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THE PALGRAVE HANDBOOK
OF PARALYMPIC STUDIES

Edited by
Ian Brittain and Aaron Beacom
The Palgrave Handbook of Paralympic Studies
 Ian Brittain • Aaron Beacom
Editors

The Palgrave
Handbook of
Paralympic Studies
Editors
Ian Brittain Aaron Beacom
Centre for Business in Society University of St Mark and St John
Coventry University Plymouth, United Kingdom
Coventry, United Kingdom

ISBN 978-1-137-47900-6    ISBN 978-1-137-47901-3 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-47901-3

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017961160

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

The author(s) has/have asserted their right(s) to be identified as the author(s) of this work in accordance with
the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the
whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations,
recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or informa-
tion storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does
not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective
laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are
believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors
give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions
that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps
and institutional affiliations.

Cover illustration: HelloWorld Images/Alamy Stock Photo

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature

The registered company is Macmillan Publishers Ltd.
The registered company address is: The Campus, 4 Crinan Street, London, N1 9XW, United Kingdom
Also by Ian Brittain
Legacies of Mega-Events: Fact or Fairy Tales? (co-edited)
The Paralympic Games Explained (Second Edition)
From Stoke Mandeville to Sochi: A History of the Summer and Winter
Paralympic Games
Disability Sport: A Vehicle for Social Change? (edited)
From Stoke Mandeville to Stratford: A History of the Summer Paralympic
Games
The Paralympic Games Explained (First Edition)

Also by Aaron Beacom

International Diplomacy and the Olympic Movement: The New Mediators
Sport and International Development (co-edited)

v
 Contents

1 Introduction   1
Ian Brittain and Aaron Beacom

Part I Conceptualising Disability Sport   13

2 Disability Models: Explaining and Understanding

Disability Sport in Different Ways  15
Brett Smith and Andrea Bundon

3 Multiple Oppression and Tackling Stigma Through Sport  35

Anjali J. Forber-Pratt

4 Disability and Barriers to Inclusion  55

Hayley Fitzgerald

5 Sport and Social Movements by and for Disability and Deaf

Communities: Important Differences in Self-Determination,
Politicisation, and Activism  71
Danielle Peers

6 Game Changer? Social Media, Representations of Disability

and the Paralympic Games  99
Liam French and Jill M. Le Clair

vii
viii Contents

Part II Structure and Development of the Paralympic

Movement 123

7 Key Points in the History and Development of the Paralympic

Games 125
Ian Brittain

8 Development of the IPC and Relations with the IOC

and Other Stakeholders 151
David Legg

9 The International Paralympic Committee as a Governing

Body 173
Mary A. Hums and Joshua R. Pate

10 Organising and Delivering the Modern Paralympic Games:

Contemporary Debates Relating to Integration and
Distinction 197
Laura Misener and Kristina Molloy

11 The Paralympic Movement: A Small Number of Behemoths

Overwhelming a Large Number of Also-Rans—A Pyramid
Built on Quicksand? 221
Simon Darcy

Part III Paralympic Sport: Political and Strategic Perspectives 247

12 Comparative Sport Policy Analysis and Paralympic Sport 249

Mathew Dowling, David Legg, and Phil Brown

13 The Paralympic Movement and the International

Development Agenda 273
Amy Farkas Karageorgos and Colin Higgs

14 The Rise of China as a Paralympic Superpower 295

Ailin Mao and Shuhan Sun
 Contents
   ix

15 The Paralympic Movement and the Boycott Agenda:

South Africa, Apartheid and the Paralympic Games 321
Ian Brittain

16 The Paralympic Movement and Diplomacy: Centring

Disability in the Global Frame 345
Aaron Beacom

Part IV The Paralympic Movement: Governance Perspectives 369

17 Women and Athletes with High Support Needs in

Paralympic Sport: Progress and Further Opportunities
for Underrepresented Populations 371
Chloe Slocum, Suzy Kim, and Cheri Blauwet

18 Evolution and Development of Best Practice in Paralympic

Classification 389
Mark J. Connick, Emma Beckman, and Sean M. Tweedy

19 Intellectual Disability, Special Olympics and Parasport 417

Jan Burns

20 Prostheses and Other Equipment: The Issue of the

Cyborg Athlete—Interrogating the Media Coverage
of the Cybathlon 2016 Event 439
Gregor Wolbring

21 Paralympic Philosophy and Ethics 461

Mike J. McNamee and Richard J. Parnell

Part V Paralympic Games Case Studies 479

22 The London 2012 Paralympic Games 481

Shane Kerr
x Contents

23 Sochi 2014 507
Evgeny Bukharov

24 The Rio 2016 Paralympic Games 531

Ian Brittain and Leonardo Jose Mataruna Dos Santos

25 2018 PyeongChang Paralympic Games and the

South Korean Political Intention 555
Kyoungho Park and Gwang Ok

26 Visions on the Legacy of the Tokyo 2020 Paralympic Games 579

Kazuo Ogura

Part VI Contemporary Paralympic Legacies and Challenges 603

27 Marketing of Paralympic Sports: Attracting Spectators

and Sponsors 605
Michael Cottingham and Renan Petersen-Wagner

28 Developing Disability Sport: The Evolving Role of the

University Sector 625
Aaron Beacom and Gill Golder

29 Paralympic Legacies: A Critical Perspective 647

Athanasios (Sakis) Pappous and Christopher Brown

30 Concluding Thoughts 665
Aaron Beacom and Ian Brittain

Index 673
 List of Figures

Fig. 6.1 Tree map of attitudes expressed through tweets including the
hashtag #Paralympics on September 13, 2016—visualised
through Netlytic categories 112
Fig. 6.2 Tree map of ‘positive’ attitudes expressed through tweets
including the hashtag #Paralympics on September 13,
2016—visualised through Netlytic categories 113
Fig. 6.3 Social network visualisation of #Paralympics Twitter
conversation114
Fig. 7.1 Participation at the summer Paralympic Games 139
Fig. 9.1 IPC governance chart 174
Fig. 10.1 Organising committee structure 204
Fig. 12.1 The SPLISS model: theoretical model of nine pillars of sports
policy factors influencing international success (De Bosscher
et al. 2006, 2015) 256
Fig. 14.1 Number of athletes attending the National Games for Disabled
Persons by games 309
Fig. 14.2 Main Chinese economic indicators (1986–2014)  310
Fig. 14.3 Mass sports data (by province) 313
Fig. 23.1 Organisation chart of the Paralympic Games Integration and
Coordination Department 513
Plate 1 IPC seminar in South Korea (PyeongChang Winter Olympics
Organising Committee) 563

xi
 List of Tables

Table 4.1 Disabled people and attitudes to sport 63

Table 4.2 Impairment and barriers to participation in sport 66
Table 7.1 The growth and development of the Stoke Mandeville Games 128
Table 7.2 Additions to the Paralympic programme (1960–1972) 132
Table 7.3 Development of the early Paralympic Games (1960–1972) 133
Table 7.4 Participation in the early Paralympic Games by continent
(1960–1972)133
Table 7.5 Development of the summer Paralympic Games (1976–1984) 137
Table 7.6 Participation in the summer Paralympic Games by continent
(1976–1984)137
Table 7.7 Development of the early winter Paralympic Games
(1976–1984)138
Table 7.8 Participation in the winter Paralympic Games by continent
(1976–1984)138
Table 7.9 Development of the summer Paralympic Games (1988–2016) 146
Table 7.10 Participation in the summer Paralympic Games by continent
(1988–2016)147
Table 7.11 Development of the winter Paralympic Games (1988–2014) 147
Table 7.12 Participation in the winter Paralympic Games by continent
(1988–2014)147
Table 9.1 IPC committees 177
Table 9.2 IPC councils 178
Table 9.3 Paralympic sports and their governing bodies 180
Table 10.1 2022 Olympic and Paralympic Games candidature timeline
(IPC 2015) 198
Table 11.1 The number and gender of athletes at the Paralympic
Games from 1972 to 2016 224

xiii
xiv List of Tables

Table 11.2 The number and gender of athletes at the Olympic Games
from 1960 to 2016 225
Table 11.3 Sports open to women at the Paralympic Games from
1960 to 2016 226
Table 11.4 Sports, year introduced and disability category 1960–2016 227
Table 11.5 Disability disparity between high- and low-income countries 233
Table 13.1 Overview of the IPC’s/PM involvement and relationship
with the UN with regard to the Sport for Development
Movement since 2000 283
Table 14.1 Results of Statistics on China’s participation in Summer
Paralympics296
Table 14.2 National Games for disabled persons in China 305
Table 14.3 National Special Olympics Games 305
Table 14.4 Per capita disposable income of urban residents
(grouped by regions) 311
Table 14.5 Per capita disposable income of rural residents
(grouped by regions) 311
Table 14.6 Development of sports for people with disabilities (by province) 313
Table 14.7 Organisational structure of disabled sports in China 315
Table 15.1 African nations participating by year (excluding South Africa) 335
Table 16.1 Olympic and Paralympic diplomacy: structure and agency
(adapted from Beacom and Brittain 2016) 351
Table 18.1 A history of important events in Paralympic classification 392
Table 18.2 Descriptions of the physical impairment types eligible to
compete in Paralympic sport 395
Table 18.3 The general structure of the current Paralympic classification
process396
Table 18.4 Descriptions of the research required in each step towards
the development of evidence-based systems of classification 400
Table 18.5 An abridged version of the Oxford Centre of Evidence-based
Medicine—Levels of evidence hierarchy 401
Table 19.1 Comparison of INAS world records and non-impaired
world records 427
Table 22.1 Scale of development of the Paralympic Games (1960–2012) 486
Table 23.1 Main parameters (estimated) of the 2014 Paralympic Games 514
Table 24.1 A comparison of Brazil’s final position in the medal table
at the last eight Olympic and Paralympic Games 535
Table 25.1 IPC excellence programme (Special Olympics Korea n.d.) 565
 1
Introduction
Ian Brittain and Aaron Beacom

The expansion of the international sports infrastructure forms part of the

social history of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. This expansion
has been linked by a succession of authors to a series of technological revolu-
tions in transport, communications and industrial production, as well as
attendant social and political changes (Guttmann 1978; Mandell 1984;
Wavlin 1984; Holt 1989; Allison 1993; Maguire 1999; Jarvie 2012).
Notwithstanding arguments concerning structure and agency, and the impact
of contrasting cultural contexts, shifts in our interpretation of social phenom-
ena, such as gender, race and ethnicity, have, for example, been articulated
through the changing configuration of global sport (Cashmore 2000; Malcolm
2012; Adair 2013; Pfister and Sisjord 2013). More recently, enhanced aware-
ness of disability rights and increased prominence of disability in the public
policy sphere have been linked by writers and commentators to the expansion
of disability sport (Brittain 2004; LaVaque-Manty 2005; Howe 2008; Bundon
and Clark 2014; Active Policy Solutions n.d.; Laureus n.d.). The most promi-
nent elements of this expanded infrastructure—the International Paralympic
Committee with its attendant governance and development organisations,
National Paralympic Committees, emerging parasport federations and organ-
ising committees for regional and international competitions including the

I. Brittain (*)
Coventry University, Coventry, UK
A. Beacom
University of St Mark and St John, Plymouth, UK

© The Author(s) 2018 1

I. Brittain, A. Beacom (eds.), The Palgrave Handbook of Paralympic Studies,
https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-47901-3_1
2 I. Brittain and A. Beacom

Paralympic Games—constitute what has come to be known as the Paralympic

Movement. It is the development of this movement, borne as it was, out of
inter-organisational tensions and rivalries that provide the focus for this
Handbook.
Disability sports generally and parasports more specifically are a very recent
phenomenon—so recent indeed that as explored in the Handbook, the insti-
tutional trappings of national and international federations have yet to be
established in the context of a number of parasports. The first Stoke Mandeville
Games in 1948 (widely associated with the emergence of the Paralympic
Movement), took place 69 years ago and so the early Stoke Mandeville Games
and the first Paralympic Games (1960) are still within the lifetime of some. A
number of athletes who participated in the early Paralympic Games are still
alive today (e.g. Margaret Maughan from Great Britain who won Britain’s
first ever Paralympic gold medal in Rome in 1960 and was given the honour
of lighting the cauldron at the London 2012 Paralympic Games opening cer-
emony). At the same time, the growth in breadth and depth of what became
known as the Paralympic Games was very rapid. With 328 athletes from 21
countries competing across nine sports in 1960 (Brittain 2014), this has
increased to 4328 athletes from 157 countries competing across 22 sports in
2016 (IPC Website 2017). Yet despite this sharp upward trajectory and a cor-
responding expansion of public interest in the Games, there was, until
recently, a surprising scholarly vacuum surrounding the topic. Since the start
of the twenty-first century, this began to change. The sharpening of interna-
tional interest in disability rights reflected for example in negotiations leading
to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities
(UN 2006), the increasing (albeit unevenly distributed globally) resourcing of
disability sport and the expansion of academic programmes associated with
the study of sport, have all contributed to a marked increase in research and
publications associated with disability sport and the Paralympic Games
(DePauw and Gavron 1995; Bailey 2008; Howe 2008; Thomas and Smith
2008; Legg and Gilbert 2011; Schantz and Gilbert 2012; Brittain 2016).
Research and development in adaptive training techniques and prosthetics
associated with enhanced performance of Paralympic athletes contributed to
a further increase in scholarly outputs (Swartz and Watermeyer 2008; Zettler
2009; Burkett 2010). Notwithstanding the rapid increase of published mate-
rial, while chapters on disability sport and the Paralympic Games have
appeared in a number of sports studies Handbooks, to date there has not been
a Handbook devoted solely to the study of Paralympic sport and the develop-
ment of the Paralympic Movement. This Handbook is an attempt to address
this deficit.
 Introduction 3

It is perhaps inevitable that the terms of reference for the development of

the Paralympic Movement can be found in the ‘parallel’ narrative of the
Olympic Movement. The modern Olympic Games were conceived in the
twilight of the nineteenth century after a long period of gestation (MacAloon
2007). The organisation of the Games reflected in large part, the social and
political mores of the era. Initially dominated by white males from Western
Europe and North America, drawn from a particular socio-economic class, its
expansion over time began to reflect changing social attitudes and the shifting
global balance of power. In contrast to the Paralympic Movement, the devel-
opment of the Olympic Movement has long been the basis of a significant
and expanding body of literature (partly generated through the various
Olympic Studies Centres globally) from many disciplinary perspectives (e.g.
Espy 1979; Kanin 1981; Hazan 1982; Hoberman 1986; Guttmann 1992;
Hill 1996; Kaplanidou and Karadakis 2010; Beacom 2012; Jefferson Lenskji
and Wagg 2012; Girginov 2013; IOC 2015). From a socio-political perspec-
tive, this has included a debate regarding the potential of the Olympic
Movement to have a measure of agency, influencing wider social and political
development (Kidd 2008; Spaaij 2012). Certainly at the time of initiation,
the Movement was primarily an educational one (Müller 2000). This has
remained an important element of its work, reflected in the growth of Olympic
Education initiatives. Lately, the Movement has become increasingly engaged
with international development and more specifically, the so-called sport for
development and peace (SDP) agenda. While it would be over-simplistic to
present the development of the much younger Paralympic Movement as fol-
lowing the same trajectory, there are similar characteristics and the Handbook
addresses these in some detail. In this respect, it can be considered as a com-
panion resource to the Palgrave Handbook of Olympic Studies (Jefferson
Lenskji and Wagg 2012).
This Handbook is particularly timely given the experiences of the Rio
Games of 2016 and preparations for the 2018 Winter Games in PyeongChang
and 2020 Summer Games in Tokyo, all of which are taking place outside the
European—North American axis traditionally associated with the Olympic
Movement. While all Olympic and Paralympic Games are characterised by
pressures peculiar to their historical and geo-political setting, in recent years,
tensions have been mounting on a number of fronts. The bidding process for
Olympic and Paralympic Games has, in recent years, been on a downward
trajectory in terms of the number of bidding cities as municipal authorities, as
well as a range of other key national and regional stakeholders, look increas-
ingly critically at the balance between costs and benefits associated with host-
ing (Beacom 2012). At the same time, the experience of the Rio Games
4 I. Brittain and A. Beacom

exhibited particular organisational, resourcing and ethical tensions that

­present a new set of challenges for the management of the relationship between
the IOC and the IPC.

1.1 The Organisation of This Book

A key element of any good Handbook is a combination of depth and breadth
of subject area coverage. The Handbook set out to achieve this through engag-
ing with a broad and internationally diverse range of authors from a range of
backgrounds. It incorporates chapters written or co-written by practitioners
from within the Paralympic Movement and so provides at times unique
insights into key issues and concerns raised from both a practical and an aca-
demic perspective. The Handbook, divided into six sections, provides a criti-
cal assessment of contemporary issues that define the contours of the
Paralympic Movement generally and the Paralympic Games more
specifically.
Section one of the book explores a range of issues concerning the concep-
tualising of disability sport. In the second chapter, Brett Smith and Andrea
Bundon set the scene by enabling readers to gain a greater understanding of
what it means to be ‘disabled’. This, they consider as critical to an understand-
ing of how decisions are reached on the organisation, governance and devel-
opment of Paralympic sport. Their approach is to explore disability as it is
presented through a series of contending ‘models’, in particular, the medical,
social, social relational and human rights models of disability. Anjali Forber
Pratt then expands on a consideration of conceptual issues by exploring rela-
tionships between disability and gender, race, sexuality, class and religious
beliefs in the context of Paralympic sport. It is noteworthy that these areas are
only recently emerging as part of disability sport discourses, yet are central to
continuing challenges associated with access to sport development opportuni-
ties by groups who have historically experienced marginalisation. Building
upon the first two chapters, Hayley Fitzgerald then examines how the issues
of disability and stigma can lead to both attitudinal and structural barriers to
inclusion, both in sport and within society itself, and how barriers to sports
participation are inextricably linked to wider societal views and expectations
of people with impairments. This is followed by Danielle Peers, who cri-
tiques the claim that the Paralympic Movement is widely constructed as part
of the global movement for empowering people with disabilities by offering
an historical overview of the relationships amongst disability and deaf move-
ments, disability sports movements and the Paralympic Movement—across a
 Introduction 5

range of global contexts—from the late nineteenth century until ­contemporary

times. Section one concludes with a chapter by Liam French and Jill Le
Clair, who focus on the ways in which broadcast media frame Paralympic
sport and the extent to which new and emerging social media technologies
and platforms potentially offer new modes of consumption and ways of
engaging with disability sport that challenge traditional dominant main-
stream mass media representations, many of which are underpinned by the
negative views of disability outlined in the preceding chapters.
Section two considers the developing structure of the Paralympic
Movement. In order to better understand how the Paralympic Movement has
developed, it begins with Ian Brittain highlighting some of the key points in
the history and development of the Paralympic Games from their early begin-
nings as a rehabilitation and awareness-raising event as the Stoke Mandeville
Games to their establishment as the second-largest multi-sport event globally
after the Olympic Games. This is followed by an explanation by David Legg
of the evolving relationship of the International Olympic Committee (IOC)
with the International Paralympic Committee (IPC). He considers how the
IOC has influenced the development of the IPC, the governance of the
Paralympic Games and associated debates including regulations concerning
participation of athletes with disability in the Olympic Games. Mary Hums
and Josh Pate then explore more specifically the governance structure of the
IPC including its management of parasports and maintenance of relation-
ships with the IOC and various sport governing bodies that work with sports
for people with disabilities, but are not represented at the Paralympic Games.
Laura Misener and Kristina Molloy then address the philosophical debate
about an inclusive society in relation to the organisation of an event that aims
to build accessible sport facilities, develop sport pathways and influence soci-
etal understandings of disability. This is explored primarily through their
involvement with, and critical appreciation of, the Vancouver 2010 winter
Paralympic Games. Simon Darcy concludes this section by highlighting the
fact that since its inception, the Paralympic Movement has been constrained
by a series of inherent weaknesses and examining how structural issues such as
the underrepresentation of some countries, gender bias and a split between
the resource-rich and resource-poor regions contribute towards these
weaknesses.
Section three considers the Paralympic Games from a political and strategic
perspective. Mathew Dowling, David Legg and Phil Brown introduce the
reader to discussions surrounding cross-comparative sport policy literature
and begin to reflect upon how comparative sport policy research might be
informed by, and applied to, the Paralympic sporting context. In doing so, the
6 I. Brittain and A. Beacom

chapter identifies a number of challenges in applying what have historically

been non-disabled-centric comparative models to examine the Paralympic
sporting domain and the problems that derive from such an approach. Amy
Farkas Karageorgos and Colin Higgs claim that the Paralympic Movement
and the United Nations share a similar aspiration of creating a more inclusive
and accessible society and set about examining the role that the Paralympic
Movement, and more specifically the International Paralympic Committee,
have played in advancing the International Development Agenda. Chapter 14
then turns the focus towards an investigation of how China has risen over the
last 10 to 15 years to become the most powerful summer Paralympic Games
nation by far, which Ailin Mao and Shuhan Sun attempt to answer through
a discussion of possible indicators such as Chinese economic development,
legal framework and organisational structure. Sport, politics and sporting
boycotts have formed part of the literature of non-disabled international sport
for many years, but are rarely discussed in terms of disability sport and the
Paralympic Movement. Ian Brittain then highlights the fact that even the
Paralympic Movement is not immune to international politics and in particu-
lar the boycott agenda by outlining the case of South Africa during the
Apartheid regime of the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. Aaron Beacom concludes
this section by continuing the theme of sport and politics with a discussion of
the evolving engagement of Paralympic Movement actors with international
diplomacy in the context of events relating to the London, Sochi and Rio
Paralympic Games. He concludes by outlining the possible future trajectory
for diplomacy as it relates to various actors within the Paralympic Movement.
Section four focuses down on specific governance challenges facing paras-
ports as they continue to move through their formative years. Chloe Slocum,
Suzy Kim and Cheri Blauwet claim that despite the rapid growth of the
Paralympic Movement over the last 30 years, women and athletes with high
support needs (AHSN) have remained underrepresented. They claim that
both groups of athletes have historically faced distinct barriers to sports par-
ticipation and underrepresentation at elite levels of competition in Paralympic
sport and set about examining why this might be the case. Mark Connick,
Emma Beckman and Sean Tweedy state that athlete classification is central
to the existence of Paralympic and disability sport as it defines who is eligible
to compete and promotes participation by controlling for the impact of
impairment on the outcome of competition. The authors explain these claims
through a description of some of the key practical issues relating to the devel-
opment of evidence-based classification systems, such as the levels of evidence
and types of research studies that are required. Jan Burns then traces the his-
tory of the involvement of athletes with intellectual disabilities within
 Introduction 7

parasport by describing the origins and different purposes of the two main
organisations supporting these athletes, the Special Olympics organisation
and the International Association for Para-athletes with Intellectual Disabilities
(INAS). She also highlights the reasons for the exclusion, and then re-­
inclusion, of athletes with intellectual disabilities in the Paralympic Games.
Gregor Wolbring states that one of the most consequential advances in sci-
ence and technology is the increasing generation of human bodily enhance-
ment products in many shapes and forms that enable a culture of, demand
for, and acceptance of improving and modifying the human body. In 2016, a
Cyborg Olympics, a Championship for Athletes with Disabilities, took place
in Zurich, Switzerland. Wolbring interrogates the media coverage of the
Cybathlon and highlights how the narrative around the event poses various
problems for Paralympic values. Mike McNamee and Richard J Parnell con-
clude this section by examining the four stated values of the International
Paralympic Committee, namely courage, determination, equality and inspira-
tion, and challenging them by reference to a number of prominent ethical
issues in Paralympic sport. They conclude by endeavouring to offer a tentative
definition of ‘Paralympism’ based on the discussion and interrelation between
ethics and Paralympic values, something that so far no author has really
attempted, despite fairly regular use of the term by several authors.
Section five adopts a case study approach to analyse the experience of a suc-
cession of recent and impending Paralympic Games. A broadly similar frame-
work is used for each chapter, enabling some degree of comparison of
experiences within the 2012, 2014 and 2016 Games. In the case of the 2018
and 2020 Games, the approach enables consideration of common problems
and issues faced during the preparatory phases. The chapters provide unique
insights provided by senior practitioners and academics, of experiences on the
ground. Collectively, they provide pointers to the trajectory and learning
experience of the Paralympic Games generally and what lessons can be learned
from that process. Based upon his completed PhD studies, Shane Kerr claims
that London 2012 has reached paradigmatic status for the way that it organ-
ised the Paralympic Games and sought to leverage its legacy potential.
Beginning with an analysis of London 2012’s bid, the chapter examines the
position and role of key stakeholders including the organising committee, the
UK government, corporate sponsors and Channel 4, the television broad-
caster in the perceived success of the London 2012 Paralympic Games. From
his perspective as the Paralympic Games Integration & Coordination Director
for the Sochi 2014 winter Paralympic Games, Evgeny Bukharov describes
the preparation and staging of the first ever Paralympic Winter Games in
Russia, which he claims has brought positive changes in the social perception
8 I. Brittain and A. Beacom

of people with impairments and created a long-term legacy for them—­tangible

and intangible—not only in the host city, but in the region and the country as
well. He concludes that the Games in Sochi were the best ever winter
Paralympic Games in the history of the Paralympic Movement. In contrast,
Ian Brittain and Leonardo Jose Mataruna Dos Santos highlight the issues
that arose at the Rio 2016 Paralympics Games, the impact of the ever-­
worsening economic and political situation within Brazil upon the planning
and organisational decisions made by the Rio Organising Committee and how
these appeared to prioritise the Olympic Games over the Paralympic Games.
The chapter also highlights how these events and other outside issues such as
the Russian doping scandal may have impacted upon the IPC—IOC relation-
ship and how the massively skewed power relationship between the two organ-
isations may mean that the Olympic Games will always take precedence over
the Paralympic Games in the planning and organisational decisions made by
host cities. In the first of two forward-looking case studies, Kyoungho Park
and Gwang Ok highlight how despite the existence of problems, the success-
ful hosting of the PyeongChang 2018 winter Paralympic Games can be
achieved through drawing from South Korea’s past experience in hosting sport
events and through the historical lessons provided by experiences from other
countries. Finally, Kazuo Ogoura, president of the Nippon Foundation
Paralympic Support Centre and former secretary general of the Tokyo 2020
bid committee, discusses the possible legacy of the Tokyo 2020 Paralympic
Games by dividing it into two parts: domestic impact and legacy, and interna-
tional legacy and outlining some of the work that is being done in each area.
The final section of this Handbook explores particular challenges facing the
Paralympic Movement as it continues to expand both in terms of the
Paralympic Games and its wider development and advocacy remit. Michael
Cottingham and Renan Petersen-Wagner explore the promotion of market-
ing in the Paralympic Games and in related disability sport contexts by con-
sidering how athletes with disabilities are perceived and how these perceptions
impact the promotion of Paralympic sport in unique ways. Aaron Beacom
and Gill Golder then discuss the evolving role of the university sector in
developing disability sport by considering universities as not just centres for
knowledge production, but also as focal points for promoting a critical peda-
gogy, forming the basis for developing disability sports coaches, scientists and
administrators as critically reflective practitioners. They explore ways in which
university portfolios can contribute to the development of athletes with a dis-
ability through, for example, expanding the disability sport coaching base,
adaptive strength and conditioning programmes, supporting the work of fed-
erations and engagement with research and development. Finally, Sakis
 Introduction 9

Pappous and Chris Brown introduce the concept of legacy in relation to the
Paralympic Games through a critical review of the legacy themes from the
2004 to 2016 Summer Paralympic Games.

References
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Bailey, S. 2008. Athlete First: A History of the Paralympic Movement. Chichester: John
Wiley & Sons Ltd.
Beacom, Aaron. 2012. International Diplomacy and the Olympic Movement: The New
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 Introduction 11

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Ian Brittain, PhD, is a Research Fellow in the Centre for Business in Society,
Coventry University, UK. He is an internationally recognised expert in the study of
disability and Paralympic sport. He is also the Heritage Advisor to the International
Wheelchair and Amputee Sports Federation, who, in a former guise, founded the
Paralympic Games, and he has attended every summer Paralympic Games since
Sydney 2000.

Aaron Beacom, PhD, is Reader in Sport and International Relations at the

University of St Mark & St John (Plymouth, UK). He leads the sport and disability
Degree route and is actively involved with local and regional disability sport develop-
ment forums. His research has recently focused on the engagement of the IPC and
other disability advocacy groups in multi-­stakeholder diplomacy.
 Part I
Conceptualising Disability Sport
 2
Disability Models: Explaining
and Understanding Disability Sport
in Different Ways
Brett Smith and Andrea Bundon

The purpose of this chapter is to critically examine how we might explain and
understand disability. Having a grasp on how disability can be explained and
understood is vital for anyone working with disabled people in sport. This is
because there are numerous ways to explain and understand disability and
each way can, in turn, have profoundly different implications for sport, the
lives of disabled people, and society at large. For example, how someone
understands disability will, either implicitly or explicitly, inform what is pri-
oritised to enhance athletic performance, what is left out in the pursuit of
Paralympic medals, how athletes are supported over their life course, how
research is carried out, how impaired bodies are represented in sporting organ-
isations, the media, policy, and research, who and what is targeted in efforts
to improve health, equity and equality, and how the damage often done to
disabled people is undone.
Having an informed grasp on how disability can be understood is not,
however, easy or straightforward. In part, this is because there are an increas-
ing variety of ways to understand disability and no consensus on a way for-
ward. Given this, we concentrate efforts by first outlining four models of
disability. These are the medical model, the UK social model, the social rela-
tional model, and the human rights model of disability. The medical model

B. Smith (*)
University of Birmingham, School of Sport, Exercise and Rehabilitation Sciences,
Edgbaston, Birmingham, UK
A. Bundon
University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada

© The Author(s) 2018 15

I. Brittain, A. Beacom (eds.), The Palgrave Handbook of Paralympic Studies,
https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-47901-3_2
16 B. Smith and A. Bundon

and the social model are selected because, as Fitzgerald (2012) noted in her
sport research, “contemporary understandings of disability have come to be
understood through two key models of disability, the medical and social mod-
els” (p. 244). The social relational model and the human rights model are
focused on as together they begin to map some of the more emerging ways
that disability might be productively understood within the context of sport
and physical activity. After attending to each of the four models in turn, the
chapter offers additional future directions for understanding disability, sport,
and physical activity.

2.1 Medical Model

The medical model, or what is sometimes referred to as the individual model
of disability, has historically been a dominant way of understanding disability.
It defines disability as any lack of ability resulting from impairment to per-
form an activity within the range considered normal for a person (Thomas
2007). Thus, in the medical model, disability is understood as ‘caused’ by
parts of the body that are lacking or do not work ‘properly’. A medical model
has often, either knowingly or unknowingly, underpinned how disability is
perceived, described, and depicted in various sporting contexts. For example,
Brittain (2004) observed that disability sport is dominated by medical con-
ceptualisations that affect disabled people at all levels, as disability sport
administration is dominated by medical-related practitioners and disability
sport classifies participants along medical lines. Howe (2008) further argued
that perhaps the most important manner in which athletes are understood
and governed is via the classification of disability sports, which is a largely
medical practice conducted mostly by able-bodied people “that can lead to
stigmatisation and alienation because it ultimately creates a hierarchy of bod-
ies” (pp. 64–65). More recently in a broad overview of the history of the
Paralympic Games, Legg and Steadward (2011) suggested that “a medical
model in which sport was used for the purposes of rehabilitation” (p. 1099)
dominated understandings of disabled people within contexts like the
Paralympic Movement.
Despite historically being a common way to understand disability, the
medical model has been heavily criticised. These critiques largely emerged
from those within disability rights movements and were subsequently taken
up and developed by academics working in disability studies. One problem of
the medical model is that it relies on bio-physical assumptions of ‘normality’
to define disability. In relying on this, the socio-cultural forces that play a
 Disability Models: Explaining and Understanding Disability Sport… 17

major part in defining—constructing—what is ‘normal’ are overlooked and

left unchallenged. This can have dangerous consequences including perpetu-
ating a ‘normal’/‘abnormal’ binary. There is the danger of defining disabled
people as defective (i.e. ‘not normal’) and others (‘the normals’) as definitive
or superior human beings who can assume authority and exercise power. As
Meekosha and Shuttleworth (2009) pointed out:

How societies divide ‘normal’ and ‘abnormal’ bodies is central to the production
and sustenance of what it means to be human in society. It defines access to
nations and communities. It determines choice and participation in civic life. It
determines what constitutes ‘rational’ men and women and who should have
the right to be part of society and who should not. (p. 65)

Another criticism of the medical model of disability is that is locates the

‘problem’ of disability squarely within the body of the individual, rather than
explaining disability as an artefact of society and challenging oppressive soci-
etal attitudes and structures (Goodley 2012; Thomas 2007). It has also been
critiqued for depicting disability as inevitably a personal physical tragedy and
a psychological trauma that should be overcome. In so doing, it paints a very
negative picture of disability. For example, although disabled athletes do not
necessarily see themselves in such ways and the picture is more complicated
than presented by academics (Berger 2009), it has been argued that
Paralympians are often depicted in the media either as tragic victims of per-
sonal misfortune inspiring pity or as inspirational ‘supercrips’ who transcend
their impairments through sport (Hardin and Hardin 2004). The supercrip
stereotype has been criticised as oppressive because it places the onus on dis-
abled people to make heroic efforts to triumph over their physical or mental
limitations, thereby casting disability as an individual problem (Brittain 2010;
Howe 2011; Peers 2009). In light of such problems with a medical model
understanding of disability and the growing criticisms of it, alternative under-
standings have been developed. One of these can broadly be labelled the social
model of disability.

2.2 The UK Social Model

The social model is sometimes talked about in the singular as ‘the social
model’. However, it is worth briefly noting that there are different forms of
the model. For example, there is the Nordic social relative model of disability.
This model rejects the medical model dichotomy between illness and health.
18 B. Smith and A. Bundon

It sees the individual as interacting with their environment and, importantly,

impairment and disability as interacting with one another on a continuum.
The North American social model of disability, often referred to as the social
minority model, sees disability not so much as the inability of the disabled
individual to adapt to the demands of the environment or linked to impair-
ment but rather as the failure of the social environment to adjust to the needs
and aspirations of citizens with disabilities.
Derived from the Union of Physically Impaired Against Segregation
(UPIAS), and underpinned by Marxism, the UK social model1 understands
disabled people as socially oppressed. It asserts that disability is not caused
by impairment but by the social barriers (structural and attitudinal) that
people with impairments (e.g. physical, sensory, and intellectual) come up
against in every arena. In this regard, having a bodily impairment does not
equate with disability. As Oliver (1996) famously stated, “disablement has
nothing to do with the body” (pp. 41–42). Instead, and severing the causal
link between the body and disability that the medical model created, dis-
ability is wholly and exclusively social. It is a consequence and problem of
society. The ‘solution’, therefore, lay not in cures, psychological interven-
tions, or physical adjustments to the impaired body. Rather improvements
in disabled people’s lives necessitate the sweeping away of social barriers that
oppress people, and the development of social policies that facilitate full
social inclusion and citizenship. Accordingly, as Owens (2015) notes, the
UK social model is different from the Nordic social relative model in terms
of links between disability and impairment. Whereas the former severs any
link between impairment and disability, the latter sees impairment and dis-
ability as interacting with one another. The difference between the UK social
model and the North American model of disability is that the latter uses a
minority group rights-based approach, with political action being grounded
on the individualisation of disability and identity politics rather than, as in
the UK social model, a materialist focus on oppression at a more structural
level than individual level.
Despite such differences, the social models of disability have in varying
degrees been useful for many disabled people. For example, the social model
has in many instances been used to successfully challenge discrimination and
marginalisation, link civil rights and political activism, and enable disabled
people to claim their rightful place in society. It has been a powerful tool for
producing social and political change, for challenging the material problems
experienced by many disabled people, and for driving emancipatory types of
research, such as participatory action research. It has also been influential in
producing anti-discrimination legislation in the form of various disability
 Disability Models: Explaining and Understanding Disability Sport… 19

­ iscrimination acts around the world, including in the UK, France, and
d
America. Although certainly not perfect or always followed, these acts mean
that disabled people in numerous countries should now legally have equal
access to gyms, sport clubs, sporting stadiums, employment, and so on. When
disabled people encounter the social model, the effect can also be revelatory
and liberatory. Rather than seeing themselves as the ‘problem’ and the ‘solu-
tion’ traced to their own individual body, disabled people have been empow-
ered by the social model to recognise that society is often the problem and
that the removal of social barriers to their inclusion and participation in social
life is what is needed.
Within the context of sport, physical activity and leisure studies, the social
model has been drawn on to explain and understand disability. For example,
Tregaskis (2004) provided some practical examples of how the social model
can and has been used by disabled people to engage mainstream organisations
and practitioners that were operating within individualised (medicalised)
models of disability. She suggested that, because the social model focuses on
external barriers to access and inclusion, it can depersonalise access issues and
thus create an environment where the disabled and the non-disabled can work
collaboratively to design more inclusive programmes without resorting to fin-
ger pointing, blaming or an ‘us’ versus ‘them’ mentality. In their research,
Huang and Brittain (2006) likewise highlighted that many of the athletes
they interviewed drew on social model understandings of disability and com-
mented on various externally imposed barriers, be they environmental restric-
tions or those brought about by prejudice, that served to shape their sport
experiences. More recently, in a review of disability sport literature, Smith and
Sparkes (2012) noted that the ideas supporting the social model had been
evoked to explain limited participation rates in disabled sport at community
and recreational levels.
The social model also appears in the literature pertaining to the Paralympic
Games and the Paralympic Movement. For example, Howe (2008) explained,
that at least in the early years of the event, the Paralympic Games were often
portrayed as regressive in the context of the disability rights movements that
helped to create and advance the social model. The criticism was that sport,
with its unapologetic emphasis on bodily perfection, reproduced rather than
challenged the medicalised view of disability that the disabled people’s organ-
isations had fought so hard to reject. The result is what Purdue and Howe
(2012) have termed the “Paralympic paradox” (p. 194). This refers to the
tenuous position occupied by impaired athletes as they are pressured to show-
case their athleticism (distancing themselves from devalued, disabled identi-
ties) to able-bodied audiences and to simultaneously perform as athletes with
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
English ships, and, I trust, have no difficulty in making our
way. Simon Sablot is in the secret, and will have the
animals all ready."

"And when shall we set out?" I asked anxiously.

"To-morrow night, my little one. I must go once more to

Avranches to bestow in safety the money belonging to our
consistory, which thou knowest is in my hands."

"Could not Simon take the money to Avranches?" asked

my mother.

"And thus run the risk while I was escaping? Nay, my

Margaret, that is not spoken like thyself. But, in truth, my
risk would be much less than his. Thou knowest I have
made many errands thither of late, concerning the houses
which are being repaired in the market-place. No one will
think it at all strange."

My mother shook her head, but both she and I knew

that, once my father's mind was made up on a point of
duty, there was no more to be said.

The day passed quietly and sadly enough, for we all felt
it was probably the last day we should spend in the dear old
house. Our preparations were all completed, even to filling
the panniers of the spare donkey with the dried fruits and
other matters which were to form our ostensible errand to
Honfleur. As my father said, he had laid by a considerable
amount of wealth in diamonds and other jewels, which,
being of small bulk, could be easily concealed about our
persons. We had also about three hundred Louis in gold,
which was divided between us. We dared take but very few
clothes, and as for books or any treasures of that sort, they
were of course quite out of the question.
 I think none of us slept that night. I am sure I did not.
It seemed to me as if I could not endure to lose sight for a
moment of the things and places I was so soon to leave
forever. At daylight my father called us all together, and for
the last time we joined in prayer about that family altar
which was so soon to be laid in ruins, never to be builded in
that place again.

But why should I say so? Never is a long day. Perhaps

some time, in the councils of heaven, that altar may be
once more erected.

We took our breakfast together very silently, and then

my father kissed us all and mounted his horse to go to
Avranches, taking Andrew with him. My mother called all
the servants and paid them their wages, with a little present
into the bargain. I believe the good souls had an idea of
what was going to happen, though none of them said a
word. It was a weary day, for we had done everything we
could think of by way of precaution, and the time hung
heavy on our hands. My father was to have returned by
three o'clock, but the hour struck and he did not come.
Alas, never again!

I had gone down to the gate for the tenth time to look
for them, when, as I opened the little wicket, I met Pierre
Le Febre face to face.

"Thank the holy archangel," said he breathlessly. "I was

wondering how I should get speech of you, mademoiselle.
But let me come in, for I have somewhat to say."

I let him into the courtyard, and called my mother to

hear Pierre's tale.

"I was standing by the great gate of the hospital, as

they call it," said he. "I had sold my fish to the Sisters, and
was waiting for my money when the wicket suddenly
opened and Lucille Sablot looked out. Ah, madame, how
changed! But, as I said, she looked out, and, seeing no one,
she put this little packet into any hand."

"'Quick, Pierre, if ever you cared for me,' said she. 'This
for Mamselle Vevette, and make haste. Life and death are in
thy steps. Tell Vevette I dared not write, but she will know
what this means by the English name.' Then she drew in
her head, and I heard some one scolding her within for
looking out of bounds."

Breathlessly I opened the paper. There was nothing in it

but a grosse mouche, what in English we call a bluebottle.

"A fly," said I. "Fly! That is what it means, maman.

Lucille has sent us a warning. She knows of some danger
that threatens us immediately. What shall we do?"

"Oh, if your father were but here!" said my mother,

wringing her hands convulsively.

"There he comes," said I, and at that moment

appeared, not my father, but Andrew, riding across the
fields at break-neck speed, his horse covered with foam. He
sprang to the ground, flinging his reins loose anyhow.

"Armand! My husband!" said my mother. "Where is he?"

"To the tower first, aunt, then I will tell you all. Pierre, if
ever he or I did you a good turn, do me one now!" said
Andrew sharply. "I do not ask you to risk yourself, but let
me have your boat. The wind is fair. We must run for Jersey
as soon as it is a little later. Go, and get it ready."

"My boat does not go without me, monsieur," said

Pierre. "I can bring it back, and if I am out two or three
days I am kept by the wind. You can never manage it alone;
you do not know the channels, and I do."

"As you will; but have it ready by ten this night. It will
be very dark, but so much the better. Run, now. Come,
aunt, for Heaven's sake, for your child's sake."

For maman stood like a marble statue.

"I will not move till you tell me news of Armand," said
she.

"He is with God," answered Andrew, with a convulsed

face. "His last words were, 'Tell Margaret to escape, for my
sake, and the child's. We shall meet again.'"

"True, we shall meet again. It is but a short parting,"

said my mother musingly.

Then, as Andrew stamped his foot with impatience, she

seemed to rouse herself.

"I am ready, my dear son. What shall we do?"

"Go, you and Vevette, and put on your peasant dresses,

and secure the money and jewels, while I warn the
servants. I want them to find an empty nest. Stay in your
room till I come."

We obeyed at once. My mother was pale as ashes, but

calm, and even cheerful. As to myself. I believe I retained
only one rational thought at that moment—to do as I was
bid. We changed our dresses and made our other
arrangements with the speed of thought, but we had hardly
finished before the noise of voices and clapping of doors
told that the alarm had been given. In another moment
Andrew appeared.
 "I have told them that the mob are coming, and that
their ladies have already escaped. I have bid them take to
the woods for the night. Come, now! Leave everything in all
the confusion possible to look like a hasty flight. It will all
the better throw them off the scent."

We entered the secret passage, and closing it securely

after us we sought the upper floor of the tower—not,
however, the uppermost one, but the second.

"Do you know the way, Andrew?" I asked. "My father

said these floors were not safe."

"They are safe enough for us, but our enemies will not
find them very safe," was Andrew's response. "Step lightly,
and follow me exactly."

We went around the side of the room to a cupboard

with shelves, masking a door so entirely that no one would
have known it was there. This door opened into a second
and much smaller room, which again opened upon the
staircase up which I had led the preacher.

"We can take breath now," said he. "We need not seek
the vaults till we hear them approaching, and not then
unless they come into this tower."

"They will come," said I. "Remember the staircase from

the gallery."

"Let them," was Andrew's grim reply. "There are a few

secrets about this place which even you do not know,
Vevette."

As he spoke he stooped down, drew out two large iron

bolts and laid them on the floor.
 "The trap is set and baited," said he; "now let the rats
walk in whenever they please."

"But how—how was it," I asked in a whisper, for my

mother never said a word. The fact that my father was dead
seemed enough for her.

"We had hardly reached Avranches when we heard the

uproar in the market-place," returned Andrew. "At first we
did not think of the cause, but as soon as we caught sight
of the place we saw what was going on. They were pulling
down the houses of the Protestants, and dragging out the
women and the little children."

Andrew shuddered and covered his face. "I saw one

man in a friar's gown take two little baby girls in his arms
and try to carry them out of the press, but they were torn
from him. Then they caught sight of us, and one cried out,
'There is the arch heretic. There is the man who shelters
the preachers.' And a volley of stones flew about our ears.
We turned to fly, as there was clearly nothing else to be
done, but a man named Michaud—I don't know whether you
know him—"

"My father saved him from the galleys," said I.

"Well, he raised his arquebus and deliberately fired at

my uncle, wounding him in the breast. He did not fall nor
lose his presence of mind, and by lanes and by-ways we
gained the wood. Then he sank to the ground, and I saw
that he was dying.

"'Lose no time with me,' said he faintly. 'Hasten home at

once. Did we not hear them cry, "To the tower!" Remember
the secret passage. Hide as long as you can, if you cannot
get away. Go not by the road, but across the heath. Why do
you stay?'
 "But I did not leave him till he had breathed his last.
Then I drew his body aside into the bushes, and hastened
hither."

"And do you think they will come?" I asked, as soon as I

could speak.

"I most surely do," he answered. "The hope of plunder

would bring the rascals, of whom there are abundance. The
priest sets on the zealots and others join because they are
afraid of being suspected of favoring the cause."

We sat in silence for what seemed a very long time, till

the great clock struck eight. At that very moment we heard
a shout and the trampling of many feet, while a strong glare
shone through the little grated casement of the room.

"There they are," said Andrew, stepping to the window.

I followed him and looked out. On they came, a mob of
ruffians and abandoned women, with many, too, of whom I
should have hoped better things. Heading the press was
one of the curés of Avranches, a man whose openly
dissolute life was a scandal to his own people. There were
also two or three friars, among them the one who had
visited us the day before.

"Ah, the traitor!" said I. "My father's old companion in

arms, and but yesterday eating his bread."

"I believe you do him injustice," said my mother, in as

calm a tone as if she were speaking of the most ordinary
matter. "He has come in the hope of rendering us some
service. Poor, miserable, deluded people!"

"I would I had some charges of grapeshot for these

poor people," said Andrew. "They would go farther to dispel
their illusions than a deal of reasoning. Anything but hiding
like rats in a hole. But we have no choice. Not a word or
sound, for your lives. But what is here?"

It was something which in my excited state almost sent

are off into a hysterical laugh—namely, my great, long-
haired, white cat Blanchon, which had followed us into the
tower, and now mounted upon the window-seat was
growling savagely at the intruders. He was an odd creature,
very fond of his friends, but formidable to his enemies, and
he had this peculiarity, that he never mewed. A strange yell,
which sounded like that of a human being in the wildest
rage, when he flew upon his enemies, and a loud purr were
all the noises he ever made.

"Let him be. He will do no harm," said I. "He never

makes any noise. What shall we do now?" as the mob made
their onslaught on the gates with a savage yell which made
me shudder.

"Keep quiet," was the reply. "We are safe enough unless
they set fire to the tower."

In another moment the gate yielded, and the people

poured in. Before one could speak they were all over the
house, calling to each other and venting their rage at
finding no one by breaking and destroying all before them.

"To the old tower, comrades!" finally cried a voice.

"There is the hiding-place."

I suppose numbers gave the people courage, for I am

certain not one of them would have dared invade the
domain of the white chevalier alone. We heard the rush up
the stairs and then the battering down of the door. Then
there was a short pause.
 "Come on," cried the same voice, which I now
recognized as that of Michaud, our old gamekeeper, whom
my father had saved only to be murdered by him. "Come
on. Who cares for ghost or devil?"

There was a rush into the room, then a cry from those
nearest the door.

"Take care! The floor!"

But it was too late. The loosened boards gave way, and
down went a dozen men, Michaud among them, through a
yawning gulf clear to the ground floor.

"Back! Back! The tower is falling!" was the cry, while the
shrieks of the men below added to the confusion. The tower
was at once deserted, and we presently heard sounds which
told us that the fallen men were being rescued from amid
the ruins of the floor.

"To the cellars!" cried now the voice of Pierre Le Febre.

"Let us taste the old chevalier's wine and brandy."

"Good, Pierre!" said Andrew. "Once let them get among

the casks and bottles, and we are safe."

"If Pierre does not get among them himself," said I.

"I do not believe he will, and in any case we have the

boat. But it is time we were stirring. Aunt, can you walk?"

"Oh, yes! I can do anything you wish," answered my

mother, in the same calm way. She seemed to have all her
wits about her, but she did not speak unless we spoke to
her.
 "Come, then," and he opened the door of the secret
passage into which pussy led the way, majestically waving
his tail and looking back as if to say, "Come on, and fear
nothing! You are under my protection."

I remember smiling, in all my grief and anxiety, at his

air of patronage.

I went first, after I had lighted the lantern, then came

my mother, and lastly Andrew.

We heard only distant and muffled sounds, and judged

that the people were busied in the cellar, where was stored
not only wine and liquor, but abundance of old cider, strong
as brandy itself.

We had just reached the level of the chapel and were

about passing the door which led into it, when Blanchon the
cat stopped, growling fiercely. In another moment a light
shone through the opened door. The next Blanchon sprang
forward with his wild, unearthly yell of onset, and flung
himself into the face of a man who had just put his head
through the opening. There was a scream of quite another
character, and the man fled stumbling and falling on his way
out, while Blanchon came back to us with the loud purr,
which was his way of expressing complacency.

"Good cat," said Andrew. "That man won't find his way
back in a hurry, but some one else may. Hold up the light,
Vevette."

I held up the light while Andrew pulled to the door and

with a stone smashed the spring-lock.

"Nobody will open that, even if any one dares try," said
he. "Now for all the haste we can make."
 I caught up Blanchon and carried him, to which he
made no objection. We were soon in the open air, and
walking quickly down the course of the stream which had
scooped out the valley, we found ourselves in the little
hamlet. It seemed to be deserted. Not a man was to be
seen, nor a light, save in Isabeau's cottage. The night had
grown wild and stormy, but it was not very dark. And we
could see the mast of the boat, which lay at the end of the
little pier.

"Now if Pierre has been true," said Andrew, and at that

moment we heard his voice.

"Monsieur and madame, is that you! All is ready; but we

shall have a wild night."

"Never mind, so long as the wind is fair," returned

Andrew, in the same whisper. "I would rather face the sea
than the devils we have left behind."

We were assisted into the boat. I holding fast to my cat,

and set sail. I can give little account of the voyage. I know
it was a rough and tempestuous one, and that we were
many times in the greatest danger from the rocks and
counter currents which make navigation in those parts so
difficult.

Andrew had the helm most of the time, while Pierre,

whose smuggling and other lawless exploits had made him
well acquainted with the channel, directed our course. My
mother sat quite still under the half-deck of the boat, and I
dozed by fits, with Blanchon in my lap, who now and then
uttered a peevish growl, as he vainly tried to lick himself
dry.

"There comes the morning at last," said Le Febre

joyously; "and here is the blessed St. Aubin's bay spread
out before us, if we can but get into it. I would we had a
better pilot than myself."

"Yonder comes a boat which has been out all night,"

said Andrew. And he stood up and hailed her in English:

"Boat ahoy!"

"Hilloa!" came back, as the stranger rapidly overhauled

us. "Who are you?"

"English," was the answer. "We have ladies on board.

Where are you bound?"

"To St. Aubin's," was the reply. "Follow us, and you will
do well enough."

"Good!" said Andrew to my mother. "We shall land close

at home. And now that we are comparatively safe, tell me,
Pierre, did I not hear your voice at the tower last night?"

"You did, monsieur," was the reply. "I had a mind to see
what was going on, for I knew I would get back in time, and
without being missed. It was I who put the rascals up to
break into the cellars. The priest tried to draw them away
after him to search the old chapel, but he did not know his
men so well as I did. Then, when I saw them well engaged,
I took to my heels and reached the pier before you, not
having so far to go, or knowing the way better. But where
were you when the floors fell? I trembled for you then."

"We were safe enough, and not far off," was the reply.
"Was any one much hurt?"

"Yes; Michaud will die, and a good riddance too. There

were some broken heads and bones; I don't know how
many. But, monsieur, what could have been in the chapel
which handled the priest so terribly. I found him in the court
blinded in both eyes and his face torn to pieces as by a wild
beast, and he said something sprang at him in the old
chapel. Could it have been that devil of a white chevalier,
think you? Could a ghost handle a man like that?"

"I do not know whether or no ghosts can scratch,"

answered Andrew gravely; "but the one who attacked the
priest has been a passenger with us."

And he raised my cloak and showed Blanchon, who had

abandoned the attempt to keep himself dry, and lay a wet
and sulky heap in my lap.

Pierre's face fell.

"A white cat," said he. "If I had known we had a white
cat on board, I should have given up in despair a dozen
times. However, all is well that ends well," he added,
brightening up; "and here we come sure enough."

"And yonder is your cousin's house, Vevette," said

Andrew, pointing to a comfortable-looking mansion not far-
away. "We shall soon be under a roof once more."

The family of the fisherman whose boat had preceded

us were gathered at the landing to see us come in, and loud
were their exclamations of wonder and pity as my mother
and myself were assisted from our cramped position in the
bottom of the boat to the landing-place.

By one of the boys Andrew sent a message up to the

house, and in what seemed a wonderfully short time we
were surrounded and conveyed to the mansion Andrew had
pointed out, by a troop of excited boys and girls, under the
leadership of an elderly considerate manservant. Here we
were warmly welcomed, kissed, fed with hot soup and
mulled wine, and finally put to bed in the most fluffy of
feather-beds, my mother and myself in adjoining rooms.
Maman was still in the same curiously passive state, but not
unconscious.

"Go to rest, my Vevette," she said, kissing me as I hung

over her. "Have no fears for me. I shall do well. Thank God
that you are in safety. Ah, if thy father were but here!" And
for the first time, she burst into tears.

"That is well, my love," said my oldest cousin, to whom

I looked in anxiety. "These tears will relieve your mother,
and she will sleep, and all the better if she knows you are at
rest. Go, my child."

I was used to obey, and my kind motherly cousin

inspired confidence by her very tone. I undressed, put on
the dry warm flannels provided for me, and crept into the
bed, on which Blanchon was already established.

Oh, the delicious depths of that English bed! I thought I

should lie awake to listen to the sounds from the next room,
but I was worn-out, and fell asleep before my head was
fairly on the pillow.
 CHAPTER IX.
IN JERSEY.

I SLEPT till afternoon, and when I waked I could not at

first tell where I was, everything about me was so utterly
different from anything I had been used to. My bed was
surrounded by light curtains of blue and white checked
linen, and through these at the foot I could see that the
hangings of the latticed window were of the same. The bed
was covered with a white spread worked with a curious
pattern in colored crewels. Everything was very quiet, but I
could hear the distant hum of a spinning-wheel, and the
singing of a robin outside my window.

I lay quietly a long time, half asleep and dreaming, half

bewildered, feeling as if I had died and wakened into a new
world, of which all I knew was that it was safe and friendly.
At last I raised myself, put aside the curtain, and looked
out.

The room was small, very little larger than the one I
had inhabited—oh, how long ago—but it was very different.
The window was not a mere slit almost lost in the thickness
of the wall, but a peaceful lattice, broad and low, into
which, late as it was, looked a cluster of noisette roses. The
floor was of boards instead of tiles, and covered here and
there with rugs, evidently of home construction. A little
table stood at the head of the bed, on which were placed a
bright brass candlestick, a Bible and prayer-book, and a
little cup of flowers, and a shelf on the wall held a slender
row of volumes. On an arm-chair near the bed was laid a
change of clean linen, and beside it a mourning frock.

The sight of that black frock brought back to my mind

all that had passed in the last twenty-four hours. I had been
through so much, and the need of action had been so
instant, that I had had no time, as it were, to feel what I
had lost, but now it came upon me in one moment. My
father was dead—murdered by the very man whom he had
saved from the effects of what he believed to be a false
accusation. His body lay unburied at this moment, a prey to
wild animals or more savage men. My mother and myself
were exiles in a strange land, never again to see the home
where I had grown-up, and where I had lived so happily, in
spite of uncertainty and danger.

"Oh, if my father were but here, I would not care for

anything else!" I sobbed, and covering my head I wept till I
was exhausted, and once more I fell asleep.

I was waked by some one who came very softly into the
room bearing a shaded light, and I started up in alarm.

"What has happened?" I asked, only half awake. "Have

I been asleep? Has not my father come home?"

"It is I, my love—Cousin Marianne," said the new-comer

in a soft, ladylike voice. "Do not be frightened. All is safe.
Your mother is awake, and I thought perhaps you would like
to rise and take some refreshment with her."

"Is it very late?" I asked, still bewildered. "Has neither

my father nor Andrew come back?"
 "Recollect yourself, dear child," said my cousin, setting
down her light and coming to the bedside. "Do you not
remember what has happened?"

"Oh, yes, I remember!" said I, and my tears flowed

again.

My cousin sat down on the bedside, laid my head on her

shoulder, and wept with me for a while. Then she began
gently to soothe and hush me, and by degrees I grew
composed, so that when she again proposed to me to try to
rise, I was quite ready to comply. She assisted me to dress,
but looked a little displeased when she saw the black gown.

"That was thoughtless of Katherine," said she. "We are

wearing mourning ourselves, but she might have got out a
colored frock for to-day."

"It does not signify," said I. "I must put on black, of

course. How is my mother, madame?"

"She seems well in health, and very quiet and

composed," was the answer; "but I have persuaded her to
remain in her room, for I am sure she must need rest after
the events of yesterday and last night."

"Yesterday!" I exclaimed. "Is it possible that it was only

yesterday morning that I saw my father and Andrew set out
from our gate to go to Avranches?"

"So I understand from Andrew," was the reply. "I dare

say it seems an age to you. My love, how curly your hair
is."

"It curls worse than usual because it has been wet,"

said I, almost laughing at the odd transition. "Maman says
it is real Corbet hair."
 "Yes, you are like your mother's family, all but the
complexion. Here is a fresh cap for you. They say that in
London young ladies do not wear caps, but I cannot think
that a modest custom. There, now, you look like an English
maiden, and a very sweet one," said the dear old lady,
kissing me, and then holding me off and regarding me with
great satisfaction, much as if I had been a doll she had just
dressed.

"Now I will let you go in to your mother, as I dare say

she would rather see you alone just at first. The next door
to this on the right hand, remember. I will go down and
send up your supper presently, and you must try to make
dear mamma eat something."

And Cousin Marianne glided away with that peculiar

swift, short step of hers, which never seemed to make any
noise even on a tiled flour. I never saw any one else move
in the same way or get over so much ground in the same
time.

It was with a feeling of awe that I opened my mother's

door. She was up and dressed, and lay back in a great chair,
with her little worn prayer-book in her hand. I now
remembered seeing her slip it into her bosom when we
changed our dresses in such a hurry. She held out her arms
to me, and I fell into them weeping; but she did not weep,
and I never saw her shed a tear but once afterward.

Seeing how calm she was, I tried to quiet myself, and

succeeded.

Then she read to me that prayer in the Litany which

begins, "O God, Merciful Father," and then for a while we
were silent.

"Do you feel quite well, my Vevette?" she asked at last.

 "Yes, dear maman, only tired," I answered truly; for
though my head was a little inclined to be giddy, and I had
an odd feeling of bewilderment, as though I were some one
beside myself, I had no pain. "Why do you ask?"

"Your eyes are heavy, and your cheeks more flushed

than usual; that is all."

"And you, maman?"

"I am quite well, my love, only weary, as you say. Have

you seen any of the family?"

"No, maman; only that kind, gentle old lady. She called
herself my Cousin Marianne. Who is she?"

"She is your cousin, as she said—the sister of Mr.

George Corbet, the rector of this parish, and whose
household she has governed since his wife died. A better
woman never lived, nor one on whom advancing years
made less impression. We have fallen among kind friends in
our exile, my Vevette, and we must take care to show that
we appreciate their kindness. You will find your cousins'
ways quite different from anything you have been used to;
but do not fall into the common error of thinking that
therefore those ways must be wrong. Even if they should
laugh at you, take it in good part and laugh with them."

"I do not feel as if I should ever have the heart to laugh

again," said I, sighing.

"Ah, my dear one, you are young, and youth is elastic.

Your father would not wish to have all your life wrapped in
gloom because he hath been so early and so easily removed
to his eternal rest. But oh, my child, if you are ever tempted
to sin against your own soul by denying your religion,
remember it was for that your father laid down his life."
 "I will never deny my religion!" said I almost
indignantly.

"I trust not; but no one knows how he may be tempted.

There are other inducements besides that of escaping
persecution. The smiles of the world are far more
dangerous to natures like yours than its frowns, and more
than one of our religion has given up to blandishments and
to ambition what he would never have yielded to the rack.
Your father was attacked on this side many a time, with
promises of high command, of court favor, and kingly grace,
but he never yielded an inch—no, not, as I believe, in his
inmost thoughts. Remember it, my Vevette, and let his
example be, next to your duty to Heaven, the guiding light
of your life."

The entrance of Cousin Marianne, followed by a neat

maid bearing a tray of good things, interrupted our
conversation. With that gentle, noiseless quickness, which
was one of her characteristics, she spread a little table with
a clean white cloth and arranged thereon the tempting
dishes she had caused to be prepared. She also set out two
cups and saucers of delicate china-ware—such as David had
once brought to my mother from Dieppe.

A signal dismissed the maid, who, however, presently

returned carrying a small silver coffee-pot—the first one I
had ever seen; for though coffee had come into quite
common use in London and Paris, it had not yet penetrated
to Normandy.

"I have made you a small pot of coffee, cousin," said

she. "My brother learned to like it in London, and though I
do not approve of its constant use, yet tempered with
cream it is refreshing and wholesome when one is weak or
tired. Now I shall leave you to wait upon yourselves, and do