Historicizing Neumatic Notation
Historicizing Neumatic Notation
Historicizing Neumatic Notation
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Studies in Medievalism
various understandings of neumes before the academic eld of musicology came into existence. If in the past few decades the discussion of neumes has been intense and often taken shape as a theoretical discourse approaching the foundational concepts of musicology itself, it might be pro table to take a step back and understand the musicological interpretation of neumes as one in a series of fundamentally di erent discourses that have grappled with these visual marks. e archaeology of medieval notation here proposed is the history of a present object whose understanding might be improved by the consideration of how di erently this object appeared within discursive formations that are not our own. As I will demonstrate, it is not only a change in the understanding of neumes that can be thus examined, or of things we more generally understand as signs. e transformations are much more radical and involve notions of history and, from a certain point, of the medieval. Characters e rst modern writer to confront his readers with specimens of what we now know as medieval neumes was Michael Praetorius, in his music encyclopedia Syntagma musicum ( ). Dealing with ecclesiastical modes and notation, Praetorius singles out John of Damascus for having created characters (characteres) that express the ascending and descending intervals of choral psalmody. It is very di cult, or even impossible, to know what the characters devised by John were, says Praetorius. But Praetorius is sure that they were not the present ones, for he can see in an old missal in Wolfenbttel that the present characters were not always in use. And so that the reader might know for himself how di erent some old characters can be from the modern ones, he produces exempla ad vivum of both text and (musical) characters from this vetus quoddam Missale in Wolfenbttel. ese are the images we might be tempted to refer to as neume facsimiles, but nothing is explained about them. e only discourse that hovers above this striking image is a discourse about the unknowable di erent. at the question at stake here is otherness and its unknowability is reinforced by the subsequent development of the text in the same chapter of the Syntagma musicum. Just after the exempla are given, there is a tract on Hebrew accents that is explicitly conceived of as a digression. Having learned from the texts of Rabbis and grammarians of the old use of accents by the Jews, Praetorius reports having asked a converted Christian about them and being told that modern Jews make no use of them. But he notes that Polish Jews have di erent melodies from those of German Jews and, despite using accents, pay no attention to them when singing. From this, he concludes, the logic of accents is unknown and must have been so in the past. John of
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Studies in Medievalism
in Paris. Galilei presents a narrative that is based on a principle of successive transformations, which consist in di erent changes happening across time and is quite di erent from the polarized model favored by Zarlino. Galileis processual account of history is also permeated by a fundamental concern with presenting concrete evidence, in the many references to, and reproductions of, notation in old manuscripts, although neumes are still not there. e epistemological divide goes deeper and touches the very essence of what a sign is. Zarlinos logical account of history is based on the idea that nature and its representation are at peace and that the world is fully transparent to the mind. Zarlino regards the signs created by mathematicians as coextensive (congiunte) with the thing, springing from the very matter itself. e central notion of carattere employed by Zarlino to designate neumes and that we already found in Praetorius Syntagma musicum is a very strong indication of this epistem. As characters, (our) neumes participate here in a very material understanding of the visual mark, one in which they are on an ontological par with whatever they might indicate, one in which all things are signs and all signs are things. is is the context of a still is is made very unfractured large uniform plain of words and things. clear by the slightly later Vocabolario degli Accademici della Crusca ( ), in which carattere is de ned as a sign (segno) of anything, printed or written, as the letters of the alphabet or something similar, a de nition that insists on material impression, that by itself evokes the notion of sign (segno) also identi ed with carattere in Zarlinos discourse and that is thus de ned by the Vocabolario degli Accademici della Crusca: it is said of that which, as well as o ering itself to the senses, indicates something else. e character, or sign, which is materially written and which o ers itself to the senses as a thing (cosa), is not understandable according to the later notion of a fractured world of signs and things. Galileis empiricism, however, depends on the possibility of an estrangement between nature and its representation. Talking about the musical signs of the time of Guido, he characterizes them as points that have no other being in nature than in the imagination of men. By suggesting the very di erence between sign and nature, Galilei paves the way for a concrete study of di erent signs or sign systems as such, and fosters the breach from which the classical epistem of the seventeenth century will be able to develop. e confrontation of these discourses continued through the rst half of the seventeenth century, but it seems that, by , we reach a point at which as a result of the continuous involvement with the empiria, in the footsteps of Galilei neumes had a chance of becoming visible and intelligible (as di erent from Praetoriuss unintelligible visuality, which is nonetheless evidence for the interest in the empiria). e central testimony here is Athanasius Kirchers Musurgia universalis, published in . His discourse
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Studies in Medievalism
e Maurists were by far the earliest to start uncovering neumes and to try to make them intelligible. e rst trace of this interest is to be found in , in the scholarly apparatus of Dom Nicolas-Hughes Mnards edition of e bulk of the edition is based on a Missal the Gregorian Sacramentary. from St. Eligius, then in the library of Corbie, but the scholarly value of this edition lies in its comparison of the Missal with other sources, carefully discussed in the introduction (with regard to their date and origin) and amply referred to in the volume of commentaries. Collation is, of course, indicative of a rather speci c empirical mode, one in which the materiality and speci city of each and every material is carefully examined only to be at a second moment transcended with the establishment of the hypothetical text that is not itself present in any manuscript as such. is is the fundamental dialectic that informs the Maurists work in general and Mnards edition in particular. It also illuminates why neumes are to be found in his critical apparatus, which was the rst, most empirical, step in the preparation of the edition. In his volume of commentaries, when noting the elements in the Ratoldus Sacramentary that were not kept by his edition, Mnard includes a hymn on the passion of Christ, Tellus ac aethra, which we here put with old notes of chant (quem hic ponimus cum antiquis cantus notulis), with no further commentary. e same visual example will be taken up by Jean Mabillon himself in . Neumes (notulae caudatae sed absque lienolis) are here presented as a stage in notation between alphabetic notation and Guidonian notation. Even though there is no discourse about neumes in either work, the visual reproductions, based on redrawings from the original manuscript, are very telling. Neumes have become associated with a depurated visuality, whose fundamental purpose is the establishment of an orderly system by which evidence can be classi ed and in which the form of neumes is su ciently intelligible and transparent to refer to their contents. But the Maurists also engaged directly with plainchant and gave much more extensive consideration to neumes in that context. In Pierre-Benot de Jumilhacs La science et la pratique du plain-chant, published in , along with reproductions in an appendix, neumes are part of an account of notation that is extremely elaborate, as it is conceived of as both a historical narrative and a theory of the (musical) sign as unfolded in time. Just like the alphabet, says Jumilhac, all variation of notation in time and space has served to express the same things (the same vowels and consonants for the alphabets and the same sounds and intervals for the systems). ere is a rmly posited stability of the thing signi ed, and temporality is an attribute of the sign, not the thing. In this broad construction, the di erent systems that appear historically are conceived as the sign of the previous system and not as an immediate sign of the sounds. is spiral of signs (i.e., the idea that
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Studies in Medievalism
psalmody were expressed. To support his story, Iussov resorts to a neumed manuscript that he proposes to explain, and his comment is an invaluable statement of method: If we had at hand many antiphoners from the time of Guido of Arezzo, then we could gather [colligere] from the newer ones according to which principle the other notes from the old books were later substituted until our own times and thus show [exhibere] the [rhythmical] value and the intervals of the notes. Collation is not used to arrive at a posited original or to transcend the material evidence as it stands. Its purpose is to precisely understand the otherwise incomprehensible neumatic notation. e neumatic signs thus become objects of investigation in their own right. In contrast to the fundamentally transcendental empiricism of the Maurists one in which the empiria is to be eventually surmounted Iussov establishes the model and de nes the methodology for a sort of immanent empiricism, one in which the empiria is that which ought to be eventually understood. e same attitude informs a number of other works written by German Protestant church historians. One of the earliest is Nicolaus Staphorsts Historiae Ecclesiae Hamburgensis Diplomatica, published in ve volumes between and , a vast collection and discussion of sources of the ecclesiastical history of Hamburg. Amid these sources, Staphorsts attention is drawn to an old missal, particularly its calendar, litany, and musical notation in neumes. Quoting the little outside scholarship he could have accessed, including Mnards reproduction of Tellus ac aethra, Staphorst, just as Iussov before him, describes a method, or procedure, for interpreting neumes, one that is ultimately concerned with an understanding of the signs themselves. e basis of this method is comparing the neumes with later versions of the same melodies recorded in more recent notation. Identity between neumes and later versions in more recent notation, however, is never stated, and the signs are not reduced to an old and improper form of communicating the present (indeed, timeless) content. Instead, a second source is brought to bear, as he selects two songs (Lieder) from a printed psaltery dated before and notated with neumes on four red lines. Again, there is no claim to fully explain the older source by the newer; they are put side by side, and Staphorst states that the melodies in the later source have shed some more light on these obscure things (etwas mehr Licht in diesen dunklen Dingen gegeben haben). e neumes are thus not fully enlightened by the more recent and more intelligible source; they retain a measure of opacity and irreducibility. In contrast to what nineteenth-century writers have said, Staphorsts transcriptions are not unsuccessful transcriptions, for they are
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Studies in Medievalism
and . e interest in the empiria of the old manuscripts gave rise to some of the most astonishing facsimile copies of old notation, all of which were executed by the renowned Toledan calligrapher Francisco Javier de Santiago y Palomares and supervised by Burriel. Neumes were explicitly seen as marks of antiquity, and they were especially important because they attested to the old Use of Toledo, the Mozarabic rite whose legitimacy was being asserted by the Bourbon monarchy and by the clerical establishment in Spain as an equal to the Roman rite. For example, as Burriel clearly indicates in the copy of Toledo MS . , which is a complete facsimile with carefully copied notation, the old notation helps support the antiquity of the Gothic rite. Neumes were very clearly part of a historical and political argument for Burriel, and this is what assured their importance for him. Indeed, Burriel intended to publish editions of the Mozarabic missal and breviary based on the transcriptions he supervised and as indicated in his unpublished Apuntamientos de algunas ideas para formar las letras, but his relations with the court deteriorated between and , he eventually had his papers con scated, and he could not devote himself to the task. An extension of the previous work (though probably not based on Burriels manuscript studies) was only to happen some years later, through the e orts of Lorenzana, who supported the edition of the Missa gothica while in Mexico in , promoted the lavish Breviarium gothicum in , and prepared the Missale gothicum, which was published in after his death. e Missa gothica seu mozarabica, whose introduction on the Mozarabic liturgy is written by Lorenzana himself, has a tract on neumes just before the explanation of the Mozarabic mass, and it starts by vertically juxtaposing a chant incipit in modern notation and the corresponding text and music characters faithfully excerpted (excerpta deliter) from what he reports to e old music writing, however, is be a ninth-century missal in Toledo. not conceived as a simple sign of antiquity and of prestige attached to the new book; it is to be both understood and transcribed into modern notes (ut gurae Musicae cognoscantur, simlque ad Notas nostri temporis eodem valre reducantur). In this sense, the enterprise is much closer to the empiricism of the German Protestant authors than to that of the French Benedictines, but it goes a step further than the German tracts on neumes inasmuch as the knowledge of the neumes is not an end in itself, but a means towards the goal of reconstructing the old melodies. is necessarily entails a very positive attitude towards neumes. In the absence of clefs and measured time, proceeds the tract on neumes in the Missa gothica, the singers of the time had an excellent system of certain signs, with which they could know when the voice should go up and down. At no point is a lack of precision admitted, and the author gives three di erent kinds of organization from which the pitch can be known: the use of red
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Studies in Medievalism
Tragically, neither of them really brought their work to the level of completion we might have expected if Martini had completed his music history and if Gerberts library, along with his notes and many medieval manuscripts, had not burned down. Martini is very brief about neumes, limiting himself to saying that, when the Points came as vicars of the Letters, they were extremely varied and confused, resembling hieroglyphs. Gerbert is more detailed. Opposing the progress in notation to the decay in music, Gerbert places neumes between the Greek letters and the sta . Between these systems, there were, according to him, notes without lines, superposed to the texts, which did not determine the quantity of the ascent or descent. Gerberts view of neumes is very critical. When he comes to propose an examination of di erent facsimiles (schematibus) in chronological order, he characterizes neumes as truly arbitrary [notes], made of lines, points, traces, and curves. e negative notion of arbitrariness, here introduced apparently for the rst time to talk about neumes, might have been suggested by the space created by the opposing movements of music and notation, the former characterized as involution and the latter as evolution. It should be noted in passing that neumes are discussed in a speci c chapter devoted to the musical notes of the Middle Ages: Gerbert invents the Middle Ages as a category in the history of musical notation, and this association remains a major element in subsequent discourses. e notion of arbitrariness is picked up and further developed in the ensuing decades and plays a major role in the subsequent evaluation of neumatic writing. In , two Englishmen published general histories of music that, in embracing the entire eld of music history, at once: ( ) consolidated the newer developments in music historiography initiated by Martini and Gerbert; and ( ) completed the narratives that were only partially carried out by their predecessors. ese books are John Hawkinss A General History of the Science and Practice of Music and Charles Burneys A General History of Music. Both authors subscribe to an evolutionary paradigm, and musical notation is one of the domains subsumed in this narrative. Already in his preliminary discourse, Hawkins contrasts the ancient use of the alphabet and the more compendious method of notation developed e point is nearly half a century before Guido and perfected by him. developed in chapter of Book I, where the use of the alphabet by the ancients is criticized as being a kind of Brachigraphy totally devoid of e core analogy or resemblance between the sign and the thing signi ed. of the matter is the issue of the arbitrariness of the sign, and it is the alleged non-arbitrariness of the modern system that is valued instead: ere is this remarkable di erence between the method of notation practiced by the ancients and that now in use, that the characters used
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Studies in Medievalism
neumes is to convince the reader of the rude state of music in these barbarous ages, and, even though he admits that some examples of neumes might be intelligible, he treats them as if they are merely exceptions that prove the rule: indeed such as can be deciphered may comfort the reader of taste for the unintelligible state of the rest. While sharing a strong criticism of neumes (though Burney is much more inclined than Hawkins to conceive of neumes as arbitrary signs), neither one manages to come up with a clear position for neumes in the evolutionary narrative that moves from the arbitrariness of ancient notation to the purposefulness of its modern counterpart. Between those stages of development, there were the Middle Ages the barbarous ages with which neumes, the barbarous marks, were closely associated in their eyes and, though the authors seem inclined to treat neumes as arbitrary, both men were fraught with doubt and uncertainty when they actually had to nd a place for neumes in their evolutionary schemes. It was Johann Nicolaus Forkel, the author of, among other works, the two-volume Allgemeine Geschichte der Musik ( , ), who actually managed to solve the puzzle and pin down the position of neumes in the evolutionary history of notation. Just like his contemporaries, Forkel formulated a history of notation that centers on the dichotomy between the arbitrary and the non-arbitrary sign and that moves from the former to the latter. Neumes are approached in the second volume of the work. ey are presented as substitutes for the alphabet, coming after the time of Gregory the Great and before Guido. Neumes without lines are heavily criticized by Forkel because they show the upward and downward movement of the melody without showing how many degrees it ought to go up and down. But rough and imperfect as they are, neumes are very clearly set apart from the old arbitrary use of the alphabet and connected with the evolutionary chain of the non-arbitrary notation that would eventually gain enduring value. Even if extremely cumbersome and far too diversi ed before the time of Guido, one can nd in them very early vestiges [Spuren], which could have easily led to completion if one had appropriately pursued them instead of so frequently going in search of new ways [of notating], making the whole process very long. In other words, while former authors would either regard neumes as arbitrary signs or have trouble deciding about their arbitrariness, Forkel, without lessening his harsh evaluation of neumes, very clearly presents them as non-arbitrary and xes them at the very early stages of what would become modern notation. is formulation would be fundamental for the nineteenth-century engagement with neumes, but it would take some time before it gained roots and became widely accepted.
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Studies in Medievalism
are arbitrary does not mean that they are uncertain. Much to the contrary, it signi es that they are a precise and fully codi ed sign system, designating the thing signi ed with utter exactitude through a convention. is is the crux of Ftiss argument and the core of the debate that leads to an epistemological shift around the year . Ftis proposed that both branches of neumatic notation express absolute tonal value, and, in two plates illustrating each of these branches, he distinguishes between the various isolated signs that indicate the degrees of the diatonic scale and the ligated ones that also express speci c absolute heights. is is a structured system that can be read with certainty provided one knows what the structuring convention is, i.e., provided one is in possession of the arbitrary link between signi cant and signi er. e belief in an absolute tonal value of neumes expressed by means of an arbitrary system of signs de nes the task of the interpreter as a decipherer in search of a key, a position compared by many writers from the s through s to that of Champollion in his decipherment of hieroglyphic writing, although apparently not evoked by Ftis himself. Ftis met his ercest opponent in odore Nisard, who wrote a series of extremely critical articles in the late s and early s upholding the restoration project and defending a new course for the study of neumes. In his most comprehensive study on neumes, which appeared in ve parts from through in the Revue archologique, Nisard does not explain all of his views on the interpretation of neumes, putting o a full development of them. But he very clearly champions a di erent approach that eventually countered Ftiss. Even though a few elements might be taken to be arbitrary and Nisard talks about notes de convention his understanding of what he terms an ideographic system is that of an essentially motivated one. Here one begins to see the gradual but steady penetration of Forkels notion that neumes are motivated signs. Some ornaments, for example, were said to be indicated by the very form of neumes, and the notion of an essential and necessary relation between the sign and the thing lies at the heart of what he terms a smiologie neumatique. e term smiologie itself is highly meaningful here. At the time, smiologie, or smiologie (a relatively novel word), had a strictly medical sense, referring to the study of the signs and symptoms of a disease. Smiologie denotes a study in which the sign (or symptom) is caused by the thing of which it is a sign (the disease) and its proper interpretation can lead back to the discovery of the thing. It posits a necessary causal nexus between the two elements. e allusion to the medical eld is no coincidence, and Nisards text is a very early testimony of a structural transference of the practice of medical sem(e)iology to other domains of knowledge, which, according to Carlo Ginzburg, would amount in the s to the silent emergence of an
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Studies in Medievalism
advent of an enquiry that will be deeply interested in the close study of the shapes of neumes: as symptoms of melody, these forms are causally linked to the Gregorian phrase whose restoration is the ultimate goal of research. But, being symptomatic, they are not easily legible: they deserve close study and prolonged examinations and comparisons. It was a matter of science a science yet to be established. e interest in medieval neumes, which reached a sort of climatic moment between and , would continue to be extremely important in the second half of the century. e project of restoring Gregorian chant acquired a whole new dimension as it came to its rst potentially practical results with editions that claimed to be truly Gregorian and contained the repertory of the Mass and O ce. e most important of these was the Gradual issued by the bishops of Reims and Cambrai in , claiming to derive is its authority from the Montpellier manuscript discovered by Ftis. rst major ecclesiastical attempt at restoration set the scene for a profound and renewed engagement with the neumed manuscripts and for di erent attempts by individuals and institutions to improve the results of the Reims and Cambrai commission. e investigations of medieval neumes rapidly grew in number and further developed the potentialities of the fundamental framework developed around the s and associated with the expression smiologie neumatique. is framework still had all the language of certainty and of de nitive answers in the di erent works published by Flix Raillard between the s and the s. In his Explication des neumes, from , in a very Ftisian tone, he would say, having worked in order to improve the results of the Reims and Cambrai edition, I derive rules of interpretation that are certain and easy. Neumes are fundamental for him not, however, because of tonal value. He accepted, as became the norm from the mid-nineteenth century on, that the value of neumes did not lie in tonal indications. Rather, having de ned the four necessary components of restoration ( nding the number of notes for each syllable, establishing their tonal value, determining the appropriate time length of each note, and indicating the mode of execution, i.e., dynamics, pauses, and ornaments), Raillard admits that the rst two had already been accomplished by the edition of Reims and Cambrai it is the latter two that, in Raillards view, need attention and this is where neumes are of fundamental assistance. Raillard is perfectly representative of the epistemological framework that emerged in the middle of the century. For him, it is the form of neumes that reveals the nature of the melody: neumes are the faithful image of the voice e ects they represent, and it is by the form itself of neumes that one can derive rhythm, pauses, and ornaments. And this is how he tries to tackle the interpretation of signs that had been a matter of dispute, such as
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Studies in Medievalism
(at least regarding the melody of words considered in themselves) and thus admirably appropriate to their role and to their signi cation. According to Mocquereau, accents were applied to oratorical speech, whose in ections were only those of heightened discourse, not those of fully- edged music. us, the fact that accents, i.e., neumes, were applied to music must be interpreted as indicating the previous existence of a very simple melodic state, intermediary between speech and music and whose sounds could be is state is transmitted through the simplicity of oratorical accentuation. associated by him with liturgical psalmody, an explanation that allows him to envisage a harmonious adaptation (convenance harmonieuse) between the music and the notation. It was thus the transformation in the form of chants and their growth in number that eventually led to a change in notation, and ultimately to the advent of diastemacy, a principle that is also interpreted as natural: at the origin of musical notation [for him, diastematic notation, neumatic notation being oratorical, and not musical, notation] just as at the origin of languages, of writing, of the arts and the sciences, nature precedes convention and appears as the rst master of man. us, the fact that accents, i.e., neumes, were applied to music must be interpreted as indicating the existence of a simpler state of chant. If neumes are the natural and concrete traces of a certain condition of chant, nothing in them can either be interpreted as a defect or an imperfection (this would ultimately presuppose that neumes do not refer strictly to a concrete cause in the past) or be regarded as an immediately transparent and rapidly legible indication (it is the process of generation of the sign through chant that has to be understood rst). is is how the study of neumes came to amount to an ontology in the making: as neumes are traces and as these traces are di erent from our own, they necessarily involve essentially di erent musical processes and musical beings than ours. Conclusion As the preceding considerations show, the criticism of earlier views of neumes cannot be structured as though all of these discourses stood on the same ground. e fundamental presuppositions and the very notion of what a sign is have su ered clear breaks along the way, and criticism would have to work itself up from this basic and structural level of discourse. But this also invites current scholars working with neumes to develop a sharper awareness of their own discourses and of how their scholarly production is a ected by the frequently tacit notions that underlie their research.
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(Paris: Jacques Gurin, ), ; Jean Lebeuf, Trait historique et pratique sur le chant ecclsiastique (Paris: J. B. Herissant & Jean . Herissant, ), ; Lonard Poisson, Trait thorique et pratique du plain-chant, appel grgorien (Paris: P. N. Lottin & J. H. Butard, ), . . Johann Andreas Iussov, De cantoribus ecclesiae Veteri et Novi Testamenti (Helmstedt: Litteris Hammianis, ), , and . . Nicolaus Staphorst, Historiae Ecclesiae Hamburgensis Diplomatica, vols. (Hamburg: eodor Christoph Felginern, ), , . . Johann Ludolf Walther, Lexicon Diplomaticum (Gttingen: Johann Peter & Johann Wilhelm Schmidt, ). . On Burriels enterprise, see Susan Boynton, A Lost Mozarabic Liturgical Manuscript Rediscovered: New York, Hispanic Society of America, B , olim Toledo, Biblioteca Capitular, . , Traditio ( ): ; Susan Boynton, Reconsidering the Toledo Codex of the Cantigas de Santa Maria in the Eighteenth Century, in Quomodo Cantabimus Canticum? Studies in Honor of Edward H. Roesner, ed. David Butler Cannata, Gabriela Ilnitchi Currie, Rena Charnin Mueller, and John Louis Ndas (Middleton, WI: American Institute of Musicology, ), . In this article (p. , n. ), the author announces a forthcoming monograph under the title of Silent Music: Medieval Ritual and the Construction of History in Eighteenth-Century Spain. . Jos Janini and Jos Serrano, Manuscritos litrgicos de la Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid: Direccin General de Archivos y Bibliotecas, ), . . Missa gothica, seu mozarabica, ed. Francisco Antonio Lorenzana and Francisco Fabin y Fuero (Los ngeles: Typis Seminarii Palafoxiani, ), . . See Georg G. Iggers, e European Context of Eighteenth-Century German Enlightenment Historiography, in Aufklrung und Geschichte: Studien zur deutschen Geshichtswissenschaft im . Jahrhundert, ed. Hans Erich Bdeker, Georg G. Iggers, Jonathan B. Knudsen, and Peter H. Reill (Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, ), . . Giovanni Battista Martini, Storia della musica, vols. (Bologna: Istituto delle Scienze, ), , . . Martin Gerbert, De cantu et musica sacra, vols. (Sankt Blasien, ), , . . John Hawkins, A General History of the Science and Practice of Music, vols. (London: T. Payne & Son, ), , xvii. . Hawkins, A General History, , . . Hawkins, A General History, , . . Hawkins, A General History, , xxx. . Charles Burney, A General History of Music, vols. (London: for the author, ), , . . Johann Nicolaus Forkel, Allgemeine Geschichte der Musik, vols. (Leipzig: Schwickertschen Verlage, ), , . . Ftis, Prface historique, . . Franois-Joseph Ftis, Rsum philosophique de lhistoire de la musique, Biographie universelle des musiciens, vols. (Paris: H. Fournier, ), , xxxviiccliv (clxclxvi). . odore Nisard, tude sur les anciennes notations musicales de lEurope, Revue archologique ( ): ; ( ): , , ; ( ): .
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