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inscription at the base, I was pleased to be able to inform them that
they were the happy possessors of St. Luke’s arm! In the Dominican
church and adjoining chapels are many interesting monument of
Ragusan citizens, amongst others the tomb of Ghetaldi. There are
many family vaults of the Ragusan nobles with Jure hereditario
inscribed on them; but one slab inscribed in Italian as ‘the Common
Sepulchre of the Confraternity of the Carpenters,’ was peculiarly
interesting as a memorial of the guild-brotherhoods of the old
Artigiani, which formed such a prominent feature in the early history
of the commonwealth.
One may spend days in wandering about Ragusa—exploring her
streets, her churches and monasteries, her palaces, and the private
houses of her citizens—and always lighting on some interesting
memorial of the past. In the meanest houses, in the old walls, in the
pavement beneath your feet, you stumble against fragments of
sculptured marble—waifs from the wreck of Ragusa as she existed
before the earthquake. Of the clean sweep wrought by that terrible
calamity, the streets themselves, laid out at right angles, are an
eloquent witness; and yet it is surprising how many vestiges of the
mediæval city are still to be traced. Not one of the narrow side
streets but has its sculptured doorways and mouldings—its ogee
window-arches, and luxuriant, half classical, half Gothic foliage. Here
and there you pass one of the palaces of the old nobility—the Case
Signorili, as they are called—with the family scutcheon carved over
the portal, and dignified projecting balconies. So marvellous is this
climate that the most beautiful garden and hothouse flowers grow
wherever there is a chink in an old wall. In the narrowest alleys the
stately shadows of bygone magnificence are lighted up by hanging
gardens of scarlet geraniums, golden zinnias, balsams, and fragrant
carnations clinging to the crevices of ancient palaces and houses,
while here and there a vine-spray joins the opposite sides of the
street.
On the landside of the Stradone or high-street the city extends in
terraces on the lower flank of the limestone mountain which
dominates it. The streets here are prolonged flights of steps, of the
usual slippery marble, up which we made our way with difficulty, to
obtain a bird’s-eye view of the city from the upper wall. The view
was well worth the pains. The whole of Ragusa lay below us, circled
on three sides by a sapphire ring of sea. To the north was the fine
rock of Fort Lorenzo, whose very foundations saved the infant
Commonwealth from the Venetians, and, beneath it, the narrow
cove of sea which almost threatens to cut off the land gate of the
city. To the south opened the old port of Ragusa, the haven of the
Argosies; beyond, rose the gardens and convent of the isle of
Lacroma, where Cœur-de-Lion landed, and from whose western
precipices malefactors were cast headlong into the sea in the days of
the Republic. The colours were simply marvellous—the roofs, the
walls, the domes, the campaniles, of the city below, took the rose
and orange hues of a ripe apricot; the sea beyond was of the most
wondrous ultramarine—and Ragusa with her lofty Oriental walls,
rose from its now tranquil bosom like Jerusalem the golden from
some crystal sea above. But it is the smallness of Ragusa that strikes
one almost more than anything. It seems almost impossible to
realize that this little town below should have maintained its
independence for centuries amidst surrounding empires; that the
wealth of what is now Turkey-in-Europe was once hoarded beneath
these closely huddled roofs; that the mightiest carracks of the
Spanish navy sailed forth from this petty haven. Ragusa looks the
mere plaything of the ocean; and indeed they say that in storms the
sea surges up these narrow gorges, and flings its spray right over
the cliff-set walls on to the house-tops within, frosting roofs and
windows with crystalline brine.
Ragusa is still, as ever, a city of asylum. At the present moment a
number of houseless Christian refugees from the Herzegovina have
sought shelter here. A colony of these is domiciled outside the Porta
Plocce, or sea-gate, in some stable-like buildings which once served
as the Lazaretto. On our way there we passed the Turkish market,
where a number of Turks were purchasing salt, corn, and fodder for
the starving troops of the Sultan in the revolted districts.
 The condition in which we found the refugees did great credit to
the hospitality of the Ragusans.[369] We had expected to find a set
of half-starved miserable wretches, clad in rags and worn with
anxiety for absent fathers, husbands, sons. Quite the contrary! They
were well fed; they did not seem at all forlorn, and with their light
white kerchiefs and chemises they presented a picture of cleanliness
which would have put to shame the squalor of many an Italian-
Dalmatian. Among the Bosnian refugees of the Save-lands were to
be seen many able-bodied men. Here it was far otherwise. The
Herzegovinians are made of sterner stuff, and we noticed among the
refugees no boys over thirteen, and no men, except one cripple,
under seventy, and there were few enough even of these. The
women, too, showed something of the spirit of the matrons of old.
They had sold their silver trinkets to buy arms for their husbands.
Most of them were already stripped of the coins with which they love
to bespangle their fez—of the silver brooches of their belt, shaped
like two convolvulus leaves—of the broad girdle studded like an
ephod with rudely cut carnelians, agates, amethysts, and roots-of-
emerald, set like the mediæval gems in the neighbouring Reliquiario.
One woman who still possessed this superb ceinture offered it me
for twenty gulden—rather less than two pounds. The gems came,
she told us, from the Herzegovinian valleys about Nevešinje—she did
not know that the agates and carnelians of these prolific sites were
exported of old to the sea-ports of Roman Dalmatia, there to be set,
as now, in rings and trinkets, and carved with classical devices![370]
Attire so neat and graceful needed not, however, the embellishment
of barbaric jewellery; the bright crimson fez, the light white kerchief
drawn over it and falling about the shoulders in artistic folds, the
dark indigo jacket harmonising with the deep reds and oranges of
the apron—these were amply sufficient to make the little groups
highly picturesque as they sat or leant before their new homes,
plying their spindles most industriously. Little children were playing
before the women—such frank pleasant faces!—many with hair as
fair as ever that of young Angles.
 There were about sixty families on this spot, as we found out on
distributing a small largess of ten kreutzers a family; and there is
another colony of fugitives at Gravosa. The Austrian Government
allows each family on an average twenty kreutzers a day, and the
commune of Ragusa makes up the amount to thirty-six kreutzers—
not more than eightpence of our money, but sufficient to support life
out here. To-day (September 3) there is a three days’ truce between
the Turks and the insurgents, and a proclamation has been issued by
the Turkish governor of the Herzegovina, in which the Pashà
promises full indemnity and freedom from molestation to any of the
refugees who may consent during this period to return home. Very
few, however, have accepted the kind invitation, and for one very
good reason—that they have no homes left them to return to.
We were very anxious to secure some memorial of the fugitives;
so bringing down the photographer of Ragusa to their colony, we
induced the Herzegovinians, by promises of largess, to form a series
of groups. As may be easily imagined, there was great difficulty in
getting them to keep quiet. The children kept moving about, the
women always wanted to set their caps a little differently at the last
moment, and one gentleman was very particular about the posture
of his wooden leg. However, we succeeded at last, and for a glimpse
at the Herzegovinian refugees, as we saw them at Ragusa, I can
refer the reader to the frontispiece of this work.
The turbaned figure to the right of the illustration, and the elegant
damsel with whom he is walking arm in arm, are not refugees, but
peasants from the immediate neighbourhood of Ragusa. The man’s
costume, so closely approaching the Turkish, is an interesting
example of the influence wrought by the peculiar relations in which,
of old, Ragusa stood to the Turks.[371] Nowhere else in Dalmatia
does the costume of the peasant so nearly approach that of the
true-believer. Here we have not only the same jacket and vest with
their gorgeous gold embroidery, the same sash and schalvars, but
even a turban on the head; and were it not for his white stockings
and a certain preference for crimson jackets, the Ragusan peasant
might easily be mistaken for a Moslem. This habit of dress is not
confined to the peasants; it is still to be seen among the servants
and lower classes in Ragusa itself, and was doubtless originally
adopted by the Ragusan merchants to avoid raising the
susceptibilities of the infidels with whom they traded, by appearing
in the garb of a Giaour. In the seventeenth century, as may be
gathered from the relation of an English traveller, the Ragusan
merchant who travelled in Turkey in European costume did so at his
peril. Blunt, who voyaged himself ‘clad in Turkish manner,’ tells us,
[372] in his quaint style, how ‘foure Spahy-Timariots’ met his caravan,
‘where was a Ragusean, a Merchant of quality, who came in at
Spalatra to goe for Constantinople, he being clothed in the Italian
fashion and spruce, they justled him: He not yet considering how the
place had changed his condition, stood upon his termes, till they
with their Axes, and iron Maces (the weapon of that country) broke
two of his ribs, in which case, we left him behinde, halfe dead, either
to get backe as he could, or be devoured of beasts.’
‘If I appeared,’ says Blunt a little farther on, ‘in the least part
clothed like a Christian, I was tufted like an Owle among other birds.’
Be pleased to observe the elegant pose of the Ragusan damsel
who has condescended to visit these unfortunates arm in arm with
our turbaned signior! There is a marked contrast between these
refined peasant gentle-folk—these ‘Nostrani,’ as the Ragusans call all
those who dwell within the limits of the old Republic—and yonder
‘Morlacchi’—the ruder sons and daughters of the Herzegovinian
mountains. Ragusa, even in her days of mourning, has inherited
something of her former civilization; a peculiar refinement, both in
her peasants and citizens, not to be met with anywhere else
throughout these lands, must strike the most unobservant traveller.
Not here the rude stare, the pestering beggary, the meanness and
mendacity—the painful relics of that barbarous Venetian policy which
condemned Dalmatia to perpetual poverty and ignorance. The lion of
St. Mark has never weighed like an incubus on Ragusa. It needs to
have visited Spalato and other Dalmatian cities to appreciate the
extraordinary exception in favour of cleanliness and good manners
that presents itself here.
The language here, not counting the German spoken by the
Austrian soldiery, is partly Italian and partly Sclavonic, but the bulk
of the population speak only Sclavonic. Here you hear the Serbian
language at its best; it, too, seems to have felt the influence of the
literary Italian which was once the official and scholastic language of
the Republic, and falls from the lips of Ragusan citizens with Tuscan
elegance and softness. The two elements of which Dubrovnik-
Ragusa was originally composed, the Serbian and the Roman, blend
to form the typical Ragusan features—now and again separating
themselves in all their individuality. In the streets of Ragusa the
turquoise eyes of the true Sclave peep out often enough from
beneath the raven locks and lashes of the Italian.
Is the time, one asks oneself, to arrive once more when Ragusa
shall take up anew the work for which by her very birth she is so
eminently fitted—will she once more take her place as the pioneer of
South-Sclavonic literature and civilisation? Her ‘gift of tongues,’ her
sober industry, her position, still remain. Though the old haven of
the Argosies has become too small for the leviathans of modern
days, she has at hand in Gravosa the finest harbour on the
Dalmatian coast—the nearest port to the point where the Narenta
debouches on the sea after cleaving a path through the Dinaric Alps
towards the Drina and the commercial basin of the Danube. The old
trade route of Ragusan merchants only waits for the demolition of
artificial barriers to be opened out anew. Already we hear of the
improvement of the navigation of the lower Narenta, and a new
steam service is planned between Stagno and Ragusa.
Ragusa is the natural port of the Illyrian interior—the born
interpreter between the Italian and Sclave. Those only who have
traversed the barbarous lands between the Adriatic and the Save can
adequately realise how intimately the future of Bosnia and
Herzegovina is bound up with the future of Ragusa. The plodding
genius of the Serbs needs to be fanned into energy by these fresh
sea-breezes—their imagination languishes for want of this southern
sunshine!
Here at last, after groping among the primeval shadows of the
mighty beech and pinewoods of the Bosnian midlands, we take our
ease in one of the gorgeous rock-girt coves which beautify the
environs of Ragusa. Overhead are hanging groves and gardens of
rosy oleander, ferny palms, myrtles, and creepers with flame-
coloured trumpets. On the steep, a spiry aloe leans forward,
stretching towards the south; beneath us the cliffs sink precipitously
into the blue-emerald waters—intensified in the deeper pools into a
vinous purple—stretching away to the horizon in marvellous
ultramarine—on either side of the cove, fretting in a silvery line of
foam against walls of orange rock whose natural brilliance is glorified
now into refined gold by the setting sun. This is not the light of
common day!—it stands to it as some gorgeous mediæval blazoning
to a modern chromo-lithograph. It dazzles our dull northern eyes.
We are on the borders of another world. We catch an inspiration of
the South. The waters of the next sea-bosom lap the ruins of
Hellenic Epidaurus.
But the gold on the rocks melts into more sombre browns and
greys; the western steeps of the cove lose their outlines in vague
shadow; the intense azure of sea and sky dies into a dark sapphire;
the plashing of the waves below asserts itself in tones more solemn
with the gathering twilight, and the darkness deepens into night.
 FOOTNOTES
[1] This is not the place to discuss the question of earlier
Sclavonic immigrations.
[2] De Administrando Imperio, capp. xxx., xxxi., xxxii.
[3] Chorvat, one of the supposed Croatian leaders, is evidently
the eponymus of the whole race of Croats, whose own name for
themselves, Charvati or Hrvati, seems to signify ‘mountaineers,’
and to be connected with the name of the Carpathian mountains,
and the Carpi of Roman historians. Hilferding points out that of
the names of Chorvat’s four brothers, as given by Constantine
Porphyrogenitus, two are equivalent in meaning to ‘Delay’ or
‘Tarrying,’ and Chorvat’s two sisters bear the Sclavonic names of
‘Joy’ and ‘Sorrow.’ The names are perhaps allegorical of the
gradual character of their conquests, and of defeats sustained as
well as victories won.
[4] This seems to me far more probable than the poetic
derivation of Župa from the same word in the sense of ‘sunny
land.’
[5] Presbyteri Diocleatis, Regnum Slavorum (in Lucius, De
Regno Dalmatiæ et Croatiæ, libri sex. Amst: 1676: p. 291.)
[6] See Codex Diplomaticus Regni Croatiæ, Dalmatiæ et
Slavoniæ, p. 188 (u Zagrebu, 1874). Sub Anno 1100. The seven
Bans appear in the following order:—1, the Ban of Croatia; 2, the
Ban of Bosnia; 3, of Slavonia; 4, of Posega; 5, Podravia; 6,
Albania; 7, Syrmia.
[7] According to the Presbyter of Dioclea, Basil subdued the
whole of Bosnia, Rascia, and Dalmatia, including what is now
Herzegovina. But this subjection, if it was ever effected, must
have been of the most temporary character. From 1018 to 1076
the diadem of the Croatian Prince was received from Byzantium.
[8] The allied Serbian troops, under Dobroslav and Niklas,
overwhelmed the army of Michael the Paphlagonian’s general in
the gorge of Vranja in Zenta, and, subsequently, that of Michael
the Logothete, Governor of Durazzo under Constantine
Monomachus, in the defiles between Cattaro and the lake of
Scutari, which form at present the heart of Montenegro. See
Maximilian Schimek’s Politische Geschichte des Königreichs
Bosnien und Rama. Wien, 1787, p. 21.
[9] See p. 317. Perhaps this stream once formed the boundary
of Croatia in this direction. Evidently the name must first have
been applied to Bosnia by Dalmatian borderers. The name Rama
at first comprised the territory between this river and the Adriatic.
[10] Hilferding, Serben und Bulgaren, p. 150.
[11] The Ban Borić. The passages relating to Bosnia in
Cinnamus are in his Historiar. lib. iii. c. 7 and 19.
[12] See pp. 220, 241, 403.
[13] At Novibrdo, in Serbia, the most flourishing of the Saxon
colonies, spoken of rapturously by an old Serbian writer as ‘a city
of silver and gold,’ the Teutonic word for ‘Burgher’ became
naturalised, and a letter of the Ragusans is extant addressed in
1388 to the Captain and Burghers, Kefalii i Purgarom, of the
town. See Jireček, Gesch. der Bulgaren, p. 401.
[14] See the Synodic ‘written in the Bulgarian language by
command of the Czar Boris in the year 1210,’ a translation of
which from the original manuscript is given by the Russian
historian Hilferding (in the German translation of his History of
the Serbs and Bulgarians, part i. p. 118).
[15] Excerpted in Sam. Andreæ, Disquisitio de Bogomilis.
[16] Recent Sclavonic writers accept the Bulgarian traditions as
to the Pope Bogomil; but they seem to me not to allow sufficient
weight to Byzantine evidence. It is right, however, to note that
‘Bogomil’ is a possible Bulgarian personal name, and exactly
answers, as Jireček observes, to the German ‘Gottlieb.’ It is
remarkable that the heretics never called themselves Bogomiles,
but simply ‘Christians,’ as did the Patarenes and Albigensians of
the West. By the orthodox Sclaves they were called Bogomiles,
Babuni, Manicheji, and in Bosnia also Patareni, and, apparently
from a corrupted form of that word, Potur.
[17] According to the Armenian Chronicle of Acogh’ig (iii. 20-
22) the Czar Samuel himself embraced the Manichæan religion.
According to the legend of St. Vladimir his son Gabriel and his
wife were Bogomiles. See Hilferding, op. cit.
[18] Cited in Hilferding, op. cit.
 [19] Alexiados, lib. xv.
[20] Though she afterwards admits that the heresy had
infected high families.
[21] One, Slovo na Eretiki, against the heretics; and the other,
Slovo o Cerkovnom Cinu, on church government. The works of
Cosmas are the only monuments of Bulgarian literature dating
from the epoch of Czar Samuel. The passages relating to the
Bogomiles are excerpted in Hilferding.
[22] Hilferding, op. cit. i., identifies this original sect with a
division of the Bogomiles known as ‘The Church of Dregovišce,’
and the later with ‘the Church of Bulgaria.’ These two Churches
are among the thirteen Churches of the Cathari reckoned by the
Italian Reniero Sacconi, a renegade member of that sect, in the
thirteenth century. The two divisions are traceable in the Western
heresies.
[23] The statements of Cosmas with reference to the existence
of these dualistic tenets among the Bogomiles are attested by the
‘Synodic of Czar Boris,’ already referred to; by Euthymius
Zygabenus, Panoplia; and, as regards the Bogomiles of Bosnia, by
Raphael of Volaterræ, Geographia; and by the recent researches
of Raški.
[24] Euthymius Zygabenus, Panoplia.
[25] It is remarkable that the only Bogomilian version of the
Gospels which has been preserved, a Bosnian Codex written in
1404, contains, in spite of its late date, most primitive forms of
speech; proving the care with which the Bogomiles copied from
their older manuscripts. See Daničic’s account of the Bosnian
Chval Codex in the Starine of the South-Sclavonic Academy, III.
1-146. Cited by Jireček, op. cit. p. 177.
[26] τελειοῦν.
[27] Cosmas, corroborated by the ‘Synodic’ and Harmenopulos.
[28] For their aversion to the cross see also Euthymius,
Panoplia, Anna Comnena, and Harmenopulos. See also p. 176.
[29] Cosmas. Their aversion to images, churches, and a
hierarchy, is borne out by the testimony of Euthymius and Anna
Comnena.
[30] So too Anna Comnena and Euthymius.
[31] Rački (in Jireček, op. cit.)
 [32] Thus Pope Gregory XI. writes in 1376: ‘Cum Bosnenses
uxores accipiant cum condicione, si eris bona, et intentione
dimittendi, quando sibi videbitur’ (MS. of the South Sclavonic
Academy, cited in Jireček, op. cit. p. 183).
[33] Cosmas is again slanderous when he says that the
Bogomiles begged from door to door.
[34] Jireček, op. cit. p. 180.
[35] Jireček, op. cit. p. 181.
[36] So Cosmas, ‘At the fifth time, however, they have the door
open.’ According to Euthymius, who also bears witness to the
Paternoster being their only form, they prayed five times during
the day and seven at night. Euthymius (see also Epiphanius) says
that they prayed also to demons to avert evil, and that Basilius,
their heresiarch, declared that in their gospels was the text,
‘Worship demons, not that they may do good to you, but that
they may not do you harm.’ On this charge of devil-worship,
however even Cosmas is silent.
[37] This is illustrated by the missionary work of St. Sava in
that century. At the end of the ninth century the Narentines,
living in the immediate neighbourhood of Spalato and Ragusa,
the two focuses of Roman Christianity, were still unconverted, and
their country, according to Constantine Porphyrogenitus, was still
known as Pagania. See p. 367. How much more must this have
been the case with the inland districts of Bosnia!
[38] I find that this explanation of the rapid advance of the
Manichæan heresy among the Sclaves has suggested itself, quite
independently, to Herr Jireček in his recent history. He says
(Gesch. der Bulgaren, p. 175): ‘Es war für Bogomil keine schwere
Aufgabe, das unlängst erst dem Heidenthüme entrückte Volk für
eine Glaubenslehre zu gewinnen, welche, gleich dem alten
slawischen Mythus von den Bosi und Bêsi, lehrt, dass es zweierlei
höhere Wesen gebe, nämlich einen guten und einen bosen Gott.’
Herr Jireček, however, seems to forget that Armenian
missionaries were at work in Bulgaria considerably before even
the reputed date of Bogomil. If we remember that at the time
when Manichæism first sought a footing among the Bulgarians a
great part of the nation was still pagan, these considerations
become still more cogent.
[39] See Schimek, Pol. Gesch. des Königreichs Bosnien u.
Rama, p. 36.
 [40] This is Hilferding’s conclusion.
[41] Or Spalato. Ragusa also laid claim to be the Metropolitan
Church of Bosnia in Culin’s time.
[42] Culin had married a sister of Stephen Némanja of Serbia,
whose Bogomilian opinions were notorious before her marriage.
See Schimek, op. cit. p. 48.
[43] This we learn from a letter of the Apostolic Legate of
Alexander III., then in Dalmatia, directed ‘Nobili et potenti viro
Culin Bano Bosniæ.’ The Legate writes to say that he is in very
good favour with the Pontiff; that he would like for himself a
couple of slaves and a pair of martens’ skins; and ‘if you have
anything to signify to the Pontiff we will benignantly listen to it.’
(!)
[44] Farlati, Episcopi Bosnenses. (In his Illyricum Sacrum, t. iv.
p. 45.)
[45] The German word ‘Ketzer’ is derived from ‘Cathari,’
another name for the sect.
[46] As an example of the doctrinal identity of the Bogomilian
and Albigensian creeds, I may be allowed to recall a few main
features of the heresy about Toulouse as they struck the Roman
Inquisitors in 1178. The heretics, we are told, declared that there
were two Principles: one Good Spirit, who had created invisible
things alone, and only those that were not susceptible of change
and corruption; the other Evil, who had created the sky, earth,
man, and all things visible. That the sacramental bread and wine
were not transubstantiated into the body and blood of Christ.
That they rejected priests, monks, bishops, and sacerdotalism
generally. That churches were an abomination to them. That the
laying on of hands, and that, on adults, was the only true
baptism. As to marriage—‘virum cum uxore non posse salvari si
alter alteri debitum reddat.’ That beggars deserved no alms. That
they made use of the vernacular in their prayers: they were so
ignorant of Latin ‘that they could not speak a couple of words.’ ‘It
was necessary,’ says the Cardinal of St. Chrysogonus, ‘to
condescend to their ignorance, and to speak of the sacraments of
the Church, though this was sufficiently absurd, in the vulgar
tongue.’ Their preachers seem to have styled themselves, in the
figurative language common to the Bogomiles as well, ‘Angels of
Light.’ The Abbot of Clairvaux states that one of them, doubtless
in the same figurative sense, called himself John the Baptist. This
man, their chief leader, was an aged man, who presided at the
nocturnal prayer-meetings of the sectaries, clad in a tunic or
dalmatic. See Roger of Hoveden’s Chronicle, (Prof. Stubbs’s
edition, in the Rolls Series, vol. ii. p. 153, &c.)
[47] Of the two divisions of the original Bulgarian Church, that
of Dragoviče, with its more uncompromising dualism, was
followed in the West by the Churches of Toulouse and Albano on
the Lake of Garda. The other Western Churches accepted the
modified monotheism of what was known as ‘The Bulgarian
Church’ par excellence. This was in the thirteenth century. At an
earlier period, however, the absolute dualism of the Dragovician
Church had triumphed at the heretical Council of St. Felix de
Caraman, near Toulouse. See Jireček, op. cit. p. 213.
[48] ‘Patarenes,’ the name by which the Bogomiles of Bosnia
and other Sclavonic lands are always called by Roman writers,
was derived from ‘Pataria,’ a suburb of Milan where heresy first
raised its head in Italy.
[49] Jireček, loc. cit. The Armenian influence on Bulgaria and
Bosnia, and the Bogomilian influence on the West, is connected
with the spread of a curious heretical literature, derived from
Oriental sources; of phantastic Apocrypha and spurious Gospels,
as well as of works of Oriental magic, which, disseminated by the
more corrupt adherents of the sect, entered into the mediæval
mythology of the West, and have still left their traces on its
folklore as well as on that of the Russians, Bulgarians, and Serbs.
Jireček cites, among other such works, the favourite Bulgarian
legend of St. John Bogoslov, containing a vision of the Dies iræ,
which was brought from Bulgaria in 1170 by Nazarius, bishop of
the Upper Italian Patarenes, and translated by him into Latin.
Another such work is the account of the wanderings of the
Mother of God in hell; but perhaps the most interesting of all, and
one which in its origin seems to be almost purely Sclavonic, is the
account—reflecting the primitive Sclavonic custom of the
‘Pobratimstvo’—of how the Sirmian Emperor, Probus, made Christ
his sworn brother.
[50] Radulphi de Coggeshale, Chronicon Anglicanum (in the
Rolls Series, p. 121, &c.) The name ‘Publicani,’ by which the Essex
chronicler alludes to them, is a common name for the Bogomiles
in the West, and is, of course, a corruption of Pauliciani, or,
perhaps, of a Sclavonic form of that word. The heretics seem to
have spread to England from Flanders, where they were much
oppressed by the Count. From the fragmentary details which
Ralph has given us, they seem to have preserved their Bogomilian
faith in a very pure form. They believed in the Two Principles and
the evilness of matter, rejected Purgatory, prayers for the dead,
invocation of saints, infant baptism, and accepted no scriptures
but the Gospels and Canonical Epistles. Some went so far as to
charge them (as Euthymius had done long before) with praying to
Lucifer in their subterranean meeting-houses. They were
‘rusticani,’ and therefore not amenable to the argument of
authority; by which, I suppose, the preference of the early
Protestants for the vulgar tongue is alluded to. They observed a
vegetable diet, and condemned marriage. From a shameless
relation of Gervase of Tilbury which Ralph reports, it appears that
there were holy women of the sect under vows of perpetual
chastity. Gervase himself, a clerk of the Archbishop of Rheims,
coolly related to his monkish friend, who chronicled the story with
pleasing gusto, how, having failed to seduce a beautiful country
girl, he perceived her heresy, accused her successfully of being a
‘Publican’ before the Inquisition, and feasted his eyes with her
dying agonies at the stake. Girl though she was, she died without
a groan, ‘instar,’ as even the monk cannot refrain from adding,
‘martyrum Christi (sed dissimili causa) qui olim pro Christiana
religione a paganis trucidabantur.’ The tragedy, even as told by
Ralph, is of an intense pathos, and deserves immortalising. How
beautiful is that innocence and how unutterable the villainy which
provokes an under-current of humanity even in a monkish
narrator! After relations like this, the conduct of Henry II. to the
Oxford ‘Publicans’ will appear almost merciful: he merely gave
orders that they should be branded on the forehead with a red-
hot key and thrust forth from the city, and that nobody should
give them food or shelter. The notices of the Publicani,
Albigenses, and other Bogomilian sects who gained a footing in
England, both by way of Flanders and Guienne, never seem to
have attracted the attention they deserve from English historians.
Yet the hatred born by the orthodox against these Bulgarian
intruders has added a word of reproach to the language.
[51] Nor is this the place to enquire how far, in the Languedoc
at all events, the spread of these doctrines may have been aided
by survivals of an earlier Gnosticism. What, for example, became
of those Gnostici who had established themselves in the end of
the fourth century in Spain and parts of the south of Gaul? (See
Sulpicius Severus, Sacræ Historiæ, lib. ii.)
 [52] By means of two merchants of Zara, Matthew and
Aristodius, who brought the Patarene doctrines from Bosnia to
Spalato. Thomas Archidiaconus, c. 24, quoted in Wilkinson’s
Dalmatia.
[53] With the exception of the Croats, who perhaps hardly
came under the denomination of Balkan Sclaves.
[54] Hist. Maj. ad annum 1223 (Rolls Series, vol. iii. p. 78); and
compare Ralph of Coggeshale’s account (Rolls Series, p. 195).
Jireček (op. cit p. 214) refers to a diploma of Innocent IV. in
1244, which reveals an intercourse between Bosnia and the
Waldenses he cites Palacky and Brandl in the Čas. matice
moravské, 1, 2.
[55] His residence is fixed as ‘on the borders of the Hungarians
and between the limits of Bulgaria, Croatia, and Dalmatia,’ which
indicates the position of Bosnia with sufficient exactitude.
[56] The style of Bartholomew, the vicar of the Roman
antipope, was, according to Matthew Paris, ‘servus servorum
sanctæ fidei;’ according to Ralph of Coggeshale, ‘servus servorum
hospitalis sanctæ fidei.’ Ralph writes ‘Poios’ instead of ‘Porlos.’
[57] Raynaldus, Annal. Eccles. sub anno 1233.
[58] The Prince himself is described as ‘King of the Ruthenians,
and Ban of Sclavonia.’ See Farlati, op. cit. and Spicilegium
Observationum Historico-Geographicarum de Bosniæ Regno,
Lugd. Bat. 1737.
[59] Yet the historian of Latin Christianity might have spared a
line to chronicle the struggles and sufferings of these early
Protestants of Bosnia, to whom even the cultured sons of
Provence turned for spiritual guidance.
[60] Raynaldus, Annal. Eccles. s. a. 1238.
[61] Raynaldus, s. a. 1246. Ninosclav had succeeded Zibisclav
as Ban.
[62] Farlati, Episcopi Bosnenses.
[63] Under the Franciscan ‘Vicar of Bosna’ we now read of the
following Custodiæ, viz. Dulmna, Greben, Bosna Civitas, Ussora,
Machovia, Bulgaria, Corvinum, and Rascia.
[64] Farlati, Ep. Bosn.
 [65] Waddingus, Annales Minorum (Ed. Fonsecæ), tom. vii.
sub. anno 1325.
[66] Presbyter Cosmas. Just the same account of the apparent
innocence of the Bogomiles appears in Euthymius: ‘They bid
those who listen to their doctrines to keep the commandments of
the gospel, and to be meek and merciful, and of brotherly love.
Thus they entice men on by teaching all good things and useful
doctrine, but they poison by degrees and draw to perdition.’
[67] Anonym. Acutheanus (in Farlati).
[68] Raynaldus, Annal. Eccles. sub anno 1369. The Franciscan
Mission had complained to the Pope of Tvartko the same year, as
protector of the Patarenes and ‘persecutor of that true son of the
Church,’ his brother, Stephen Wuk. In 1370 the Pope writes to the
bishops of Ragusa, Spalato, and ‘Dirrhachio’ to put the Patarenes
under ban. In 1372, from a letter of Pope Gregory XI. to the Vicar
of the Minorites in Bosnia, we learn that, in view of the
continuance of the heresy in Bosnia, Rascia, ‘Bassarat,’ and the
neighbouring regions, he granted them many privileges of
building religious houses in those countries; ‘Bourich, belonging
to the noble Nicolas de Altomanich’ in Rascia, and the ‘Contrata
de Glas’ in the dominion of the King of Hungary, being specified.
Waddingus, Annales Minorum, sub anno 1372.
[69] Farlati, Ep. Bosn.
[70] Waddingus, Annales Minorum, tom. xiii. sub anno 1462.
[71] See Farlati, Ep. Bosn.; and Spicilegium, &c. de Regno
Bosniæ.
[72] Raynaldus, Annal. Eccles. sub anno 1450.
[73] Laonicus, de Rebus Turc. lib. x.; Gobelinus, lib. ii.; and
Johannes Leunclavius. The Sultan is said to have made use of the
authority of the captured king to obtain the seventy cities, but the
account given of the betrayal of Bobovac shows that the
Bogomiles were the real cause of the quick submission.
[74] I have already noticed the early branching off of a
Bogomilian church which rejected Dualism pure and simple. Herr
Jireček remarks this compromising tendency, and observes that
an Italian adherent of the sect, Giovanni di Lugio, taught the real
humanity of Christ and accepted the Old Testament: while others
conceded free will.
 [75] Waddingus, Annales Minorum, sub anno 1478. There is
also a curious passage in Raphael of Volaterra, who appears to
have written his Geographia towards the end of the fifteenth
century. He says (Geog. p. 244, ed. Lyons, 1599), ‘In Bosnia,
Rascia, and Serbia the sect of the Manichees is still followed.
They say there are two Principia Rerum—one good, one evil. Nor
do they acknowledge the Roman Pope, nor Christ “Omousion.”
They have monasteries (cœnobia) in hidden mountain valleys,
where go matrons who have escaped from certain diseases.’
These matrons say that for a certain period they act as menials to
holy men in accordance with a vow: ‘Atque ita inter monachos
mixtæ una vivunt; quæ quidem labes adhuc durat.’
[76] Besides the evidence on this point which I have gathered
from other sources, I may notice a most interesting allusion to
the Bogomiles or Patarenes who had turned renegades, and a
direct testimony that they went over wholesale to Islâm, in J.
Bapt. Montalbano, Rerum Turcarum Commentarius, written
certainly before the year 1630 (when it was published in the
Elzevir Turci Imperii Status). After mentioning the Catholic
inhabitants, the writer goes on to say, ‘Est aliud eo in regno (sc.
Bosnæ) hominum genus Potur appellatum, qui neque Christiani
sunt, neque Turcæ, circumciduntur tamen, pessimique habentur.’
‘Potur’ is evidently a Sclavonised form of Patarene. The writer
goes on to say of these ‘Poturs’ that they, ‘to the number of many
thousand,’ offered to renegade from the Christian faith to that of
Mahomet if Sultan Soliman would grant them indemnity, and
release them from tribute. Soliman, says the writer (a Bolognese
Doctor), thereupon doubled their tribute, and enrolled their
children among the Janissaries, and ‘hence they are despised by
both Turks and Christians.’ But this whole account evidently bears
witness to the wholesale renegation of the Bogomiles. Further on
the same writer, who had visited the country, bears witness to the
continuance of Protestantism in Turkish Bosnia in the sixteenth
century. ‘Eos inter,’ says he, of the inhabitants, ‘Calvinistæ
Arrianique multi.’
[77] I am indebted for this fact to Mr. W. J. Stillman, the
excellent correspondent of the Times in the Herzegovina, who
gives an account of these refugees in a letter from Ragusa dated
Oct. 19, 1875, which I may be allowed to quote as illustrating the
more recent sufferings of this interesting sect, and the sad case
of the Christian refugees of Bosnia and the Herzegovina generally.
‘The people of Popovo were tranquilly engaged in their fields and
houses, when the troops—Regulars and Bashi-Bazouks—came up;
the latter killed the first they came upon where they found them
(one of them, the brother of a villager who had appealed
successfully to the Pashà at Trebinje against the extortions of the
Agas some months ago, being cut to pieces alive), and all the rest
fled in panic. The good curé of Ossonich is doing all he can for
them; but there are only eighty-five houses in this village, and he
has 2,125 souls of the Popovites on his register for succour. Of
these 300 were out on the mountain-side on the night of the
worst storm we have had this season. One woman with a new-
born babe was so exhausted in her flight that she went to sleep,
sitting on a rock nursing her child, fell off in her sleep, and was
found by one of the other peasants next morning still sleeping,
with her babe at her bosom, in a pool of water which had fallen
during the storm. The curé tells me that these people are mainly
Bogomilites, remains of an ancient sect once widely spread in
Bosnia and identical with the Albigenses.’ I observe that Jireček,
quoting Kosanović (Glasnik 29, (1871), 174), alludes to a rumour
that in the valley of the Narenta and near Creševo, ‘there are still
Christians who neither submit to Franciscans, nor Popes, nor
Imâms, but govern themselves according to old traditions, which
an Elder delivers to the rest.’ I hope at some future period to be
able to say more on the present state of the Bogomiles.
[78] See p. 214. There seems, however, to be some
discrepancy as to dates. According to Schimek (op. cit. p. 76),
Czar Dūshan only annexed Bosnia in 1347, whereas the date of
the Armorial is 1340. The Ban, Stephen Kotromanović, retained a
small part of his dominions on the Hungarian frontier. Dūshan
placed the rest under the despot Lazar of Rascia. On Dūshan’s
death in 1355 the Ban recovered the whole of Bosnia, including a
part of Serbia beyond the Drina and the grave of St. Sava at
Mileševo, where he built a Franciscan Monastery, and where he
himself was buried in 1357.
[79] Spicilegium, &c., De Bosniæ Regno, p. 51; Farlati, Ep.
Bosn. &c. Schimek (op. cit. p. 84).
[80] Henceforth he is generally known as Stephen Myrza.
[81] Thoemmel, Vilajet Bosnien, p. 12.
[82] For an account of the collection of Bishop Strossmayer I
am entirely indebted to Canon Liddon, who visited Diakovar in the
summer of this year. As a slight monument of mediæval art in
Bosnia I may refer the reader to the Great Seal of King Tvartko
III. engraved on the title-page of this book.
[83] See p. 384 for the Župa Canawlovska and the Roman
aqueduct from which it derived its name. Tribunja or Terbunja is,
of course, Trebinje, the Roman Terbulium.
[84] Jireček (op. cit. p. 338), who brings out clearly the
prominent part played by King Tvartko in the last great South-
Sclavonic struggle against the Turks.
[85] Rački, Pokret na Slavenskom jugu, koncem XIV. i
pocetkom XV. stolieca (cited in Jireček, loc. cit.)
[86] The English reader will find a full and graphic account of
the battle of Kóssovo Polje (or the field of Thrushes) in The
Slavonic Provinces of Turkey in Europe, by G. Muir Mackenzie and
A. P. Irby, ch. xv. Some extracts from some of the Servian Pjesme
on this subject are translated by Sir John Bowring in his Servian
Popular Poetry. There is also an interesting account of the battle
in Knolles’ Turkish History, 1610, which shows how great was
already the poetic influence on the story. ‘The brightness of the
Armor and Weapons,’ writes our English historian, ‘was as it had
been the Lightning, the multitude of Launces and other
horsemen’s staves shadowed the light of the Sun. Arrows and
darts fell so fast that a man would have thought they had poured
down from Heaven. The noise of the Instruments of War, with the
neighing of Horses and outcries of men was so terrible and great
that the wild Beasts of the mountains stood astonied therewith;
and the Turkish Histories, to express the terror of the day (vainly
say) that the Angels of Heaven amazed with that hideous noise
for that time forgot the heavenly hymns wherewith they always
glorifie God.’ It is possible that the thunder of cannon was now
heard for the first time in the Balkan peninsula. In 1383 the
Venetians had sold King Tvartko a Falconus.
[87] Zinkeisen, (I. 290) cited in Jireček (op. cit. p. 344).
[88] See p. 106.
[89] Also known as Tvartko II.
[90] See pp. 105, 106.
[91] Spicilegium, &c., De Bosniæ Regno, p. 7.
[92] See deed of Stephen Dabiscia to Goiko Mergnjavić
(translated on p. 223) in return for services performed: ‘Quando
venit Paiasit cum Turcis et stetit in Naglasincis et destruxit
Bosnam.’
[93] According to the Spicilegium he assumed the title Princeps
Bosnæ et dominus Jayczæ. When under Ostoja’s suzerainty he
styled himself ‘Supremus Vayvoda Regni Bosnæ et Vicarius
Regum Vladislai et Ostojæ.’ According to Schimek (op. cit. p. 25)
his land extended from the middle of the vale of Bosna along the
Croatian border.
[94] Stephen assumed the style Liber Princeps et Dominus
Bosnæ, Ussoræ, Salæ atque plurium aliorum locorum, atque
Chelmi Comes.
[95] From him the noble Venetian family of Cozzas derives its
origin.
[96] It seems to me probable that the title accorded by
Frederick was Duke of Primorie (which is now incorporated in the
County of Chelm), and that the name Duke of St. Sava was rather
a popular piecing together of this and his other title of ‘Keeper of
the Sepulchre of St. Sava.’ In 1446 he is called Herzegh Sancti
Sabbæ by the Bosnian king in the account of the Conventus of
Coinica; but if we may judge from the Italian style used by his
son, the refugee duke, he called himself Duke of Primorie.
Stephen Cosaccia’s son calls himself ‘Duca Primorschi, Signor di
Hum, e Guardiano del Sepolchro del beato Sava.’
[97] Herzegovina, the adjectival form of Herzega—literally ‘the
ducal’—land being understood.
[98] Stephen Cosaccia’s father, Sandalj Hranić, in addition to his
original heritage of Chelm, had been ceded lands beyond the
Drina by Ostoja. Stephen himself succeeded in annexing from
Tvartko’s successor the districts of Duvno, Rama, and Ljubuška.
On the other hand Sandalj had parted with Ostrovizza to the
Venetians, and the Župa Kanawlovska to Ragusa. See
L’Herzégovine, Étude Géographique, Historique, et Statistique, par
E. de Sainte-Marie.
[99] For Mostar and its bridge see p. 347, &c.
[100] Schimek (op. cit. p. 100).
[101] This is illustrated by a curious fact. A deed (described by
Schimek, op. cit. p. 117) is still extant in the Imperial Archives at
Vienna, in which King Thomas, in return for services in reconciling
him to his Hungarian suzerain, grants John Hunyadi an annuity of
3000 ducats. In this document, datum in Castro Bobovacz, feria
quarta post festum Pentecostes (3 Junii) An. Dom. 1444, Thomas
still makes use of the seal of his predecessor Tvartko III. A
representation of this seal from Schimek is given on the title-page
of this book.
[102] See p. 307.
[103] Schimek (op. cit. p. 119, note 2), on what authority I
know not, asserts that the Electi omnium comitatuum regni nostri
nobiles, who attended at the ‘Conventus,’ were the Elders of the
Patarene (Bogomilian) clergy, ‘und die Edlen (nobiles) scheinen,
nach der polnischen Art, die Landboten gewesen zu seyn.’
[104] Datum sub castro nostro regali de Bobovatz in oppido
Sutischæ, die xxiv Julii, a.d. 1457 (in Spic. De Bosniæ Regno).
[105] This appears from a curious document, dated that year,
by which King Stephen Thomas engages not to introduce the
Turks into Hungary. ‘Nec iisdem Turcis in tenutis nostris, apud
manus nostras existentibus a Drino usque fluvium Ukrina, vadum
seu navigium præstabimus.’ It does not appear whether these
were actual settlers, or a Turkish garrison quartered on the
dominions of the Bosnian King.
[106] Other accounts make Mahomet disguise himself as a
merchant; others transfer the scene to Jaycze; and, according to
another version, the Bosnian King was not Stephen Thomas, but
his son Tomašević.
[107] Proceres Regni.
[108] Præfecti.
[109] This summons is preserved in the monastery of the Holy
Ghost at Foinica, and is given in Balthasar Kerselich, De Regnis
Dalmatiæ, Croatiæ, Sclavoniæ, notitiæ præliminares, Zagrab, s.
a. In my first edition I had followed the wrong chronology of
Farlato and referred it to Stephen Thomas, but there can be no
doubt that it is, as Schimek points out, the act of Tomašević.
[110] Schimek (op. cit. p. 144).
[111] Variously described as Radovil Večinćić, Radić, Radac,
and, in latinised forms, Radazes and Rastizes.
[112] For the fall of the Bosnian kingdom and the Banat of
Jaycze I have compared the accounts of Johannes Leunclavius,
Laonicus, De Reb. Turc, lib. x.; Gobelinus, lib. ii.; Isthvanfius, and
Bonfinius.
[113] A few towns on the Bosna and Save, where, as nearer
Hungary, the strength of the Bogomilian malcontents would be
weakest, are said (Schimek, op. cit. p. 109) to have resisted, but
were soon reduced by the Beg Omer from Thessaly, and laid
waste with fire and sword.
[114] Schimek beheads Tomašević at Blagai after the
Herzegovinian campaign.
[115] So too in the Languedoc the strength of the heretics
seems to have lain with the industrial population of the times,
and one of the names applied to them, Tisserands, shews that
they made many converts among the weavers. This illustrates
what I have already noticed, the connexion between Bogomilian
propagandism and commercial intercourse. It is interesting to
notice that the Bogomiles who still survive in the district of
Popovo have retained certain mechanic arts that have died out
among the rest of the Bosnian and Herzegovinian population.
[116] Including Ragatica, Cernica, Kecka, and Michiac.
[117] The Venetians at different times succeeded in extending
their dominion over parts of Herzegovina. The coast-land
(Primorie), including Macarska, Castelnuovo, &c., passed
definitely into their hands in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, to become at a later period the inheritance of Austria.
The Venetians at one time extended their suzerainty over the
Popovo Polje, Gacko and Piva. In 1694 their Proveditor-General in
Dalmatia, Delfino, took Gabella Citluk (Počitelj); and their general,
Marcello, pursued the Seraskier to Nevešinje. At this time the
Christian inhabitants of the districts of Trebinje, Popovo, Klobuć,
and Grahovo (i.e. of much the same area as that of the latest
Herzegovinian outbreak) rose against the Pashàs and Agas, and
the Mussulman inhabitants. By the peace of Carlovitz in 1699 the
Herzegovinian towns of Citluk, Gabella, Cattaro, Castelnuovo, and
Risano, with Knin and Zengg and other places, were left in the
hands of the Venetians; and the only remaining strips of
Herzegovinian coast-land, the narrow enclaves of Klek and
Sutorina, were left to the Turks by English influence and Ragusan
precaution, which feared Venetian contact.
[118] The Duke’s son.
 [119] Possibly rather restored. A convent and royal residence
(the two were generally combined by the Sclavonic princes) had
certainly existed at Sutisca much earlier, and as far back as 1278
a Ban, Stephen Kotromanović, dates a diploma ‘from our palace
of “Suttisca.”’ The convent reared by the pious Thomas and his
Queen was destroyed by the Turks, but the Franciscans obtained
permission to rebuild it, and set a great cross there, which
according to their own account (Relation of Bosnian Monks in
Farlati) was made by St. Bernardin, ‘and is most formidable to
demons and drives off airy tempests.’ Perhaps it acted as a
lightning-conductor.
[120] This account is taken from the relation of Bosnian monks
‘On the Present State of Bosnia,’ supplied to Farlati in 1769. I
have assumed above that the picture of King Thomas still exists.
[121] Her mother was Helena Comnena, wife of Stephen
Cosaccia.
[122] Waddingus, Annales Minorum, sub anno 1475.
[123] Waddingus, op. cit. sub anno 1478.
[124] See frontispiece to this Historical Review of Bosnia. I
have copied my illustration of the monument of Queen Catharine,
from a representation of it as existing in 1677, in Alphonsi
Ciacconii Vitæ et Res Gestæ Pontificum Romanorum et S. R. E.
Cardinalium ab Augustino Oldoino recognitæ, &c., tom. iii. col. 41
(Romæ, 1677). I do not know whether the monument is still
existent.
[125] Ciacconius, loc. cit.
[126] Foinica also appears to have belonged to Mathias. See
the interesting diploma of 1469, by which he cedes it to Tomko
Mergnjavić, given on p. 224.
[127] Niklas Ujlak was made titulary king, and assumed the
style Nicolaus Dei Gracia Rex Bosniæ. See diploma of 1464, given
by Kerczelich, Histor. Eccl. Zagrab. cap. xiii. p. 183 (cited by
Schimek). With Nicklas’ death even the titulary kingship of Bosnia
died out, and his son, in a diploma of 1492, styles himself simply
Dux Boznæ.
[128] Literally ‘a little egg,’ the diminutive of ‘Jaje,’ an egg.
[129] Waddingus, sub anno 1478.
[130] See p. 115.
 [131] Kraljevo Polje, perhaps ‘Field’ in the old English sense,
would be a better rendering of Polje. According to one account, it
was the scene of the execution of the last king of Bosnia.
[132] Tormenta Curulia.
[133] J. Bapt. Montalbano, Rerum Turcicarum Commentarius,
s.v. Bosnæ Regnum.
[134] A very interesting account of ‘the War in Bosnia,’ during
the years 1737-9, has been left us by a native Bosnian historian,
Omer Effendi, of Novi, which was printed by Ibrahim in Turkish,
and was translated into English by C. Fraser, and published by the
‘Oriental Translation Fund’ in 1830.
[135] Thoemmel, Vilajet Bosnien.
[136] Of course there are plenty of accounts of border warfare
carried on between Bosnian Pashàs and Agas and the Imperialists
and Venetians, many of which have been collected by Schimek,
whose work—which professes to be a political history of Bosnia—
is absolutely silent as to the inner relations of the province for the
last two centuries of Bosnian history after the conquest, which he
professes to describe. A more confused and purposeless tissue of
wars and rumours of wars it is impossible to conceive. The
difficulty of obtaining trustworthy materials for the history of
Bosnia after the Turkish conquest has led me to confine my
sketch of this period to a few general remarks. I hope to discuss
the subject more fully at some future opportunity.
[137] J. Bapt. Montalbano, loc. cit. The writer had visited
Bosnia, apparently in the days of the Banat of Jaycze.
[138] See p. lxxx.
[139] To this westward and northward immigration of Serbs
and Rascians I am inclined to attribute the peculiarity of many of
the Bosnian Piesme, the half mythical heroes of which are taken
rather from the history of the Serbs proper than of the Bosnians.
[140] Die letzten Unruhen in Bosnien (translated into English by
Mrs. Alexander Kerr, and published in Bohn’s series).
[141] I am indebted to Canon Liddon for this valuable
information. On such occasions the bishop generally takes his text
from the Sermon on the Mount.
[142] M. de Ste. Marie.
 [143] Ami Boué. In corroboration of this I may cite the
testimony of an English traveller, Edmund Spencer:—‘While
attending the Parliamentary debates of the Skuptchina, I was
much struck with the self-possessed, dignified air of the almost
unlettered orators, who were earnest without violence,
impassioned without intemperance, depending rather on the force
of their arguments than the strength of their lungs and theatrical
gesticulations, to win the attention of their auditors. The Serbs
resemble us in more than one particular: they have the same
dogged resolution, the same love of fair play, the same
detestation of the use of the knife, together with no
inconsiderable portion of that mixture of the aristocratic and
democratic in their character which so especially distinguishes the
Anglo-Saxon race.’ The last remark is now peculiarly applicable to
the Bosnian branch of the Serbs.
[144] M. Yriarte, Bosnie et Herzégovine, p. 245.
[145] Franz Maurer, ‘Reise durch Bosnien, die Saveländer und
Ungarn.’ Berlin, 1870, p. 45.
[146] See Brachet, ‘Dictionnaire Etymologique de la Langue
Française,’ and Wedgewood’s ‘Dictionary of English Etymology.’
[147] See, for instance, the Croat man in the engraving on p.
4.
[148] The Italian Testo, the Spanish Tjesto, and French Têt,
came rather from the Latin Testum; while Testa, among the
Romance population of Gaul, supplied the word for a head, tête.
But in East Europe Testa does not seem to have developed this
secondary meaning, as the Wallacks use Cap (Caput) for ‘head;’
and therefore Testa may still have retained its sense of ‘a pot.’
[149]

‘Fistula cui semper decrescit arundinis ordo,

Nam calamus cera jungitur usque minor.’—Tibullus II. v. 31.

[150] This, however, may be connected with the Croatian word

Fuk, which is used to express the howling of the wind, the
whirring of birds’ wings and other sounds, and can hardly be a
derivative from Fistula.
[151] γαμήλιον αὔλημα. See Chappell, ‘History of Music,’ vol. i.
p. 277.
[152] Chappell, loc. cit. p. 301.
 [153] See Diez, Etymologisches Wörterbuch der romanischen
Sprachen.
[154] Venice strove to make the connection political; from 1115
to 1358 a.d. her Doges maintained the title of Dukes of Croatia.
[155] Vuk Karadjić was not a Croat, but a Serb.
[156] Called by Germans and Germanizers, Carlstadt.
[157] Thus our forefathers knew the Romans as Rom-Weallas.
Wales and Welsh still preserve their name for Roman Britain and
its inhabitants. The Romance population of the Netherlands is
known as Walloon. Italy is still Welschland to the German. It is,
however, quite wrong to suppose, as good writers do, that the
Wallacks got their name from a German population. They
certainly were first called Vlach by their Sclavonic borderers.
Vlach is also said to be Sclavonic for shepherd.
[158] Slavonia and Slavonian are used throughout this book to
denote the Austro-Hungarian province and its people. The branch
of the Aryan Family of which these, the Serbs, Croats, &c., are
severally members, I call Sclaves, and their tongue Sclavonic.
[159] For the charter of Rudolf to Karlovac, in 1581, and its
confirmation by Ferdinand III., see Balthazar Kerselich, De Regnis
Dalmatiæ, Croatiæ, Sclavoniæ, Notitiæ Præliminares, Zagreb. s.
a. p. 392, &c.
[160] If we understood the peasants correctly, it was called
Terg; and if so, is almost identical in name with Torg, the Swedish
for a market-place. Terg in Croatian means generally ‘wares;’
Tirgovac, a merchant or dealer; Tirgoviste, a market.
[161] The house-father and house-mother are not necessarily
man and wife; nor, though generally chosen with respect to age,
are they always the oldest members of the community.
[162] The usual word for brigand, &c., in Eastern Europe. The
word is said to be Magyar originally, and to signify ‘the
unmarried.’ It was originally applied to youthful Free-lances
—‘Knights Bachelors’—and has been compared with the derivation
of Cossack, which has the same meaning. In Hungary the
population of certain towns are known as Hajduks, and the towns
are called Hajduk towns.
[163] Belenus, the Celtic Apollo, and tutelary god of Aquileja.
 [164] From whom the earlier title of the city Flavia Siscia may
have been derived.
[165] Ausonius, De Claris Urbibus. The order of eminence given
by the rhetorician to the great cities of the empire is evidently
perverted by pedantry and provincial favouritism. Neither Siscia,
Sirmium, nor Nicomedia is mentioned. Illyria has, at least, as
much right to be heard on this question of precedency as
Aquitaine!
[166] Very few tituli militares have been discovered at Siscia.
The camps originally established here and at Pætovio were soon
moved on to Aquincum and Brigetio. See Mommsen, Corpus
Inscriptionum, vol. iii. pt. 1, where he insists on the civil character
of Siscia.
[167] Prudentius, Peristephanon vii.
[168] The inscription was
cereri‖avg sac‖q. ivlivs‖moderatvs‖b. proc‖vslm.

It is given in the Corpus Inscriptionum, vol. iii. pt. I. No. 3944.

The vase, however, beside the patera, is not mentioned there.
[169] Balthasar Kerselich, De Regnis Dalmatiæ, Croatiæ,
Sclavoniæ Notitiæ præliminares; and see Danubian Principalities,
by a British Resident of Twenty Years in the East, vol. i. p. 88.
[170] See p. 85.
[171] The usual name given to the residence of a Turkish
official.
[172] According to some accounts Dobor, a village further
down the Bosna, was the scene of this conspiracy and its
dénouement. But Doboj, whose great castle was certainly the
scene of the tragedy of 1408, seems the more probable reading.
It seems to me possible that Doboj was first called Dobor like the
lower village, and that the name Doboj or Dvoboj was afterwards
affixed to it by reason of its having been the scene of these two
struggles. Towns run a good deal in couples in Bosnia, and there
may well have been a Veliki and Mali Dobor.
[173] Martial, Ep. lib. iv. 64.
[174] I assume that the Castrum Tessenii of the Chronicles
mean Tešanj.
 [175] This curious impress of Mahometanism on Bosnian
Christianity may be illustrated by other facts. Pilgrimages to
Jerusalem are undertaken by Christians almost as frequently as
pilgrimages to Mecca by Mahometans. The performance of such
is reckoned as honourable among the rayahs as among the Turks,
and the Christian pilgrims assume the same title of Hadji. The
Holy Sepulchre is often known by the name Tjaba, which is
nothing but the Arabian Caaba!—See Ranke, ‘Die letzten Unruhen
in Bosnien, 1820-1832,’ (in Bohn’s translation, p. 314.)
[176] For the story of Marko Kraljević or ‘Kings’ son Marko,’ and
the Cycles of Serbian poetry, see ‘The Slavonic Provinces of
Turkey in Europe,’ by G. Muir Mackenzie and A. P. Irby, p. 87, &c.
[177] Wessely, quoted in Introduction to ‘Servian Popular
Poetry,’ translated by Sir John Bowring.
[178] Let any English reader who thinks these encomiums
overdrawn procure the faithful and beautiful translations of Sir
John Bowring, cited above, and judge for himself.
[179] Miller.
[180] ‘Servian Popular Poetry,’ translated by J. Bowring, p. 219.
[181] ‘A Voyage into the Levant. A Briefe Relation of a Iourney
lately performed by Master Henry Blunt, Gentleman, from
England by the way of Venice into Dalmatia, Sclavonia, Bosnah,
Hungary, Macedonia, Thessaly, Thrace, Rhodes, and Egypt, unto
Gran Cairo.’ The Third Edition. London: 1638; p. 8. The giant size
of the Bosniacs also struck the Bolognese doctor J. Bapt.
Montalbans who visited Bosnia in the 16th century. v. Rerum
Turcarum Commentarius,—Bosnæ Regnum.
[182] An officer of the general staff who was employed by the
Austrian Government to draw up a map of Bosnia, and followed
this up by his ‘Studien über Bosnien und die Herzegovina,’ partly
an itinerary, partly a statistical account, but meagre and
disappointing. Franz Maurer, ‘Reise durch Bosnien,’ is equally loud
in his denunciations of the Major’s map.
[183] Had Milton viewed a scene like this? or was his sublime
simile for the fallen Angels a pure creation of his imagination?

‘Yet faithful how they stood

Their glory withered; as when heaven’s fire
Hath scathed the forest oaks or mountain pines,
With singed top their stately growth, though bare,
 Stands on the blasted heath.’—Par. Lost, i. 612.
[184] Asplenium Trichomanes.
[185] Clausilia laminata.
[186] Omer Effendi of Novi, op. cit. p. 85.
[187] Bryum ligulatum.
[188] As, for instance, some rough Roman sarcophagi found at
York, and now in the garden of the Philosophical Society of the
town.
[189] There are at present about 3,000 Jews in Bosnia,
resident mainly in Serajevo, Travnik, Banjaluka, and Novipazar.
See Thoemmel, Beschreibung des Vilajet Bosnien, p. 108.
[190] Dalmatia and Montenegro, by Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson,
F.R.S., vol. ii. p. 181, &c. For some in Narenta Valley, see p. 31.
[191] The coincidence between the appearance of the moon on
these monuments and on the Bosnian arms had already
suggested itself to me before I was aware that it had also struck
Sir Gardner Wilkinson.
[192] The moon and stars were favourite symbols on Mithraic
gems and monuments, which are nowhere more plentiful than in
Illyria, if I may judge from personal experience. They were also in
vogue with the Gnostics. According to Manes the moon was a
purgatory of good spirits; their immediate haven after death. See
King’s Gnostics and their Remains. But, for a more probable
explanation of the moon and stars on Bosnian arms and
monuments, see page 219.
[193] Euthymius Zygabenus, Panoplia. Presbyter Cosmas,
Harmenopulus, and Anna Comnena give the same account. See
my Historical Review of Bosnia.
[194] Raph. Volat. 1-8.
[195] See the introductory Historical Review of Bosnia.
[196] The respective numbers at the last official return were:—
Greeks, 576,756; Mahometans, 442,050.
[197] See p. 222.
[198] In Bosnia even the parochial duties are performed by
monks of this order, who discard the monastic dress and wear the
ordinary civil costume, including cutlasses and pistols. Every three
years the chapter of the order (the Provincial, that is, of the
Minorites, with a custos and four definitors) elects a ‘mission for
the cure of souls,’ and the monks who are doing service an
secular priests are either confirmed in their office or exchanged
for others. The head or ‘Quardian’ of every monastery is also
priest for his district. Thus the parish churches are completely
dependent on the Franciscan brotherhood, each monastery
possessing so many churches. This at Gučiagora has nine; that at
Sutiska, the largest in Bosnia, as many as twenty-two churches.
As parish priests, however, the brothers find their allegiance
somewhat divided between the Vicar Apostolic of Bosnia and the
Provincial of their order. See Thoemmel, Beschreibung des Vilajet
Bosnien, p. 96, &c.
[199] Gustav Thoemmel, op. cit. pp. 94-6, gives statistics
showing the improved state of the Roman Catholic Church in
Bosnia since the establishment of the Austrian Consulate-General
in Serajevo. Writing in 1867, he says that in 1850 there were only
forty-one parsonages in Bosnia, now sixty-nine. Up to 1860 only
the three old monasteries of Sutiska, Foinica, and Kreševo
existed; since then three more have been founded, namely this at
Gučiagora, one at Gorica, near Livno, and one at Siroki-brieg, in
the Herzegovina, six hours west of Mostar. In 1850 the Roman
Catholic population was 160,000, in 1874 it had risen to 185,503.
[200] Gustav Thoemmel, Beschreibung des Vilajet Bosnien.
Wien, 1867, p. 101.
[201] According to the last census there were 576,756 Bosniacs
of the Orthodox Greek Church, and only 185,503 Roman
Catholics.
[202] I am indebted to Canon Liddon for this fact.
[203] Since the new constitutional laws of July, 1865, Travnik
has become the seat of Government for one of the seven circles,
or Mutasarifliks, into which the Vilajet of Bosnia (including
Herzegovina) is divided. The Mutasarìf is an officer superior to the
Kaïmakàm as the Kaïmakàm to the Mudìr. The Mutasarifliks
answer to the German Kreise, the Kaïmakamliks (districts under
Kaïmakàm) to Bezirke.
[204] Omer Effendi of Novi, whose writings were edited and
printed by Ibrahim in Turkish, and were translated into English by
C. Fraser in 1830.
[205] See Roskiević.