: analyzes a truncated territorial development strategy and reviews the precarious advances in economic and social cohesion. Section III examines the regional policy for border regions and concludes that there is a strategy toward them with a modest scope. Finally, Section IV discusses the absence of a regional policy as a territorial development strategy, and stresses the nascent economic and social cohesion, as well as the advances of such policy towards the borders. In addition, It highlights on the absence of an institution capable to pursue an Andean regional policy and the need to transfer competencies from the na...

RESUMEN La Alianza del Pacífico es la propuesta de integración más reciente del continente americano. De ella se ha hablado mucho, tiene detractores y defensores y cada parte sustenta las bondades o perjuicios que la propuesta de integración plantea. Este escrito tiene como fin describir los vacíos conceptuales en los que se fundamenta la propuesta de integración, también describir cómo se han desarrollado otros procesos de integración adelantados por los Estados Miembros de la Alianza y los resultados que en materia comercial han representado para las economías en cada momento histórico. Se evidencia como históricamente los Estados Miembros de la Alianza no han podido sostener procesos de integración, de igual forma la vulnerabilidad existente frente a los acuerdos bilaterales por ellos adelantados. Por último se evidencian cifras desde 2011 hasta 2014, período en el que se supone ha estado en vigencia el acuerdo de integración.

Cílem této kapitoly je analyzovat vývoj, základní etapy, myšlenky a hlavní dez/integrační motivy jihoamerického subkontinentu. Časově se zaměříme zejména na fázi starého (klasického) a nového (otevřeného) regionalismu s počátkem v 60., resp. 90. letech a na formování tzv. postliberálních integračních struktur. Soustředíme se především na analýzu jednotlivých vývojových etap hlavních integračních uskupení, jejich ne/úspěchy, institucionální strukturu a představení klíčových integračních imperativů (ekonomických, politických či ideologických).