The rise of networked technology and social media in particular begs investigation of the implica... more The rise of networked technology and social media in particular begs investigation of the implications of using Twitter as a political tool for improving listening by governments. Can it improve governmental responsiveness and government-citizen conversation in the face of public disaffection in representative democracies around the world, and how? Listening is often employed by governments as a rhetorical exercise undertaken for instrumental reasons to boost popularity when it is at a low ebb. Such disingenuous claims to listening risk dismissal and derision by increasingly cynical publics that are repeatedly subjected to governments’ misleading gestures. The question is therefore not only whether anybody is listening but also, ‘how are they listening?’ We argue that good listening constitutes an authentic representative claim (Saward, 2006) that goes beyond a procedural approach to democracy in which listening is restricted to a set of formal procedures. Good listening involves ‘listening to’, as well as ‘listening out for’, new and unexpected voices and issues on an ongoing basis and valuing the listening exercise as part of the democratic process in and of itself (Dobson, 2014).
In this paper we investigate the tension between growing voter disaffection at elections, the rising cacophony of political voices on social media, and governments’ claims to listen – sincerely or instrumentally – on social media. To do so we analyse the run-up to the South African State of the Nation Address (SONA) 2015 as a case of an online listening exercise conducted by the South African Presidency in response to increased public tension in the country’s democratic politics. As a case of a transitional democracy, the danger for South Africa is to become an ‘illiberal’ democracy, performing the rituals of a procedural democracy without their substance (Giliomee et al, 2001). We therefore ask whether the Presidency’s online listening exercise is just such an empty performance of the rituals of procedural democracy, or whether it constitutes a deliberative engagement in listening. We further consider what role Twitter plays in this exercise, and whether it has the potential to realise good listening practice.
We employ a mixed methods approach to Twitter analysis that integrates hashtag analysis with the qualitative following of key actors and interpretive analysis of their posts. We consider Twitter posts not in isolation but rather as part of the wider media ecology and as responses to, and part of a conversation with, offline events.
This chapter is forthcoming in Voltmer, K. et al.(Ed.). 2018. Media and Communication in Transitional Societies: Concepts, Conflicts, Cases.
This article explores the events surrounding the State of the Nation Address in 2015 (SONA2015), ... more This article explores the events surrounding the State of the Nation Address in 2015 (SONA2015), during which opposition party members interrupted proceedings to raise questions about the president’s controversial R208-million security upgrade to his personal home, with the use of public funds. The event raised issues about the constitutionality of the use of police in the National Assembly, the use of cellphone blocking devices, and the fact that television broadcasters were not allowed to broadcast the events as they happened. The article draws on a quantitative content analysis of print media coverage of SONA 2015, as well as qualitative interviews with members of the Right2Know (R2K) campaign in Cape Town and Durban. It explores their activities to ‘take back parliament’ and calling for a ‘people’s parliament’. At the core of this investigation is the role of civil society in the media-politics nexus with regards to strengthening democracy and democratic participation in South Africa, through an exploration of this case study.
South African social activism re-emerged in the 1990s after a brief lull following the end of apa... more South African social activism re-emerged in the 1990s after a brief lull following the end of apartheid and the transition to democracy. The revival of social activism appeared against the backdrop of a plethora of challenges facing the young democracy including corruption, inequality, unemployment, and lack of service delivery. Protests have become a daily occurrence in South Africa as many of the poor feel left out of the dividends democracy has offered. Although these protests are mediated in various ways, many fail to attract mainstream media attention. This article explores how activists use nanomedia and digital media as communicative platforms, in the context of an asymmetrical and tenuous relationship with mainstream media. The article draws on interviews with activists to explore their deployment of alternative communicative strategies, in an environment where commercial mainstream media largely serves elite audiences, and frames the discussion from the perspective of the civil society-democracy relationship.
The aim of this study is threefold: It investigates the ways in which various forms of media, inc... more The aim of this study is threefold: It investigates the ways in which various forms of media, including new media, shape youth identity in South Africa. Secondly, it probes the possible ways in which media contribute to the civic identity of South African youth. Thirdly the study explores whether the media reflect youth voices. Information from this study will show if and how the media contribute to the construction of the social identities of the South African youth and if these identities help the youth to contribute to the strengthening of South Africa’s democracy. This information will also contribute towards formulating media policy that is responsive to the needs and interests of the South African youth.
This article uses the South African student led campaign known as Rhodes Must Fall, commonly refe... more This article uses the South African student led campaign known as Rhodes Must Fall, commonly referred to simply as #RMF, to explore youth activism and counter-memory via social networking site Twitter. The RMF campaign took place at the University of Cape Town and comprised student-led protests, which campaigned to remove the statue of British colonialist Cecil John Rhodes from the campus, as activists argued that it promoted institutionalised racism and promoted a culture of exclusion particularly for black students. Through a qualitative content analysis of tweets and a network analysis using NodeXL, this article argues that despite the digital divide in South Africa, and limited access to the internet by the majority of citizens, Twitter was central to youth participation during the RMF campaign, reflecting the politics and practices of counter-memory but also setting mainstream news agendas and shaping the public debate. The article further argues that the #RMF campaign can be seen a collective project of resistance to normative memory production. The analysis demonstrates how social media discussions should not be viewed as detached from more traditional media platforms, particularly, as in this case, they can set mainstream news agendas. Moreover, the article argues that youth are increasingly using social networking sites to develop a new biography of citizenship which is characterized by more individualized forms of activism. In the present case, Twitter affords youth an opportunity to participate in political discussions, as well as discussions of broader socio-political issues of relevance in contemporary South African society, reflecting a form of subactivism. While South African youth may not be participating in mainstream party politics by voting in national elections, their political participation on Twitter, an already familiar space, shows that they are politically active in different ways. The national student political protests in South Africa made national news headlines and still continue to do so in the present day. An examination of this particular localized protest shed light on an important political moment in post-apartheid South Africa, and also helps us to understand protest in an African context, particular with respect to how new technologies and social media are increasingly being used as tools for political mobilization.
This article uses the South African student led campaign known as Rhodes Must Fall, commonly refe... more This article uses the South African student led campaign known as Rhodes Must Fall, commonly referred to simply as #RMF, to explore youth activism and counter-memory via social networking site Twitter. The RMF campaign took place at the University of Cape Town and comprised student-led protests, which campaigned to remove the statue of British colonialist Cecil John Rhodes from the campus, as activists argued that it promoted institutionalised racism and promoted a culture of exclusion particularly for black students. Through a qualitative content analysis of tweets and a network analysis using NodeXL, this article argues that despite the digital divide in South Africa, and limited access to the internet by the majority of citizens, Twitter was central to youth participation during the RMF campaign, reflecting the politics and practices of counter-memory but also setting mainstream news agendas and shaping the public debate. The article further argues that the #RMF campaign can be seen a collective project of resistance to normative memory production. The analysis demonstrates how social media discussions should not be viewed as detached from more traditional media platforms, particularly, as in this case, they can set mainstream news agendas. Moreover, the article argues that youth are increasingly using social networking sites to develop a new biography of citizenship which is characterized by more individualized forms of activism. In the present case, Twitter affords youth an opportunity to participate in political discussions, as well as discussions of broader socio-political issues of relevance in contemporary South African society, reflecting a form of subactivism. While South African youth may not be participating in mainstream party politics by voting in national elections, their political participation on Twitter, an already familiar space, shows that they are politically active in different ways. The national student political protests in South Africa made national news headlines and still continue to do so in the present day. An examination of this particular localized protest shed light on an important political moment in post-apartheid South Africa, and also helps us to understand protest in an African context, particular with respect to how new technologies and social media are increasingly being used as tools for political mobilization.
This study draws on in-depth, semi-structured qualitative interviews to explore the relationships... more This study draws on in-depth, semi-structured qualitative interviews to explore the relationships between black female domestic workers and their white, female employers in Cape Town's wealthy Southern suburbs through the lens of culture, class, race and gender. The majority of domestic workers in South Africa are black women and formalizing work conditions has been difficult because they work in private households. Despite the birth of democracy with the country's first non-racial elections in 1994, South Africa remains one of the world's most unequal societies. The study is particularly concerned with the personal nature of the relationship between the so-called 'maids' and 'madams,' which is explored via a convenience sample of pairs of employers and employees who were interviewed. The article concludes that there are three categories of relationship: distant, maternal and friendship. These relationship categories are examined in terms of the aesthetic features of the relationship such as dress; the diction employed in verbal interactions, such as how parties address one another; and redress, which involves the manner in which employers attempt to deal with apartheid-wrongs. The article also explores issues related to perceived cultural differences. The study revealed a wide variety in the types of relationships between 'maids' and 'madams', informed in varying degrees by issues of class race and culture, unique to the South African context. While employers were very conscious of their power and status as 'madams', and in some cases consciously sought ways to compensate for the unequal power relationship, the study reveals that domestic work by black women in white households continues to reinforce social constructions of the household as a feminized and racialised space, while distinct power asymmetries reflect ongoing issues of race, class and gender in contemporary South Africa. This kind of racialised domestic labour arrangement thus represents in some ways the last 'bastion' of apartheid, with the construction of difference shaped by racial prejudice.
Previously, cellphone ownership in South Africa was for a privileged few, but today it has become... more Previously, cellphone ownership in South Africa was for a privileged few, but today it has become an essential part of the adolescent fashion accessory. Similarly, access to the internet is more widespread with the rise of the mobile internet, and online social networking applications are very popular in South Africa, particularly among young people across all social classes. This study explores young women’s use of mobile and online social networking sites, with specific reference to expressions and experiences of sexual identity via their mobile phones and popular application Facebook. Through a qualitative approach, this study argues that Facebook and MXit provide a space for play, especially for those whose freedom of movement is limited by parental concerns about safety. Online social networks create a cult of femininity and reflect women’s role in society and also socialise young women into these roles. Gender and sexuality are lived social relations and ongoing performative processes that are continuously being negotiated. The micro-narratives and practices highlighted in this study present a snapshot of the lived practices of young women and indicate similarities with global trends in terms of online youth cultures. Young women’s use of online and mobile social networking resonates with a global youth culture, with tensions around relationships, self-presentation and sexuality located firmly at the centre.
This article explores the way in which adolescent girls in Cape Town, South Africa, use a cellpho... more This article explores the way in which adolescent girls in Cape Town, South Africa, use a cellphone-based instant messaging service called MXit. Bosch addresses key issues such as the ‘why’ and ‘how’ of girls’ use of MXit, and the role mobile telephony plays in forming identity. Although currently MXit is used primarily as a social tool, other uses need to be identified and explored. In South Africa, a significant percentage of adults have access to cellphones, as opposed to fixed lines or the Internet. Against this backdrop, the article argues that MXit can be used as an educational tool, since it offers a promising method of communicating for educational purposes.
Using a qualitative approach, this article explores South African community radio stations’ uses ... more Using a qualitative approach, this article explores South African community radio stations’ uses of the internet, particularly the online social networking sites, Facebook and Twitter. Specifically, it explores the extent to which these sites are used in news production, and whether there is an increase in organization on the basis of network sociality instead of identity politics or communal social relations. Focusing on three community radio stations in Johannesburg, Cape Town and Durban (South Africa’s three largest cities), the article draws on anthropological methods of participant observation and qualitative interviews. The study argues that while the potential exists, in this case access to and the use of social media does not necessarily facilitate the formation of counterpublics or result in collective political action and networked activism. However, the technologies have impacted on the daily routines of community radio journalists who increasingly rely on the internet as a source of news; and in turn, their use of social media has led to greater access and participation for those audiences which are already online.
This article presents a qualitative content analysis of Metro FM, a commercial music station owne... more This article presents a qualitative content analysis of Metro FM, a commercial music station owned by the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC). Metro FM has the second largest audience in the country and was the first SABC station to intentionally target a black audience. While fostering black pride, the station attempts to create a narrative of responsibility while si- multaneously negotiating the cultural imperative to interpellate listeners as consumers. The narrative of black identity assumes a homogenous black audience located in urban areas, and while broadcasts are in English, a great degree of codeswitching allows for in-group identification.
The rise of networked technology and social media in particular begs investigation of the implica... more The rise of networked technology and social media in particular begs investigation of the implications of using Twitter as a political tool for improving listening by governments. Can it improve governmental responsiveness and government-citizen conversation in the face of public disaffection in representative democracies around the world, and how? Listening is often employed by governments as a rhetorical exercise undertaken for instrumental reasons to boost popularity when it is at a low ebb. Such disingenuous claims to listening risk dismissal and derision by increasingly cynical publics that are repeatedly subjected to governments’ misleading gestures. The question is therefore not only whether anybody is listening but also, ‘how are they listening?’ We argue that good listening constitutes an authentic representative claim (Saward, 2006) that goes beyond a procedural approach to democracy in which listening is restricted to a set of formal procedures. Good listening involves ‘listening to’, as well as ‘listening out for’, new and unexpected voices and issues on an ongoing basis and valuing the listening exercise as part of the democratic process in and of itself (Dobson, 2014).
In this paper we investigate the tension between growing voter disaffection at elections, the rising cacophony of political voices on social media, and governments’ claims to listen – sincerely or instrumentally – on social media. To do so we analyse the run-up to the South African State of the Nation Address (SONA) 2015 as a case of an online listening exercise conducted by the South African Presidency in response to increased public tension in the country’s democratic politics. As a case of a transitional democracy, the danger for South Africa is to become an ‘illiberal’ democracy, performing the rituals of a procedural democracy without their substance (Giliomee et al, 2001). We therefore ask whether the Presidency’s online listening exercise is just such an empty performance of the rituals of procedural democracy, or whether it constitutes a deliberative engagement in listening. We further consider what role Twitter plays in this exercise, and whether it has the potential to realise good listening practice.
We employ a mixed methods approach to Twitter analysis that integrates hashtag analysis with the qualitative following of key actors and interpretive analysis of their posts. We consider Twitter posts not in isolation but rather as part of the wider media ecology and as responses to, and part of a conversation with, offline events.
This chapter is forthcoming in Voltmer, K. et al.(Ed.). 2018. Media and Communication in Transitional Societies: Concepts, Conflicts, Cases.
This article explores the events surrounding the State of the Nation Address in 2015 (SONA2015), ... more This article explores the events surrounding the State of the Nation Address in 2015 (SONA2015), during which opposition party members interrupted proceedings to raise questions about the president’s controversial R208-million security upgrade to his personal home, with the use of public funds. The event raised issues about the constitutionality of the use of police in the National Assembly, the use of cellphone blocking devices, and the fact that television broadcasters were not allowed to broadcast the events as they happened. The article draws on a quantitative content analysis of print media coverage of SONA 2015, as well as qualitative interviews with members of the Right2Know (R2K) campaign in Cape Town and Durban. It explores their activities to ‘take back parliament’ and calling for a ‘people’s parliament’. At the core of this investigation is the role of civil society in the media-politics nexus with regards to strengthening democracy and democratic participation in South Africa, through an exploration of this case study.
South African social activism re-emerged in the 1990s after a brief lull following the end of apa... more South African social activism re-emerged in the 1990s after a brief lull following the end of apartheid and the transition to democracy. The revival of social activism appeared against the backdrop of a plethora of challenges facing the young democracy including corruption, inequality, unemployment, and lack of service delivery. Protests have become a daily occurrence in South Africa as many of the poor feel left out of the dividends democracy has offered. Although these protests are mediated in various ways, many fail to attract mainstream media attention. This article explores how activists use nanomedia and digital media as communicative platforms, in the context of an asymmetrical and tenuous relationship with mainstream media. The article draws on interviews with activists to explore their deployment of alternative communicative strategies, in an environment where commercial mainstream media largely serves elite audiences, and frames the discussion from the perspective of the civil society-democracy relationship.
The aim of this study is threefold: It investigates the ways in which various forms of media, inc... more The aim of this study is threefold: It investigates the ways in which various forms of media, including new media, shape youth identity in South Africa. Secondly, it probes the possible ways in which media contribute to the civic identity of South African youth. Thirdly the study explores whether the media reflect youth voices. Information from this study will show if and how the media contribute to the construction of the social identities of the South African youth and if these identities help the youth to contribute to the strengthening of South Africa’s democracy. This information will also contribute towards formulating media policy that is responsive to the needs and interests of the South African youth.
This article uses the South African student led campaign known as Rhodes Must Fall, commonly refe... more This article uses the South African student led campaign known as Rhodes Must Fall, commonly referred to simply as #RMF, to explore youth activism and counter-memory via social networking site Twitter. The RMF campaign took place at the University of Cape Town and comprised student-led protests, which campaigned to remove the statue of British colonialist Cecil John Rhodes from the campus, as activists argued that it promoted institutionalised racism and promoted a culture of exclusion particularly for black students. Through a qualitative content analysis of tweets and a network analysis using NodeXL, this article argues that despite the digital divide in South Africa, and limited access to the internet by the majority of citizens, Twitter was central to youth participation during the RMF campaign, reflecting the politics and practices of counter-memory but also setting mainstream news agendas and shaping the public debate. The article further argues that the #RMF campaign can be seen a collective project of resistance to normative memory production. The analysis demonstrates how social media discussions should not be viewed as detached from more traditional media platforms, particularly, as in this case, they can set mainstream news agendas. Moreover, the article argues that youth are increasingly using social networking sites to develop a new biography of citizenship which is characterized by more individualized forms of activism. In the present case, Twitter affords youth an opportunity to participate in political discussions, as well as discussions of broader socio-political issues of relevance in contemporary South African society, reflecting a form of subactivism. While South African youth may not be participating in mainstream party politics by voting in national elections, their political participation on Twitter, an already familiar space, shows that they are politically active in different ways. The national student political protests in South Africa made national news headlines and still continue to do so in the present day. An examination of this particular localized protest shed light on an important political moment in post-apartheid South Africa, and also helps us to understand protest in an African context, particular with respect to how new technologies and social media are increasingly being used as tools for political mobilization.
This article uses the South African student led campaign known as Rhodes Must Fall, commonly refe... more This article uses the South African student led campaign known as Rhodes Must Fall, commonly referred to simply as #RMF, to explore youth activism and counter-memory via social networking site Twitter. The RMF campaign took place at the University of Cape Town and comprised student-led protests, which campaigned to remove the statue of British colonialist Cecil John Rhodes from the campus, as activists argued that it promoted institutionalised racism and promoted a culture of exclusion particularly for black students. Through a qualitative content analysis of tweets and a network analysis using NodeXL, this article argues that despite the digital divide in South Africa, and limited access to the internet by the majority of citizens, Twitter was central to youth participation during the RMF campaign, reflecting the politics and practices of counter-memory but also setting mainstream news agendas and shaping the public debate. The article further argues that the #RMF campaign can be seen a collective project of resistance to normative memory production. The analysis demonstrates how social media discussions should not be viewed as detached from more traditional media platforms, particularly, as in this case, they can set mainstream news agendas. Moreover, the article argues that youth are increasingly using social networking sites to develop a new biography of citizenship which is characterized by more individualized forms of activism. In the present case, Twitter affords youth an opportunity to participate in political discussions, as well as discussions of broader socio-political issues of relevance in contemporary South African society, reflecting a form of subactivism. While South African youth may not be participating in mainstream party politics by voting in national elections, their political participation on Twitter, an already familiar space, shows that they are politically active in different ways. The national student political protests in South Africa made national news headlines and still continue to do so in the present day. An examination of this particular localized protest shed light on an important political moment in post-apartheid South Africa, and also helps us to understand protest in an African context, particular with respect to how new technologies and social media are increasingly being used as tools for political mobilization.
This study draws on in-depth, semi-structured qualitative interviews to explore the relationships... more This study draws on in-depth, semi-structured qualitative interviews to explore the relationships between black female domestic workers and their white, female employers in Cape Town's wealthy Southern suburbs through the lens of culture, class, race and gender. The majority of domestic workers in South Africa are black women and formalizing work conditions has been difficult because they work in private households. Despite the birth of democracy with the country's first non-racial elections in 1994, South Africa remains one of the world's most unequal societies. The study is particularly concerned with the personal nature of the relationship between the so-called 'maids' and 'madams,' which is explored via a convenience sample of pairs of employers and employees who were interviewed. The article concludes that there are three categories of relationship: distant, maternal and friendship. These relationship categories are examined in terms of the aesthetic features of the relationship such as dress; the diction employed in verbal interactions, such as how parties address one another; and redress, which involves the manner in which employers attempt to deal with apartheid-wrongs. The article also explores issues related to perceived cultural differences. The study revealed a wide variety in the types of relationships between 'maids' and 'madams', informed in varying degrees by issues of class race and culture, unique to the South African context. While employers were very conscious of their power and status as 'madams', and in some cases consciously sought ways to compensate for the unequal power relationship, the study reveals that domestic work by black women in white households continues to reinforce social constructions of the household as a feminized and racialised space, while distinct power asymmetries reflect ongoing issues of race, class and gender in contemporary South Africa. This kind of racialised domestic labour arrangement thus represents in some ways the last 'bastion' of apartheid, with the construction of difference shaped by racial prejudice.
Previously, cellphone ownership in South Africa was for a privileged few, but today it has become... more Previously, cellphone ownership in South Africa was for a privileged few, but today it has become an essential part of the adolescent fashion accessory. Similarly, access to the internet is more widespread with the rise of the mobile internet, and online social networking applications are very popular in South Africa, particularly among young people across all social classes. This study explores young women’s use of mobile and online social networking sites, with specific reference to expressions and experiences of sexual identity via their mobile phones and popular application Facebook. Through a qualitative approach, this study argues that Facebook and MXit provide a space for play, especially for those whose freedom of movement is limited by parental concerns about safety. Online social networks create a cult of femininity and reflect women’s role in society and also socialise young women into these roles. Gender and sexuality are lived social relations and ongoing performative processes that are continuously being negotiated. The micro-narratives and practices highlighted in this study present a snapshot of the lived practices of young women and indicate similarities with global trends in terms of online youth cultures. Young women’s use of online and mobile social networking resonates with a global youth culture, with tensions around relationships, self-presentation and sexuality located firmly at the centre.
This article explores the way in which adolescent girls in Cape Town, South Africa, use a cellpho... more This article explores the way in which adolescent girls in Cape Town, South Africa, use a cellphone-based instant messaging service called MXit. Bosch addresses key issues such as the ‘why’ and ‘how’ of girls’ use of MXit, and the role mobile telephony plays in forming identity. Although currently MXit is used primarily as a social tool, other uses need to be identified and explored. In South Africa, a significant percentage of adults have access to cellphones, as opposed to fixed lines or the Internet. Against this backdrop, the article argues that MXit can be used as an educational tool, since it offers a promising method of communicating for educational purposes.
Using a qualitative approach, this article explores South African community radio stations’ uses ... more Using a qualitative approach, this article explores South African community radio stations’ uses of the internet, particularly the online social networking sites, Facebook and Twitter. Specifically, it explores the extent to which these sites are used in news production, and whether there is an increase in organization on the basis of network sociality instead of identity politics or communal social relations. Focusing on three community radio stations in Johannesburg, Cape Town and Durban (South Africa’s three largest cities), the article draws on anthropological methods of participant observation and qualitative interviews. The study argues that while the potential exists, in this case access to and the use of social media does not necessarily facilitate the formation of counterpublics or result in collective political action and networked activism. However, the technologies have impacted on the daily routines of community radio journalists who increasingly rely on the internet as a source of news; and in turn, their use of social media has led to greater access and participation for those audiences which are already online.
This article presents a qualitative content analysis of Metro FM, a commercial music station owne... more This article presents a qualitative content analysis of Metro FM, a commercial music station owned by the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC). Metro FM has the second largest audience in the country and was the first SABC station to intentionally target a black audience. While fostering black pride, the station attempts to create a narrative of responsibility while si- multaneously negotiating the cultural imperative to interpellate listeners as consumers. The narrative of black identity assumes a homogenous black audience located in urban areas, and while broadcasts are in English, a great degree of codeswitching allows for in-group identification.
A partir de entrevistas en profundidad, realizadas en un hogar de la tercera edad en Ciudad del C... more A partir de entrevistas en profundidad, realizadas en un hogar de la tercera edad en Ciudad del Cabo (Sudáfrica), este estudio analiza los principales usos y gratificaciones que reciben las personas mayores en interacción con los ordenadores. En África, mientras el énfasis investigador se ha puesto en los últimos años en la salud de los mayores, especialmente en cuanto al SIDA, existe muy poca investigación sobre el uso de los mayores en cuanto a nuevas tecnologías, ya que la investigación en relación con las mismas se ha centrado principalmente en la juventud. En este estudio se halló que los participantes utilizan el correo electrónico y las redes sociales para mantener el contacto con familiares y amigos y a veces incluso con su vecindario. Además, mantener el contacto suponía no solo comunicación, sino también observación de actividades, como noticias, fotografías y conversaciones. En el contexto de los usos y gratificaciones, el trabajo ha evidenciado que los participantes se sentían conectados con la sociedad, tanto por su comunicación como por la observación de las personas, y por mantenerse informados de las noticias y los temas de interés actuales. Mediante el uso de Internet, las personas de edad avanzada se comunicaban mucho más de lo que antes se habían comunicado con otras personas. Algunos de los participantes se sentían menos aislados y solos, debido a su uso del ordenador. Sin embargo, se demostró también que el uso de los ordenadores no obstaculizó los contactos interpersonales tradicionales.
The aim of this study is threefold: It investigates the ways in which various forms of media, inc... more The aim of this study is threefold: It investigates the ways in which various forms of media, including new media, shape youth identity in South Africa. Secondly, it probes the possible ways in which media contribute to the civic identity of South African youth. Thirdly the study explores whether the media reflect youth voices. Information from this study will show if and how the media contribute to the construction of the social identities of the South African youth and if these identities help the youth to contribute to the strengthening of South Africa’s democracy. This information will also contribute towards formulating media policy that is responsive to the needs and interests of the South African youth.
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Papers by Tanja Bosch
In this paper we investigate the tension between growing voter disaffection at elections, the rising cacophony of political voices on social media, and governments’ claims to listen – sincerely or instrumentally – on social media. To do so we analyse the run-up to the South African State of the Nation Address (SONA) 2015 as a case of an online listening exercise conducted by the South African Presidency in response to increased public tension in the country’s democratic politics. As a case of a transitional democracy, the danger for South Africa is to become an ‘illiberal’ democracy, performing the rituals of a procedural democracy without their substance (Giliomee et al, 2001). We therefore ask whether the Presidency’s online listening exercise is just such an empty performance of the rituals of procedural democracy, or whether it constitutes a deliberative engagement in listening. We further consider what role Twitter plays in this exercise, and whether it has the potential to realise good listening practice.
We employ a mixed methods approach to Twitter analysis that integrates hashtag analysis with the qualitative following of key actors and interpretive analysis of their posts. We consider Twitter posts not in isolation but rather as part of the wider media ecology and as responses to, and part of a conversation with, offline events.
This chapter is forthcoming in Voltmer, K. et al.(Ed.). 2018. Media and Communication in Transitional Societies: Concepts, Conflicts, Cases.
In this paper we investigate the tension between growing voter disaffection at elections, the rising cacophony of political voices on social media, and governments’ claims to listen – sincerely or instrumentally – on social media. To do so we analyse the run-up to the South African State of the Nation Address (SONA) 2015 as a case of an online listening exercise conducted by the South African Presidency in response to increased public tension in the country’s democratic politics. As a case of a transitional democracy, the danger for South Africa is to become an ‘illiberal’ democracy, performing the rituals of a procedural democracy without their substance (Giliomee et al, 2001). We therefore ask whether the Presidency’s online listening exercise is just such an empty performance of the rituals of procedural democracy, or whether it constitutes a deliberative engagement in listening. We further consider what role Twitter plays in this exercise, and whether it has the potential to realise good listening practice.
We employ a mixed methods approach to Twitter analysis that integrates hashtag analysis with the qualitative following of key actors and interpretive analysis of their posts. We consider Twitter posts not in isolation but rather as part of the wider media ecology and as responses to, and part of a conversation with, offline events.
This chapter is forthcoming in Voltmer, K. et al.(Ed.). 2018. Media and Communication in Transitional Societies: Concepts, Conflicts, Cases.
identities of the South African youth and if these identities help the youth to contribute to the strengthening of South Africa’s democracy. This information will also contribute towards formulating media policy that is responsive to the needs and interests of the South African youth.