The Double Harp in Spain from the 16th to the 18th Centuries

Author(s): Cristina Bordas

Source: Early Music , May, 1987, Vol. 15, No. 2, Plucked String Issue (May, 1987), pp.
148-163
Published by: Oxford University Press

Stable URL: http://www.jstor.com/stable/3127478

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Cristina Bordas

The double harp in Spain from the 16th to the 18th

centuries

genre. Everything that has been said in the two previous

chapters is rather a search for adequate music for the harp,
than to perfect [i.e., suggest ways of improving] the said harp.
1 I
With this statement, Bermudo showed clearly that the
limited capabilities of the diatonic harp were inadequ-
4. - J ... v ate to deal with the increasing chromaticism in the
compositions of his time. The inefficiency of the
instrument made it necessary to seek new ways of
rendering it suitable for the new musical language,
s al a,4s and thus sparked off the process that transformed the
diatonic harp into a chromatic instrument; this process
presented a number of special features in Spain. Up
I_____
until this period, the players had solved the problem of
' dsa
p 7 * *b
a7
4
rat
El how to produce a chromatic note on a diatonic instru-
,, , t:r. ment in different ways. One of these procedures,
which undoubtedly required great skill on the part of
the player, involved pressing the string against the
neck when a sharp was needed, thereby increasing the
g y gr 41r01
tension enough to raise the pitch by half a tone (for a
flat the same method was used on the string tuned one
tone below). This was the technique used by the
famous Ludovico, harpist to King Fernando el Catolico,
~~~~ P, and mentioned by authors such as Alonso Mudarra
and Juan Bermudo.2 Another common practice was to
transpose the entire composition; in addition, the
appropriate
I Vihuela. harp. keyboard: a comparison fromstring or strings
L Venegas deused for the cadences
Henestrosa. Libro de cifra nueva para tecla, arpa y vihuela (Alcala
were tuned half a tone higher or lower, according to
de Henares I557),. foL7v (Madrid. Biblioteca Nacional)
the mode of the piece, as well as their octaves when it
The origins of the chromatic became harp necessary. These measures did not, however,
Fray Juan Bermudo (an Observant meet all Minorite)
musical eventualities,
wrote and furthermore,
in they
his Declaracion of 1555:' presented new difficulties for the performer.
The quest for new and better solutions was pioneer-
Segun se ha visto. la harpa en el temple que ella se hizo (que es el
ed by Bermudo, who was the first to write about the
juego del monochordio blanco) es imperfecta para la Musica que
possibility of transforming the harp into a chromatic
ahora se vsa" porque ella esta para el genero diatonico. y lo que en
este tiempo se taife es genero semichromatico. Todo lo dicho eninstrument.
los In Bermudo's scheme, eight new strings
dos capitulos pasados. mas es buscar Musica proporcionada a la would be placed between those of the diatonic rank,
harpa que perfectionar a la dicha harpa and tuned in such a way that it would be possible to
As it has been shown, the harp in its original tuningplay (the the correct cadences of the different modes; these
new
white keys of the monochord) is imperfect for the genre, and strings should be coloured red, in order to be
easily recognizable.' If each was placed between two
the music played nowadays belongs to the semichromatic

148 EARLY MUSIC MAY 1987

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of the diatonic rank, the space available for the fingers and vihuela (the latter eventually superseded by the
would be reduced by half, a disposition that must have guitar)-were considered as the most important instru-
created much confusion for the players, especially in ments of their kind, also suitable for vocal accompani-
the case of some who, according to Bermudo, had ment, until the first half of the 18th century; this high
perfected the harp by adding all the chromatic strings esteem explains why the title-pages of the music
(19, or at least 15, between the 27 diatonic strings).4 collections of Venegas and Cabez6n claim that their
Although Bermudo never stated that the chromatic contents could be played on any of these three
harp had two ranks, or even less that they were cross- instruments.

strung, it seems logical to assume that the difficulties Even before Venegas and Cabez6n brought forward
posed by a chromatic instrument with a single rank their works, Alonso Mudarra had included a piece for
made it necessary to adopt this practical solution at an organ or harp, the Tiento ix, in his Tres libros de mzisica
early stage. Perhaps Bermudo already knew the cross- en cifra para vihuela (1546), where it figures at the end of
strung double harp, and may have had this instrument the third book (see illus.2). This piece is intabulated in
in mind when he wrote about a 'new shape': the earliest known tablature for organ or harp, in
La segunda imperfection que tiene la harpa (y no es la menor) es which the 14 lines and 15 spaces represent together
acerca de los tamaFios de las cuerdas. Por hazer la harpa de la the 29 white keys of the organ or the same number of
forma que ahora tiene. quedaron las cuerdas desproporcionadas y diatonic strings of the harp, and where the sign 'I'
con mala harmonia. placed on the line or space corresponds to the note to
The second imperfection which the harp has (and not be
the played." In a brief introduction to this piece,
least) concerns the size of the strings. In order to make the
harp with the shape it has now, the strings were left out of S-IVCt PP HA M A y Y OIANO,,W

proportion, and with poor harmony.'

Two books devoted to the keyboard, harp and ..

vihuela were published in the second half of the 16th

century: one by Luis Venegas de Henestrosa (1557),
and the other by Hernando de Cabez6n (1578).6 Both
books are written in keyboard tablature with numbers
S ? ?. ?. I -
II *I 'I I

representing notes printed over four lines, which

Z-

correspond to the four voices (SATB). but they are also

intended for the harp (since it had the same range and ILt As
tIs., d s wnuq, .. ...aef a d ,y , o ,akfA ,y d s adyspr, . W q .a m gp . . .c Lod
tuning as the keyboard instrument), and for the
vihuela (although vihuelists may have had to tran-
scribe this tablature into another system, rather than
playing directly from it). A woodcut in Venegasfrom
de TresBiblioteca
(Madrid.
libros de musica en cifra para vihuela (Seville. 1546)
Nacional)
Henestrosa's treatise shows a comparison between a
vihuela, a harp and a keyboard (see illus. 1). where Mudarra
the states that he had another book ready for the
six chromatic strings, corresponding to B and E flatspress, whose contents included fantWsias and 'com-
can be seen. This evidence indicates that the harpposed pieces' (composur IX dels) writte for organ in his new tablature
known by Venegas de Henestrosa had (at least) six
chromatic strings, either placed between those of for
the organ or harp; the tiento in the vihuela book.
diatonic rank, or in a separate cross-strung rank.described by Mudarra as the first piece of his other
work ('vn principio de vn Libro que tenia hecho'),
according to the way in which Bermudo's text, quoted
above, is interpreted.' The need for an instrumentaffords an enlightening glimpse into the contents of
capable of playing chromatic notes is also indicated this
by otherwise unknown musical collection.9 The 14-
the music contained in these books, with the con- line tablature used by Mudarra was seldom, if ever,
sequent implication that the resources of the instru-used again in Spain, but it brings to mind the notation
ment, coupled with the technique of the harpists,. systems used by Diruta, Frescobaldi and other Italian
made it possible to play from tablature intended composers from the late 16th and early 17th centuries,
primarily for keyboard instruments, though not with-who set their music in a staff made up of as many lines
as they required, taking into account the obvious
out difficulty. The polyphonic trio-keyboard, harp

EARLY MUSIC MAY 1987 149

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 "? . . I

D I:

S .-. . ..* . . ? , , ,

?-.
?~ -' ." ,
' ,.. ,I
?. .
.
* . -.

i4.

r_
4 .3.

f..

', % IL " .

-, .
: jY .9

j . * ,.-

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 4~49

r4C

.1b1

4-1

1 if.
AOC

3 (left) The Presentation of Christ in the Temple: painting (detail) 4 (above) El transito de San Hermenegildo: painting (detail) by
by Diego Valentin Diaz (early 17th century) (Museo Provincial de Alonso Vasquez and Juan de Ucedo (c1603-4) (Museo de Bellas
Pintura. Valladolid) Artes. Seville)

difference that they used musical notes instead of harp to be published in Portugal: it appeared in Lisbon
numbers (it is also worth remembering that Mudarra in 1620.

acknowledges in his book that he had spent some time

The double harp, or 'arpa de dos 6rdenes'
in Italy)."' This resemblance may allow us to consider
The evidence provided by the books and treatises
Mudarra's system as a synthesis between tablature and
score. mentioned above suggests that the chromatic capabi-
Multiple-line notation for polyphoniclities of the harp were similar to those of keyboard
instruments
instruments,
is also found in the treatise by the Dominican but, as yet, there is no definite proof that
friar
this instrument
Tomas de Santa Maria, Arte de tailer fantasia evolved into a double harp during the
(1565).1"
16th century.
Santa Maria did not make any specific reference toNone
theof the treatises written between the
publication
harp, but it may be assumed that his work couldof also
Bermudo's 1555 Declaracidn de instru-
mentos
be suitable for this instrument, following the musicales and 1634-when Bartholome Jober-
tradition-
nardi
al criterion that established a parallel committedthe
between to paper his Tratado de la mussica-
keyboard and the harp. An echo of this tradition to the organological character-
makes any reference
appears in Manoel Rodrigues Coelho's istics of the harp.of
collection This gap precludes establishing with
music for harp and organ, Flores de musica (1620), the approximate date when the
any degree of accuracy
which is also written in conventional notation rather transformation of the diatonic harp into a chromatic
instrument took place."4 Iconographic sources do not
than tablature.'2 Rodrigues Coelho, organist at Badajoz
Cathedral, later served at the royal chapel in Lisbon provide any relevant information either, since the
and, according to M. Santiago Kastner, was personally harps portrayed in them appear to have a single rank,
acquainted with Hernando de Cabez6n. " Flores de even those from the 17th and 18th centuries (see
illus.4; illus.3 is the only exception)."
musica was the first book of music for keyboard and

EARLY MUSIC MAY 1987 151

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 Despite the scarcity of information given in treatises hypothesis, and was written at a mid-point in the
and iconography, the accounts of the violeros (luthiers) harp's development. He arrived in Spain from Italy in
who served the royal household shed more light on 1632, and soon after had three instruments built for
this subject and show that by the first half of the 17th him in Rome: a harpsichord, a lute and a harp. These
century the cross-strung double harp had already three instruments were praised by Jobernardi as
developed a separate identity. Two such accounts 'perfect', and his treatise, written with the purpose of
from the violero Antonio Hidalgo (father of the com- courting royal favour, consists mainly in their descrip-
poser and harpist Juan Hidalgo), dated 1615 and 1616, tion. The harp had three parallel ranks, and Jobernardi
describe two harps made by him for Juan de Sanmartin stressed its advantages when he compared it with the
and Lope Machado, harpists at the royal chapel. The Spanish cross-strung double harp, which he consider-
1616 document reads as follows: ed to be 'lacking adequate proportions'. From Jober-
Vna Arpa de alamo blanco y Nogal perphilada de Hevano de nardi's
atres description it also emerges that the 'arpa de dos
[?] con zinco lazos en el arca y porserial en la buelta unos 6rdenes'
castillos did not have the full set of chromatic strings,
but only those necessary for the cadences, and should
y leones y Aguilas Ymperiales todo de Hevano, Es de dos ordenes
therefore
Enteras Vniversales qe tiene de alto siete quartas con molduras de be considered as a semichromatic model
Hevano en los cantos y es la que hizo de nuevo Anto Hidalgo
akin to the one proposed by Bermudo in 1555. Jober-
Violero de quien se compro en seiscientos RI para servo de nardi
su Magd
adds that skilled Spanish harpists still preferred
En su capilla real.. . Md a 14 de Diziembre de 1616 an6s.
the single-rank instrument, implying that by 1634 the
A harp [made] of white poplar and walnut, with use
ebony
of the double harp with a fully chromatic range
purfling on the back [?], five roses on the body, and marked
was by no means universal.19 A further indication of
with ebony castles, lions and imperial eagles on thethe
other
novelty of the double harp may be found in Lope
side. It has two full and universal ranks, stands at seven
de Vega's dramatic work La Dorotea, published in 1632,
hand-spans [approximately 147cm], with ebony mouldings
where a passage described the heroine tuning her
on the edges, and it is the one newly made by the violero
harp:20
Antonio Hidalgo, from whom it was bought for 600 reales, for
Dorotea: Perdonad el afinarla [el arpa]; que es notable el
the service of His Majesty in his royal chapel, ... Madrid,
14 December 1616.16 gobierno desta repuiblica de cuerdas.
D. Bela: Las dos 6rdenes hacen mds faciles los bemoles.
According to the specifications above, Hidalgo's harp
Dorotea: Excuse my tuning [the harp], for the govern-
had'two full and universal ranks' ('dos ordenes Enteras
ment of this republic of strings is notable [that
Vniversales'); in other words, it had the full set of
is, laborious].
chromatic strings. Jobernardi stated in his 1634 treatise:
D. Bela: The two ranks make the flats easier [to play].
'Aqui en Espafia la arpa con las cuerdas encruciadas
que llaman de dos 6rdenes.. .' (Here in Spain, the harp According to the last phrase, the chromatic possibilities
of the double harp justified fully the trouble of tuning
with the crossed strings [is] called 'de dos 6rdenes'.. .17).
Taking this into account, it may be assumed that when it, and the exchange suggests that the incorporation of
an 'arpa de dos 6rdenes' is mentioned in Spanishthe chromatic rank onto the harp was still under
discussion. This information allows us to establish
sources, a cross-strung instrument is meant. Hidalgo's
1616 account could be considered to be the first that between 1600 and 1650 three types of harp co-
reference to a cross-strung harp incorporating existed:
a the diatonic with a single rank; the chromatic,
complete chromatic rank. cross-strung with two complete ranks; and the semi-
chromatic,
The inclusion among these specifications of the cross-strung with an incomplete chromatic
rank.
qualifying phrase 'two full and universal ranks' After 1650 the cross-strung double harp with two
complete ranks-known in Spain as 'arpa de dos
suggests that this was something of an exceptional
6rdenes'-emerged as the most favoured instrument,
characteristic on Hidalgo's harp, since similar notices
a fact that is well attested by the contemporary
fail to appear either in previous or subsequent accounts.
Some years later, in 1643, the number of ranks is and confirmed by the surviving instruments.
treatises,
The role of the harp as a polyphonic instrument
mentioned again, now in the accounts of the violero
suitable for vocal accompaniment increased gradually
Manuel de Vega. In this instance, the instrument
throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, reaching its
concerned had a single rank, a fact which may indicate
that by this time the majority of harps were 'dehighest
dos point between 1675 and 1700. Before this
brdenes'.'8 Jobernardi's 1634 treatise confirms period,
this the important position of this instrument had

152 EARLY MUSIC MAY 1987

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already been established by its use in the musical
chapels, and especially by its suitability as a continuo
Demoflcion del A rpt de dos ordCnes,
instrument, flourishing in Spain c1650. The growing y forma para praticar cl
trend in the use of the harp received its greatest boost,
A DiapaFon..
however, during the reign of Carlos II (1665-1700),
shaped by the characteristic style of the Spanish
Baroque, in which the tonos and villancicos pre-
dominate. A large number of these pieces accurately
reflect the important position achieved by the harp, is
particularly in its use as an obbligato instrument.2"
The most important treatises dealing with the harp
were published during this reign and covered subjects
such as tuning methods, instrumental techniques,
and accompaniment rules; other similar books, which
were to appear early in the following century, were also
written at this time. Gaspar Sanz's Instruccion de muisica
sobre la guitarra espafiola (1674) is basically a guitar
tutor, but it nevertheless includes an appendix with
rules on how to accompany with the guitar, harp and
organ.2 This is a work of the greatest significance, not
only for the clarity with which it discusses the
performance practice of accompanying, but also for
the influence it exerted upon later authors, like Lucas
Ruiz de Ribayaz or Pablo Minguet. Around the same
date, Andres Lorente published a harp treatise, now " ,
lost, with the title Melodias musicas, and Juan del Vado
prepared a similar book for publication that is also
presumed lost. The existence of these works is known
by means of Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz's Luz y norte musical
(1667), which may well include some pieces by Lorente
5 Arpa de dos ordenes, from Luz y norte musical by
and Vado.23 Ruiz de Ribayaz devoted a good part of his de Ribayaz (1667) (Photo: Madrid, Biblioteca Naciona
book to an 'arpa de dos 6rdenes' strung with 27
diatonic, and 15 chromatic strings (see illus.5); and and dances, most of them by anonymous a
published for the first time a tablature conceived illus.6).26 Diego Fernandez de Huete used
especially for this instrument in which the fingering is method of intabulation in his Compendio nu
indicated by means of the letters p, y and 1, which zifras, published in two parts in 1702 an
correspond to the fingers normally used to play: p for illus.7).21 Although Fernandez de Huete
the thumb (pulgar), y for the index (yndice) and I for the good part of these books to the single
middle finger (largo).24 Another issue that appeared for explained that it was less popular than the '
the first time in Ribayaz's book was a discussion of the 6rdenes'. The stringing of the latter instrum
correct position for the hands on the 'arpa de dos ding to Fernandez de Huete, consisted of 2
6rdenes', which was repeated in later treatises: the and 18 chromatic strings; these numbers co
right hand should be placed near the neck, and the left the numbers on most of the surviving 17t
separated from the right by a distance of one-third of harps. The contents of the Compendio nume
the harp's height." rules for accompaniment and musical inter
The tablature system used by Ruiz de Ribayaz also and a fair number of pieces in tablature.
appears, though slightly modified, in two manuscript While the treatises by Ruiz de Ribayaz and
collections of harp music that date from the early 18th de Huete may be considered as the two mos
century and are now at the Biblioteca Nacional, sources of information about the harp from
Madrid; these manuscripts contain tonos, villancicos point of view, a third-the Escuela mzisica (1

EARLY MUSIC MAY 1987 153

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 A a A',

*$ ?

? ?t t 7
f
I
4f
It.
. /
YP D

: /
I-/

.' I/ .- , ,j . ,
' ' ))
" "'*0-L
t ,, - , t 1 " ' .,
,. ; . ..
?; ;- ,- " I" .r
6 Diferencias de las folias (Anonymous), from Cifra para arpa (beginning of the 18th century) (Madrid. Biblioteca Nacional. MS 816. f.3v)

Franciscan Pablo Nasarre-should be added to the list The leading role played by the harp in the Spanish
for the value of its organological descriptions.28
Baroque is closely related to the particular character-
Despite the date of its publication, the Escuelaistics
musicaof organological development in some Spanish
was probably written before 1638, and therefore instruments, which diverged from the pattern found
properly belongs with the work of Ribayaz andthroughout
Huete. the rest of Europe. In general terms, one of
Nasarre provided in his book specific particulars
the causes of this separate development can be traced
about the construction of the 'arpa de dos 6rdenes',
to the tradition, revered among Spanish musicians, of
which he describes as having 29 diatonic and
the18
'trio' of polyphonic continuo instruments-the
chromatic strings, or 19 if the lowest string was tuned
organ, harp and vihuela (or guitar)-during the 16th to
the early 18th centuries. For the same reasons, 'old
to Eb.29 The ideal proportions of the harp, as proposed
by Nasarre, are in agreement with those found in instruments like the curtal remained in use
fashioned'
until 1),
surviving late 17th-century instruments (see Table the opening years of the 20th century, and the
and, besides the proportions and measurementsmonacordio
of the was still manufactured as late as the mid-
soundbox, his discussions deal with topics such19th ascentury to serve as a rehearsal instrument for
student organists. On the other hand, plucked key-
tablature systems, tuning methods, accompaniment,
board instruments, generically termed clavicordio in
transposition, and the materials used for constructing
the instruments. Spain, did not enjoy the same degree of popularity, as

154 EARLY MUSIC MAY 1987

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 '9ra ]1
lle cft c ra

Sto
"--
bl K O

/oIto rz acl l ce jren r'

. t,.op r

4Z.II
46=
AD
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ 2 Y2?i'e
; 4OP
0* ____
1,? .
e e
IF ncv?J f 1l

7 0 admirabile sacramento for h

(Madrid. Biblioteca Nacional)

attested by number
the of Italian and French musicians,of
lack brought to wo
their Spain by royal and noble patrons,
construction established them- th
until
century. In selves
brief, the
by attaining important positions dou
in institutions
impulse in such as the royal chapel. The introduction of tim
Bermudo's Italian
16th century.fashions aroused
While a controversy amongthe
Spanish music- ha
importance ians;
in partlythe
out of concern rest
for the consequencesof of E
completely competition
supersede by foreign musicians, but also because
the of
of the their adherence to Spanish traditions of musical
accompanying fun
with harpsichord. the
aesthetics. One of the main points of disagreement,
especially among theoreticians, was the appropriate-
The decline ness
of the
of new instrumental groupsharp
performing during
The process the
of liturgy. Despite the advocacy of most of
decline those
suff
traditional musicians
continuo inst
that held ecclesiastical posts that the use of
the adventthe of new
traditional instruments (organ, harp,instr
archlute etc)
violins, oboes, flutes and horns, that were associated should be maintained, their importance decreased,
with the pervasive Italianate musical fashions. During
and by 17 50 the harp had practically disappeared from
the musical chapels.
the reign of the Bourbon Felipe V (1700-46), a good

EARLY MUSIC MAY 1987 155

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 The royal chapel, by virtue of its importance, served advertencias generales (1754) is the last treatise to
as the standard upon which other musical establish- incorporate a section dealing with the 'arpa de dos
ments were modelled, and its evolution illustrates ordenes; in general terms this book is out of date, and
various steps in the process of decline of the harp. Ain many respects it follows closely Sanz's work of
1674.35 Although the main purpose of the Reglas
pay-roll dated 1709 specifies that there were two
harpists: one less than the number recorded in (intended
a for amateurs and beginners) is to set out the
similar document of 1677. By 1739, two harpists were basic principles of the most important instruments, it
needed but with the following stipulation: does furnish some interesting information about the
'arpa de dos 6rdenes' such as the fact that now the ring
Sirve sin dispensa este instrumento en las Letanias que se cantan
fuera del Coro, en las Procesiones de quarenta horas. y en fingerel was also used to play, and that both the harp and
harpsichord had a range of 51 notes starting from C".36
Domingo infra-octabo de el Corpus, para acompahiarlos Villancicos
en los Altares. In other words, although the playing technique had
evolved, the instrument itself had barely changed, at
This instrument serves, without excuse, for the Litanies sung
least in its manner of stringing, during the previous 50
outside the choir, the processionals of the Forty Hours
devotion and the Sunday octave after Corpus, to accompany
years. Minguet also mentions a harp strung with metal
the villancicos at the altars.s0 strings, but states that this instrument was not used at
all by amateurs, being the preserve of professional
The wording of this document suggests that the role of
the harp in liturgy and celebration had been reducedplayers; this reason may have deterred Minguet from
providing any further information about the metal-
to playing at particular events for which the instru-
ment's portability would have made it especiallystrung harp, leaving us in the dark as to its character-
istics.37
suitable. Although by 1749 the harpists' posts had dis-
appeared altogether from the pay-roll, some payments After the publication of Minguet's Reglas no further
were made to the harpist Francisco de Le6n for those treatises dealing with the 'arpa de dos 6rdenes' appear-
times when his services were requested."3 ed, a conspicuous absence which can only be explained
by a lack of interest in the instrument; it seems,
Treatises published in the 18th century deal with
therefore, that by the second half of the 18th century
aspects of the double harp, which is always mentioned
the double harp had fallen into disuse. The harp
as 'arpa de dos 6rdenes'; Joseph de Torres provided
reappears in treatises around 1800, but these deal with
some rules on how to play basso continuo in his Reglas
the new pedal harp. Antonio Rafols, a priest, wrote his
generales de acompafiar (1702), and Antonio Martin y-
Tratado de la sinfonia in 1801 in which he praised the
Coll included an appendix devoted to the tuning of
application of pedals, and maintained that the harp
organs, clavicordios and harps in his manuscript Ramil-
should again be allowed to participate in religious
lete oloroso (1709).32 Other theoreticians, involved in
the controversy between traditionalists and innova-services.38 However, the new instrument would follow
a different course, devoid of any relation with the old
tors, mention the harp in the course of their arguments
as part of the group of traditional continuo instru-'arpa de dos 6rdenes'. The first pedal harps were
ments, but without providing any information about imported from French factories, and thereafter norm-
its shape or construction. Finally, scientific authorsally made in the workshops of piano makers; their use
became generalized as drawing-room instruments,
who strived to find, mathematically, the ideal tempera-
ment for keyboard instruments included the harp in which, aside from their orchestral function, led to the
Romantic view of the harp as the appropriate instru-
their writings, since it shared the same problem of the
division of the octave. An example of this school ment
of for affected ladies.
thought can be found in Vicente Tosca's Compendio
mathematico (1710), in which one of the sections Construction
is
devoted to different formulae for an accurate tuning Harp
of making was traditionally part of the trade of the
the organ, harpsichord and 'arpa de dos 6rdenes'.33 violeros, who formed themselves into an independent
The same speculative approach appears in Mtsicaguild; alongside them operated the guild of string
makers. The municipal laws that regulated the func-
universal (1717) by Pedro de Ulloa, who advocated the
use of equal temperament in organs, harpsichords andtioning of these guilds, called ordenanzas, are them-
selves
harps, following the same system that he had proposed a documentary source which provides valuable,
if somewhat scarce, information about the construc-
for the Spanish guitar.34 Pablo Minguet's Reglas, y

156 EARLY MUSIC MAY 1987

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tion of string instruments, including the harp. The first 1698; Antonio de Murcia (d1709), probably related to
known ordenanzas of the violeros' guild were compiled Gabriel de Murcia and the guitarist Santiago de
at Seville in 1502, and state that the aspiring violero Murcia; and, in the early years of the 18th century,
should know how to make several instruments, inclu- Juan Campos, appointed in 1709, probably having
ding a harp, in order to become a fully-fledged member some family ties with Francisco de Campos and his son
of the guild.39 A similar compilation of rules for the Eugenio de Campos, both violeros from Madrid.47 All
string makers appeared at Granada in 1528, requiring these craftsmen made and repaired the royal palace's
its members to know how to make a set of strings for harps, but the documents that mention their instru-
the harp, stressing that the material should be ram's ments seldom provide details of organological interest
gut, and making it clear that gut from any other animal about the harp's construction, with the exception of
was inadmissible.4 A further collection of ordenanzas the cases mentioned above.
for violeros, copied from those proclaimed at Seville in Nasarre's treatise, Escuela muisica, occupies a special
1502, also appeared at Granada in 1552;41 another set position as the most complete Spanish source of
was enforced at Madrid in 1578, and renewed in organological information known to this day. The type
1695.42 of harp that he describes was made of walnut with a
The first ordenanzas for the string makers' guild of spruce soundboard; the soundbox had seven ribs and
Madrid appeared in 1679, precisely at the time when measured approximately 150cm in height. The sound-
the popularity of the 'arpa de dos 6rdenes' reached its board had a width of 11 cm at its upper end and 57cm at
peak.43 These rules decreed that the examination for its base. Nasarre also suggested that an instrument
the journeyman consisted of making a set of strings for with a 75cm base would have the ideal volume of
a complete harp (arpa entera: most probably an'arpa de sound, although its shape would be disproportionate.48
dos 6rdenes' with a full chromatic rank), and re-
iterating that the only approved material was ram's gut. Surviving harps
Some time after, on 16 October 1695, the guilds of All the 'arpas de dos 6rdenes' known to have survived
violeros and string makers signed, before a notary, a in Spain were made around the end of the 17th and
joint agreement concerning the purchase and distri- early 18th centuries, and conform closely to the
bution of the strings.44 This document mentions a proportions of the instrument described by Nasarre
chapter of the ordenanzas issued recently (1695) for the (see Table 1). It could be said that there was a basic
violeros, which dealt with the distribution of the spruce model of the harp upon which the violeros based their
(pinabete) soundboards for harps and guitars. It seemsinstruments, large and small alike. Harps 1 and 2 in
that the soundboards were normally made of this Table I belong to the latter category, with a range
wood and distributed to the violeros, possibly having comprising three and three-quarter octaves, C-a", in
been treated previously. This agreement was signed by the diatonic rank, and Bb-g#" in the chromatic
Gabriel de Murcia, Juan de Bizcochea and Teodosio strings. The larger type is illustrated by the harps
Dalp on behalf of the violeros' guild. Other documentsnos.3-7 in Table 1; their range spans four octaves, C-
concerning the examination of seven violeros between c"', in the diatonic rank, with a chromatic rank from
1680 and 1699 show that one of the compulsoryF#-bb". These two sizes suggest a correspondence
requirements was the construction of an 'arpa de doswith the harps in Antonio Hidalgo's accounts mention-
6rdenes'.45
ed above: the 1615 harp agrees with the characteristics
Among the violeros who served the royal household of the large category, while the 1616 instrument would
were Juan de Rojas Carri6n (also mentioned as Juan debelong to the smaller type.
Carri6n), who had in his charge the upkeep of the royal Besides the difference in size, both types of harp
chapel's bowed vihuelas and harps until at least
were probably tuned differently. Taking into account
1622;46 Antonio Hidalgo, maker of the 1615 and 1616Nasarre's statement that the large harp was tuned to
harps mentioned above (fn.14); Pablo de Herrera the 'natural pitch' (tono natural) of the chapel, it is
(d1634); Manuel de Vega (dl657); Mateo de C6rdobafeasible to speculate that the smaller harps were tuned
(d1658); Antonio de Zulueta (d1665); Francisco dehigher:
Le6n (d1679); Gabriel de Murcia, son-in-law of Fran-
... se han de labrar siete costillas de la longitud de poco mas de
cisco de Le6n and nephew of the harpist Juan Hidalgo,
siete quartas (si el arpa huviere de ser crecida, aviendo de estar en
appointed in 1682; Marcos Jim~nez, appointed inel tono natural para poder acompafiar Capilla con ella).

EARLY MUSIC MAY 1987 157

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... the seven ribs should be made of about seven hand-spans of them are placed at the centre of the soundboard,
of length Japproximately 147cm] (if the harp should be large, with another of triangular shape located at the upper
and it must be [tuned] in the natural pitch, so it can [be used end. The only exception is harp no.7, by Domingo
to] accompany the chapel)."' Pescador, in which there are six rhomboid apertures
each with two circles added at the acute-angled
The smaller harps were probably transposing instru- corners (see illus. 11). This design is also a feature of
ments, tuned a 5th higher, following the most common the bass viol (viol6n) housed in the same museum-the
rules of transposition in use at the time. Convento de la Encarnaci6n in Avila; although the viol
Six of the seven harps included in Table I have the lacks any maker's stamp, it is surely also the work of
hexagonal shape of the roses in common; four or six Pescador.

8 Arpa de dos ordenes by Ivan de la Tore (see Table 1. no.4): (a) detail of maker's stamp; (b) side view (Avila. Monasterio cister
Santa Ana; photo Gloria Collado)

?,

I~L
?c:r

L(

..
I

\t

?,

-r=
,.i,,,

i.

'P
?\ i

r
1?~

L?

ir

/---

1?

.e
-~?r=r 3~

158 EARLY MUSIC MAY 1987

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I should like to thank Antonio Corona-Alcade for his help in '6The text of the 1615 account reads as follows:

the translation of this article and for his suggestions during Recibi ... Una Arpa grande de dos ordenes de alamo blanco perfilada de
Hebano y Marphil con cinco viriles en los lazos con molduras de Hebano qe
its preparation.
la hizo Antonio Hidalgo violero a quien por ella se pagaron quinientos RI
en que se taso En 31 de Heno de 1615...
Cristina Bordas is researching the history of Spanish instru-
ments, especially keyboard instruments, harps and their I received ... a large 'arpa de dos 6rdenes' [made] of white poplar
with ebony and ivory purflings, five parchment roses [?] in the
makers. She is also preparing a project about the instrument apertures, with ebony mouldings, made by the violero Antonio
makers of Madrid. Hidalgo, who was paid for it five hundred reales [the price], in which
it was valued. 31 January, 1615 ...
'J. Bermudo, Declaraci6n de instrumentos musicales (Osuna, 1555/ The document (Mn (Fondos Barbieri) MS 14043/153-5) is signed by
R1957), f.cxiv Juan de Sanmartin, curtal (bajon) and harp player in the royal
2J. Bermudo, op cit, f.cxv; A. Mudarra, Tres libros de muisica en cifras chapel. A calfskin cover was made for this instrument, measuring
para vihuela (Seville, 1546), book 1, f.xii; facs edn by Chanterelle two and a quarter varas in height (189cm), and two-thirds in width
(Monaco, 1980), p.49. See also F. A. Barbieri, Cancionero musicalde los (56cm). The 1616 account (Madrid, Palacio Real [Mp], Leg.902) is
siglos XV y XVI (Madrid, 1890), p. 170, and the edition of Mudarra's signed by Lope Machado, harpist in the royal chapel; a leather cover
Tres libros de musica by E. Pujol, Monumentos de la miisica espafiola, was also made for this harp, measuring over seven hand-spans in
vii (1949, 2/1984), p.31. length (over 147cm), and less than half a vara in width (less than
3Bermudo, op cit, f.cxiv 42cm). Bearing in mind that these measures are not exact, the
4lIbid, f.cxii proportions between the length and width of the two harps appears
SIbid to be the same, 1 : 3, 5; the 1615 instrument, however, seems to be
6L. Venegas de Henestrosa, Libro de cifra nueva para tecla, harpa y excessively large.
vihuela (Alcala de Henares, 1557); H. de Cabez6n, Obras de muisica '7Jobernardi, op cit, f.22
para tecla arpa y vihuela de Antonio de Cabezon ... recopilades y puestas s'The text of this document (Mp Leg.5236) reads as follows:
en cifra por Hernado de Cabe6in su hijo (Madrid, 157824).
En 15 de Agosto dia de na sefiora se encordo una arpa de una orden toda y
7Michael Morrow suggests-in 'The Renaissance Harp', EM, vii se pusieron los botoncillos y clavixas... Este dia se hizo un templador de
(1979), pp.501ff-that the six chromatic notes could be an alter-
hierro para dicha arpa que costo 10 reales...
native tuning to the corresponding diatonic one.
8Pujol, op cit, pp. 17f. Tablatures intended solely for the keyboard The 15 August, the day of Our Lady, a single harp was fully strung,
had appeared as early as c1460 (that is, the Buxheimer Orgelbuch); and the [upper] pegs and [lower] wooden pegs were put on ... This
and earlier forms indicating notes by means of letters are found in day an iron tuner was made for the said harp, and it cost ten reales ...
the 14th-century Robertsbridge Codex (British Library, Add.28550). 9gJovernardi, op cit, f.23
See W. Apel, The Notation of Polyphonic Music 900-1600 (Cambridge, 20E. S. Morby, ed., Lope de Vega. La Dorotea (Madrid, 1980), p.191
Mass., 5/1953), p.40 for a list of 15th-century German keyboard 21Some examples of the sources that call for the harp as an
tablatures. Mudarra's system, nevertheless, besides being the first to obbligato instrument are: the eight villancicos dating from the end of
appear in Spain, is also the first intended to serve for either the the 17th century in Mn MS 3882 (nos.5, 6, 8, 12, 13, 18, 30 and 31);
organ or the harp. the great number of works from the late 17th and early 18th centuries
'Facs. edn of Mudarra, op cit, p.249; Pujol, op cit, p.43 surviving in the cathedrals of several Spanish cities such as
'0Facs. edn of Mudarra, op cit, p.18; Pujol, op cit, p.31 Salamanca (see D. G. Fraile, Catalogo del archivo de mntsica de la
"T. de Santa Maria, Libro llamado Arte de tafier fantasia assi para
catedral de Salamanca (Cuenca, 1981), pp.621f) or Valencia (see
J. Climent, Fondos musicales de la regi6n valenciana, i [Valencia, 1979]).
tecla como para vihuela y todo instrumento en que se pudiera tafier a tres y
For references to other collections see Kastner, 'Harfe und Harfner',
a quatro voces y a mas (Valladolid, 1565); see, for example, ff.3v, 12v,
14v and 22. p.169.
12M. Rodrigues Coelho, Flores de musica para o instrumento de tecla22G.
& Sanz, Instruccion de mtusica sobre la guitarra espafiola y metodo de
harpa (Lisbon, 1620) sus primeros rudimentos hasta tafierla con destreza (Saragossa, 1674,
8/1697)
'3Modern edn of Flores de musica by M. S. Kastner, Portugaliae
musica, i (Lisbon, 1976), p.ix. See also idem, 'Harfe und Harfner23L.
in Ruiz de Ribayaz, Luz y norte musical para caminar por las cifras
de la guitarra espafiola y arpa... (Madrid, 1677), p.32
der Iberischen Musik des 17. Jahrhunderts', Natalicia Musicologica
Knud Jeppesen (1962), pp. 167f. 24Ibid, p.25
25Ibid, p.33
'4Tratado de la mussica por el Dr Dn Bartholom6 Jobemardi (Madrid,
1634), Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, [Mn] MS 8931. The following 26Mn MSS 816 and 2487. A copy of the latter, written in a 19th-
reference to added strings, dated around 1590, appears incentury
Luis hand, bears the signature MS 13417.
Zapata's Miscelanea (Mn MS 2790, f.318v-319): 27D. Fernandez de Huete, Compendio numeroso de zifras armonicas,
con theorica, y practica. para harpa de vna orden, de dos ordenes, y de
Invencion nueva es bemoles y semitonos con afiadidas y entretegidas
organo (first part: Madrid, 1702; second part: Madrid, 1704). Fernandez
querdas en las harpas
de Huete mentions in his book a further (third) part, which remains
Flats and semitones with added and interwoven strings are aunknown. new
invention in the harps
28p. Nasarre, Escuela mtusica segtun la prdctica moderna (Saragossa,
Although the term 'interwoven' (entretegidas) suggests strings arranged
1723-4); facs. edn with a preliminary study by L. Siemens (Saragossa,
in a cross-strung fashion, the ambiguity of the phrase forces a
1980).
similar possible interpretation on the references from Bermudo and 291bid, first part, book 3, p.331
Venegas de Henestrosa. 301677 account: Mn (Fondos Barbieri), MSS 14018/11; 1739
"sThe only iconographic source of the 'arpa de dos ordenes'account:
has (Mp Caja 72), Leg.6, no.4
recently come to light. It appears in The Presentation of Christ in the
Temple by Diego Valentin Diaz (early 17th century) now at the Museo
Provincial de Pintura, Valladolid; see illus.3.
Footnotes continued on p.163

EARLY MUSIC MAY 1987 159

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Table 1 Details of known 'arpas de dos 6rdenes'
Measurements are given in centimetres. (The symbol means 'equals approximately'.)

No. of strings: No. of ribs No. of roses Measurements:' Proportions:2

diatonic, chromatic a; b; c a: b b : c

TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS

Bermudo (1555) 24/27; 8/15-19

Hidalgo, 1615 account 5 forepillar 5 189;56
b 56

Hidalgo, 1616 account 5 forepillar a 147;

b" 42

Jobernardi (1634) 27; 8-11

Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) 27; 15 ?455
Fernandez de Huete (1702-04) 29; 18
Nasarre (1683-1724) 29; 18/19 7 unspecified 11; 57; 147 1 : 5 3:8
SURVIVING 'ARPAS DE DOS ORDENES'

(1) no stamp 27; 15 7 7 10.5; 44; 100 1 : 4.2 3.5 : 8

(2) no stamp 27; 15 ?7 ?5 10; 45; a120 1 : 4.5 3 : 8
(3) Francisco de Le6n 29; 18 7 5 11; 50; 134 1 : 4.5 2.9 : 8
(4) Ivan de la Torre 29; 18 7 7 12; 51; 134 1 : 4.2 3 : 8
(5) Ivan Lopez 29; 18 7
(6) Joseph Fernandez 29; 18 7 5 10.5; 46; 135 1 : 4.8 2.7 : 8
(7) Domingo Pescador 29; 19 7 6 11; 46; 140.5 1 : 4.1 2.6 : 8

'The measurements given as a, b and c are as2The proportions givenin

indicated are those
the according to Nasarre (cf.
diagram below).
diagram below and are related to the soundboard.

ba

b b b

Key to Table I
and composer Francisco A. Barbieri, former owner of this harp,
Harp (1) No maker's stamp; only the soundbox survives. It is now
housed in the Museo del Pueblo Espafiol, Madrid.
rd -the city where this instrument was made. The musicologist
presented it to the Museo Arqueol6gico de Madrid in the last years
of the 19th century, but today its whereabouts are unknown. Two
(2) No maker's stamp. According to R. P6rez Arroyo, this harp
derives from a convent in Avila and is now in the private collection photographs form the only surviving record of this instrument; it is,
of Alejandro Mass6, Madrid.so apparently, of the larger type.53 See illus.9.
(3) Stamp: MD (surmounted by a crown) / FRANCISCO DE LEON. (6) Stamp: JSP FER / NANDEZ / EN VD [Joseph Fernandez en
It is assumed that the initials MD stand for Madrid. Francisco de Valladolid]. This is held at the museum in the Convento de la
Encarnaci6n, Avila. The neck has pegs for two cross-strung ranks,
Leon served as violero in the royal household from 1668 until his
death in 1679. According to Perez Arroyo, this harp also comes from but the soundboard has only 29 wooden pegs for a single rank. It is
a convent at Avila, and is, likewise, now in Mass6's private possible that either the neck or the soundboard may have belonged
collection.5 to another harp, and could have been used for a contemporary
repair job, presumably to render a broken instrument playable. See
(4) Stamp: MD (surmounted by a crown) / DEL REY / GUITARRERO
/ IVAN DE LA TORE: this is probably the violero Juan Garcia de illus.
la 10.
Torre, who passed his guild examination at Madrid in 1689.52 This (7) Stamp: Esta Arpa se hizo el ahio de 1704 / y la hizo Domingo
instrument is housed in the Cistercian monastery of Santa Ana,Pescador. The stamp has been discovered in the course of a recent
Avila. See illus.8. restoration; the instrument is housed at the Convento de la
Encarnacion, Avila.54 See illus. 11.
(5) Stamp: IVAN LOPEZ, followed by the monogram for Toledo,

160 EARLY MUSIC MAY 1987

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9 Arpa de dos ordenes by Ivan Lopez (see Table 1. no.5):
whereabouts unknown (Photo: Nicanor Zabaletal

ri

ili

I,

?r :

~~ .r b-.

ii "
???

10 Arpa de
(b) side vie

EARLY MUSIC MAY 1987 161

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11 Arpa de dos ordenes by Domingo Pescador (see Table 1. no.7). Photographed before restoration: interior of the soundbox showing
(a) ribs (b) soundboard (Avila. Convento de la Encarnacion; photo Gasull)

jtr *.I ~ 4

!I

"i ? .
* ,; .
-Lb

iS rC <i

5'

162 EARLY MUSIC MAY 1987

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 3'A clearer view of the evolution of the royal chapel's instrumental 48Nasarre, op cit, first part, book 4, pp.458-61
groups may be gathered from a summary of the three rosters 49Ibid, p.459
mentioned (Mp Caja 72, Leg.6, nos.3-5): 50R. P6rez Arroyo, 'El arpa de dos 6rdenes', Revista de musicologia, ii
(1979), p.99; this harp is described in Arroyo's article, at no.5.
51Ibid, pp.94-6; no.2 of the instruments described in this article. I
Instrument 1709 1739 1749
have not had the opportunity of examining personally the two harps
Harp 2 2 - in the Mass6 collection, and therefore cannot add any further
Organists 4 4 3
information to the particulars provided by P6rez Arroyo.
Archlute 1 -- 52Jambou, op cit, p.435
Curtal 4 3 3
53A photograph of this harp is published in N. Zabaleta, 'The harp
(bajones)
in Spain from the 16th to 18th century', Harp News, autumn 1953,
Trumpet 2 3, who should 2
p.2; and H. J. Zingel, Harfenspiel im Barockzeitalter (Regensburg,
(clarines) know how to
1974), pl.x.
play the horn
54Number 4 of the harps described by P6rez Arroyo, op cit, pp.96-9.
(trompas)
Oboe 3 4, who should
55The suggested number of roses-four-is based on the en-
know how to graving found in Ruiz de Ribayaz, op cit, p.104
56The height and width of the leather cover were 189 and 56cm (cf.
play the flute
fn. 14). It is assumed that, besides being an approximate measure-
Fagoto - 1 (first -
ment, the first figure could be the total height of the forepillar.
appearance)
Bowed 7 18 22
instruments
Violin 4 10 12
Violon 3 - -
Viola - 2 4
Cello - 4 3 EARLY MUSIC
Bass violon - 2 3
AUGUST 1987

32J. de Torres y Martinez Lully tercentenary

Bravo,issue Reg
organo, clavicordio y harpa, con solo sab
canto figurado (Madrid, 1702; enlar
Ramillete oloroso: suabes flores de m
MS 2267): an appendix bears the titl
clavicordio y arpa'.
33T. Vicente Tosca, Compendio Mathem
las! materias mas principales de las Ci
(Valencia, 1710)
UNIVE RS ITY OF YORK
34P. de Ulloa, Muisica universal, 0 princ
(Madrid, 1717) Department of Music
35p. Minguet y Yrol, Reglas, y advertencias generales que ensefian el
modo de tafier todos los instrumentos mejores (Madrid, [1754])
36Ibid, f.23
37Ibid, f.2
38A. Rafols, Tratado de la sinfonia (Reus, 1801), p.65
M.A. in Musical Performance
39F. Pedrell, Emporio cientifico e hist6rico de organografia musical
espafiola (Barcelona, 1901), p.90
40Information derives from the 1672 reprint of the Ordenanzas que A new postgraduate course is offered from
los muy ilustres y muy magnificos Sefiores de Granada mandaron guardar October 1987 for graduate and non-graduate
para la buena gobemacion de su republica impresas Jen el] afro de 1552, performers, involving research into style,
f.234.
interpretation and performance practice. This
41Ibid, f.173v
taught course is initially available for students
42No copy of these ordenanzas has surfaced in the archives from
in keyboard, strings, voice and non-Western
Madrid; its existence is known through E. Larruga, Memoriaspoliticas music.
y econ6micas sobre los frutos. comercio, f6bricas y minas de Espafia
(Madrid, 1787), p.217 Students may study on a one-year full-time,
43Madrid, Archivo de Villa, 2A/309/41
two-year part-time or single-term unit basis.
44L. Jambou, 'La lutherie A Madrid a la fin du XVIIeme siecle',
Revista de musicologia, vol.2 (1986), p.440
45Jambou, op cit, pp.434-5
46M. S. Kastner, 'Relations entre la musique instrumentale fran-
9aise et espagnole au XVIe siecle', Anuario Musical, x (1955), pp. 102f Further details available from:
47Mp, 1eg.5.236 (Pablo de Herrera), secci6n administrativa, leg.659 Departmental Secretary (MP6), Department
(Manuel de Vega, Mateo de C6rdoba, Antonio de Zulueta, Francisco
of Music, University of York, Heslington,
de Le6n and Gabriel de Murcia), secci6n administrativa, 1eg.632
(Marcos Jimenez, Antonio de Murcia and Juan de Campos). For
York, YO1 5DD. (Telephone: 0904-430000).
information on Francisco and Eugenio de Campos see Jambou,
op cit.

EARLY MUSIC MAY 1987 163

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