A version of this paper appeared in the last but one issue of Puratattva.

In my view, this is a major contribution to our understanding of the chronology of Bharatiya Itiha_sa. Dr. Adiga Sundara was the Head of the Department of Archaeology and Ancient Indian History in Karnataka University, Dharwar. Kalyanaraman

The Traditional Date Of Asoka Maurya : Archaeological Evidences In Karnataka : A Consideration A.Sundara*

Preliminary remarks.

In recent years, there is a trend rather striking, to revive studies in and to pursue the earlier attempts,1 and to examine the traditional history and its chronology as known from the Puranas and other similar literary works now on better scientific premises, by better scientific

methods and techniques and more comprehensively. A dispassionate and systematic approach to and critical review of the subject, may yield useful and factual information for better understanding of the least known history of the remote past of our country. I have been trying to examine over some years the local or regional traditions vis - a - vis archaeological findings thereat, in north Karnataka and the results2 seem to be quite encouraging. And this has led me to re-examine the period of Asoka's, the Mauryan emperor, rule over Karnataka too in relation to his ten minor; two major edicts and versions of Kalinga separate edicts located in eight places3 and the associated human settlements nearby in the region.

The Problem :

William Jones4 after making a good and hard exercise over the Puranic lists of the kings, had placed the ten kings of the Mauryan dynasty beginning with Chandra Gupta, between 1502 - 1365 B. C. and according to another calculation, 1535 - 1219 B. C. Approximately Asoka Maurya's period would be 1448 - 1409 or 1496 1457 B. C. the difference between the two calculations being too big to reconcile.

He found that the Puranic accounts thus were so confusing and varying not supported by any other contemporary accounts and therefore gave them up as unreliable. He thereafter turned his attention to the Greek accounts and after their perusal he thought they were acceptable. And in the course of his studies, -------------------------------------------------------------------------------\ * 329, "Saundaryashri" Bharati Nagara, DHARWAD 580 001

he was able to identify Sandrokottas and Palibotra referred to in Megasthenes' fragmentary Indica respectively with Chandragupta Maurya known then

from the Bhagavata Purana and Pataliputra of the Magadhan kingdom. These identifications,5 in 1783, were considered to be a " Sheet anchor of Indian History. " A little later, James Princep succeeded in identifying Devanampiya Piyadasi of the earliest edicts with Asoka Maurya and of the five alien names of the II and XIII major edicts of the emperor with the contemporary West Asian kings6 All these strongly supported Jones' identifications. These were more or less implicitly accepted and followed even by most of the eminent Indian scholars till recently.

However, since then, a scholar here or there, now and then such as Bulher, Troyer7 did question the validity of these identifications and the latter on the basis of Rajatarangini, opined that Asoka ruled around 1260 B. C. Some Indian scholars, especially in the recent years, such as Narayana Sastri,8 Krishnamachari,9 Sri Rama Sathe,10 S. D. Kulkarni,11 David Frawley,12 and others have seriously questioned these identifications and the relative chronology of the early Indian history, considering the possibilities of interpreting equally rationally the same and other relevant references leading to inferences quite different from those of Jones and of others.

Further, some scholars have been pointing out inadequacies in and other possible interpretations contrary to the theories of William Jones and others. For instance, Jones in the matter of the identification of Sandrokottas with Chandra Gupta Maurya considered the list of the kings from only one Purana i.e. the Bhagavata in which the traditional history is traced up to the end of the Mauryan rule. In some of the other Puranas, the history is narrated up to the end of the Gupta rule. In such accounts there are two Chandra Guptas I and II in the Gupta dynasty whom Jones could not consider for the alternate equations because of the non availability then, of the relevant Puranas to him. Moreover, unfortunately, he died in the very next year after his announcement of the identification. Further, it is not explained as to why Megasthenese is utterly silent in his account about Chanakya and his role in the foundation of the strong Mauryan kingdom and

especially his remarkable efforts in making securely Chandra Gupta Maurya king in whose court the former is said to have been as an ambassador from Seleucus Nikator the Greek satrap. Further, absence of Palibotra as surname or for that matter any surname to their personal names, as stated clearly by Megasthenese, in the names of the Mauryan kings, is totally ignored. Although the name Magadha of the Eastern kingdom is too well known at least from the time of the Kurus Pandavas of the Mahabharata, why

Megasthesese in spite his being present in the capital of the kingdom refers to it in a general manner as "Prassi" i. e. Prachya ( = Eastern ). While seriously making efforts to identify Sandrakottas with Chandragupta Maurya, why Jones did not even casually try to identify the other Greek names of the kings who are said to have immediately preceded and succeeded Sandrokottas, known from the other classical Greek accounts, is not indicated anywhere in his arguments. With regard to Princep's identification of the five names

mentioned in Asoka's major edicts nos II and XIII, identified with the names of the West Asian kings supposed to have been contemporaneous with Asoka by Princep13 Madalasa Devi14 has argued that they are actually the names of the Jana - rajyas in the neighbourhood of Afghanistan not of the kings ruling them in the west Asian regiion.

It is against this perspective a critical re - examination of the findings from the archaeological excavations of the sites with the Asokan edicts in Karnataka, seems to be significant. The stratigraphy of the cultures revealed in the sites, seems to have bearing on the problem relating to the chronology of Asoka's rule over the region.

Karnataka : Archaeological evidence.

The existence of ten minor edicts of Asoka, the Mauryan emperor, in as many as seven places since the first discovery of a minor edict in Brahmagiri ( Molakalmur tk. Chitradurga dt. ) in 1894 by B. L. Rice15 is too well known. 1990 is an important year when for the first time fragments of 13th and 14th major edicts and, curiously enough, versions of two separate Kalinga edicts also, were discovered, by chance of course, in Sannati (

Chitapur tk., Gulbarga dt. ), the most remarkable and prolific Buddhist site in the entire Karnataka first reported by Kapatral Krishna Rao16 in 1956. In fact, that the personal name of " Devanampiya Piyadasi " mentioned in the edicts, was Asoka, was for the first time known from the edict in Maski ( Lingsugur tk. Koppala dt. ) discovered in 1915. It mentions " "Devanam Piya Piyadasi raja Asokasa". The two minor edicts in each of the two other places: Udegolam and Nitturu ( Shiraguppa tk. Bellary dist. ) also contain the personal name of the emperor. In particular, the most noteworthy point in the Brahmagiri edict, is the mention of the name of the place also as ' Isila ', the administrative head - quarters of the mahamatras of the king, in Suvarnagiri, the southernmost province of the empire. It was in search of Isila in the place where the edict is located, in early 1930s Krishna,17 the then Director of the State Dept. of Archaeology , discovered an extensive habitation site with numerous megaliths nearby. Also, he laid 16 trenches and excavated stratigraphically in order to trace the Mauryan town site and also a few megaliths nearby. Six cultural periods in sequence were recognised as follows:

1.

The Microlithic ( Roppa ) culture

2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

The Neolithic culture. The Iron age Megalithic culture. The Isila ( Mauryan ) culture. The Satavahana culture. The Early Kadamba - Chalukya culture.

Also, he could discern clear overlap between the last phase of the neolithic and the beginning phase of the Iron Age megalithic and the last phase of the latter with the early phase of the early historical. Besides the burial pottery and the iron objects from the megaliths excavated were found to be similar to those from the Iron Age culture of the habitation site. Unfortunately the findings of his excavations were never fully published because of his premature death in 1947, but for a brief report in the Annual report of the Dept. containing all the points mentioned above. In the light of Krishna's excavations Wheeler, the then Director General of Archaeology in India, realised that the site is quite promising for tracing the salient cultural milieu of the South Indian megalith builders and for fixing the relative chronology of the culture, least known and utterly confusing and erratic, then. He18 got excavated stratigraphically the habitation site and ten megaliths : six 'pit - circles' and four 'cist - circles' and undoubtedly, succeeded in his attempts. The culture sequence of the

site he had outlined from his excavations are :

1. The Polished - Stone Axe ( later known as the neolithic in the chalcolithic ) culture 2. The Megalithic culture and, 3. The 'Andhra' ( later known as Early historical ) culture.

However, in the objectives of the excavations and the studies that followed thereon by Wheeler, the Asokan edict and the Mauryan Isila phase were hardly either taken note of or considered. But , for arguing rather the probable period of the entry of the megalith builders after the collapse of the Mauryan empire and relatively the decline and disappearance of the Mauryan administration in the region, he had the edict in his mind. Certainly, in addition to the South Indian megalithic problems, the Mauryan cultural phase in the site highlighted previously by Krishna, should also have been equally one of the major objectives of Wheeler's excavations. From his arguments and dating of particularly the Megalihic culture, it is implied as a corollary of his reasoning, though not stated, that the

edict is meant for the people of the Polished Stone - axe culture. And this would indirectly indicate the people of this culture at least in small number were literate. But, other than the Sindhu - Sarasvati civilization, so for no evidence of literacy or use of script, has been found in any of the protohistoric Neolithic or Chalcolithic and even in the immediately succeeding southern Iron Age Megalithic and the northeren Iron Age cultural milieu prior to the Mauryan. The general notion is that the peoples of these cultural stages were non - literate. It was in this context, later Haimendorf19 with regard to Wheeler's arguments regarding the probable period of the settlement of the megalithic people at Brahmagiri, pointed out the anachronism in the situation : a Brahmi edict for the pre - or non -literate community. He observed that it was meant probably for the megalith builders.

South of Brahmagiri, in Chandravalli, about 2 kms. from Chitradurga the ancient site known from the beginning of this century, particularly for numerous Satavahana coins also, was excavated by Krishna20 earlier in 1928 and a good report was thereon published. Apart from neoliths from the surface, he could recognise two cultural stages that can be identified as the Megalithic and the Early historical i.e. the Maurya - Satavahana. Also, remnants of some brick buildings of the latter, were found. This

sequence of the cultures was more clearly confirmed in Wheeler's excavations in the site. But no brick structures were then discovered. In 1978, the site was again excavated by the Archaeological Survey 21 and traces of Neolithic culture ( in the Chalcolithic stage ), preceding the Megalithic and remains of brick buildings of the Early historical immediately succeeding the Iron age megalithic, were revealed. It appears that in Chandravalli, there was a continuous and regular human settlement right form the Neolithic in the Chalcolithic stage to the end of the Satavahana period as in Brahmagiri, and beyond probably upto the early phase of the Early Kadamba indicated by the Brahmi inscription of the period of Kadamba Mayura V ( S )arma, the founder and the first king of an independent kingdom in Karnataka.

In 1954 excavations in Maski 22 with Asoka's edict, the picture of the cultural sequence in character and behavior is virtually the same as that in Brahmagiri but for one varying feature: there is no overlap between the Chalcolithic and the beginning of the Iron Age Megalithic. However, there is no distinct cultural break as such. Surface explorations by me23 in Jatinga Rameshvara, about 5 km. from Brahmagiri, near the edict, Koppala, Udegolam and Nitturu clearly and unambiguously, disclosed the flourish of the three

cultures as found at the first three sites outlined above.

Koppala now a district head - quarters, with two copies of the Asoka's minor edict, locally known as " Palki gundu " and " Gavi matha " inscriptions also is found to have an ancient site with the three cultures24 as in the other sites briefed above. Besides, there is a separate site with megalithic port - hole chambers in the proximity.

Sannati is exceedingly rich in the Buddhist relics of the Satavahana period, succeeding the Mauryan. The latter is culturally now weakly known from a few objects such as a highly polished ornate stone disc with standing female figurine of mother goddess in bas - relief characteristic of the Mauryan period, almost exactly similar to that on a gold leaf from Lauriya - Nandangarh, and a few Northern Black Polished pottery pieces etc. However, the Mauryan phase is distinctly represented by the presence of the Asoka's major rock edicts nos. XIII and XIV and the versions of the two separate Kalinga edicts,.25 The phase here is of grater importance than that in Brahmagiri with the administrative head - quarters of the mahamatras. By far the most important is the occurrence of a sculptural panel26 displaying a king accompanied with two queens and an attendant holding

a parasol over his head. Below the bas - relief is a label inscription "Rano Asoko" In the site were found a few polished stone axes implying the existence of the Neolithic in the Chalcolithic stage as well. The site was continued to be prominent even during the Satavahana period as evident from the inscriptions27 of the kings of the dynasty, such as Gautami putra Satakarni, Vasisthi putra Pulumavi, apart from the Buddhist stupas in the adjacent locality namely Kanaginahal and sculptural remains in profusion overshadowing even Banavasi, another important Satavahana site in north Karnataka. Further, though not in Sannati not far away from the place in Shahabad area, were found the Iron Age megalithic remains. All these appear to be quite significant for understanding the Mauryan period in Karnataka.

Such in brief is the cultural sequence almost invariable, in all the sites with the Asoka's edicts, in Karnataka. In fact, this is more or less the picture revealed in the other sites nearby the Mauryan edicts,27 such as Sanganakal, Piklihal, Tekkalakota ( exclusively a single culture site with the habitational cultural relics of the Neolithic in the chalcolithic stage ) and Hallur covering more or less the Krishna - Tungabhadra Doab and the Tungabhadra valley region.

An analysis.

From the above review of the explorations and excavations in the areas with Asoka's edicts under study the emerging points noteworthy are:

1. Generally, there is a clear overlap of the cultural stages : between the Neolithic in the chalcolithic and the immediately following Iron Age Megalithic; the latter and the ' Andhra ' i.e. Early Historical excepting Maski where there is clear break, very brief, between the earliest and the next.

2. The early and late phases of the Iron Megalithic culture are respectively overlapping with the late Neolithic in the chalcolithic with the exception at Maski and the Early historical phases and consequently, there is no exclusively distinct Megalithic phase in Brahmagiri. At Maski only, the early phase ( layer [ lr ]s 5 - 9, about 1.35 m. in thickness ) of the megalithic, is typical of the culture. The overlap, about 30 cms, of the culture with the Early historical

is comparatively too small. In it was found a small lead coin apparently of the Satavahana. The Early historical excluding the overlap is about 60 cms.

3. The Early historical period, evidently comprises two phases : the Maurya and the Satavahana. Though the Satavahana phase is vindicated from coins largely of the Satavahana at Sannati, especially Chandravalli as well as Banavasi and Vadgaon - Madhavapur, the Mauryan cultural phase immediately preceding the Satavahana, is not identified in the sites and even at Brahmagiri by Wheeler though Krishna did; Maski and Sannati with Asokan edicts.

4. However, the 1947 Chandravalli stratigraphic sequence appears to be quite clear in this respect and indicate the two major phases of the Early historical : Satavahana ( lrs 1 - 10 ) and pre - Satavahana without any coins and with russet coated white painted pottery overlapping with the Iron Age Megalithic phase ( lrs 11 -13NE ). But no such phases have been distinguished so for in any of these sites. It may therefore be noted that in particular lrs. 7 - 9 are found to have many coins mostly of the Maharathis, feudatories to the Satavahana. Even lr 10 has yielded a coin of a Maharathi. This

stratigraphic position of the coin evidence would imply that the Satavahana rule over this region was a little earlier i.e. before the Maharathis became their feudatory and stratigraphically slightly earlier than the formation of lr.10. Lr.11 is likely to be of the beginning of the Satavahana power. And lr. 12 is relatively contemporaneous with the Sunga - Kanva rule over Magadha. Lr. 13 being the overlap of the Megalithic with the Early historical corresponds to the Mauryan rule over this part i. e. sometime after the beginning of the Megalithic culture from layer 13NE .

There are, in this context, a few more points relating to the site to be considered. The so called 'rouletted' pottery apparently of Roman import and datable to c. 1st cent. A. D. on which Wheeler unduly depended for dating, occurred in lr. 9. Recent researches28 on this pottery, revealed that this pottery, with roulette design, is not of Roman origin as taken to be by Wheeler, but was manufactured in Chandraketugarh - Tamlook region sometime in 3rd cent B. C. or a little earlier. Secondly, one punch marked coin characteristic of the Mauryan age, as a survival was found in lr. 7. and a silver Roman coin of Tiberius , minted during 26 - 37 A. D. , in layer 5. Thus in general, there is reliable consistency in the stratigraphic position of the archeological and

numismatic evidences. This approximate sequential equation goes very well with those of Brahmagiri and Maski. In the latter , MSK. 10, the occurrence of a lead coin in the upper part of the overlap phase is significant. Relatively the early part of the overlap phase corresponds to Sunga - Kanva and upper part of the typical megalithic phase, i.e. lr. 8 to the Mauryan phase. Similarly, this phase, more or less coincides with lr. 7 of Br. 21. Thus, there is rather striking agreement regarding the stratigraphic position of the Mauryan phase in all the sites.

5. In Vadgaon - Madhavpur, there is a pre Satavahana thick phase corresponding to Sunga Kanva and the Mauryan.

Stratigraphic chronology

Now the problem is fixing the date range of the stratigraphic Mauryan phase. There are many C14 dates,29 some calibrated, eighteen for the Neolithic in the chalcolithic and two for the Iron Age Megalithic in North Karnataka. Especially the dates for the Periods II and III of the Neolithic culture in the chalcolithic stage

from Watgal 30 are significant in the context.

Besides, there are eight Thermoluminiscence dates for the pottery from the four excavated megaliths in Komaranahalli31 ( Harihara tk. Davanagere dt. ). The period of the culture, on average, is c. 1400 - 900. B. C. This chronological range is applicable to the early overlap phase of the Megalithic culture in North Karnataka. Relatively the later part of the overlap phase of the culture is datable to c.1000 - 400 B. C. On average, especially in consideration of the recent dates available for the Neolithic culture at Watgal ( Lingsugur tk. ) the three phases of the Neolithic and the two overlapping phases of the Iron Age Megalithic culture, may be dated as follows :

I.

Neolithic ; c. 3000 - 2750 B. C.

II.

Neolithic in the chalcolithic stage

Early phase : c. 2500 - 1700 B. C Late phase : c. 1700 - 1000 B. C.

III.

Iron Age Megalithic culture

Early Overlap : c.1400 - 900 B. C

IV.

Iron Age Megalithic

Later phase : c. 1000 - 300 B. C.

The Megalithic culture in the middle Krishna Tungabhadra region with Brahmagiri, Maski, Hire Benkal and other sites, may be dated to c. 1000 - 300 B. C. with a probability of an earlier beginning around 1200 B. C. in view of the C14 dates for the culture at Veerapuram and Ramapuram32 ( Andhra Pradesh ) on the one hand and of the intrusion of the chalcolithic Jorwe culture33 from the upper reaches of the Bhima, along the river into the Krishna - Tungabhadra doab around 1000 B. C. on the other. By this time, the Megalithic culture had already emerged in the region. In this context the occurrence of the Northern black polished pottery pieces in the pre Satavahana context in Sannati seems to be significant. For , further far south of

this place in Anuradhapura ( Sri lanka ) , in the excavations are found this pottery in the layers dated to c. 5th cent. B. C. Dating therefore Sannati N. B. P. to a phase a little earlier than 5th cent. B. C. would be reasonable.

In the light of the critical analysis of the stratigraphy of the Early historical stage and certain particular antiquities therefrom discussed above, and the Mauryan phase thereof in Karnataka, does not seem to be as late as 3rd. B. C. and on the other hand may be dated to c. 800 - 600 B. C. with a possibility of its earlier beginning.

Epigraphical and numismatic implications

Further, there are a few epigraphical and numismatic evidences that seem to be corroborative to the above suggested dates to the Mauryan phase. The setting up of the versions of the separate Kalinga edicts in Sannati, as discussed by me34 elsewhere, implies that it was Asoka Maurya who got annexed the North Karnataka region to his empire and among his military exploits Kalinga war was probably the last that was unspeakably the most ghastly that brought a profound change of heart in remorseful Asoka. Consequently, Vijaya yatras

(=military campaigns ) were replaced by dharma yatras campaigns for the spread of dharma. Versions of compunctious appeal of the king to the conquered were put up in not only Kalinga but also the other regions conquered by him. It is in this way the versions of the separate Kalinga edicts are found in Sannati also in addition to the major edicts. Elsewhere in Karnataka so for only the minor edicts are found. Comparatively speaking therefore, Sannati probably had attained already prosperity and importance and might be even the capital city of a region attracting Asoka who conquered it. There is an area in the vicinity of the locality within the brick fort, locally known as "rana mandala" ( = war site or field ). The fierce war fought by Asoka, must have been so unforgettable that its memory is preserved in the reference to the site of the war as 'ranamandala" like Kuruksetra of the Mahabharata. If the monolithic elephant in Dhauli could be symbolic of His Majesty's sincere appeal to the conquered people of Kalinga, the Asoka panel in Sannati with his personal name may be owing to a reminiscent act of the people from their memory of how the king appeared in person there before their conquered fore-fathers; appealed to them as narrated in the separate edicts recently found in this place the versions of which were discovered for the first time in Dhauli and Jaugada. This situation explains as to why his personal name repeatedly occurs in his minor edicts all over the region.

If this proposition is acceptable, why did he think of conquering this region ? The plan of the conquest was certainly for some distinct and substantial material gain. In all probability, the Megalith - builders of this region, were widely very well known for the production of steel weapons of very high quality. In 'Kiskindha kanda' of Srimadramayana, Rama , a prince who was to become yuvaraja of the Ayodhya kingdom, excellent in martial arts, while assuring Sugriva, the diffident and fearful Vanara chief in exile in the matter of conquering Vali his mighty brother, speaks of the weapons he has highly superior manufactured in "Kartikeyavana" I have elsewhere identified this place with the Kumarasvamy hill near Sondur in Bellary dt. on the basis of the archeological evidences of the region.35 The Brahmigiri megaliths excavated in 1947, were found to contain numerous iron objects of offence and defense. And the iron tools from the excavated megaliths at Komaranahalli, Halingali, Rajur etc through scientific analysis are found to be of steel of very high quality, probably made out of the local iron ore, by lamination technique36. This is further evident from the popular Kannada word 'ukku' for steel i.e. wootz in German. Hire - Benkal rock - painting no.1 located in the vicinity of the

megalithic tomb site, displays many horse riders as well as individuals carrying weapons apparently of iron. Mining of gold obviously in Hatti region within a small distance from Hire - Benkal area the richest in megalithic sites in north Krnataka and bead production were the other industries of the megalith - builders as evident from the occurrence 33 gold beads from Br. Mg. no IX. and numerous tiny steatite beads from other megaliths of the place. On account of the rich resources of these two and the production of these two metals by Megalith builders the region was so prosperous that attracted Asoka's attention, I think.

Further there is one small but seemingly significant epigraphical reference to be considered. In particular, in Brahmagiri edict, the number of days of Asoka's dharma yatra is indicated by number category ( varga such as eka varga, dasaka varga, sataka varga etc ) )numerals not by word numerals i.e 200 50 6 ( = 256 ) This practice was the most ancient prevalent since the time of the Rigveda up to the early historical when place value ( sthana such as eka sthana, dasaka sthana, sataka sthana etc. ) system began in which case 200 50 6 would be written as 256 ). Of course this practice was continued as late as 1st cent. B. C./A.D. The probable period of the beginning of

the practice of place value system , if and when ascertained, may be helpful in the matter. In the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela, the expression " janapadha bavanam cha therasa vasasatakatam bhimdhati tramiradaha samghatam" generally is taken to mean the breaking up of the Dravida confederacy that lasted for 113 years. But the number may also possibly mean "one thousand three hundred years 37. But, in relation to the existing scheme of chronology for the Mauryas, this is not accepted. Now, the implication needs to be examined again.

Another important material evidence are thin flat, cut punch marked coins without any legend, of silver, base silver and copper, largely squarish that were in use in Mauryan period as currency in commercial and other transactions. The technique, form, scheme and characteristic features of the coins readily remind the Harappan copper tablets of somewhat bigger size carrying a figure or design on one side and an inscription on the other from Mohenjodharo. Square flat thin copper coins of the kind with figure on one side and inscription on the other as found at 38 ( Andhra Pradesh ), were in use but in a limited scale even in the early Satavahana phase. In the excavations at Chandravalli, Vadgaon - Madhavpur and Banavasi very few legendless punch marked coins, were found. A big

hoard of punch marked coins a little more than 5000, in a copper pot carrying an inscription mentioning the name of the owner, 'Chantasa' in 2nd cent Brahmi script was by chance found in Sindhogi ( Koppal dt. ). It was probably inherited as personal property by him. The tradition of producing coins of this sort , seems to have been developed in course of time from that of the Harappan represented by the copper tablets .

But as rightly pointed in the course of my discussion on the topic, Dr. Ajaya Mitra Shastry pointed out that there is one insurmountable evidence that would go against my study i.e the established dates of the west Asian kings mentioned in the edicts of II and XIII who were contemporaries to the Mauryan king. In this context it is very necessary to examine the observations made by Madalasa Devi Agrawal, mentioned above. For, the monarch in the same strain in the edicts refers to the kingdoms in the south and not to the kings' names, such as the Chola, the Pandya, etc. It is therefore worth recarefully inscription of Kadamba Mayura varma by Rajasekharappa39 almost totally replacing M. H. Kishna's reading of the same, is a typical instance. A careful reading may sometimes correct previous solid erroneous reading.

All these seem to be corroborative to the chronological range of Asoka's rule suggested above on the basis of the cultural stratigraphy and the material relics from the layers. Further the Mauryan period seems to be nearer to the end of the Harappan civilization. Hence there is need to re-examine thoroughly and comprehensively the traditional accounts of the history of our country in general as given in the Puranas and of the Mauryan history in space and time over a wider perspective such as the excavations at Jaugada, Rajagriha, Pataliputra as well as the chronology of the rulers of different dynasties succeeding the Mauryas etc in particular for which archaeological and epigraphical evidences are also available. Relatively the antiquity and development of the Brahmi script also, is required to be examined.

A. Sundara

Bibliography And Notes.

1.

Sethna, K. D.; Ancient India in a New Light,

Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi. 1989.

* " -- ; The Problems Of Aryan Origins, Aditya Prakashan, Delhi. 1992

Deo, S. B. and Kamat, S. U. ; The Aryan Problem, Bharatiya Itihasa Samkalana Samiti, Maharashtra, 1993.

David Frawley : The Myth Of the Aryan Invasion, The Voice Of India, Delhi. 1996.

Pradhan,S. N; Chronology Of Ancient India, Cosmo Publications, Delhi. 1996. Probably first published in 1934 as indicated in the author's Preface to the book

Singh, G. P. ; Early Historical Tradition And Archaeology, D. K. Print World ( P ), Ltd. Delhi. 1994.

Mujumdar, R. C. et.al. ; The Vedic Age, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Mumbai. 1951. Chapter XXIV

2. Sundara, A. ; " Prehistoric and Protohistoric cultures of Dakshina Kannada, Perspectives On Dakshina And Kodagu, Mangalore University, Konaje, Mangalore. 1991. ( 41 - 63 )

* " -- : " Hidimba Pattana : Ondu Vimarshatmaka Tippani " Itihasa Darshana, vol. 7. Karnataka Itihasa Academy, Bangalore.( KIA ), 1992. ( Hidimba Pattana : A critical note )

* " -- ; Hampi: The Ancient Kishkindha " Visvambhara, ( Probings In Orientology ) : Dr. V. S. Pathak Felicitation Vol. Harman Publishing House, Delhi. 1995.

* " -- ; 'Srimadramayanada ' Kartikeya vana 'u, Sondurina Kumarasvami Bettave ? Itihasa Darshana,

Vol. 10. KIA, 1995. ( 165 - 175 ). ( Is the Kartikeyavana of the Ramayana, the Kumarasvami hill near Sondur ? ).

* " -- ; " The Krishna - Tungabhadra valley : The Protohistoriic Kishkindha of the Vanaras. " a paper submitted in the seminar on River Valley Cultures organised by Indiragandhi Manava Samgrahalaya, Bhopal, in Sept, 1998.

3. Krishnan, K. G : Uttankita Sanskrit Vidya Aranya Epigraphs, The Uttankita Vidya Aranya Trust, Vol. II, Mysore. 1987. Inscriptions nos. 124.

4. Lord Teignmouth : The Works Of Sir William Jones, ( in 13 Vols. ), Vol. IV. 1807.

5.

Ibid

6. Journal Of Asiatic Society Of Bengal, Vol. VII. ( 156 ).

7.

Troyer, M. (Tr.) Kalhana's Rajatarangini, 1859.

8. C.

Narayana Sastri, T. S. : Age Of Sankara, Part I,

9. Krishnamachariyar, M. : History Of Classical Sanskrit Literature, 1937.

10. Sathe, Sriram, 1985 : Is Sandrokottas Chandragupta Maurya ? Sahitya Niketan , Hyderabad. Sahitya Niketan Hyderabad., 1985 .

* " -- : Kings And Kingdoms, Sri Babasaheb Apte Smarak Samiti, Nagpur, 1989.

* " -- :Aryans : Who are they ? Bharatiya Itihasa Samkalana Samiti, Hyderabad. 1991.

11. Kulkarni, S. D. Beginnings of Life, Culture And History, Vol. I, 1988; The Puranas, Vol. II, 1993; Dharma And Vedic Foundation, Vol. IV 1993; Glorious Epoch, Vol. IX; 1995 ; and India Abroad, Vol. XVI, 1995. in the Series of 17 volumes, Sri Bhagavan Vedavyasa Itihasa Samshodhana Mandala, ( Bhishma ). Mumbai.

12. David Frawley : The Myth Of The Aryan Invasion, The Voice Of India, New Delhi. 1996.

13.

JASB, Vol. VII.

14. Madalasa Devi Agrawal : " Age Of Bharata war, " Age Of Bharata War, ( Agrawal G. C. ), Delhi. 1979.

15. Rice, B. L. : Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. XI, Mk. 2. Directorate of Archaeology & Museums, Govt. of Karnataka, Mysore. ( DAM ). 1903. Inscription nos. Mk. 1 and 2.

16. Kapatral Krishna Rao : " Sri Chandralamba Parameshvari, " Karnataka Samskriti ( Samshodhane ), Usha Sahitya Male, Mysore. 1970 ( A collection of his articles, reprinted ).

17.

Annual Report of DAM, 1942. 100 - 09.

18. Ancient India, ( AI ) No. 4, Archaeological Survey of India, Govt. India, New Delhi. ( ASI ), 1947. ( 181 310. Report on the Excavations at Brahmagiri and Chandravalli in 1947 by Wheeler, R. E. M. )

19.

Indo - Asian Culture, Vol. II, No. 3. 238 - 47.

20. Krishna M. H. : Excavations At Chandravalli, DAM. 1931.

21. Indian Archaeology, A Review, 1977 - 78, ASI, ( IAR ). 27 - 29 ; fig. 5.

22. AI, No. 13, ASI, 1958. ( 04 - 141 ). ( Report on the 1954 Excavations at Maski, Thapar, B. K. ).

23 Sundara, A. " Chitradurga Parisara : Ittichina Puratattva Shodhanegalu " Manavia Bharati, Vol. 2. Part. 1. Karnatak University, Dharwad. 1978. ( Recent Archaeological Investigations In Chitradurga Environs ).

24. -" -- ; " Koppala : Itihasa Purvakala, " Gavideepti, Gavisiddheshvara Kripaposhita Vidyarthi Balaga, Koppala. 1976. ( 97 - 103 ). ( Prehistoric Koppala )

25. Kartikeya Sarma : Early Brahmi Inscriptions From Sannati, Harman Publishing House, Delhi. 1994.

26. Based on the paper presented with colour slides by Dr. Jitendra Das, Superintendint Archaeologist, Archaeological Survey of India, Bangalore Circle, Bangalore in the last Annual Congress of South Indian Numismatic Society held in Karnatak University, Dharwad in Feb' 2000.

27. Sanganakal is located north - south between Sannati and Brahmagiri. Piklihal is only about 25 km. west of Maski and between the latter and Koppala, east - west. Hallur was probably located in the south - west corner of the southern province of the Mauryan province.

28. Gogte, V. D. : " The Chandraketugarh -TamlookRegion of Bengal : Source of the Early Historic

Rouletted ware from India and Southeast Asia"

Man And Environment, Vol. XXII, No.1 Journ of Indian society for Prehistoric And Quaternary Studies, 1997. Pune.

29 . The absolute scientific dates.

A. 1.

C14 dates for : The Neolithic culture in the chalcolithic stage :

i.

at Tekkalakota Period IA

3395 + 105 ( 3490 + 105 )

3465 + 105 ( 3565 + 105 )

Period IB

3625 + 105 ( 3730 + 105 ).

ii.

at Kodekal Earliest phase.

2460 + 105 B. C.

iii.

at Terdal . Earliest phase

3625 + 105 ( 3720 + 105 )

iv.

at Hallur Tr. 1 Period IA

3560 + 105 ( 3660 + 105 )

( c. 1700 B. C. on average )

Period IB

3280 + 105 ( 3375 + 105 )

2895 + 100 ( 2980 + 105 )

Tr. 2. Period IB

3145 + 100 ( c. 1195 B. C. )

v.

at Budihal

Ash mound no.1 Period IA

7950 + 210

Layer 6: 3750 + 30 " 9. 3805 + 35 " 10. 3795 + 40 ( i. e. c. 1800 - 1700 B. C. on average )

vi.

at. Sanganakal Period IA

1590 + 110 1585 + 105

1550 + 105 ( The beginning of the culture in this site was around 1600 B. C. ).

vii.

at Watgal Period IIA

4150 + 50 ( On average 2563, 2524, and 2500 B. C. )

Period IIB

3910 + 60 ( c. 2313 [ 2199 ], 2136 B. C. )

3510 + 100 ( c. 1871 [ 1730, 1729 and 1685 ] 1530 B. C. )

The average date is 2300 - 2000 B. C.

2.. Iron Age Megalithic Culture

i.

at Hallur : C14 dates

Overlap Phase

2820 + 100 ( 2905 + 100 )

2970 + 105 ( 3055 + 105 )

The average date is 1105 + 105 B. C. 905 + 100. "

B. Thermoluminiscence dates

2.

For the Iron Age Megalithic culture

ii.

at Komaranahalli.

Meg. I I : Black - and - red ware pottery

3300 + 290 c. 1440 B. C

3080 + 260. c. 1100 B. C.

Meg III : Black - and - red ware pottery

3110 + 500 c. 1130 B C.

2910 + 470. c. 930 B. C.

Meg. IV Red ware pottery

3360 + 300 c. 1380 B. C.

3180 + 280

c. 1200 B. C.

Meg. IV All Black - ware - pottery

3300 + 400 c. 1320 B. C.

30, Shaffer Jim, et.al. : " The Watgal Excavations : An Interim Report ," Man And Environment, Vol. 20, Part 2. Indian Society For Prehistoric And Quaternary Studies, Pune 1995.

31. Nagaraja Rao, M. S. " Graves Of The Early Iron Using People At Komaranahalli - Recent Evidence. " Archaeology Of Karnataka, DAM. 1990.

32. Moorthy, U. S.: Megalithic Culture of South India, Socio - Economic perspectives, Ganga - Kaveri publications, 1994. Varanasi. List of dates at the end.

33. Sundara, A. ; " Neolithic Cultural Pattern and Movements in North Mysore State", Journ. of Karnatak University, Vols. VI. 1970. and VII, 1971

34.

---"------ : Op.cit., 1995.

35 Ibid 36. Agrawal, O. P. et. al. : "Iron Objects from South Indian Megaliths ( Karnataka ) : A Technological Study and Significance", Archaeology Of Karnataka, DAM, 1990.

37. Krishanan, K. G. Op. Cit. 1989, Ins, no.67. pages 152,156 and 158, item.16.

38. I have noticed an illustration of a square flat coin carrying a figure on one side and an inscription on the other obtained from the early Satavahana phase of a site, in a booklet on archaeology of Andhra Pradesh. The booklet at my end is not readily traceable.

39. Rajasekharappa, B. : "Chandravvalli Shasanadha mele hosa belaku" Kannada Sahithy Parishatpathrike, Vol. 69, no. 2. 1984. Banagalore. ( New Light on Chandravalli Inscription. )

18